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Dr. William Smith 's
Dictionary of the Bible
William Smith
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BS
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DR. WILLIAM SMITHS
DICTIONARY OF THE BIBLE;
coMPBiauio m
ANTIQUITIES, BIOGRAPHY, GEOGRAPHY.
AND NATURAL HISTORY.
REVISED AND EDITED BT
PROFESSOR H. B. HACKETT, D. D
with the ooopkratioii or
EZRA ABBOT, LL. D.
1MUTAHT INUIUli OT H1»IA»I> OOLLWH
VOLUME I.
A to GENNESARET. LAND OK
BOSTON:
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY.
Wyt Ktoersfoe t^rcs?, Cambridge.
1892.
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Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1888, by
Hubd amd Houghton,
la the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Southern Dis'rict of New York.
Tkt Rivmidt Prttt, Cmmtridgt, Mas, , U.S.A.
Printed by H. O. Houghton & Conjpany.
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W 7, SS
PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION.
Tnn reputation of Dr. William Smith's " Dictionary of the Bible " is now toe
well established to need any special commendation. It contains, by universal con-
jent, the fruit of the ripest Biblical scholarship of England, and constitutes a library
of itself (superseding the use of many books otherwise necessary) for the study and
illustration of the Scriptures. As a whole, it is unquestionably superior to any simi-
lar Lexicon in our language, and cannot fail to maintain this rank for a long period
to come. In this American edition, the Publishers reprint the entire work, without
abridgment or change, except the correction of typographical errors, or an occa-
sional verbal inaccuracy, and of mistakes in quotation and reference.
At the same time, the reprinting of this Dictionary, after the lapse of several
years sinco its first publication, and of a still longer time since the preparation of
many of the articles, affords an opportunity to give to it some new features, required
by the progressive nature of Biblical science, and adapting it more perfectly to the
wants of students of the Bible in our own country. Among the characteristics in
which the American edition differs from the English, are the following : —
1. The content* of the Appendix, embracing one hundred and sixteen pages, and
treating of subjects overlooked or imperfectly handled in the first volume, have been
inserted in their proper places in the body of the work.
2. The numerous Scripture references, on the accuracy of which -he value of a
Bible Dictionary so much depends, have all been verified anew. The corrections
found necessary in these references, and silently made, amount to more than a thou-
sand. Many other mistakes in quotation and reference have been corrected during
the revision of the work.
3. The system of cross-references from one article to another, so indispensable for
enabling us to know what the Dictionary contains on related but separated subjects,
bag been carried much further in this edition than in the English.
4. The signification of the Hebrew and, to some extent, of the Greek names of
persons and places has been given in English, according to the bust authorities
(Simonis, Gcsenius, Dietrich, Furst, Pape) on this intricate subject. We have such
definitions occasionally in the original work, but on no consistent plan. The Scrip-
ture names reveal to us a striking peculiarity of the oriental mind, and often throw
light on the personal history and the geography of the Bible.
5. The accentuation of proper names has required adjustment. Dr. Smith's
" Concise Dictionary of the Bible" differs here widely from the larger work ; and in
both, forms perfectly analogous are differently accented, in many instances, without
apparent reason. In the present edition, this subject has received careful attention ;
and in respect to that large class of names whose pronunciation cannot be regarded
as settled by usage, an attempt has been made to secure greater consistency by the
application of fixed principles.
6. The English edition, at the beginning of each article devoted to a proper
name, professes to give " the corresponding, forms in the Hebrew, Greek, and Vul-
gate, together with the variations in the two great manuscripts of the Septuagint,
which are often curious and worthy of notice." But this ( Ian has been very imper-
fectly earned out so far as relates to the forms in the Septuagint and Vulgate
specially in the first volume. The readings of the Vatican manuscript are verj
(iii)
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v PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION
rarely given where they differ from those of the Roman edition of 1587, — a cm*
which frequently occurs, though thia edition is, to. a great extent, founded on that
manuscript; and those of the Alexandrine manuscript are often ignored. The
present edition of the Dictionary seeks to supply these defects ; and not only have
the readings of the Roman text (as given by Teschendorf ) been carefully noted,
with the variations of the Vatican and Alexandrine manuscripts as edited by Mai
and Baber, but also those of the two other leading editions of the Septuagint, the
Complutensian and the Aldine, and of the Codex Sinakicus, whenever the forms given
in them accord more nearly with the Hebrew, or on other accounts seem worthy of
notice. To these last two editions, in the Apocrypha especially, we must often look
for the explanation of the peculiar spelling of many proper names in the common
English version. Many deviations of the later editions of this version from the first
edition (1G11), important as affecting the orthography of Hebrew proper names,
have also been detected and pointed out.
7. The amount of Scripture illustration derived from a knowledge of Eastern
customs and traditions, as made known to us so much more fully at the present day
by missionaries and travellers in the lands of the Bible, has been largely increased.
More frequent remarks also have been made on difficult texts of Scripture, for the
most part in connection with some leading word in them, with which the texts are
naturally associated.
8. The obsolete words and phrases in the language of the English Bible, or those
which, though not obsolete, have changed their meaning, have been explained, so as
to supply, to some extent, the place of a glossary on that subject. Such explana-
tions will be found under the head of such words, or in connection with the subjects
to which they relate.
9. On various topics omitted in the English work, but required by Dr. Smith's
plan, new articles have been inserted in the American edition, with additions to others
which seem not fully to represent our present knowledge or the state of critical opin-
ion on the subjects discussed. The bibliographical references have been greatly
increased, and care has been taken to mention the new works of value, or new
editions of works in geography, philology, history, and exegesis, in our own or other
languages, which have appeared since the original articles were written. Further,
all the new wood-cuts in the Abridged English edition, illustrating gome of the most
important subjects in geography and aruhasology, but not contained in the Una-
bridged edition, are inserted in the present work. Many additional views of
Scripture scenes and places have been introduced from other more recent publica-
tions, or engraved from photographs.
10. Fuller recognition has been made of the names and works of American schol-
ars, both as an act of justice to them as co-workers with those of other lands in this
department of study, and still more as due to American readers. It must be
useful certainly to our own students to be referred to books within their reach, as
well as to those which they are unable to consult, and to books also which more
justly represent our own tendencies of thought and modes of statement, than can be
true of those prepared for other and foreign communities. References are made not
only to books of American writers, but to valuable articles in our Periodicals, which
discuss questions of theological and Biblical interest.
In addition to the aid of Mr. Abbot (who has had special charge of the proof-
reading, the orthoepy, and the verification of references to the original texts and
ancient versions of the Bible, and has also given particular attention to the bibli-
ography), the editor has had the cooperation of eminent American scholars, as will
be seen by the list of names subjoined to that of the writers in the English edition
It is proper to add that the Arabic words in the Dictionary have been revised b)
the Rev. Dr. Van Dyck, one of the translators of the modern Arabic Bible, or b~
Professor Salisbury, of Yale College.
H B. HACKETT.
Newton Centre, December 20, I86i.
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PBEPACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION.
Tint present work is designed to reader the same service in the study of the Bibb
m the Dictionaries of Greek and Soman Antiquities, Biography,' and Geography
hare done in the study of the classical writers of antiquity! Within the last few
years Biblical studies have received a fresh impulse ; and the researches of modern
scholars, as well as the discoveries of modern travellers, have thrown new and unex-
pected light upon the history and geography of the East. It has, therefore, been
thought that a new Dictionary of the Bible, founded on a fresh examination of the
original documents, and embodying the results of the most recent researches and dis-
coveries, would prove a valuable addition to the literature of the country. It has
been the aim of the Editor and Contributors to present the information in such a
form as to meet the wants, not only of theological students, but also of that larger
class of persons who, without pursuing theology as a profession, are anxious to study
the Bible with the aid of the latest investigations of the best scholars. Accordingly,
while the requirements of the learned have always been kept in view, quotations
from the ancient languages have been sparingly introduced, and generally in paren-
theses, so as not to interrupt the continuous perusal of the work. It is confidently
believed that the articles will be found both intelligible and interesting even to those
who have no knowledge of the learned languages ; and that such persons will expe-
rience no difficulty in reading the book through from beginning to end.
The scope and object of the work may be briefly defined. It is a Dictionary of
the Bible, and not of Theology. It is intended to elucidate the antiquities, biogra-
phy, geography, and natural history of the Old Testament, New Testament, and
Apocrypha ; but not to explain systems of theology, or discuss points of controversial
divinity. It has seemed, however, necessary in a " Dictionary of the Bible," to give
a full account of the Book, both as a whole and in its separate parts. Accordingly,
articles are inserted not only upon the general subject, such as " Bible," " Apocry-
pha," and " Canon," and upon the chief ancient versions, as " Septuagint " and
" Vulgate," but also upon each of the separate books. These articles are natu-
rally some of the most important in the work, and occupy considerable space, as
will be seen by referring to " Genesis," " Isaiah," and " Job."
The Editor believes that the work will be found, upon examination, to be far
more complete in the subjects which it professes to treat than any of its predeces-
ors. No other dictionary has yet attempted to give a complete list of the proper
ames occurring in the Old and New Testaments, to say nothing of those in the
Apocrypha. The present work is intended to contain every name, and, in the case
of minor names, references to every passage in the Bible in which each occurs. It
is true that many of the names are those of comparatively obscure persons and
places ; but this is no reason for their omission. On the contrary, it is precisely for
uch articles that a dictionary is most needed. An account of the more important
persons and places occupies a prominent position in historical and geographical
works ; but of the less conspicuous names no information can be obtained in ordinary
Moks of reference. Accordingly many names, which have been either entirely
■Knit t ed or cursorily treated in other dictionaries, have had considerable space da-
1 to them ; the result being that much curious and sometimes important knows-
v)
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fi PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION.
edge Las been elicited respecting subjects of which little or nothing was previous!)
known. Instance* may be seen by referring to the article! " Ishmael, son of Netha
niah," « Jareb," " Jedidiah," " Jehosheba."
In the alphabetical arrangement the orthography of the Authorized Version bat
been invariably followed. Indeed the work might be described as a Dictionary of
the Bible, according to the Authorized Version. But at the commencement of each
article devoted to a proper name, the corresponding forms in the Hebrew, Greek,
and Vulgate are given, together with the variations in the two great manuscripts of
the Septuagint, which are often curious and well worthy of notice. All inaccura
cies in the Authorized Version are likewise carefully noted.
In the composition and distribution of the articles three points have been espe-
cially kept in view — the insertion of copious references to the ancient writers and
to the best modern authorities, as much brevity as was consistent with the propei
elucidation of the subjects, and facility of reference. To attain the latter object an
explanation is given, even at the risk of some repetition, under every word to which
a reader is likely to refer, since it is one of the great drawbacks in the use of a
dictionary to be referred constantly from one heading to another, and frequently
not to find at last the information that is wanted.
Many names in the Bible occur also in the classical writers, and are therefore in-
sluded in the Classical Dictionaries already published. But they have in all cases
been written anew for this work, and from a Biblical point of view. No one would
expect in a Dictionary of the Bible a complete history of Alexandria, or a detailed
life of Alexander the Great, simply because they are mentioned in a few passages
of the Sacred Writers. Such subjects properly belong to Dictionaries of Classical
Geography and Biography, and are only introduced here so far as they throw light
upon Jewish history, and the Jewish character and faith. The same remark applies
to all similar articles, which, far from being a repetition of those contained in the
preceding dictionaries, are supplementary to them, affording the Biblical information
which they did not profess to give. In like manner it would obviously be out of
place to present such an account of the plants and animals mentioned in the Scrip-
tures, as would be appropriate in systematic treatises on Botany or Zoology. All
that can be reasonably required, or indeed is of any real service, is to identify the
plants and animals with known species or varieties, to discuss the difficulties
which occur in each subject, and to explain all allusions to it by the aid of modern
wience.
In a work written by various persons, each responsible for his own contributions,
differences of opinion must naturally occur. Such differences, however, are both
fewer and of less importance than might have been expected from the nature of the
subject ; and in some difficult questions — such, for instance, as that of the " Brethren
of our Lord " — the Editor, instead of endeavoring to obtain uniformity, has consid-
ered it an advantage to the reader to have the arguments stated from different
points of view.
An attempt has been made to insure, as far as practicable, uniformity of reference
to the most important books. In the case of two works of constant occurrence in
the geographical articles, it may be convenient to mention that all references to Dr.
Robinson's " Biblical Researches " and to Professor Stanley's " Sinai and Palestine/
have been uniformly made to the second edition of the former work (London, 1856,
8 vols.), and to the fourth edition of the latter (London, 1857).
The Editor cannot conclude this brief explanation without expressing his obliga-
tions to the writers of the various articles. Their names are a sufficient guarantee
for the value of their contributions ; but the warm interest they have taken in the
hook, and the unwearied pains they have bestowed upon their separate departments,
Inmand from the Editor his grateful thanks. There is, however, one writer to
fehom he owes a more special acknowledgment. Mr. George Grove of Sydenham,
besides contributing the articles to which his initial is attached, has rendered th«
Editor important assistance in writing the majority of the articles on the nor* ob
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PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION.
TU
tcurc ainea in tlie first volume, in the correction of the proofs, and in the revision
of the 'hole book. The Editor has also to express his obligations to Mr. William
Aldis Wright, Librarian of Trinity College, Cambridge, and to the Rev. Charles P.
Phinn of Chichester, for their valuable assistance in the correction of the proofs, ai
well as to Mr. E. Stanley Poole, for the revision of the Arabic words. Mr. Aldis
Wright has likewise written in the second and third volumes the more obscure
names to which no initials are attached
It is intended to publish shortly an Atlas of Biblical Geography, which, it is be-
ievod, will form a valuable supplement to the Dictionary.
WILLIAM SMITH
Lorooa, November, 18P3.
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WRITERS IN THE ENGLISH EDITION.
H. A. Very Rev. Henry Alford, D. D., Dean of Canterbury.
H. B. Rev. Henry Bailey, B. D., Warden of St Augustine's College, Caa
terbury ; late Fellow of St John's College, Cambridge.
H. B Rev. Horatius Bonar, D. D., Kelso, N. B; Author of "The Land
of Promise."
[Tha geographical trUctea, signed H. B-, an written by Dr. Bonar : theaa en otbar anajaam,
atfnad H. B., an written by Mr. BaUay.}
A B Rev. Alfred Barry, B. D., Principal of Cheltenham College ; late
Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
W. L. B Rev. William Latham Bevan, M. A., Vicar of Hay, Brecknock-
shire.
J. W. B. Rev. Joseph Williams Blakbsley, B. D., Canon of Canterbury ; lata
Fellow and Tutor of Trinity College, Cambridge.
T. E. B. Rev. Thomas Edward Brown, M. A., Vice-Principal of King Wil-
liam's College, Isle of Man ; late Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford.
R W. B. Ven. Robert William Browne, M. A., Archdeacon of Bath, and
Canon of Wells.
E. H. B. Right Rev. Edward Harold Browne, D. D., Lord Bishop of Ely.
W. T. B. Rev. William Thomas Bullock, M. A., Assistant Secretary of tha
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.
8. C. Rev. Samuel Clark, M. A., Vicar of Bredwardine with Brobury,
Herefordshire.
FCC Rev. Frederic Charles Cook, M. A, Chaplain in Ordinary to tha
Queen.
G. E. L. C. Right Rev. George Edward Lynch Cotton, D. D., late Lord Bishop
of Calcutta and Metropolitan of India.
J. LI. D. Rev. John Llewelyn Davtes, M A., Rector of Christ Church,
Marylebone ; late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
G. E. D. Prof. George Edward Day, D. D n Yale College, New Haven, Conn.
E. D. Emanuel DsuTScn, M. R. A. S., British Museum.
W. D. Rev. William Drake, M. A., Chaplain in Ordinary to the Queen.
EFE Rev. Edward Paroissien Eddrup, M. A., Principal of the Theolog-
ical College, Salisbury.
C J. E. Right Rev. Charles John Ellicott, D. D., Lord Bishop of Glouces-
ter and Bristol.
F. W. F. Rev. Frederick William Farrar, M. A., Assistant Master of Har-
row School ; late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
1. F. James Fergusbon, F. R S., F. R. A. S., Fellow of the Royal Intti
tute of British Architects.
E. 8. Ff. Edward Salusbury Ffoulxks, M. A., late Fellow of Jesus College.
Oxford.
W. F Right Rev. William Fitzgerald, D. D., Lord Bishop of Killakw.
(Hi
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LIST OF WRITERS
F. O. Rev. Francis Garden, M. A^ Subdean of Her Majesty's Gbapuli
Royal
F. W. 6. Rev. F. William Gotoh, LL. D., President of the Baptist College,
Bristol ; late Hebrew Examiner in the University of London.
G. George Grove, Crystal Palace, Sydenham.
H. B. H. Prof. Horatio Balch Hackett, D. D., LL. D., Theological Institu-
tion, Newton, Mass.
E. H— B. Rev. Ernest Hawkins, B. D., Secretary of the Society for the Propa-
gation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.
H. H. Rev. Henry Haymak, B. D., Head Master of the Grammar School,
Cheltenham ; late Fellow of St John's College, Oxford.
A. C. H. Yen. Lord Arthur Charles Hbrtet, M. A., Archdeacon of Sod-
bury, and Rector of Ickworth.
J. A. H. Rev. James Augustus Hesbet, D. C L., Head Master of Merchant
Taylors' School
J. D. H. Joseph Dalton Hooker, M. D., F. R S., Royal Botanic Gardens,
Kew.
J. J. H. Rev. Jambs John Hornby, M. A, Fellow of Brasenose College, Ox-
ford ; Principal of Bishop Cosin's HalL
W. H. Rev. William Houghton, M. A, F. L. S., Rector of Preston on the
Weald Moors, Salop.
J. S. EL Rev. John Saul Howson, D. D., Principal of the Collegiate Institu-
tion, Liverpool.
Rev. Edgar Huxtable, M A., Subdean of Wells.
Rev. William Basil Jones, M. A., Prebendary of York and of St
David's ; late Fellow and Tutor of University College, Oxford.
Austen Henry La yard, D. C. L., M P.
Rev. Stanley Leathes, M A., M. R S. L., Hebrew Lecturer in
King's College, London.
Rev. Joseph Barber Lightfoot, D. D., Hulsean Professor of Divinity,
and Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
Bar. D. W. Marks, Professor of Hebrew in University College, London.
Bar. Frederick Mbyriok, M. A., late Fellow and Tutor of Trinity
College, Oxford.
Prof Jules Oppbrt, of Paris.
Rev. Edward Redman Orger, M. A, Fellow and Tutor of St
Augustine's College, Canterbury.
Yen. Thomas Johnson Ormerod, M. A., Archdeacon of Suffolk.
late Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford.
Rev. John James Stewart Perowne, B. D., Vice-Principal of SL
David's College, Lampeter.
T. T. P. Rev. Thomas Thomason Pbrownk, B. D., Fellow and Tutor of
Corpus Christi College, Cambridge.
H. W. P. Rev. Henry Wright Phillott, M. A., Rector of Staunton-on-Wye,
Herefordshire ; late Student of Christ Church, Oxford.
E. H. P. Rev. Edward Hayes Plumptre, M A., Professor of Divinity in
King's College, London.
E. S. P. Edward Stanley Poole, M R A. S., South Kensington Museum.
R. S. P. Reginald Stuart Poole, British Museum.
I. L. P Rev. J. Leslie Porter, M A, Professor of Sacred Literature, Astern
E. H.
W. B. J.
A. JBL L.
8. L.
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D.W.M.
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T. J. O.
J. J. a P.
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LIST OF WRITERS.
CP.
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C.
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bl^s College, Belfast ; Author of " Handbook of 8yria and Palestine,"
and " Five Years in Damascus."
Rev. Charles Pritchard, M. A., F. R. S., Hon. Secretary of tha
Royal Astronomical Society ; late Fellow of St John's College, Cam-
bridge.
Rev. George Rawlinson, M. A., Camden Professor of Ancient His-
tory, Oxford.
Rev. Henry John Rose, B. D., Rural Dean, and Rector of Houghton
Conquest, Bedfordshire.
Rev. William Selwyn, D. D., Chaplain in Ordinary to the Queen
Lady Margaret's Professor of Divinity, Cambridge ; Canon of Ely.
Rev. Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, D. D., Regius Professor of Ecclesias-
tical History, and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford ; Chaplain to His
Royal Highness the Prince of Wales.
Prof. Calvin Ellis Stowe, D. D., Hartford, Conn.
Rev. Joseph Parrish Thompson, D. D., New York.
Most Rev. William Thomson, D. D., Lord Archbishop of York.
Samuel Pridbaux Tregelles, LL. D., Author of " An Introduction
to the Textual Criticism of the New Testament," &c.
Rev. Henry Baker Tristram, M. A., F. L. S., Master of Greatham
Hospital.
Rev. Joseph Francis Thrupp, M. A., Vicar of Barrington ; late Fel-
low of Trinity College, Cambridge.
Hon. Edward T. B. Twisleton, M. A., late Fellow of Balliol College,
Oxford.
Rev. Edmund Venables, M. A., Bonchurch, Isle of Wight
Rev. Brooke Fobs Westcott, M. A., Assistant Master of Harrow
School ; late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
Rev. Christopher Wordsworth, D. D., Canon of Westminster.
William Aldis Wright, M. A., Librarian of Trinity College, Can>
bridge.
B.C. B
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G. E. D
G. P. F.
F. G.
D. R G
H.
J. H.
F. W. H
A H.
WRITERS IN THE AMERICAN EDITION.
Ezra Abbot, LL. D., Assistant Librarian of Harvard College,
Cambridge, Mass.
Prof. Samuel Colcord Bartlett, D. D., Theol. Sem., Chicago, HI.
Rev. Thomas Jefferson Conant, D. D., Brooklyn, N. Y.
Prof. George Edward Day, D. D., Yale College, New Haven, Conn.
Prof. George Park Fisher, D. D., Yale College, New Haven, Conn.
Prof. Frederic Gardiner, D. D., Middletown, Conn.
Rev. Daniel Raynes Goodwin, D. D., Provost of the University of
Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.
Prof. Horatio Balch Hackett, D. D., LL. D., Theological Sem :
nary, Rochester, New York.
Prof. James Hadley, LL. D., Yale College, New Haven, Conn.
Rev. Frederick Whitmork Holland, F. R. G. S., London.
Prof. Ai.vah Hovey, D. D., Theological Institution, Newton, Mam
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LIST OF WRITERS.
imUU. HAKEt.
A C. K. Prof. Asahxl Clark Kkndrick. D. D., University of Rochester, N. 1
C. M. M. Prof. Charles Marsh Mead, Ph. D., TheoL Sent, Andover, Mass.
E. A. P. Prof. Edwards Amasa Park, D. D., Theol'. Seminary, Andover, Mam
W. E. P. Rev. William Edwards Park, Lawrence, Mass.
A. P. P. Prof. Andrew Preston Pkabodt, D. D n LL. D., Harvard College.
Cambridge, Mass.
G. E. P. Rev. Gkobgk E. Post, M. D., Tripoli, Syria.
R. D. C. R. Prof. Rensselaer David Chancbford Robbinb, Middlebury Col
lege, Vt
P. 8. Rev. Philip Schaff, D. D., New York.
EI. B. S. Prof. Henry Boynton Smith, D. D., LL. D, Union Theological
Seminary, New York.
C. E. S. Rev. Calvin Ellis Stowe, D. D., Hartford, Conn.
D. S. T. Prof. Daniel Smith Talcott, D. D., Theol. Seminary, Bangor, Me.
J. H. T. Prof. Joseph Henry Thayer, M. A m Theol. Seminary, Andover, Mast
J. P. T. Rev. Joseph Parrish Thompson, D. D., New York.
C. V. A V. Rev. Cornelius V. A. Van Dyck, D. D„ Beirut, Syria.
W. H W. Rev. William Hayes Ward, M. A, New York.
W. F. W. Prof. William Fairfield Warren, D. D., Boston Theological Sew
inary, Boston, Mass.
8. W. Rev. Samuel WoLCorr, D. D., Cleveland, Ohio.
T. D. W. President Theodore Dwioht Woolsby, D. D., LL. D., Yale Collegn,
New Haven, Conn.
%• The new portions in the present edition are indicated by a star (•), the edi-
torial additions being distinguished by the initials H. and A. Whatever is enclosed
in brackets is also, with unimportant exceptions, editorial. This remark, however,
does not apply to the cross-references in brackets, most of which belong to the origi-
nal work, though a large number have been added to this edition.
ABBREVIATIONS.
Aid. The Aldine edition of the Septuagint, 1518.
Alex. The Codex Alexandrinus (5th cent), edited by Baber, 1816-88.
A V. The authorized (common) English version of the Bible.
Corop. The Septuagint as printed in the Complutensian Polyglott, 1514-17, published
1628.
FA The Codex Friderico-Augustanus (4th cent), published by Tischendorf in
1846.
Rom. The Roman edition of the Septuagint, 1587. The readings oi tu-j Septuagint
for which no authority is specified are also from this source.
Sin. The Codex Sinaiticus (4tb cent), published by Tischendorf in 1862. Thif
and FA are parts of the same manuscript
Vat The Codex Yaticanus 1209 (4th cent), according to Mai's edition, published
by Vercellone in 1857. " Vat H." denotes readings of the MS. (differing
from Mai), given in Holmes and Parsons'* edition of the Septuagint 1798-
1827. " Vat 1 " distinguishes the primary reading of the MS. from " Vat*
or " 2. m," the alteration of a later reviser.
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DICTIONARY
OF
BIBLICAL ANTIQUITIES, BIOGRAPHY, GEOGRAPHY,
AND NATURAL HISTORY.
i ALAR. [Addam.]
AATtON CfT!*? [perh. = fn£T, mom.
turner, Ges. ; or from "1HS, enlightened, Fiirst] : ■
fiijxiv : Aaron), the son of Amram (D"JQ3,
■.'vilreH of the Highest) and Jochebed ("Q^" 1 '''
dwse ylory is Jehovah), and the elder brother of
Xose3 and Miriam (Num. xxvi. 5'J, xxxiii. 39).
He was a Levite, and, as the first-born, would
naturally lie the priest of the household, even before
any special appointment by God. Of his early history
we know nothing, although, by the way in which
he is first mentioned in Ex. iv. 14, as " Aaron
the l-evite," it would seem as if he had been
already to some extent a leader in his tribe. All
that is definitely recorded of him at this time is,
that, in the same passage, he is described as one
■ who could speak well." Judging from the acts
of his life, we should suppose him to have been,
like many eloquent men, a man of impulsive and
comparatively unstable character, leaning almost
wholly on his brother ; incapable of that endurance
of loneliness and temptation, which is an element of
real greatness; but at the same time earnest in* his
devotion to God and man, and therefore capable of
sacrifice and of discipline by trial.
His first office was to be the " Prophet," i. e.
(according to the proper meaning of the word), the
interpreter and " Mouth " (Ex. iv. 16) of his broth-
er, who was "slow of speech; " and accordingly
he was not only the organ of communication with
the Israelites and with Pharaoh (Ex. iv. 30, vii. 2),
hut also the actual instrument of working most
of the miracles of the Exodus. (See Ex. vii.
19, Ac.) Thus also on the way to Mount Sinai,
during the battle with Amalek, Aaron is mentioned
with Hur, as staying up the weary hands of Moses,
when they were lifted up for the victory of Israel
(not in prayer, as is sometimes explained, butl to
bear the rod of God (see Ex xvii. 9). Through
all this period, he is only mentioned as dependent
upon his brothel, and deriving all his authority
from him. The contrast between them is even
more strongly marked on the arrival at Sinai.
Moses at once acts as the r-?diator (Gal. iii. 19) for
th« people, to come near to God for them, and to
o • Dietrich «ugg«lt« (Oes. //•'. Handtcb. 6U> A 'ill )
icA. or fluent, Ukr "IJJIS. H.
AARON
•peak His words to them. Aaron only approaches
with Nadab, and Abihu, and the seventy elders of
Israel, by special command, near enough to see
God's glory, but not so as to enter His immediate
presence. I.eft then, on Moses' departure, to guide
the people, he is tried for a moment on his own
responsibility and he fails, not from any direct
unbelief on his own part, but from a weak inability
to withstand the demand of the people for visible
"gods to go before them." Possibly it seemed to
him prudent to make an image of .lehovah, in the
well-known form of Egyptian idolatry (Apis or
Mnevis), rather than to risk the total alienation of
the people to false goils ; and his weakness was re-
warded by seeing a " feast of the Ixird " (Ex. xxxii.
5) degraded to the lowest form of heathenish sen-
suality, and knowing, from Moses' words and deeds,
that the covenant with the I/jrd was utterly broken.
There can hardly be a stronger contrast with this
weakness, and the self-convicted shame of his excuse,
than the burning indignation of .Moses, and his
stern decisive measures of vengeance; although
beneath these there lay an ardent affection, which
went almost to the verge of presumption in prayer
for the people (Ex. xxxii. 19-34), and gained for-
giveness for Aaron himself (Dcut. ix. 20).
It is not a little remarkable, that immediately
after this great sin, and almost as though it had
not occurred, God's fore-ordained purjwses were
carried out in Aaron's consecration to the new office
of the high-priesthood. Probably the fall and the
repentance from it may have made hira one " who
could have compassion on the ignorant, and thera
who are out of the way, as being himself also com-
passed with infirmity." The order of God for the
consecration is found in Ex. xxix., and the record
of its execution in l.ev. viii. ; and the delegated char-
acter of the Aaronic priesthood is clearly seen by
the fact, that, in this its inauguration, the priestly
office is borne by Moses, as God*s truer representa-
] tive (see Heb. vii. ).
The form of consecration resembled other sacri-
ficial ceremonies in containing, first, a sin-offering,
j the form of cleansing from sin and reconciliation
| [SiN-OKFEHi.\'<i]; a burnt-offering, the symbol of
entire devotion to God of the nature so purified
[Bubnt-offkui.ng] ; and a meat-offering, the
.jankful acknowledgment and sanctifying of God'i
natural blessings [Mkat-okfehing]. It had, how
ever, besides these, the solemn assumption of th»
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2 AARON
■end rotas (the garb of righteousness), the anoint-
ing (the symbol of God's grsee), and the offering of
the run of consecration, the blood of which was
sprinkled on Aaron and his sons, as upon the altar
and vessels of the ministry, in order to sanctify
them for the service of God. 1ht f jrmer ceremonies
represented the blessings sod duties of the man, the
httei the special consecration of the priest-"
The solemnity of the office, and its entire de-
pendence for sanctity on the ordinances of God,
were vindicated by the death of Nadab and Abibu,
for " offering strange fire " on the altar, and appa-
rently (see Lev. x. 9, 10) for doing so in drunken
recklessness. Aaron's checking his sorrow, so as at
least to refrain from all outward signs of it, would
be a severe trial to an impulsive and weak character,
and a proof of his being lifted above himself by the
office which he held.
l-'mni lhi« time the histcry of Aaron is almost
entirely that of the priesthood, and its chief feature
is the great rebellion of Korah and the Levites
against his sacerdotal dignity, united with that of
Dathan and Abiraui and the Reubenites against the
temporal authority of Moses [Korah]. The true
vindication of the reality of Aaron's priesthood was
not so much the death of Korah by the fire of the
Lord, as the efficacy of his offering of incense to
stay the plague, by which he was seen to be accepted
as an intercessor for the people. The blooming of
his rod, which followed, was a miraculous sign,
visible to all and capable of preservation, of God's
choice of him and his bouse.
The only occasion on which his individual char-
acter is seen, is one of presumption, prompted, as
before, chiefly by another, and, as before, speedily
repented of. The murmuring of Aaron and Miriam
against Moses clearly proceeded from their trust,
the one iu his priesthood, the other in her prophetic
inspiration, as equal commissions from God (Num.
xii. 2). It seems to have vanished at once before
the declaration of Moses' exaltation above all proph-
ecy and priesthood, except that of One who was
to come; and, if we may judge from the direction
of the punishment, to hare originated mainly with
Miriam. On all other occasions he is spoken of as
acting with Moses in the guidance of the people.
Leaning as be seems to have done wholly on him, it
is not strange that be should have shared his sin at
Meribah, and its punishment [Mosks] (Num. xx.
10-12). As that punishment seems to have purged
out from Moses the tendency to self-confidence,
which tainted his character, so in Aaron it may
have destroyed that idolatry of a stronger mind, into
which a weaker one, once conquered, is apt to fall.
Aaron's death seems to hare followed very speedily.
It took place on Mount lior, after the transference
of his robes and office to Eleazar, who alone with
Moses was present at his death, and performed his
burial (Num. xx. 28). This mount is still called
the " Mountain of Aaron." [Hon.]
The wife of Aaron was Elisheba (Ex. vi. 23); and
the two sons who survived him, Eleazar and Itha-
mar. The high priesthood descended to the former,
and to his descendants until the time of Eli, who,
although of the bouse of Ithamar, received the high
priesthood (see Joseph. AM. v. 11, $6, viii. 1,
§ .11, and transmitted it to his children ; with them
A continued until the accession of Solomon, who took
» It Is noticeable thai the ceremonies of the ronton-
Hon of the leper to his place, as one of God's people,
osu • strong resemblance to those of (oussiiraHon
« \m x4v 10 «.
ABANA
it from Abutthar, and restored it to Zadok (of the
house of Eleazar), so fulfilling the prophecy of 1
Sam. ii. 30. " A.K
N. B. In 1 Chr. xxvii. 17, « Aaron " ()'~>i^)
is counted at onr of the " tribu of Itratl."
AATtONITES, THE (pHS : , 'Aapir
snVps Aaron, Aaronita). Descendants of Aaron,
and therefore priests, who, to the number of 3700
fighting men, with Jehoiada the father of Benaiab
at their head, joined David at Hebron '1 Chi.
xii. 27). Later on in the history (1 Chr. xxvii. 17.
we find their chief was Zadok, who in the eultat
narrative was distinguished ss ''a young man
mighty of valor." They must have been an im-
portant family in the reign of David to be reckoned
among the tribes of Israel. W. A W.
AB (2N, father), an dement in the composi-
tion of many proper names, of which Abba is a
Chaldaic form, the syllable affixed giving the em-
phatic force of the definite article. Applied to God
by Jesus Christ (Mark xiv. 36), and by St. Paul
(Rom. viii. 15; Gal. iv. 6.) [Abba.] R. W B.
AB. [Months,]
AB'ACUC, 2 Esdr. i. 40. [Habakkuk.]
ABADDON, Rer. Ix. 11. [Atoixtov.]
ABADI'AS CAfiatlas; [Aid. Sailas:] At-
diat). Obadiah, the son of Jehiel (1 Esdr. viii
38). W. A. W.
ABAGTHA (^"^p*?. : [ZaBoKti; Alex.
FA. ZiuSotVsto; Comp.' 'KfaryaBi:] Abgat/in),
one of the seven eunuchs in the Persian court of
Ahasuerus (Esth. i. 10). In the LXX the names
of these eunuchs are different The word contains
the same root which we find in the Persian names
Bigtka (Esth. i. 10), Bit/than (Esth. ii. 21), Big-
liana (Esth. vi. 2), and Bagoai. Bohlen explains
it from the Sanscrit bagaddta, " given by fortune,"
from baga, fortune, the sun.
ABANA (n32h?.: » VW&W; [Vat. H. (Vat*
Mai) Ap/Sora; Alex. Niu/3ara; Comp. 'AjiaraC:]
Abana), one of the "rivers (.THrO) of Damas-
cus-" (2 K. t. 12). The Barada (Xpvvoteias of
the Greeks) and the Aanj are now fie chief streams
of Damascus, and there can be little doubt that the
former of these represents the Abana and the latter
the Pharpar of the text As far back as the days
of Pliny and Strabo the Barada was, as it now is,
the chief river of the city (Rob. iii. 446), flowing
through it, and supplying most of its dwellings
with water. The Amy is further from Damascus,
and a native of the place, if speaking of the two to-
gether, would certainly, with Naamsji, name ths
Barada first (Porter, i. 276). To this may be ad-
ded the fact that in the Arabic version of the pas-
sage — the date of which has been fixed by Rjdiger
as the 11th century — Abana is rendered by Bar-
da, I5«J. Further, it seems to have escaped
notice that one branch of the Auxg — if Kiepart'i
map (in Rob. 1866) is to be trusted — now bears
the name of Wady Barbar. There is Lowever ns
reference to this in Robinson or Porter.
The Barada rises in the Antilibarras near Zeb-
dAitg, at about 23 miles from the city, and LUt
e Ths Karl, with the Teheran Jonathan anl she
Brrlec version, hss Amman. Sea march) of A. T
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ABAKIM
ABDIEL
3
last above it. In it* course it passes the site of i those regions must remain to a great degree »b-
Ihe ancient Abila, and receives the waters of Ain- ' scure." G.
F$ck, one of the largest springs in Syria. This | »ABBA. The Choldee or Aramaic a P Dend« the
was long believed to be the real source of the i article instead of prefixing it as in Hebrew; and
Barada, according to the popular usage of the I , ,
country, which regards the most copious fountain, hence when Abba (N3r;) occurs the exact o iraT^p
not the most distant head, as the origin of
river. We meet with other instances of the same
follows for the sake of Greek readers. See Winer's
Kpist. ail UaliU. p. 90. Abba, as the vernacular
mistake in the cue of the Jordan and the Orontes j term (a vox solennis from childhood), was of course
[Aw]; it la to Dr. Robinson that we are indebted ! more expressive than any foreign word could bo,
lor its discovery in the present case (Kob. iii. 477). and came, as it were, first to the lips as the writer
After flowing through Damascus the Barada runs or speaker thought of God in the filial relation.
across the plain, leaving the remarkable Assyrian ! which the word designated with such fullness ol
ruin Tell es-SalMyeh on its lea lank, till it loses ~ '
itself in the lake or marsh Bnhret el-K'Miyeh. Mr.
Porter calculates that 14 villages and 150,000 souls
no dependent on this important river. For the
aiuise of the Barada see Porter, vol. i. chap, v.,
Journ. of S. lit. N. 8. viii., Rob. iii. 446, 7. Light-
foot (Cent Chor. iv.) and Gesenius (The*. 116)
quote the name ]V3H~ as applied in the Lexicon
Arich to the Amana. G.
* Gesenius ( The*, p. 116) supposes Abana to be a
commutation fur Amana by an interchange of the
labials J and E : it may be a dialectic or a provin-
cial difference. See also Keil's Bli. tier KSnige, p
368. Amana or Abana means " perennial " (comp.
?C£Q as said of water in Is. xxxiii. 16 and Jer.
it. 18) and is especially appropriate to this ever-
flowing stream. The only biblical allusion to the
name is that in Naaman's scornfid interrogation in
2 Kings v. 12: "Are not Abana and Pharpar.
rivers of Damascus, better than all the waters of
Israel?" There may be something more than
pride of country in this; for the waters of Abana
(Barada), especially after the confluence of the
stream from F\jeh, its most copious fountain, are
remarkably fresh and sparkling, and at the present
day proverbially salubrious, while those of the Jor-
dan are mixed with clay and tepid, though not
unfit for drinking (Kichter's Wallfahrten, p. 157;
Hob. Phys. Ueog. p. 161- . H.
AB'ARIM (so Hilton accents the word), the
" mount," or " mountains of " (always with the def.
article, O^Tjn lil, or *VT, T i> o>os to 'A/8-
mpifi, [etc ] or «V Tq> trepay toC 'IopSdvou, = the
mountains of the further parts, or possibly of the
forth), a mountain or range of highlands on the east
of the Jordan, in the land of Moab (Deut. xxxii.
49), facing Jericho, and forming the eastern wall
of the Jordan valley at that part. Its most ele-
rated spot was " the Mount Nebo, ' head ' of ' the '
Pisgah," from which Moses viewed the Prom-
Ised Land before his death. There is nothing to
prove that the Abarim were a range or tract of any
length, unless the Qe-Abarim ("heaps of A.")
•anted in Num. xxxiii. 44, and which were on the
uuth frontier of Moab, are to lie taken as belong-
ing to them. But it must be remembered that a
ward derived from the same root as Abarim, namely,
"Q?! I* lie term commonly applied to the whole
•f the country on the east of the Jordan.
These mountains are mentioned in Num. xxvii.
19, xxxiii. 47, 48, and Deut. xxxii. 49 ; also prob-
tbly in Jer. xxii. 30, where the word is rendered in
Ae A. T. " passages."
In the absence of research on the east of the
ordsn and of the Dead Sea, the topograf Sy of
meaning. See Usteri's Com. iiber d. Brief an die
Galtit. p. 148. Tholuck (on Koni. viii. 15) reminds
us that Luther preferred to translate irari]p iitltt
Vitter rather than Vater merely, as the more nat-
ural dictate of his childlike feeling toward God.
Some others think that Abba passed over from the
Aramaean Christians to the Greek-speaking Chris-
tians as a sort of proper name, and had merely
that force as combined with 6 lrar'tip. To main-
tain this view, Meyer has to say (on Gal. iv. 6)
that in Mark xiv. M the Evangelist puts " Abba "
into the mouth of Jesus as he prayed in the garden
in anticipation of a usage which began to exist at a
later period. H.
ABT5A (fc;P3? [tenant, a Chaldee form]:
Avttiv ; [Vat. Ecbpa; Alex. A£5<»; Comp. 'A0-
Si:] Abda). 1. Father of Adoniram (1 K. iv. 6.)
2. [*l«;0<)/3 ; Comp. 'Aj85(as] Son of Shanumu
(Neh. xi. 17), called Obadiah in 1 Chr. ix. 16.
ABTDEEL (bryT:?]? : [oat. Aid. Rom. Alex.
FA. ; Comp. 'A0MA :] Abdeel), father of Shelc-
uiiah (Jer. xxxvi. 26). [A. V. eil. 1611 reads Ab-
diel.]
ALVDI O^?? [my servant] : 'A/3af ; [Vat.
A/88ei;] Alex. k&Sf. Abdi). 1. A Mcrarite [Mb-
K.ucij, and ancestor of Ethan the singer (1 Chr.
vi. 44).
2. OA05L) The father of Kish, a Merarite In-
vite in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12).
From a comparison of this passage with 1 Chr.
vi. 44 it would appear either that ancestral names
were repeated in Levitical families, or that they be-
came themselves the names of families, and not of
individuals.
3. CA/38fa ; FA. A08*.a.) One of the Bene-
Elam [sons of Elamj in the time of Ezra, who had
married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 26). W. A. W.
ABDI'AS (AUins). The prophet Obadiah
(2 Fjdr. i. 39). W. A. W.
ABDIEL rtf^yS [servant of God]: 'A£
5it)A; [Vat. A08eijA'] Abdiel), son of Guni (1
Chr. v. 15).
* The casual notice here is all that is known to
us of this Abdiel from the Bible. The celebrity
which the name has acquired arises chiefly from
Milton's use of it as applied to that only ons
among the hosts of Satan, of whom he could say: —
" An.. ..v.: the faithless, faithful only ho ; "
a * For a concise statement of the poniewhat per
piexed relation of Abarim, Nubo, nml Pisgah to each
ovoer, the reader may consult. Dr. Robinson's Physical
Geography of Palestine, p. 62. Kurts (Gfsch. des A
B.) has a section (if. § 88) on the " Gebirge Abarim."
See also Raumer's Patastina, and Ritters Erdtcundt oc
Abarim. Additional iDfbrmatiof , the result of Into
discoveries, will be leuou under Naao. U
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4 ABDON
sod whom (referring to the etymology) he repre-
sents as receiving the lofty praise —
"Servant of God, well done; waU but than txsjht"
The name corresponds to the Arabic AbdaDah.
See Wilkinson's Personal Noma in the Biblt
(London, 1865), p. 397. H.
ABT>ON (]^3? [tervUe]: 'A/JWr; [u>
Judg., Alex. Aaktrnti, AofloW:] Abdon). X. A
Judge of Israel (Judg. xii. 18, IS), perhaps the
same person as Bedan in 1 Sam. zii. 11.
2. [Vat AgoW] Son of Shashak (1 Chr.
riii. 23).
3. First-born son of Jehiel, son of Gibeon [rath-
er, father of Gibeon, i. e. the city or people of
Gibeon] (1 Chr. riii 30, bx. 35, 36).
4. ["A£8<fu; Vat. A/Boooou i Alex. A3»W.]
Son of Micah, a contemporary of Josiah (2 Chr.
xxxir. 20), called Acbbor in 2 Kings xxii. 12.
ABTDON (YH3.V [serrifc]: 'K&4v, Ao0-
$&*, *Pa0ctf), a city in the tribe of Asber, given
to the Gershonites (Josh. xxi. 30; 1 Chr. vi. 74).
No place of this name appears in the list of the
towns of Asher (Josh. xix. 24-31); but instead we
8nd (28) V" 1 ??! "Hebron,"" which is the same
word, with the change frequent in Hebrew of "•
tor "T. Indeed many MSS. have Abdon in Josh.
xix. 28 (Ges. p. 980; Winer, e. v.); but, on the
other hand, all the ancient versions retain the K,
except the Vatican LXX. which has 'EA/W (Alex.
'K%fi» [and so Comp.; 17 MSS. have E/3/xw]).
ABEayNBGO (*Ur"T3]7 : "ABJfwv*}: Ab-
dcitago), i. e. urmnt of If ego >> perhaps the same as
Afcio, which was the Chaldean name of the planet
Mercury, worshipped as the scribe and iuterpreter
of the gods (Geseu.). Abednego was the Chal-
diean name given to Azariah, one of the three
friends of Daniel, miraculously saved from the
burning fiery furnace (Dan. iii.). [Azaiuah, No.
24.] R. W. B.
A'BEL (^>3S= meadow,' according to Ge-
senius, who deri\-es it from a root signifying mois-
ture like that of grass: see, however, in favor of a
liferent meaning [lamentation], the arguments of
lingerie, Kenanv, i. 368, and Hengstenberg, Pent
U. 319) ; the name of several places in Palestine: —
l a'bkl-beth-ma'achah (nape i"V2 S
[louse of oppression: 2 S. 'A0*\ wol' B<0/ux<i or
♦<miax<i (Alex. Brjfyiaxa) : Abela el Bethmanclia :
1 K. f) *A/9«A ofirov Maax<(: Abeldomus Afuachn:
iK.j) 'A0tK xal fj Bapaaxii Alez - * Ka/9«V
Btp/iaaxa- Abel domut if.]), a town of some im-
portance (tAkis koI tafrpiwoKu, " a city and a mo-
ther in Israel," 2 Sam. xx. 19), in the extreme north
if Palestine; named with Dan, Cinneroth, Kedesh;
ud as such {tiling an early prey to the invading
« The Ain Is here rendered by H. The H in the
well-known Uebron represents Ch. Elsewhere (as
Vaaa, Gomorrah) Am is rendered by In the Author
bed Version.
• * A "dragon " ni worshipped with Bel at Baby.
Ion, and Dietrich (Gee. Htb. Hmdwb. 1868) thinks
wall of Rodiger's comparison of Nego with the Sanskr.
aego, "serpent" H.
• It Is In fcvor of Qesenius' interpretation that the
ThaMne Targum always renders Abel by lkfiaaor, which
t> later Hebrew lost its special significance, and was
wad ft* a -level spot or plain generally.
AilBL
kings of Syria (1 K. xv. 'M) and Assyria (2 K. it
29). In the parallel passage, 2 Chr. xvi. 4, the name
t
is changed to Abel Maim, D^O S = Abel vn (Ac
writers. Here Sheba was overtaken and besieged
by Joab (2 Sam. xx. 14, 15); and the city was
saved by the exercise on the part of one of its in
habitants of that sagacity for which it was proverb-
ial (18). In verses 14 and 18 it is simply AbeL
and in 14 Abel is apparently distinguished from
Ueth-niaacbah. d If the derivation of Gesenius be
the correct one, the situation of Abel a-as probaljv
in the Ard et-Iluleh, the marshy meadow coui ' r)
which drains into the Sea of Meroni, whether *t
Abil (Robinson, iii. 372), or more to the sooth
(Stanley, S. and P. p. 390, note). Euwbius and
Jerome place it between Panes* and Damascus;
but this has not been identified.
2. A'uel-ma'im (CD VaS : 'Afit\iufr
Abelmaim), 2 Chr. xvi. 4. [Abkl, 1.]
3. A'bel-mizica'im (Miteraim), C^SO S, ac-
cording to the etymology of the text, the' mourning
of Egypt, wcVtfof Alyimov [Ptaurtw sEyypti],
(this meaning, however, requires a different point-
ing, 3S for 'SrO : the name given by the Ca
naanites to the floor of Atad, at which Joseph, his
brothers, and the Egyptians made their mourning
for Jacob (Gen. 1. 11). It was beyond (~3.? =
on the east of ) Jordan, though placed by Jerome
at beth-IIogla (now Ain-ffajla), near the river,
on its vest bank.* [Atad.]
4. A'BKrSHrr'TOt (with the article VdS
-'tSUf H: [BcAo-fi ; Alex. BsAo-amu ; Comp.
'Afiekaurl/i • Abelsatim]), the meadow of the
acacias, in the "plains" (r£}~>? = the deserts)
of Moab: on the low level of the Jordan valley,
as contradistinguished from the cultivated " fields "
on the upper level of the table-land. Here — their
last resting-place before crossing the Jordan — Is-
rael " pitched from Bethjesimoth unto A. Shittim,"
Num. xxxiii. 49. The place is most frequently
mentioned by its shorter name of Shittim. [Shit-
tim.] In the days of Josephus it was still known
as Abila, — the town embosomed in palms/ (oVov
¥v¥ wo'Ajv eVrlr *A£tAr/, Qowuctyvroy i* corl re
X*plo¥, Ant. iv. 8, § 1), 60 stadia from the river (v.
1, § 1). The town and the palms have disappeared ;
but the acacia-groves, denoted by the name Shit-
tim, still remain, " markiug with a line of verdure
d * It Is certain from 2 Sam. xx. 14, that they wert
different, and no doubt the roller name signified Abel
near Beth-Haechah (Hengsteoberg, Pent. II. 319;
Robinson, ill. 872). See Oes. Htb. Or. J 116, 6 a, fat
this mode of ex p res si ng local proximity. See Thomson's
Land and Boot, 1. 827, for a description of Abel. H.
* * The Biblical text knows nothing of any connec-
tion between Abel-Mlxralm and Beth-Hogla. Whether
" beyond the Jordan '* denotes the east or the west
side, depends on the position of the speaker, like our
Transatlantic, whether used on one side of the watei
or the other. Against the supposition of Bltto and
others, that Joseph's funeral escort, with the body of
Jacob, travelled through the Great Desert, by the way
of the Dead Sea and Moab, in going to Canaan, instead
of the direct course through PhllisUa, see Thomson's
Land and Book, il. 886. H.
/ It was amongst these palms, according to Jose-
phus, that Deuteronomy was daUvsrsd by Moses. Ssi
the passage anore cited.
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ABEL
;he upper terraces of the Jordan valley '" (Stanley,
S. and P. p. 298).
5. A'bel-meuo'lah (MecAulah, fl^iriQ ^,
meadow of the dance : ['A/JfA/itoi/Aii; Alex. Ba-
7f \af ouAa ' Abelinehula] ), i n 1 1 ><■ 1 with Beth-shean
(Scythopolis) and Jokneam (1 K. iv. 12), and
therefore hi the northern part of the Jordan valley
(Eus. iv tiJ> abKiivt)- The routed Bedouin host fled
from Gideon (Judg. vii. 22) to " the border (the
'Up' or 'brink') of Abel-meholah," and to Beth-
•hittah (the "house of the acacia"), both places
being evidently down in the .Jordan valley. Here
Elisha was found at his plough by EHjah returning
up the valley from Horeb (1 K. xix. 16-19). In
Jerome's time the name had dwindled to 'A/leA^iea.
6. A'BEly-CERA'MIM (Z^w^S S : ['E^eAxap-
fiifi; Alex. A/3eA a/iire Atuwoc : Abel qua est vineis
consita] ), in the \. V. rendered " the plain [niary.
* Abel 'J of the vineyards," a place eastward of
Jordan, beyond Aroer; named as the point to
which Jephthah's pursuit of the lieue-Ainnion [sons
of A.] extended (Judg. xi. 33). A Ku/ar) apjrt-
kotpipos "A/3eA is mentioned by Eusehius at 6 (Je-
rome, 7) miles beyond Philadelphia (liabbah); and
another, oivo<pipos KaKov/tivn, more to the north,
12 miles east from Gadara. below the Hieromax.
Kuins bearing the name of Abila are still found in
the same position (Ritter, Syria, 1038). There
were at least three places with the name of Aroer
on the further side of the Jordan. [Akokk.]
7. " The gkeat ' Abel ' [marg. ' or stone,']
in the field of Joshua the Bethshemite " (1 Sam.
vi. 18). JJy comparison with 14 and 15, it would
seem that J has been here exchanged for , and
that for ^JS should be read ]2S = stone. So
the LXX» and the Chaldee Targum. Our trans-
lators, by the insertion of " stone of," take a middle
jourse. See, however, Lengerke (358) and Herx-
heimer (1 Sam. vi. 18), who hold by Abel as being
the name subsequently given to the spot in refer-
ence to the "mourning" 0n3S,"T) there, ver. 19.
In this case compare Gen. 1. 11. G.
A'BEL, in Hebr. HEBEL (ban : 'a/8«a:
Abel; i. e. breath, vapor, transitorincss, probably
10 called from the shortness of his life), a the second
■on of Adam, murdered by his brother Cain (Gen.
iv. 1-16). Jehovah showed respect for Abel's offer-
ing, but not for that of Cain, because, according
to the Epistle to the Hebrews (xi. 4), Abel " by
Gulh offered a more excellent sacrifice than Cain."
The expression "sin," t. e. a sin-offering, "lieth at
the door " (Gen. iv. 7), seems to imply that the
need of sacrifices of blood to obtain forgiveness was
■beady revealed. On account of Abel's faith, St.
\ugugtine makes Abel the type of the new regen-
rate man ; Cain that of the natural man (de Civ.
Iki, xv. 1). St. Chrysostom observes that Abel
rfered the best of his nock — Cain that which was
most readily procured (Hum. in Gen. xviii. 5).
Jesus Christ spoke of him as the first martyr
(Matt, xxiii. 35); so did the early church subse-
quently. For Christian traditions see Iren. v. 67;
Jhrysost. Horn, in Gen. xix. ; Cedrm. Hist. 8.
'or those of the Rabbins and Mohammedans, Eisen-
, _ . — .
" * Or, It may be from the mother's Impression of
Jbe brevity and frailty of human life, which she bod
ow Begun to understand ; and In that case the child
3v*h. bar* town so named at his btrih. H.
ABIASAPH 6
menger, Entdeckt. Jud. i. 462, 832; Hottingcr,
Hist. Or. 24 : Ersch & Gruber, EncyUop. «. v. ; and
the Kur-dn V. The place of his murdei and his
grave are pointed out near Damascus (Pococke, b.
ii. 168); and the neighboring peasants tell a curi-
ous tradition respecting his burial (Stanley, 5. and
P. p. 413).
The Oriental Gnosticism of the Saboatns made
Abel an incarnate . 1'.. u i , and the Gnostic or Mani -
ch'i'iin sect of the Abelitie in North Africa in the
time of Augustine (de Uteres. 80, 87), so called
themselves from a tradition that Abel, though
married, lived in continence. In order U avoid
perpetuating original sin, they followed his example,
but in order to keep up their sect, each married
pair adopted a male and female child, who in their
turn vowed to marry under the same conditions
E. YV. B.
ATBEZ (V5-?, in pause V2N '• 'V*$h; [Aid.
Alex. 'Afue'i Comp. 'Ae$^s : ] Abes), a town in
the possession of Issachar, named between Kishion
and Remeth, in Josh. xix. 20, only. Gesenius
mentions as a possible derivation of the name, that
the Chaldee for tin is m*2S : [but Fiirst thinks
it may be from Y— ft an( i hence height.] Pos-
sibly, however, the word is a corruption of ^20i
Thebez [which see], now Tubas, a town situated
not far from Engannim and Shunem, (both towns
of Issachar), and which otherwise has entirely es-
caped mention in the list in Joshua. 1 ' G.
A'BI ("US [father = progenitor] : 'AjSou;
[Aid. 'A$ov8i ; Comp. 'A/31] : Abi), mother of
king Hezekiah (2 K. xviii. 2). The name is writ-
ten AbHah (nj^f) in 2 Chr. xxix. 1. Her fa-
ther's name was Zechariab, who was, perhaps, thf
Zechariah mentioned by Isaiah (viii. 2). R. W. B.
ABI'A, ABI' AH, or ABI'JAH (nja^ =
1^*3* [whose father is Jehovah] : 'A/W ; [in 1
Chr. vii. 8, Rom. 'A0iou5, Alex. A0iov; Comp
Aid. 'Afiii-] Abia). 1. Son of Hecher, the son
of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 8).
2. Wife of Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 24).
3. Second sou of Samuel, whom, together with
his eldest son Joel, he made judges in Beershebn
(1 Sam. viii. 2; 1 Chr. vi. 28). The corruptness
of their administration was the reason alleged by
the Israelites for their demanding a king.
4. Mother of king Hezekiah. [Abi.]
B. W. B.
5. (n*3S : 'AjSu(: Abia, [Abias.]) Abu ah or
Abijam, the son of Rehoboam (1 Chr. iii. 10;
Matt. i. 7).
6. Descendant of Eleazar, and chief of the eighth
of the twenty-four courses of priests (Luke i. 5)
He is the same as Abuah 4. W. A. W.
For otter persons of this name see Abuah.
ABI-AI/BON. [Abiei.]
ABI'ASAPH, otherwise written EBI'A-
SAPH (^DS^S, Ex. ft 24, and *19V?S, 1
Or. vi. 8, 22 T [(ifeb.), 23, 37 (E. V.JJ, Is. 19:
'ABuLaap, 'Afrta&tp, 'AfiiAtrutp: Abiasaph; ac-
co"ding to Simonis, " cigus patrem abstulit Dens,"
- * Vr. Porter (Handbook, ii. 647) puts Abes in hii
Hat of Scripture place* not yet Identified. Knobal
and Kail also regard the name at now lost B
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8 ABIATHAB
with reference to the death of Korah, a* related io
Num. xvi.; but according to Fiirst and Geseuius,
father of gathering, i.e. the gatherer ; compare
*KJS, Asaph, 1 Chr. vi. 39). He was the head
of one of the families of the Korbites (a house of
the Kuhathites), but his precise genealogy i* some-
what uncertain. In Ex. vi. 24, he appears at first
sight to be represented as one of the sons of Korah,
and as the brothel rf Assir and Elkanah. But in
1 Chr. vi. he appeals as the son of Elkanah, the son
of Assir, the son of Korah. The natural inference
from this would be that in Ex. vi. 24 the expres-
sion " the sons of Korah " merely means the fam-
ilies into which the house of the Korbites was sub-
divided. But if so, the verse in Exodus must be
a later insertion than the time of Moses, as in
Hoses' lifetime the great-grandson of Korah could
not have been the head of a family. And it is re-
markable that the verse is quite out of its place,
and appears improperly to separate ver. 25 and ver.
23, which both relate to the house of Aaron. If,
however, this inference is not correct, then the Ebi-
saaph of 1 Chr. vi. is a different person from the
Abiasaph of Ex. vi., namely, his great-nephew.
But this does not seem probable. It appears from
1 Chr. ix. 19, that that branch of the descendants
of Abiasaph of which Shallum was chief were por-
ters, " keepers of the gates of the tabernacle " ; and
from ver. 31 that Mattithiah, " the first-born of
Shallum the Korahite, had the set office over the
things that were made in the pans," apparently in
the time of David. From Neh. xii. 25 we learn
that Abiasaph's family was not extinct in the days
of Nehemiah; for the family of Meshnllam (which
is the same as Shallum), with Talmon and Akkub,
still filled the office of porters, " keeping the ward
at the threshold of the gate." Other remarkable
descendants of Abiasaph, according to the text of
1 Chr. vi. 33-37, were Samuel the prophet and
Elkanah his father (1 Sam. i. 1), and Heman the
singer; but Ebiasaph seems to be improperly in-
serted in ver. 37." The possessions of those Ko-
hathitea who were not descended from Aaron, con-
sisting of ten cities, lay in the tribe of Ephraim,
the half-tribe of Mananeh, and the tribe of Dan
(Josh. xxi. 20-26; 1 Chr. vi. 61). The family of
Elkanah the Kohathite resided in Mount Ephraun
(1 Sam. i. 1). A. C. H.
ABI'ATHAB ("V^Stf "• 'A$i4$ap •■ Abi-
athar ; but the version of Suites Pagninus has Ebi-
alhar, according to the Hebrew points. In Mark ii.
M, It is 'AfiidOap. According to Simonis, the name
means " (cujus) pater euperstet matutit, mortua
icil. matre; " but according to Fiirst and Gese-
oius, father of excellence, or abundance). Abia-
thar was that one of all the sons of Ahimelech the
high-priest who escaped the slaughter inflicted
upon his father's house by Saul, at the instigation
of Doeg the Edomite (see title to Ps. lii., and the
psalm itself), in revenge for his having inquired of
the Lord for David, and given him the shew-bread
to eat, and the sword of Goliath the Philistine, as
b related in 1 Sam. xxii We are there told that
when Doeg slew in Nob on ihat day fourscore and
Eve persons that did wear a linen ephod, " one of
•he sons of Ahimelech the son of Abitub, named
Abiathar, escaped and fled after David; " and it is
a Bee The Genealogies of our lord and Saviour
lout Chiit, by Lord Arthur Hovey, p. 210, and p.
M, nots.
ABIATHAB
added in xxiii. 6, that when he did so "he
down with an ephod in his hand," and was thus
enabled to inquire of the Lord for David (1 Sam.
xxiii. 9, xxx. 7; 2 Sam. ii. 1, v. 19, 4c). The
fact of David having been the unwilling cause of
the death of all Abiathar's kindred, coupled with
his gratitude to his father Ahimelech for his kind-
ness to him, made him a firm and steadfast friend
to Abiathar all his life. Abiathar on his part was
firmly attached to David. He adhered to him in
his wanderings while pursued by Saul; he was
with him while he reigned in Hebron (2 Sam. ii.
1-3), the city of the house of Aaron (Josh. xxi.
10-13); he carried the ark before him when David
brought it up to Jerusalem (1 Chr. xv. 11 ; 1 K.
ii. 2G); he continued faithful to him in Absalom's
rebellion (2 Sam. xv. 24, 29, 35, 36, xrii. 15-17,
xix. 11); and " was afflicted in all wherein David
was afflicted." He was slso one of David's chief
counsellors (1 Chr. xxvii. 34). When, however,
Adonjjah set himself up for David's successor on
the throne in opposition to Solomon, Abiathar,
either persuaded by Joab, or in rivalry to Zadok,
or under some influence which cannot now be dis-
covered, sided with him, and was one of his chief
partisans, while Zadok was on Solomon's side.
For this Abiathar was banished to his native vil-
lage, Anathoth, in the tribe of Benjamin (Josh. xxi.
18), and narrowly escaped with his life, which was
spared by Solomon only on the strength of his long
and faithful service to David his father. He was
no longer permitted to perform the functions or
enjoy the prerogatives of the high-priesthood. For
we are distinctly told that " Solomon thrust out
Abiathar from being priest to the Lord; H and that
" Zadok the priest did the king put in the room of
Abiathar " (1 K. ii. 27, 35). So that it is difficult
to understand the assertion in 1 K. iv. 4, that in
Solomon's reign "Zadok and Abiathar were the
priests; " and still more difficult in connection with
ver. 2, which tells us that "Azariah the son of
Zadok " was " the priest : " a declaration confirmed
by 1 Chr. vi. 10. It is probable that Abiathar did
not long survive David. He is not mentioned
again, and he must have been far advanced in years
at Solomon's accession to the throne.
There are one or two other difficulties connected
with Abiathar, to which a brief reference must lie
made before we conclude this article. (1.) In 2
Sam. viii. 17, and in the duplicate passage 1 Chr.
xviii. 16, and in 1 Chr. xxiv. 3, 6, 31, we have
Ahimelech substituted for Abiathar, and Ahimelech
the son of Abiathar, instead of Abiathar the ton of
Ahimelech. Whereas in 2 Sam. xx. 25, and in every
other passage in the 0. T., we are uniformly told
that it was Abiathar who was priest with Zadok
in David's reign, and that he was the son of Ahim-
elech, and that Ahimelech was the son of Ahitub.
The difficulty is increased by finding Abiathar
spoken of as the high-priest in whose time David
ate the shew-bread, in Mark ii. 26. (See Alford,
ad foe.) However, the evidence in favor of David's
friend being Abiathar the ton of Ahimelech pre-
ponderates so strongly, and the impossibility of any
rational reconciliation is so clear, that one can only
suppose, with Procopius of Gaza, that the error
was a clerical one originally, and was propagated
from one passage to another.* The mention of Abi-
athar by our Lord, in Mark ii. 26, might perhapa
be accounted for, if Abiathar was the person wb<
» • 8a* addttor. infra-
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ABIATHAR.
jersuaded hii father to allow David to have the
jread, and if, as is probable, the .jAves were Abi-
tthar't (Lev. xxiv. 9), and given by him with bU
Dwn hand to David. It may also be remarked
that our Lord doubtless spoke of Abhidiar as
)n3n, " the priest," the designation applied to
Ahimelech throughout 1 Sam. xxi., and equally
»pplicable to Abiathar. The expression ipx 16 "
otit is the Greek translation of our lord's words.
(2.) Another difficulty concerning Abiathar is to
determine his position relatively to Zadok, and to
account for the double high-priesthood, and for the
advancement of the line of Ithamar over that of
Eleazar. A theory has been invented that Abia-
thar was David's, and Zadok Saul's high-priest,
but it seems to rest on no solid ground. The facte
of the case are these : — Ahimelech, the son of
Ahitub, the sou of Phinehas, the son of Eli, was
high-priest hi the reign of Saul. On his death his
eon Abiathar became high-priest. The first men-
tion of Zadok is in 1 Chr. xii. 28, where he is de-
scribed as " a young man mighty of valor," and
is said to have joined David while he reigned in
Hebron, in company with Jehoiada, " the leader of
the Aaronites." From this tune we read, both in
the book* of Samuel and Chronicles, of u Zadok and
Abiathar the priests," Zadok being always named
first. And yet we are told that Solomon on his
accession put Zadok in the room of Abiathar. Per-
haps the true state of the case was, that Abiathar
was (In- first, and Zadok the second priest; but
that from the superior strength of the house of
Eleazar (of which Zadok was head), which en-
abled it to furnish 16 out of the 24 courses (1 Chr.
xxiv.), Zadok acquired considerable influence with
David ; and that this, added to his being the lair
of the elder line, and perhaps also to some of the
passages being written alter the line of Zadok were
established in the high-priesthood, led to the pre-
cedence given him over Abiathar. We have al-
ready suggested the possibility of jealousy of Zadok
being one of the motives which inclined Abiathar
to join Adonijah's faction. It is most remarkable
how, first, Saul's cruel slaughter of the priests at
Nob, and then the political error of the wise Abi-
athar, led to the fulfillment of God's denunciation
sgainst the house of Eli, as the writer of 1 K. ii.
27 leads us to observe when he says that " Solomon
thrust out Abiathar from being priest unto the
l>ord, that he might fulfill the word of the Lord
which He spake concerning the house of Eli in
Shiloh." See also Joseph. Ant. viii. 1, §§ 3, 4.
A. C. H.
• Some adhere to the text, without resorting to
the supposition of a clerical error. It is deemed
oossible that Ahimelech and Abiathar were heredi-
tary names in the family, and hence, that the
father and the son could have borne these names
respectively. It would thus be accounted for that
Abiathar is called the son of Ahimelech in 1 Sam.
<xii. 20, bud that Ahimelech is called the son of
Abiathar in 2 Sam. viii. 17. The same person
consequently could be meant in Mark ii. 26, whether
the one name was applied to him or the other; and
he reason why the father is mentioned by his name
Abiathar, and not that of Ahimelech may be that
lie former had become, historically, more familLr
m confluence of the subsequent friendship be-
,ween Abiathar. the son, a--.d David. Another
txplanation is, that Abiathar was for some un-
tnowu reason acting as the father's vicar at the
ABIEZEB 7
time of this transaction with David, and that the
citation in Mark follows a tradition of that fact,
not transmitted in the 0. T. history. We hart
other instances of a similar recognition of events
or opinions not recorded hi the 0. T., to which the
N. T. writers refer as apparently well known among
the Jews; such as e. g. Abraham's first call in Ur
of the Chaldees (Acts vii. 3, compared with Gen.
xii. 1); the tomb of the patriarchs at Sychem,
(Acts vii. 16); the giving of the law by the agency
of angels (Gal. iii. 19, Heb. ii. 2), and others
lunge's note on Mark ii. 26 (Bibelwerk, ii. 28),
deserves to be read. For some very just and
thoughtful remarks on the proper mode of dealiug
with such apparent contradictions of Scripture, sec
Commentary on Mark (p. 53), by Dr. J. A. Alex-
ander; H
A'BIB. [Mosths.]
ABITDAH and ABI'DA" (ST?*? [father
of knowledge, i. e. wise]: 'AjSeiSd, ['A3i5d; Alex
AjSioa, AjSiSa:] Abida), a son of Midian [anil
grandson of Abraham through his wife or concubine
Keturah] (Gen. xxv. 4; 1 Chr. I 33).
E. S. P.
AB1DAN Oy.?t? [father of Vie judge,
Ges. ; or Ab, i. e. God, is judge, F'iirst] : '\0iSiv,
[Alex, twice AjSeiSay:] Abidan), chief of the tribe
of I '« nj.imiu at the time of the Exodus (Num. i.
11, U. 22, vii. 60, 65, x. 24).
AT3IEL [as a Christian name in English com-
monly pronounced Abi'el] (vS*;3S [father of
strength, i. e. strong]: 'AjS'^A: Abiel). 1. The
father of Kish, and consequently grandfather of
Saul (1 Sam. ix. 1), as well as of Abner, Saul's
commander-in-chief (1 Sam. xiv. 51). In the gen-
ealogy in 1 Chr. viii. 33, ix. 39, Ner is made the
father of Kish, and the name of Abiel is omitted,
but the correct genealogy according to Samuel is - —
Paul Abner
2. One of David's 30 " mighty men " (1 Chr.
xi. 32); called in 2 Sam. xxiii. 31, Abi-albon, a
uame which has the same meaning K. W. B.
ABIE'ZER ("ff? ^S, father of help: 'AjS.-
X*Q, 'UQ, [Alex, in Josh., AxttCfP- Abiezer,]
dov.us Abiezer). 1. Eldest son of Gilead, and de-
scendant of Machir and Manasseh, and apparently
at one time the leading family of the tribe (Josh.
xvii. 2, Num. xxvi. 30, where the name is given in
the contracted form of Tl^^M, Jeeier). In the
genealogies of Chronicles, Abiezer is, in the present
state of the text, said to have sprung from the
sister of Gilead (1 Chr. vii. 18). Originally, there-
fore, the family was with the rest of the house of
Gilead on the east of Jordan ; but when first met
with in the history, some part at least of it had
crossed tbe Jordan and established itself at Ophrah,
a place which, though not yet identified, must have
been on Ine hills which overlook from the south
the wide pi&oi of Fsdraelon, the field of so many of
the battles of Palestine (Stanley, pp. 246-7 ; Judg.
vi. 34). Here, when the fortunes of his family
" * A. V , ed. 1611, and in other early editions, readl
Abtla In both passages. A
G(
S AB1EZBITE
inn at the lowest — "mj 'thousand' is < the poor
one' in Hanaaaeh" (vi. 15) — m born the greet
judge Gideon, destined to raise his own house to si-
most royal dignity (Stanley, p. 229) and to achieve
for his country one of the most signal deliver-
ances recorded in their whole history. [Gideon ;
Oi'HRAH.] The name occurs, in addition to the
passages above quoted, in Judg. vi. 34, viii. 3.
2. One of David's " mighty men" (2 Sam. xxiii.
27; 1 Chr. xi. 28, xxvii. 12). G.
ABIEZTUTE ( S "?T?H ">3h? [the father of
help] : mrrfy> to5 "E«r8p( in Judg. vi. ; 'A/}1 'Eatpt
In Judg. viii.; Alex, varyo Afiiefyt, r. rem U(at,
t. AJjuQju: pater famihas Ea-i, familia Ezri).
[Joasb, the father of Gibeon, is so termed], a de-
scendant of Abiezer, or Jeezer, the son of Gilead
(Judg. vi. 11, 24, viii. 32), and thence also called
Jkezkrite (Num. xxvi. 30). The feshito-Syriac
and Targum both regard the first part of the word
" Abi " as an appellative, " father of," as also the
LXX. and Vulgate. W. A. W.
• " Abiezritea " (A. V.) in Judg. vi. 24, and viii.
32, stands for the collective " Abiezrite," which
does not occur as plural in the Hebrew. H.
ABIGAIL [3 syL, Beb. Abigail], (Vyag,
or ^Itt? [father of exultation, or, ickote faUter
rejoice*]: 'Afliyaia: Abigail). X. The beautiful
wife of Nabal, a wealthy owner of goats and sheep
in CarmeL When David's messengers were slighted
by Nabal, Abigail took the blame upon herself,
supplied David and his followers with provisions,
and succeeded in appeasing his anger. Ten days
after this Nabal died, and David sent for Abigail
and made her his wife (1 Sam. xxv. 14, «<?.).
By her he had a son, called Chileab in 2 Sain. iii.
3; but Daniel, in 1 Chr. iii. 1. For Daniel The-
nius proposes to read J^JJH, suggested to him by
the LXX. AaXovta (Then. Exeg. llmtdb. ad he.).
2. A sister of David, married to Jether the fih-
maeliu, and mother, by him, of Amasa (1 Chr. ii.
17). In 2 Sam. xvii. 25, she is described as the
daughter of Nahash, sister to Zeruiah, Joab's
mother, and as marrying Ithra (another form oi
Jether) an Itraelitt.
The statement in Samuel that the mother of
Amasa " was an hraelUe is doubtless a transcrib-
er's error. There could be no reason for recording
this circumstance; but the circumstance of David's
sister marrying a heathen Ishmaetite deserved nieu-
jon (Thenius, Exeg. llandb. Sam. L c).
B. W. B.
ABIHATL (VlTag [father of might, 1. e.
mighty]: 'A0txal\: [Abihail ; in Num.,] AU-
haiel). 1. Father of Zuriel, chief of the Levitical
"amily of Herari, a contemporary of Moses (Num.
Ji. 35).
2. Wife of Abuhur (1 Chr. II. 29).
3. [>Aj3iyoia: Ald.'AtfiYa^; Comp. 'AflrtjA-]
Son of Hurl, of the tribe of Gad (1 Chr. v. 14).
4. Wife of Kehoboam (2 Chr. xi. 18). She is
xUed the daughter, i. e. a descendant, of Eliob, the
older brother of David.
8. pAju»a5<t0; Comp. , A/3iyo*V..] Father of
Esther and uncle of Murdecai (Esth. U. 15, ix. 29).
• • "Mother" must be an inadvertence here for
' attoer of Annua.' The correction Wmattiu tat It
itite Is suggested In the margin In later editions of
N*A V. H.
ABIJAB
The names of No. 2 and 4 are written la
MSS. V^TOS QAfii X aia, [Aid. Alex. 'ABryaU
Comp. AfittK,] 1 Chr. ii. 29; 'AjSiWo, ..Alex,
A0uuaA, Comp. 'Afloat*,] 2 Chr. xi. 18), wfaiek
Gesenius conjectures to be a corruption of > 2£
TV!, but which Shnonis derives from a root Tin,
and interprets " father of light, or splendor."
E. W. B.
AWHU {Wn^ [Ue (i. e. God) U fath-
er]: 11 'A/3iooJ; [Comp. in Num. iii and 1 Chr.
xxiv. 'AjSiov:] Abiu), the second son (Num. iii.
2) of Aaron by Elisheba (Ex. vi. 23), who with his
father and bis elder brother Nadab and 70 elders
of Israel accompanied Moses to the summit of Sinai
(Ex. xxiv. 1). Being together with Nadab guilty
of offering strange fire (Lev. x. 1) to the Lord, «. e
not the holy fire which burnt continually upon the
altar of burnt-offering (Lev. vi. 9, 12); they were
both consumed by fire from heaven, and Aaron and
his surviving sons were forbidden to mourn for
them. [Occurs also Ex. xxiv. 9, xxviii. 1 ; Num.
iii. 4, xxvi. 60, 61; 1 Chr. vi. 3, xxiv. 1, 2.]
B. W. B.
ABI1TUD (TliTi?* [whose father ii Ju-
dah; or, is renown]: A0wvi: Abiud), son of fiela
and grandson of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 3).
ABI'JAH or ABI'JAM. 1. (H??^,
C$»», ^njatf, will of Jehovah, 'A0ti, 'Afiuti,
LXX.; 'AjSfcu, Joseph.: Abiam, Abia), the son
and successor of Kehoboam on the throne of Judah
(1 K. xiv. 31 ; 2 Chr. xii. 16). He is called Abijah
in Chronicles, Abijam in Kings; the latter name
being probably an error in the MSS., since the
LXX. have nothing corresponding to it, and their
form, 'Afitoi, seems taken from Abijahu, which
occurs 2 Chr. xiii. 20, 21. Indeed Gesenius says
that some MSS. read Abijah in 1 K. xiv. 31. The
supposition, therefore, of 1 ightfoot (Harm. 0. T.
p. 209, Hitman's edition), that the writer in Kings,
who takes a much worse view of Abyah'i character
than we find in Chronicles, altered the last syllable
to avoid introducing the holy J ah into the name
of a bad man, is unnecessary. But it is not fanci-
ful or absurd, for changes of the kind were not un-
usual: for example, after the Samaritan schism,
the Jews altered the name of Shechem into Syehar
(drunken), as we have it in John iv. 5; and Hoeea
(iv. 15) changes Bethel, house of God, into Beth-
aven, houte of naught. (See Stanley, S. 0} P. p.
222.)
From the first book of kings we learn that Abi-
jah endeavored to recover the kingdom of the Ten
Tribes, and made war on Jeroboam. No details
are given, but we are also informed that he walked
in all the sins of Kehoboam (idolatry and its at-
tendant immoralities, 1 K. xiv. 23, 24), and thai
his heart » was not perfect before God, as the heart
of David his father." In the second book of Chron-
icles his war against Jeroboam is more minutelt
described, and he makes a speech to the men of
Israel, reproaching them for breaking their allegi-
ance to the house of David, for worshipping Um
t> • in such combination!, says k'i'mt (itmrftrs
1. 819), SVT, *> Umietf, refers to God. as c xprearivi
of the utmost reverence, Use A* among the I'omUut
and avret, hiim, among the Greeks. B
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ABU AM
roldeu calves and substituting unauthorized priests
for the sons of Aaron and the I-evites. He was
successful in battle against Jerobn;ui M and took the
cities of Bethel, Jpshanah, and Epnrain, with their
dependent villages It is also said that his anny
consisted of 40(',lK>0 men, and Jeroboam's of 800,-
000, of whom 500,000 fell in the action : but Ken-
nicott (The Hebrew Text of the Old Testament
Omsilered, p. S&l) shows that our MSS. are fre-
quently incorrect as to numbers, and gives reasons
for reducing these to 40,000, 89,000, and 50,000,
as we actually mid in the Vulgate printed at Ven-
ice in 1486, and in the old l-atin # version of Jose-
nhus; while there is perhaps some reason to think
that the smaller numliers were in his original Greek
text also. Nothing is said by the writer in Chron-
icles of the sins of Abijah, but we are told that
after his victory he " waxed mighty, and married
fourteen wives," whence we may well infer that he
was elated with prosperity, and like his grandfather
Solomon, fell, during the last two years of his life,
into wickedness, as described in Kings. Both rec-
ords inform us that he reigned three years. His
mother was called cither iMaachah or Michaiah,
which are mere variations of the same name, and
in some places (1 K. xv. 2; 2 Chr. xi. 20) she is
said to be the daughter of Absalom or Abishalom
(again the same name); in one (2 Chr. xiii. 2) of
Uriel of Gibeab. But it is so common for the
word i™ 13, daughter, to be used in the sense of
granddaughter or descendant, that we need not
hesitate to assume that Uriel married Absalom's
daughter, and that thus Maachah was daughter of
Uriel and granddaughter of Absalom. Abijah
therefore was descended from David, both on his
father's and mother's side. According to Ewald's
chronology the date of Abyah's accession was B. c.
068; Clinton places it in B. c. 959. The 18th
year of Jeroboam coincides with the 1st and 2d of
Abijah.
2. The second son of Samuel, called Abiaii in
our version ('A&ii, LXX.). [ASIA, Abiaii,
So. 3.]
3. The son of Jeroboam I. king of Israel, in
whom alone, of all the house of Jeroboam, was
found " some good thing toward the I/>rd God
of Israel,'' and who was therefore the only one of
his family who was suffered to go down to the
grave in peace. He died in his childhood, just
after Jeroboam's wife had been sent in disguise to
seek help for him in his sickness from the prophet
Ahijah, who gave her the above answer. (1 K. xiv. )
4. A descendant of Eleazar, who gave his name
to the eighth of the twenty-four courses into which
the priest* were divided by David (1 Chr. xxiv. 10;
2 Chr. viii. 14). To the course of Abijah or Abia,
belonged Zacharias the father of John the Baptist
(Luke i. 5).
5. A contemporary of Nehemiah (Neh. x. 7).
G. K. L. C.
■ 6. A priest who returned with Zerubbabel
from Babylon (Neh. xii. 4, 17.'. A.
ABI'JAM. [Abuah, ;,o. 1.]
AB'ILA. [Abilene.]
ABIXE'NE ('A/3<A7jWj, Luke : ii. 1), a texrar-
■hy of which Abila was the capit.1. This Abila
oust not be confounded with Abila in Peroea, and
•ther Syrian cities of the same name, but was sit-
uted on the ca.tera slope of Autilibanus, in a dis-
»ict fertilized by the river Bands. It is distinctly
ABILENE
9
associated with I .demon by Joseph us (Ant. xvili. 6,
§ 10, xii 5, § 1, xx. 7, § 1; B. J. ii. 11, § 5>
Its name probably arose from the green luxuriance
of its situation, "Abel" perhaps denoting *»a
grassy meadow." [See p. 4, a.] The name thus
derived is quite sufficient to account for the tradi-
tions of the death of Abel, which are associated
with the spot, and which are localized by the tomb
called Nebi ff<ibil, on a height above the ruins of
the city. The position of the city is very clearly
designated by the Itineraries as 18 miles from Da-
mascus, and 38 (or 32) miles from ileliopoli* cr
Baalbee (I tin. Ant. and Tub. Prut.).
It is impossible to fix the limits of the Abilene
which is mentioned by St. Luke as the tetrarchy
of Lysanias. [Lysanias.] Like other districts
of the ICast, it doubtless underwent many changes
both of masters and of extent, before it was finally
absorbed in the province of Syria. Josephus asso-
ciates this neighirorhood with the name of Lysaniaa
both before and after the time referred to by the
evangelist. For the later notices see the passages
just cited. We there find " Abila of Lysaniaa,"
and "the tetrarchy of Lysanias," distinctly men
tioned in the reigns of Claudius and Caligula. We
find also the phrase 'A&tKa Auaavtov in Ptolemy
(v. 15, § 22). The natural conclusion appears to
be that this was the Lysanias of St. Luke. It is
true that a chieftain l>earing the same name is
mentioned by Josephus in the time of Antony and
Cleopatra, as ruling in the same neighborhood
(Ant. xiv. 3, § 3, xv. 4, § 1 ; B. J. 1, 13, § 1 ; also
Dion Cass. xlix. 32): and from the close connection
of this man's father with Lebanon and Damascus
(Ant. xiii. 16, § 3, xiv. 7, § 4; B. J. I 9, § 2) it is
probable that Abilene was part of his territory, and
that the Lysanias of St. Luke was the son or grand-
son of the former. Evan if we assume (as many
writers too readily assume) that the tetrarch men
tioned in the time of Claudius and Caligula is to
1)0 identified, not with the Lysanias of St. Luke
but with the earlier Lysanias (never called tetrarch
and never positively connected with Abila) in the
times of Antony and Cleopatra, there is no diffi-
culty in believing that a prince bearing this name
ruled over a tetrarchy having Abila for its capital,
in the Loth year of Tiberius. (See Wieseler, Chro-
naloaisvhe Synapse der vier Kvangelten, pp. 174-
183.)
The site of the chief city of Abilene has been un-
doubtedly identified where the Itineraries place it;
and its remains have ban described of late years
by many travellers. It stood in a remarkable gorge
called the Siik Watty Horstfa, where the river
breaks down through the mountain towards the
plain of Damascus. Among the remains the in-
scriptions are most to our purpose. One contain-
ing the words Autravtov Terpdpxov is cited by I'o-
cocke, but has not been seen by any subsequent
traveller. Two l^atin inscriptions on the face of a
rock above a fragment of Koman road (first noticed
in the Quarterly Review for 1822, No. 52) wer»
first published by I>etronne (Journal des Savans,
1827), and afterwards by Orelli (Inscr. Istt. 4997,
4998). One relates to some repairs of the road at
the expense of the Abilari ; the other associates the
lGth liCgion with the place. (See Hogg ui tht
Ti ans. of Ota Royal Geoff. Soc. for 1851 ; I'ortrr,
in the Journal of Nncred Literature for July,
1853, and esr^ially his Damjxctts, i. 261-273-
aH Robinson, Later Bib. Res. \u. 478-484.)
J. S. H
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10 ABIMAEL
ABIM'AEL ( U SO s jy {father of Mael\:
AJ9i/ia&; [Alex. AjBtprqA:] Abimael), a descend-
ant of Joktan (Gen. x. 28; 1 Chr. i. 22), and prob-
ably [as the name implies] the progenitor of an
Arab tribe. Bochart (I'haleg, ii. 24) conjectures
that his name is preserved in that of MdAi, a place
In Arabia Aromatifera, mentioned by Theophrastus
(Hi tt. Plant, ix. 4), and thinks that the MalitjB
sn the same as Ptolemy's ManiUe (vi. 7, p. 154),
and that they were a people of the Minseans (for
whom see Arabia). The name in Arabic would
probably be written JoLo «j|
ABIATELECH [Hebrew Abiroelech]
ftTJ^'r'S' » fatter «f <*» *w»J t or father-long :
'AjSt/ilAcx : Abimelech), the name of several Phil-
istine kings. It is supposed by many to have been
a common title of their kings, like that of Pharaoh
among the Egyptians, and that of Casar and Au-
gustus among the Montana. The name Father of
the King, or Father King, corresponds to Padultah
(Father King), the title of the Persian kings, and
Atalih (Father, pr. paternity), the title of the
Khans of Bucharia (Gesen. Thes.). An argument
to the same effect is drawn from the title of Ps.
xxxiv., in which the name of Abimelech is given to
the king, who is called Achish in 1 Sam. xxi. 11 ;
but perhaps we ought not to attribute much his-
torical value to the inscription of the Psalm.
L A Philistine, king of Gerar (Gen. xx., xxi.),
who, exercising the right claimed by Eastern
princes, of collecting all the beautiful women of
their dominions into their harem (Gen. xii. 15;
Eetfc. ii. 3), sent for and took Sarah. A similar
account is given of Abraham's conduct on this oc-
casion, to that of his behavior towards Pharaoh
[Abraham].
2. Another king of Gerar in the time of Isaac,
of whom a similar narrative is recorded in relation
to Rebekah (Gen. xxvi. 1, srtj.).
3. Son of the judge Gideon by his Shechemite
concubine (Judg. viii. 31). After his father's death
he murdered all his brethren, 70 in number, with
the exception of Jotham, the youngest, who con-
cealed himself; and he then persuaded the She-
chemites, through the influence of his mother's
brethren, to elect him king. It is evident from
this narrative that Shechem now became an inde-
pendent state, and threw off the yoke of the con-
quering Israelites (Ewald, Getch. ii. 444). When
Jotham heard that Abimelech was made king, he
addressed to the Shechemites his fable of the trees
choosing a king (Judg. ix. 1, teq. ; cf. Joseph. Ant.
v. 7, § 2), which may be compared with the well-
known fable of Menenius Agrippa (l.iv. ii. 32).
After he had reigned three years, the citizens of
Shechem rebelled, lie was absent at the time,
bat he returned and quelled the insurrection.
Shortly after he stormed and took Thebez, but was
itruck on the head by a woman with the fragment
rf a mill-stone <■ (comp. 2 Sam. xi. 21); and lest he
<• * The expression used in relation to 'his to A. V.
,ed. 1611), as In the Bishops' Bible, Is " all to brake his
■cull," i. e. "broke completely," or "all to pieces."
In many later editions " brake " has been changed to
< break," giving the false meaning " and all this In
jrder to break." " All to " baa been explained and
written by some as a compound adverb, " all-to " «
' attogethei " (see Bobuuon In BM. Sacra, Tt 608),
ABISEI
should be said to have died by a woman, he bid hh
armor-bearer slay him. Thus God avenged tin
murder of bis brethren, and fulfilled the curse of
Jotham.
4. fAviii&'x; FA ' A X«/"**Xi •* M - AjJiu-
4\*X- AchtmtUch.] Son of Abiathar the high-
priest in the time of David (1 Chr. xviii. .6)
called Abimelech in 2 Sam. viii. 17. [Ahimk-
lkch.] R. W. B.
* The reading Ahimelech in 1 Chr. is supported
by about 12 MSS., and by the principal ancient
versions, including the Syriac and Chaldee as well
as the Sept. and Vulgate. See De Rossi, Var.
Led. iv. 182. A.
* 5. Ps. xxxiv. title. [Ahimelkch 2.] A.
ABIN'ADAB (313 , 3h« [a father noble or
princtM: 'A/urmUfi; [Comp. often 'A$imbdfi:]
Abinadtib). 1. A Levite, a native of Kirjathjea-
rim, in whose house the ark remained 20 years (1
Sam. vii. 1, 2; [2 Sam. vi. 3, 4;] 1 Chr. xiii. 7).
2. Second son of Jesse, who followed Saul to his
war against the Philistines (1 Sam. xvi. 8, xvii.
13; [1 Chr. ii. 13]).
3. A son of Saul, who was slain with his broth-
ers at the fatal battle on Mount Gilboa (1 Sam-
xxxi. 2; [1 Chr. viii. 33, ix. 39, x. 2]).
4. Father of one of the 12 chief officers of Solo-
mon (1 K. iv. 11). R. W. B.
AB1NER ("l.r?i?: 'Afievvtp; Alex. 'A/9-
aurfip [rather, APtmp]: Aimer). This form of
the name Abneh is given in the margin of 1 Sam
xiv. 50. It corresponds with the Hebrew.
W. A. W.
ABIN'OAM [Bet. Abino'am] (C53'2S
[a father graeiotu]:'A0ivt4ii; [Aid. Comp. some-
times 'A/3<ro</i:] Abinoem), the father of Barak
(Judg. iv. 6, 12; v. 1, 12). R. W. B.
ABIIiAM (D^3h* [father exalted]: 'Afi-
tiprfV : Abiron). 1. A Reubenite, son of Eliab,
who with Datlian and On, men of the same tribe,
and Korah a Levite, organized a conspiracy against
Moses and Aaron (Num. xvi.). [For details, see
Kouah.]
2. ['Afitpdri Alex. AjScipwF.' Abiram.] Eld-
est son of Hiel, the Bethehte, who died when his
father laid the foundations of Jericho (1 K. xvi.
34), and thus accomplished the first part of the
curse of Joshua (Josh, vi 26). R. W. B.
ABPKON ('A0«u><*V: Voiron). Abiram
(Ecclus. xlv. 18). W. A. W.
ABISEI (AbUei). Abisiiua, the son of
Phinehas (2 Esdr. i. 2). W. A. \V.
but this view Is now regarded by the best scholars as
erroneous. In early Engtuu, as In Anglo-Saxon, to
was In common use as an Intensive prefix to verbs and
verbal nouns, somewhat tikt be in modem English,
but stronger. Thus,
" Be tthbrac the ston, and tb*r flowlden watris."
Wyeline, Ps. riv. 41.
« Mote tbl wicked necks be i« irate .' "
Chaucei. Cant. Inks, 6859.
We have It In Shakespeare's " tc-pinch the unclean
knight " (Merry Wives, It. 4), at.d perhaps the latest
example in Milton's " all to-ntfied " (Comus, 380).
" All " is often used to strengthen the expression, but
is not essential. See Boucher's glossary, art Ail
and Taylor's note ; the Glossary to Forshall and Mad-
den's ed. of WyeUnVs Bible ; Eastaond and Wright'i
BMe Word-Boot, pp. 21, 22 ; and especially Oorson'i
Xhesemrus of Archaic English, art TO- A
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ABISHAG
AB'ISHAO (J^aN [father I e. author
•f error, mitdeed, and hence said of man or mm-
«n;°] 'Afiuriy' Abitag), a beautiful Shunamniite,
taken into David'* harem to comfort him in his
sxtremo old age (1 K. i. 1-4). After David's
death Adongah induced Bathsheba, the queen-
mother, to ask Solomon to give him Abishag in
marriage; but this imprudent petition cost Adoni-
iah his life (1 K. ii. 13, ««.). [Adonuah.1
R. W. B.
ABISHAI » [3 syl.] Ct*?$ [•»■ T%
father of a gift, Gee.; or Father,' 1. e. God, who
exittt, Fiint]: 'h&taa& [also 'A/tanC, 'A/3«rd,
etc.] and 'AjSura/ : Abitai), the eldest of the three
sons of Zeruiah, David's sister, and brother to Joab
and Asahel (1 C'hr. ii. 16). It may be owing to
his seniority of birth that Abishai, first of the three
brothers, appears as the devoted follower of David.
Long before Joab appears on the stage Abishai had
attached himself to the fortunes of David. He was
his companion in the desperate night expedition to
the camp of Saul, and would at once have avenged
and terminated his uncle's quarrel by stabbing the
shaping king with his own spear. But David in-
dignantly restrained him, and the adventurous war-
riors left the camp as stealthily as they had come,
carrying with them Saul's spear and the cruse of
water which stood at his head (1 Sam. xxvi. S-U).
During David's outlaw life among the Philistines,
Abishai was probably by his side, though nothing
more is heard of him till he appears with Joab and
Asahel in hot pursuit of Abner, who was beaten in
the bloody fight by the pool of Gibeon. Asahel
fell by Abner's hand: at sunset the survivors re-
turned, buried their brother by night in the sepul-
chre of their father at Bethlehem, and with revenge
!a their hearts marched on to Hebron by break of
day (2 Sam. ii. 18, 24, 32). In the prosecution
of their vengeance, though Joab's hand struck the
deadly blow, Abishai was associated with him in
the treachery, and " Joab and Abishai killed Ab-
ner" (2 Sam. iii. 30). [Au.nhu.] In the war
against Hanun, undertaken by David as a punish-
ment for the insult to his messengers, Abishai, as
second in command, was opposed to the army of
the Ammonites before the gates of Kabbah, and
(rove them headlong before him into the city, while
. oab defeated the Syrians who attempted to raise
the siege (2 Sam. z. 10, 14; 1 Chr. xix. 11, 15).
The defeat of the Edoniites in the valley of salt
(1 Chr. xviii. 12), which brought them to a state
of vassalage, was due to Abishai, acting perhaps
under the immediate orders of the king (see 8 Sam.
riii. 13), or of Joab (Ps. be. title). On the out-
break of Absalom's rebellion and the consequent
llight of David, Abishai remained true to the king ;
ind the old warrior showed a gleam of his ancient
tpirit, as fierce and relentless as in the camp of
Saul, when he offered to avenge the taunts of
Shimei, and urged his subsequent execution (2
Sam. xvi. 9; xix. 21). — In the battle in the waod
of Ephraim Abishai commanded a third part of the
army (2 Sam. xviii. 2, 5, 12), and in the absence
H Amass was summoned to assemble the troops in
Jerusalem and pursue after the rebel Sheba, Joab
ABNER
11
« • On the origin and significance of the B'ble
ohms, see the article (Amer. ed.) on Num. H
It • TbJs roller article from tht " Concise DicUon-
<ij " has baen substituted hers tor the article of four-
ass) Das* In the larger work. B
being apparently in disgrace for tbo slaughter of
Absalom (2 Sam. xx. 6, 10). — The last act of ser
vice which is recorded of Abishai is his timely res-
cue of David from the hands of a gigantic Philis-
tine, Ishbi-benob [i Sam. xxi. 17). His personal
prowess on this, as on another occasion, when he
fought single-handed against three hundred, won
for him a place as captain of the second three of
David's mighty men (2 Sam. xxiii. 18 ; 1 Chr. xi.
20). But in all probability this act of daring was
achieved while he was the companion of Da\ id's
wanderings as an outlaw among the Philistines.
Of the end of his chequered life we have no record.
ABISH'ALOM (nV?tr>3£ [father of
peace]: 'A0«ro-aAd>p: Abeurtlom), father of Maa-
chah, who was the wife of Reboboam, and mother
of Abyah (1 K. xv. 2, 10). He is called Absalom
(Cl'PHraM) in 2 Chr. xi. 20, 21. This person
must be David's son (see LXX., 2 Sam. xiv. 27).
The daughter of Absalom was doubtless called Ma-
achah after her grandmother (2 Sam. iii. 3).
ABISHU'A (yitthaS: ['Afro-oW, 'A$ia-
oui,1 'Afitvoi: Abitue. According to SimonU,
patrit talut; i. q. imrlwarpos, and X&rarpot.
According to Fiirst, father or lord of happineti.
Paler talulit, Gesen.). 1. Son of Beta, of the
tribe of Beiyanun (1 Chr. viii. 4).
2. Son of Phinehas, the son of Eleazar, and the
father of Bukki, in the genealogy of the high-
priests (1 Chr. vi. 4, 5, 60, 81 ; Ezr. vii. 4, 5).
According to Josephus (Ant. viii. 1, § 3) he execu-
ted the office of high-priest after his father Phine-
has, and was succeeded by Eli; his descendants,
till Zadok, falling into the rank of private persons
(iSurrtio-avres)- His name is corrupted into
'l<&njiroi- Nothing is known of hie.
A. C. H.
AB'ISHUR ("WnaK [father of the watt
at upright] 'Afitooip: Abitur), son of Shammai
(1 Chr. ii. 28).
AB1SUM ('A/Bi<rof; Alex. AjSmtouo.; [AM.
'APuroiu] : Abitue). Abisiiua, the son of Phin-
ehas (1 Esdr. viii. 2). Called also Abisei.
W. A. W.
AB1TAL (biraN [whote father it dew or
protection] : 'AjBitoA ; Abitai), one of David's wives
(2 Sam. iii. 4; 1 Chr. iii. 3).
ABITUB (aV-'JcS [father of goodnetty.
'A/9<t<*>; [Alex. A0<r«/3]: Abitub), son of Shaha-
raim by Huahim (1 Chr. viii. 11).
ABl'UD ('AjSiott: Abiud). Descendant ot
Zorobabel, in the genealogy of Jesus Christ (Matt
i. 13). Lord A. Hervey identifies him with Ho-
daiah (1 Chr. iii. 24) and Juda (Luke iii. 26),
and supposes him to have been the grandson cf
Zerubbabel through his daughter Shetomith.
W. A. W.
ABLUTION. [Pcrificatioic.]
AB'NER ("l?3S, once "W3t», father of
light. APtrrtipi [Alex, often A/3fvnp or Afrurnp] ■
Abnei ,. X. Son of Ner, who was the brother of
Kiah (1 Chr. ix. 36) the father of Saul. Abner
therefore, was Saul's first cousin, and was made by
him commander-in-chief of his army (1 Sam. xiv.
SI \ He was the person who conducted David into
Saul's presence after the death of Goliath (xvii. 57),
and aftarwards accompania' His master when t»
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sought Ovid's life at Hachihh(xx\i. 8-H). From
this time we hear no more i.f him till after the
death of Saul, when he rises into importance as the
main-stay of his family. It would seem that, im-
mediate!; alter the disastrous battle of Mount Gil-
boa, David was proclaimed king of Judah in Ilebron,
12 ABNEB ABOMINATION
this there was indeed some pretext, iitumucu as U
was thought dishonorable even in battle to kiD s
mere stripling like Asahel, and Joab and Abisha!
were in this case the rertngert of blood (Num.
xxxt. 19), but it is also plain that Abner only killex*
the youth to save his own life. This murder caused
the old capital of that tribe, but that the rest of i the greatest sorrow and indignation to David ; but
the country was altogether in the hands of the ' as the assassins were too (xmerful to be punished.
Philistines, and that five years passed before any j he contented himself with showing every public to-
native prince ventured to oppose his claims to their ken of respect to Abner' s memory, by following the
power. During that time the Israelites were grad- 1 bier and pouring forth a sim|de dirge over the
ually recovering their territory, and at length Ab- slain, which is thus translated by Ewald (Dickter
ner proclaimed the weak and unfortunate Ishbo- da Altai Butuln, i. 99 : —
As a villain dies, ought Abner to die ?
Thy hands, not fettered ;
Thy feet, not bound with chains ;
As one tails before the malicious, fellesi thou '
— t. e. " Thou didst not fall as a prisoner taken in
battle, with hands and feet fettered, but by secret
assassination, such as a villain meets at the hands
of villains" (2 Sam. iii. 83, 34). See also Lowth,
Lectures jn Hebrew Poetry, xxii. G. E. I~ C.
2. Father of JaasieL, chief of the Itenjamites in
David's reign (1 Chr. xxvii. 21) : probably the same
as Aiineb 1. W. A. W.
ABOMINATION OP DESOLATION
(to f}$t\vyfia t?» ipnuAoten, Matt. xxiv. 15),
mentioned by our Saviour as a sign of the ap-
proaching destruction of Jerusalem, with reference
to Dan. ix. 27, xL 31, xii. 11. The Hebrew
words in these passages are respectively, O^^tT,
DctH?, coin? viPW. •»<« £?& YTE-
the LXX. translate the first word uniformly (M~
\vypa, and the second ipnpiiafaiv (ix. 27) and
ipTlliubatm (xi. 31, xii. 11): many MSS. however
have fiQarur/ii'yov In xi. 31. The meaning of the
first of these words is dear: V W «presues any
religious impurity, and in the plural numlier espe-
cially idols. Suidas defines p&tAvypa as used by
the Jews war tlSasKov cat wav imimcua or
BpJrrov. It is important to observe that the ex-
pression is not used of idolatry in the abstract, but
of idolatry adopted by the Jews themselves (2 K
xxi. 2-7, xxiii. 13). Hence we must look for the
fulfillment of the prophecy in some act of apostasy
on their part; and so the Jews themselves appear
to have understood it, according to the traditional
feeling referred to by Josephus (B. J. iv. 6, § 3),
that the temple would he destroyed Ihv x"?**
oukicu Tpo/itAymri to r^/ifyos. With regard to
the second word C^l.t£\ which has been variously
translated of desolation, of tlie detolatirr, that aston
isheth (Marginal transl. xi. 31, xii. 11), it is a par-
ticiple used substantively and placed in immediate
apposition with the previous noun, qualifying it
with an adjective sense astonishing, horrible (Ueseii
s. v. CEtp, and thai the whole expression signi-
fies a horrible abomination. What the object re-
ferred to was, is a matter of doubt; it should I*
observed, however, that in the passages in Daniel
the setting up of the abomination was to be conse-
quent upon the cessation of the sacrifice. Thi
Jews considered the prophecy as fulfilled in th«
profanation of the Temple under Antiochus Epiph-
anes, when the Israelites themselves erected ai
idolatrous altar (Pupit, Joseph. Ant. xii. 6, § I
upon the sacred altar, and offered sacrifice thereon
this altar is described as fSSiKvyua tt)» Ipnuiatm
sheth, Saul's son, as king of Israel in Mahanaim,
beyond Jordan — at first no doubt as a place of
security against the Philistines, though all serious
apprehension of danger from them must have soon
passed away — and Ishbosheth was generally recog-
nized except by Judah. This view of the order of
events is necessary to reconcile 2 Sam. ii. 10, where
Ishbosheth is said to have reigned over Israel for
two years, with ver. 11, in which we read that Da-
vid was king of Judah for seven ; and it is con-
firmed by vers. 5, 6, 7, in which David's message
of thanks to the men of Jabesb-gilead for burying
Saul and his sons implies that no prince of Saul's
house had as yet claimed the throne, but that Da-
vid hoped that his title would be soon acknowl-
edged by all Israel; while the exhortation "to be
valiant " probably refers to the struggle with the
Philistines, who placed the only apparent impedi-
ment in the way of his recognition. War soon
broke out between the two rival kings, and a " very
sore battle " was fought at Gibeon between the men
of Israel under Abner, and the men of Judah under
Joab, son of Zeruiah, David's sister (1 Chr. ii. 16).
When the army of Ishbosheth was defeated, Joab's
voungest brother Asahel, who is said to l:ave been
" as light of foot as a wild roe," pursued Abner,
and in spite of warning refused to leave him, so
that Abner in self-defence was forced to kill him.
After this the war continued, success inclining more
and more to the side of David, till at last the im-
prudence of Ishbosheth deprived him of the counsels
tnd generalship of the hero, who was in truth the
only support of his tottering throne. Abner had
married Kizpah, Saul's concubine, and this, accord-
ing to the views of Oriental courts, might be so
interpreted as to imply a design upon the throne.
Thus we read of a certain Armais, who, while left
viceroy of Egypt in the absence of tho king his
brother, "used violence to the queen and concu-
bines, and put on the diadem, and set up to oppose
Us brother " (Manetho, quoted by Joseph, c. Apion.
L 15). Cf. also 2 Sam. xvi. 21, xx. 3, 1 K. ii. 13-
15, and the case of the Pseudo-Smerdis, Herod, iii.
S8. fABSAix>M;ADONUAii.] Kightly or wrongly,
lihboiheth so understood it, though Abner might
rem to lun e given sufficient proof of his loyalty, and
1m even ventured to reproach him with it. Abner,
imiensod at his ingratitude, after an indignant reply,
npened negotiations with David, by whom he was
nost favorably received at Ilebron. He then un-
dertook to procure his recognition throughout Is-
rael ; but after leaving his court for the purpose was
jnticed back by Joab, and treacherously murdered
■yy him and his brother Abishai, at the gate of the
city, partly no dou' t. as Joab showed afterwards in
the case of Amasa, from fear lest so distinguished
a convert to their cause should gain too high a place
bi David's favor (Joseph. Ant. vii. 1, J 5), but os-
wudbly in retaliation for the death of Asahel. For
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ABRAHAM
,1 Mace, i. 54, vi. 7). The prophecy, however, re-
ferred ultimately (as Josephua hinisjlf perceived,
AM. x. 11, § 7) to the destruction of Jerusalem by
the Romans, and consequently the 35e Krryna must
describe some occurrence connected with that event.
But it is not easy to find one which meets all the
requirements of the case : the introduction of the
Koman standards into the Temple would not be a
&8fKvyna, properly speaking, unless it could be
shown that the Jews themselves participated hi the
worship of them; moreover, this eveut, as well as
several others which have been proposed, such as
the erection of the statue of Hadrian, fail in regard
to the time of their occurrence, being subsequent to
the destruction of the city. It appears most prob-
able that the profanities of the Zealots constituted
the abomination which was the sign of impending
ruin." (Joseph. B. J. iv. 3, § 7.) W. L. B.
A'BRAHAM (arnris, f,the~ of a muhi-
lude: 'ASpad/x'- Abraham: originally AB RAM,
C^2S, futlier of elevation : a A$pafi : Abram),
the son of Terah, and brother of Nahor and Haran j
and the progenitor, not only of the Hebrew nation,
but of several cognate tril>es. His history is re-
corded to us with much detail in Scripture, as the
very type of a true patriarchal life; a life, that is,
in which all authority is paternal, derived ulti-
mately from Uod the rather of all, and religion,
imperfect as yet in revelation and ritual, is based
entirely on that same Fatherly relation of God to
man. The natural tendency of such a religion is
to the worship of tutelary gods of the family or of
the triV' ; traces of such a tendency on the part of
the patriarchs are found in the Scriptural History
iUelf ; and the declaration of God to Moses (in Ex.
vi. 3) plainly teaches that the full sense of the unity
and eternity of Jehovah was not yet unfolded U>
them. But yet the revelation of the Lord, as the
" Almighty God " (Gen. xvii. 1, xxviii. 3, xxxv.
11), and " the Judge of all the earth " (Gen. iviii.
25), the knowledge of 1 Its intercourse with kings
of other tribes (Gen. xx. 3-7), and His judgment
on Sodom and Gomorrah (to say nothing af the
promise which extended to "all nations") must
have raised the patriarchal religion far above this
narrow idea of God, and given it the germs, at least,
of future exaltatiqn. The character of Abraham is
that which is formed by such a religion, and by the
influence of a nomad pastoral lite ; free, simple, and
manly; full of hospitality and family affection ;
tiuthful to all such as were bound to him by their
ties, though not untainted with Hasten) craft to
those considered as aliens ; ready for war, but not a
professed warrior, or one who lived by plunder ; free
and childlike hi religion, and gradually educated
by God's hand to a coutiuually deepening sense of
its all-absorbing claims. It stands remarkably
"•ontrasted with those of Isaac and Jacob.
The Scriptural history of Abraham is mainly
limited, as usual, to the evolution of the Great Cov-
enant in his life; it is the history of the man him-
»elf rather than of the external events of his life ;
and. except in one or two instances (Gen. xii. 10-
iJO, xiv., xx., xxi. 22-34 ) it does not refer to his re-
'ution with the rest of the world. To them he may
mly have appeared as a chief of the handier Chal-
ABUAHAM
13
dsean race, disdaining the settled life of the mere
luxurious Canaanites, and fit to be hired by plun-
der as a protector against the invaders of the NoriV
(see Gen. xiv. 21-23). Nor is it unlikely, though
we have no historical evidence of it, that liis pas-
sage into Canaan may have been a sign or a cause
of a greater migration from Haran, and that he
may have been looked upon (e. g. by Abimclcch,
Gen. xxi. 22-32) as one who, from his position as
well as his high character, would be able to guido
such a migration for evil or for good (Ewald, Gench.
i. 409-413).
The traditions which Josephus adds to the Scrip-
I tural narrative, are merely such as, alter his man-
ner and in accordance with the aim of his writings,
exalt the knowledge and wisdom of Abraham, mak-
ing him the teacher of monotheism to the Chal-
deans, and of astronomy and mathematics to the
Egyptians. He quotes however Nicolaus of Da-
mascus,*' as ascribing to him the conquest and gov-
ernment of Damascus on his way to Canaan, and
stating that the tradition of his habitation was still
preserved there (Joseph. Ant. i. c. 7, § 2; see Gen.
xv. 2).
The Arab traditions are partly ante-Mohamme-
dan, relating mainly to the Ivaabah (or sacred
house) of Mecca, which Abraham and his son " Is-
mail" are said to have rebuilt for the fourth time
over the sacred black stone, lint in great meas-
ure they are taken from the Koran, which has it-
self borrowed from the 0. T. and from the llab-
hinical traditions. Of the latter the most remark-
able is the story of his having destroyed the idoli
(see Jud. v. 6-8) which Terah not only worshipped
(as declared in Josh. xxiv. 2), but also manufac-
tured, and having been cast by Nimrod into a fiery
furnace, which turned into a pleasant meadow.
The legend is generally traced to the word Ur
("^."J), Abraham's birth-place, which has also the
seuse of "light" or "fire." but the name of
Abraham appears to be commonly remembered in
tradition through a very large portion of Asia, and
the title " el-Khalil," "the Friend" (of God) (see
2 Chr. xx. 7; Is. xli. 8; Jam. ii. 23) is that by
which he is usually spoken of by the Arabs.
The Scriptural history of Abraham is divided
into various periods, by the various and progressive
revelations of God, which he received —
(1.) With his father Terah, his wife Sand, and
nephew Lot, Abram left Ur for Haran (Charran),
in obedience to a call of God (alluded to in Acts vii.
2-4). Haran, apparently the eldest brother — since
Nahor, and probably also Abram, c married his
daughter — was dead already ; and Nahor remained
behind (Gen. xi. 31). In Haran Terah died; and
Akrani, now the head of the family, received a
second call, and with it tire promise. 1 ' His promise
o • Langp's note (BibHwerk^ 1. 342), es[«eclauy as
Miiorged by I>r. ^liaff (Com. on Mat', p. 424), enu-
merates the principal explanations of this difficult ex-
traction ii.
b Nicolaus was a contemporary and favorite of Herod
the Oreut and Augustus. The quotation is probuoly
from an Universal History, - u 1 to hive contained 1 14
books.
'■' " 1- ali " i if > Gen. xi. 29) is generally supposed tt.
be the same person as Sarai. That Abram calls hex
bis " sister " Is not conclusive against it , for see xiv.
16. where Lot is called his " brother."
d H Is expressly stated in the Acts (vii. 4) that
Abram quitted Haran after his father's death. This
is supposed to be inconsistent with the statements that
Terah was "0 years old at the birth of Abram (Gen.
xi. 26); that he died at the age of 205 (Gen. xl. 32-,
and that Abram was 75 years old when he left Haran
hence it would seem to follow that Abram migrauwl
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14
ABRAHAM
m two-fold, containing both a temporal and spir-
itual blessing, the one of which waa the tjpe and
ttraeat of the other. The temporal promise was,
that he should become a great and prosperous na-
tion ; the spiritual, that in him " should all fWmtlion
of the earth be blessed" (Gen. xii. 2).
Abram appears to hare entered Canaan, as Jacob
afterwards did, along the valley of the Jabbok ; for
be crossed at once into the rich plain of Moreh,
near Sichem, and under Ebal and Uerizim. There,
in one of the most fertile spots of the land, he re-
ceived the first distinct promise of his future inher-
itance (Gen. xii. 7), and built his first altar to
God "The Canaanite" (it is noticed) "was then
in the land," and probably would view the strangers
cf the warlike north with uo friendly eyes. Ac-
cordingly Abram made his second resting-place in
the strong mountain country, the key of the various
passes, between Bethel and Ai. There he would
dwell securely, till famine drove bim into the richer
and more cultivated land of Egypt.
That his history is no ideal or heroic legend, is
very clearly shown, not merely by the record of his
deceit as to Sarai, practiced in Egypt and repeated
afterwards, but much more by the clear description
of its utter failure, and the humiliating position in
which it placed him in comparison with Pharaoh,
and still more with Abimelech. That be should
have felt afraid of such a civilized and imposing
power as Egypt even at that time evidently was,
is consistent enough with the Arab nature as it is
now ; that he should have sought to guard hinuelf
by deceit, especially of that kind which is true in
word and false in effect, is unfortunately not at all
incompatible with a generally religious character ;
but that such a story should have been framed in
an ideal description of a saint or hero is Inconceiv-
able.
The period of his stay In Egypt is not recorded,
but it is from this time that his wealth and power
appear to have begun (Gen. xiii. 2). If the domin-
ion of the Hyksos in Memphis is to be referred to
this epoch, as seems not improbable [Egypt], then,
since they were akin to the Hebrews, it is not im-
possible that Abram may have taken part in then-
war of conquest, and so have had another recom-
mendation to the favor of Pharaoh.
On his return, the very fact of this growing
wealth and importance caused the separation of Ix>t
«nd his portion of the tribe from Abram. Lot's
departure to the rich country of Sodom implied a
wish to quit the nomadic life and settle at once;
Abram, on the contrary, was content still to " dwell
In tents" and wait for the promised time (Heb.
si. 9). Probably till now he had looked on Lot as
his heir, and his separation from him was a Prov-
dtntial preparation for the future. From this time
oe took up his third resting-place at Mamie, or
Hebron, the future capital of Judah, situated in
the direct line of communication with Egypt, and
opening down to the wilderness and pasture land
of Beersheba. This very position, so different from
the mountain-fastness of Ai, marks the change in
the numbers and powers of his tribe.
The history of his attack on Chedorbomer, which
from Haran in his father's lifetime. Various explan-
ations have been given of this difficult/ ; the most
probable is, that the statement In Gen. xl. 26, that
Terah was "0 yean old when he begat his three chll-
lr»o. applies only to the oldest, Haran, and that the
Jlrthl cf his two younger children belonged to a sub-
sequent period [CmwieaTl.
ABRAHAM
follows, gives us a specimen of the view wh.es
would be taken of bim by the external world. By
the way in which it speaks of him as " Abram thi
Hebrew," ° it would seem to be an older document,
a fragment of Canaanitish history (as EwaJd calls
it), preserved and sanctioned by Moses. The inva-
sion was clearly another northern immigration or
foray, for the chiefs or kings were of Shinar (Baby-
lonia), Ellasar (Assyria?), Elam (Persia), Ac.; that
it was not the first, is evident from the vassalage
of the kings of the cities of the plain ; and it ex-
tended (see Gen. xiv. 6-7) far to the south over a
wide tract of country. Abram appears here as the
head of a small confederacy of chiefs, powerful
enough to venture on a long pursuit to the head of
the valley of the Jordan, to attack with success a
large force, and not only to rescue Ix>t, but to roll
back for a time the stream of northern immigra-
tion. His high position is seen in the gratitude
of the people, and the dignity with which he refuses
the character of a hireling ; that it did not elate
him above measure, is evident from his reverence
to Melchizedek, in whom he recognized one whose
call was equal and consecrated rank superior to his
own [Mklchizkdek].
(II.) The second period of Abram's life is marked
by the fresh revelation, which, without further
unfolding the spiritual promise, completes the tem-
poral one, already in course of fulfillment. It first
announced to him that a child of his own should
inherit the promise, and that his seed should be at
the " stars of heaven." This promise, unlike the
other, appeared at his age contrary to nature, and
therefore it is on this occasion that his faith is
specially noted, as accepted and "counted for right-
eousness." Accordingly, he now psased into a new
position, for not only is a fuller revelation given as
to the captivity of his seed in Egypt, the time of
their deliverance, and their conquest of the land,
" when the iniquity of the Amorites was full," but
after bis solemn burnt-offering the visible appear-
ance of God in fire is vouchsafed to bim as a sign,
and he tnlert into corenortt with the Ix>rd (Gen.
xv. 18). This covenant, like the earlier one with
Noah (Gen. ix. 9-17), is one of free promise from
God, faith only in that promise being required from
man.
The immediate consequence was the taking of
Hagar, Sarai 's maid, to lie a concubine of Abram
(as a means for the fulfillment of the promise of
seed), and the conception of lshmael.
(III.) For fourteen years after, no more is re-
corded of Abram, who seems during all that period
to have dwelt at Manire. After that time, in
Abram's 99th year, the last step in the revelation
of the promise is made, by the declaration that it
should be given to a son of Sarai ; and at the same
time the temporal and spiritual elements are dis-
tinguished ; lshmael can share only the one, Isaac
is to enjoy the other. The covenant, which before
was only for temporal inheritance (Gen. xv. 18), is
now made "everlasting," and sealed by circum-
cision. This new state is marked by the changi
of Abram's name to " Abraham," and Sarai's U
" Sarah," b and it was one of far greater acquaint-
<• 'O irtpanx, LXX. If this sense of the word bt
taken, it strengthens the supposition noticed, lo any
case, the name is that applied to the Israelites by for
eigoers, or used by them of themselves only in speak
ing to foreigners : see Hxmasw.
' The or*.gtnal name "»^BJ I* uncertain in derin
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ABRAHAM
ince and intercourse with God. For, immediately
*ft«r, we read of the Lord's appearance to Abraham
in human form, attended by two angels, the minis-
ters of His wrath against Sodom, of His announce-
ment of the coming judgment to Abraham, and
acceptance of his intercession for the condemned
cities. The whole record stands alone in Scripture
for the simple and familiar intercourse of God with
him, contrasting strongly with the vaguer and
more awful descriptions of previous appearances
(see e. g. xv. 12), and with those of later times
((len. xxviii. 17, xxxii. 30; Ex. iii. G, &c). And
corresponding with this there is a perfect absence
of all fear oc Abraham's part, and a cordial and
reverent joy, which, more than anything else, recalls
the time past when " the voice of the Lord God
was heard, walking in the garden in the cool of the
day."
Strangely unworthy of this exalted position as
the " Friend M and intercessor with God, is the
repetition of the falsehood as to Sarah in the land
of the Philistines (Gen. xx.). It was the first time
he had come in contact with that tribe or collection
of tribes, which stretched along the coast almost to
the borders of Egypt; a race apparently of lords
ruling over a conquered population, and another
example of that series of immigrations which ap-
pear to have taken place at this time. It seems,
from Abraham's excuse for his deceit on this occa-
sion, as if there had been the idea in his mind that
all arms may l)e used against unbelievers, who, it
is assumed, have no "fear of God," or sense of
right. If so, the rebuke of Abimelech, by its dig-
uity and its clear recognition of a God of ju.itice,
must have put him to manifest shame, and taught
him that others also were servants of the Ix)rd.
This period again, like that of the sojourn in
Egypt, was one of growth in power and wealth, as
the respect of Abimelech and his alarm for the
future, so natural in the chief of a race of conquer-
ing invaders, very clearly shows. Abram's settle-
ment at Ilecrsheba, on the borders of the desert,
near the Amalekite plunderers, shows both that he
needed room, and was able to protect himself and
his flocks.
The birth of Isaac crowns his happiness, and
fulfills the first great promise of God; and the ex-
pulsion of Ishmael, painful as it was to him, and
vindictive as it seems to have been on Sarah's part,
was yet a step in the education which was to teach
him to give up all for the one irreat object. The
symbolical meaning of the act (drawn out in Gal.
Uon and meaning. Gewnius renders It " nobility,"
from the same root m " Sarah " ; Eivald by " quarrol-
»im" (from the root fT^E2? In dense of rt to fight").
The name Sarah, TT^tt?. b certainly "princess."
■ Tradition still points out the supposed site of this
appearance of the Lord to Abraham. About a mile
from Hebron is a beautiful and massive oak, which
•till bears Abraham's name. The residence of the
oatriarch was called " the oaks of Main re," errone-
»usiy translated in A. V. B the plain " of Maniro (Gen.
till. 18, xviil. 1); but it is doubtful wheth-r this is
the exact spot, since the tradition In the time of Jo-
fcphus (B. J. iv. 9, § 7) was attached to a terebinth.
rh» tree no longer remains ; but there in no doubt
iwt it stood within the ancient enclosure, which is
«ill callwd "Abraham's House." A fair was held
Mneath It In the time of Constantine, and It remained
K> the time of Theodotiius. (Robinson, II. 81 *i.
18G6; Stanley, S. ff P. p. 143.)
ABRAHAM 15
v. 21-31) could not haie been wholly unfelt ej
the patriarch himself, so far as it involved the Bense
of the spiritual nature of the promise, and carriHl
out the fore-ordained will of God.
(IV.) Again for a long period (25 years, Joseph
Ant. i. 13, § 2) the history is silent: then comes
the final trial and perfection of his faith in the
command to offer up the child of his affections and
of God's promise. The trial lay, firH in the
preciousness of the sacrifice, and the perplexity in
which the command involved the fulfillment of the
promise; secondly, in the strangeness of the com-
mand to violate the human life, of which the sa-
credness had been enforced by God's special cora
maud (Gen. ix. 0, G), as well as by the feelings cr
a father. To these trials he rose superior by faith,
that u God was able to raise Isaac even from the
dead" (Heb. xi. 19), probably through Jie same
faith to which our Lovd refers, that God had
promised to be the " God of Isaac n (Gen. xvii. 1!J),
and that he was not » a God of the dead, but of
the living." b
It is remarkable that, in the blessing given to
him now, the original spiritual promise is repeated
for the first time since his earliest oil, and in the
same words then used. But the promise that u in
his seed all nations should be blessed" would be
now understood very differently, and felt, to be far
above the tMBgHttl promise, in which, perhaps, at
first it seemed to be absorbed. It can hardly be
wrong to refer preeminently to this epoch the de-
claration, that Abraham "saw the day of Christ
and was glad " (.John viii. 5G).
The history of Abraham is now all but over,
though his life was prolonged for nearly 00 years.
The only other incidents are' the death and burial
of Sarah, the marriage of Isaac with Kebekah, and
that of Abraham with Keturah.
The death of Sarah took place at Kirjath Arba,
i. e. Hebron, so that Abraham must have returned
from lieersheba to his old and more peaceful home-
In the history of her burial, the most notable
points are the respect paid to the power and char-
acter of Abraham, as a mighty prince, and tha
exceeding modesty and courtesy of his demeanor.
It is sufficiently striking that the only inheritance
of his family in the land of promise should be a
tomb. The sepulchral cave of Machpelah is now
said to be concealed under the Mosque of Hebron
(.see Stanley, & <f P. p. 101). [Hkhkon.]
The marriage of Isaac, so far as Abraham u
concerned, marks his utter refusal to ally his son
with the polluted and condemned blood of the Ca-
naanites.
The marriage with Keturah is the strangest rat
most unexpected event recorded in his life, Abra-
ham having long ago been spoken of as an old man;
but his youth having been restored before the birth
of Isaac, must have remained to him, and Isaac's
b The scone of the sacrifice is, according to out
present text, and to Joseph us, the land of ° Moriah,"
or fT^rtO) chosen Vy Jehovah, Oes. (comp. the name
ff Jehovah-Jlroh "). The Samaritan Pentateuch ban
f * Moreh, 1 ' "TT1Q; theLXX. render the word here by
tV u^tjXtji , the phrase u*od for what is undoubtedly
"Morah " la xii. 6, whereas in 2 Chr. iii. they render
"Moriah" by 'Ajiwpta : they therefore probably read
■ Moreh " also. The fact of the three days' journe?
from Beersheha suits Moreh bettor (see Stanley's S. 4
P. p. 261); other considerations seem In fcvor of M>
riah. |Mow\u.|
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16
ABRAHAM'S BOSOM
marriage having taken hi* ton comparatively away,
nay have induced him to leek a wife to be the
tupport of his old age. Keturah held a lower rank
ihan Sarah, and her children were sent away, lest
they should dispute the inheritance of Isaac, Abra-
ham having learnt to do voluntarily in their case
what had been forced upon him in the case of Ish-
mael.
Abraham died at the age of 175 years, and his
sons, the heir Isaac, and the outcast Ishniael, united
to lay him in the cave of Machpelah by the side
of Sarah.
His descendants were (1) the Israelites; (2) a
branch of the Arab tribes through Iahmael; (3)
the " children of the East," of whom the Midian-
iccs were the chief; (4) perhaps (as cognate tribes),
the nations of Ammon and Moab (see these names) ;
and through their various branches his name is
known all over Asia. A. B.
* On Abraham, see particularly Ewald, Gach.
L 409-139, 2e Aufl. ; Kurtz, GescA. da A. BuntUt,
2e Aufl., i. 160-215; and Stanley, Led. an tlie
But. of the Jctculi Church, Part I., Lcct i., ii.
The Jewish legends respecting him have been col-
lected by Beer, Leben Abrahamt nach Aufftutung
dcr jmiischen Sagt, Leipz. 1859 ; see also Eiaen-
menger's Entdeckttt JudrnUium. A.
ABRAHAMS BOSOM. During the Ro-
man occupation of Jud sea, at least, the practice of
reclining on couches at meals was customary among
the Jews. As each guest leaned upon his left
arm, his neighbor next below him would naturally
be described as lying in his bosom ; and such a po-
sition with respect to the master of the house was
one of especial honor, and only occupied by his
nearest friends (John i. 18, xiii. 24). To Ue in
Abraham's bosom, then, was a metaphor in use
among the Jews to denote a condition after death
of perfect happiness and rest, and a position of
friendship and nearness to the great founder of
their race, when they shall lie down on his right
hand at the banquet of Paradise, " with Abraham,
and Isaac, and Jacob, in the kingdom of heaven "
(Matt. viii. 11). That the expression wis in use
among the Jews is shown by Lightfoot (//or. Utb.
m Luc xvi. 22), who quotes a passage from the
Talmud (KiiiJuiliin, fol. 72), which, according to
his interpretation, represents Levi as saying in
reference to the death of Kabbi Judali, " to-day he
dwelleth in Abraham's bosom." 'Hie future bless-
edness of the just was represented under the figure
of a banquet, "Die banquet of the garden of Kdi-n
or Paradise." See Schoettgen, Hvr. Iltb. in Matt.
vin. 11. [Lazarus.] W. A. W.
ATBRAM. [Abraham.]
ABROTiAH {np-?V [/««««<], from
~2 "J", to cross over), one of the haiting-pLvces of
•lie Israelites in the desert, immediately preceding
Kzion geber, and therefore, looking to the root, the
name may possibly retain the trace of a ford across
the head of the Khnitic Gulf. In the A. V. it is
given as Kbronab ('E.$paei ; [Vat 2i$i>aya] ffe-
Wona) (Num. xxxiii. 34, 35). G.
ABBOT* AS ('Afyowas; [Comp. 'Ap0au>af;
*M. 'Ap&ovdi: Mambri\), a torrent (x«//io#of),
ipparently near Cilicia [Jud. ii. 34 compared with
15] : if so, it may possibly be the Niihr Abraim,
jr ibrahim, the ancient Adonis, which rises in the
Lebanon at Aflca, and falls into the sea at Jebtil
FByblos). It has, however, been conjectured (Mo-
ABSALOM
vers, Burner ZaU. xiii. 38) that the word is a cor-
ruption of "^JU "•?? = beyond the river (Eu-
phrates), which has just before been mentioned ; ■
corruption not more inconceivable than many whic>
actually exist in the LXX. The A. V. baa Ah
bokaj (Jud. ii. 24). G.
ABSALOM (oVjtr^S, fatlttr «/ ptact
' K&tcrcrakJiu. • Abtalum), third son of David by
Maachah, daughter of Taknai king of Gesliur, s
Syrian district adjoining the north-eastern frontier
of the Holy Land near the Lake of Meroin. He is
scarcely mentioned till after David had committed
the great crime which by its consequences embit-
tered his old age, and then appears as the instru-
ment by whom was fulfilled God's threat against the
sinful king, that " evil should be raised up against
him out of his own house, and that his neighbor
should lie with his wives in the sight of the sun."
In the latter part of David's reign, polygamy bore iu
ordinary fruits. Not only is his sin in the case of
Uathsbeba traceable to it, since it naturally suggests
the unlimited indulgence of the passions, but it also
brought about the punishment of that sin, by rais-
ing up jealousies and conflicting claims between the
sons of different mothers, each apparently living
with a separate house and establishment (2 Sam.
xiii. 8, xiv. 24; cf. 1 K. vii. 8, Ac.). Absalom
had a sister Tamar, who was violated by her half-
brother Aranon, David's eldest son by Ahinoain,
the Jezreelitess. The king, though indignant at so
great a crime, would not punish Amnou because he
was his first-born, as we leant from the words koI
ovk iKirrnat rb rrveufm. 'Auvisv rov viov ovtoO,
Sri irydwa avToV, Srt wpwt6tokos aurov ^v, which
are found in the LXX. (2 bam. xiii. 21), though
wanting in the Hebrew. The natural avenger of
such an outrage would be Tamar's full brother Ab
salom, just as the sons of Jacob took bloody ven-
geance for their sister Dinah (Gen. xxxiv.). He
brooded over the wrong for two years, and then in-
vited all the princes to a sheep-shearing feast at his
estate in Hoal-hazor, possibly an old Canaanitish
sanctuary (as we infer from the prefix Uaal), on the.
borders of Epbraim and Benjamin. Here he or
dered his servants to murder Ainnou, and then Ced
for safety to his father-in-law's court at Gesh'ir,
where he remained for three years. David was over-
whelmed by this accumulation of family sorrows,
thus completed by separation from his favorite
son, whom he thought it impossible to pardon or
recall. But he was brought back by an artifice of
Joab, who sent a woman of Tekoah (afterwards
known as the birthplace of the prophet Amos) to en-
treat the king's interfere! cc in a siipi < sititious cat*
similar to Absalom's. Having persuaded David to
prevent the avenger of blood from pursuing a young
man, who, she said, had slain his brother, she
adroitly applied his assent to the recall of Absalom,
and urged him, as he had thus yielded the general
principle, to "fetch home his banished." David
did so, but would not see Absalom for two more
years, though he allowed him to live in Jerusalem.
At latt wearied with delay, perceiving that his
triumph was only half complete, and that his ex-
clusion from court interfered with the ambitious
schemes which he was forming, fancying too that
sufficient exertions were not made in his favor, the
impetuous young man sent his servant* to burn a
field of corn near his own, bekuiging to Joab, thus
doing as Samson had done (Judg. xv. 4). There
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ABSALOM
spoo. Joab, probably dreading some further outrage
than his viijence, brought him to his lather, from
whom he received the kiss of reconciliation- Ab-
salom now began at once to prepare for rebellion,
urged to it partly by his own restless wickedness,
partly perhaps by the fear lest Bathsheba's child
should supplant him in the succession, to which he
would feel himself entitled as of royal birth on his
mother's side as well as his father's, and as being
now David's eldest surviving sou, since we may in-
fer that the second son Chileab was dead, from no
mention being made of him after 2 Sam. iii. 3. it
is harder to account for his temporary success, and
the imminent danger which befell so powerful a gov-
ernment as his lather's. The sin with Bathsheba
had probably weakened David's moral and religious
hold upon the people ; and as he grew older he may
have become less attentive to individual complaints,
and that personal administration of justice which
was one of an eastern king's chief duties, tor Ab-
salom tried to supplant his father by courting pop-
ularity, standing in the gate, conversing with every
suitor, lamenting the difficulty which he would find
in getting a hearing, " putting forth his hand and
kissing any man who came nigh to do him obei-
sance." He also maintained a splendid retinue
(xr 1), and was admired for his personal beauty
and the luxuriant growth of his hair, on grounds
similar to those which had made Saul acceptable
(1 Sam. x. 23). It is probable, too, that the great
tribe of Judah had taken some offense at David's
government, perhaps from finding themselves com-
pletely merged in one united Israel ; and that they
Loped secretly for preeminence under the less wise
and liberal rule of his son. Thus Absalom selects
Hebron, the old capital of Judah (now supplanted
by Jerusalem), as the scene of the outbreak ; Amasa
bis chief captain, and Ahithophel of Giloh his prin-
cipal counsellor, are both of Judah, and after the
rebellion was crushed we see signs of ill-feeling
between Judah and the other tribes (xix. 41). But
whatever the causes may have been, Absalom
raised the standard of revolt at Hebron after forty
years, as we now read in 2 Sam. xv. 7, which it
seems better to consider a false reading for four
(the number actually given by Josephus), than to
interpret of the fortieth year of David's reign (see
Oerlach, in loco, and Ewald, Getchichte, iii. 217).
The revolt was at first completely successful ; David
Bed from his capital over the Jordan to Mahanaim
in GUead, where Jacob had seen the " Two Hosts "
of the angelic vision, and where Abner had rallied
the Israelites round Saul's dynasty in the person of
the unfortunate Ishbosheth. Absalom occupied Je-
rusalem, and by the advice of Ahithophel, who saw
that for such an unnatural rebellion war to the
knife was the best security, took possession of
David's harem, in which he had left ten concubines.
This was considered to imply a formal assumption
of all his father's royal rights (cf. the conduct oi
Adonijab, 1 K. ii. 13 ff., and of Smerdis the Ma-
nan, Herod, iii. 68), and was also a fulfillment of
Nathan's prophecy (2 Sam. xii. 11). But David
had left friends who watched over his interests.
The vigorous counsels of Ahithophel were afterwards
rejected through the crafty advice of Hushai, who
insinuated himself into Absalom s confidence to
work his ruin, and Ahithophel jimself, seeing his
ambitious hopes frustrated, and another preferred
by the man for whose sake he had turned traitor,
Mnt hont 9 to Giloh and committed suicide. At
•at, after being solemnly anointed king at Jerusa-
ABSALOM
r,
lem (xix. 10), aud lingering there far luuger than wai
expedient, Absalom crossed the Jordan to attack his
father, who by this time had rallied round him a
considerable force, whereas had Ahithophel' s advice
been followed, he would probably have been crushed
at once. A decisive battle was fought in Gilead,
in the wood of Ephraim, so called, according to
Gerlach ( Comm. in loco), from the great defeat of
the Ephraimites (Judg. xii. 4), or perhaps from
the connection of Ephraim with the trans-Jordanic
half-tribe of Manasseh (Stanley, S. and P. p.
323). Here Absalom's forces were totally defeated,
and as he bimeetf was escaping, his long hair was
entangled in the branches of a terebinth, where he
was left hanging while the mule on which he was
riding ran away from under him. Here he was
dispatched by Joab, in spite of the prohibition of
David, who, loving him to the last, had desired that
his life might be spared, and when he heard of his
death, lamented over him in the pathetic words,
my ton Absalom! would God 1 had died for
thee ! Absalom, my ion, my ton ! He was
buried in a great pit in the forest, and the con-
querors threw stones over his grave, an old proof
of bitter hostility (Josh. vii. 26).« The sacred
historian contrasts this dishonored burial with the
tomb which Absalom had raised in the King't dale
(comp. Gen. xiv. 17) for the three sons whom he
had lost (comp. 2 Sam. xviii. 18, with xiv. 27), and
where he probably had intended that his own re-
mains should be laid. Josephus (Ant. vii. 10, § 3)
mentions the pillar of Absalom as situate 2 stadia
from Jerusalem. An existing monument in the
valley of Jehoshaphat just outside Jerusalem bears
the name of the Tomb of Absalom ; but the Ionic
pillars which surround its base show that it belongs
to a much later period, even if it be a tomb at alL
G. E. L. C.
The so-called Tomb of Absalom.
ABSALOM ('ABt<roi\uut>s; [Comp. Alex.
'Atf><aA.»uoi, and so Sin. 1 M. xiii.:] Abtobnuu,
a • The same custom of heaping up stones as a
mark of detestation and Ignominy over the groves of
perpetrators of crimes, Is still observed In the land*
of the Bible. For Illustrations of this, see Thomsons
Land and Book, Ii. 234, aud Bonar's Mfuira of *
nury to (Ae Jam, p. 818. B
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18
ABSALON
Abmiomut) the father of Mattathias (1 Mace. zL
TO) and Jonathan (1 Mace, ziii. 11).
B. F. W.
AB'SALON CA/8«<ro-a\<fy»: Abuafom). An
imbassador with John from the Jews to Lysias,
:hirf governor of Cols-Syria and Phcenice (2
Mace. xi. IT). W. A. W.
ABUTBUS (\A0oii0os: Abobut). Father of
Ptoleraeus, who was captain of the plain of Jericho,
and son-in-law to Simon Maccabeus (1 Mace. xvi.
U, 15). W. A. \V.
• ABYSS. [Dbkp, the.] H. -
AOATAN ('Ajcord*: EcceUm). Hakkatan
(I E8dr.vui.38). W. A. W.
ACCAD ("T3N [fortreu according to Furst]:
A/>x& : Achad), one of the cities in the land of
Shinar — the others being babel, Krech, and Cal-
neh — which were the beginning of Nimrod's king-
dom (Gen. x. 10). A great many conjectures have
been formed as to its identification: — 1. Following
the reading of the oldest version (the LXX.), the
river Argades, mentioned by /Elian as in the Per-
sian part of Sittacene beyond the Tigris, has been
put forward (Bochart, Phal. iv. 17). But this is
too far east. 2. Sacada, a town stated by Ptolemy
to have stood at the junction of the Lycus (Great
Zab) with the Tigris, below Nineveh (I<eclerc, in
Winer). 3. A district " north of Babylon " called
'\kk4\tti (Knobel, 6'enesu, p. 108). 4. And per-
haps in the absence of any remains of the name this
has the greatest show of evidence in its favor, Nisi-
bis, a city on the Kknbour river still retaining its
name (Nisibin), and situated at the N. E. part of
Mesopotamia, about 150 miles east of Or fa, and
midway between it and Nineveh. We have the tes-
timony of Jerome ( Ononu.utiron, Achnd), that it
was the belief of the Jews of his day (//eorcri cticunt)
that Nisibis was Accad ; a belief confirmed by the
renderings of the Targums of Jerusalem and Pseu-
do-jonathan (7^2^*2), and of Ephraem Syrus;
and also by the fact that the ancient name of Ni-
sibis was Acar (Koscumiiller, ii. 29), which U the
word given in the early Peshito version i-2j, and
also occurring in three MSS. of the Onomastkon
of Jerome. (See the note to "Achad" in the
edition of Jerome, Yen. 1767, vol. iii. p. 127.)
The theory deduced by Rawlinson from the latest
Assyrian researches is, that " Akkad " was the
name of the " great primitive Hamite race who in-
habited Babylonia from the earliest time," who
iriginated the arts and sciences, and whose language
was " the great parent stock from which the trunk
stream of the Semitic tongues sprang." " In the
inscriptions of Sargon the name of Akkad is ap-
jlied to the Armenian mountains instead of the
vernacular title of Ararat." (liawlinson, in fferod-
ottu, i. 310, note.) The name of the city is be-
ttered to have been discovered in the inscriptions
under the form Kinzi Akkad {ibid. p. 447). G.
ACCAKON. [Ekhos.]
4.CCHO ('12?, *o<snnrf(?):»Aicx«.*Airn,
Strabo; the Ptolemais of the Maccabees and X.
T.), now called Acca, or more usually by Europeans,
Saint Jean It Acre, the most important sea-port
town on the Syrian coast, about 30 miles S. of
Tyre. It was situated on a slightly projecting
headland, at the northern extremity of that spacious
•ay — the only inlet of any importance along the
ACELDAMA
whole sea-board of Palestine — which Li formed bj
the bold promontory of Carmel on the opposite side
This bay, though spacious (the distance from Acchc
to Carmel being about 8 miles), is shallow and ex-
posed, and hence Accho itself does not at all timet
offer safe harborage; on the opposite side of the
bay, however, the roadstead of Haifa, immediately
under Carmel, supplies this deficiency. Inland the
hills, which from Tyre southwards press close upon
the sea-shore, gradually recede, leaving in the imme-
diate neighborhood of Accho a plain of remarkable
fertility about six miles broad, and watered by the
small river Melus (Kahr Namin), which discharges
itself into the sea close under the walls of the
town. To the S. E. the still receding heights
afford access to the interior in the direction of Sep-
phoris. Accho, thus favorably placed in command
of the approaches from the north, both by sea and
land, has been justly termed the " key of Pales-
tine."
In the division of Canaan among the tiibes,
Accho fell to the lot of Asher, but was never
wrested from its original inhabitants (Judg. i. 81):
and hence it is reckoned among the cities of
Phoenicia (Strab. ii. 134; Plin. v. 17; Ptol. v.
15). No further mention is made of it in the
O. T. history, nor does it appear to have risen to
much importance until after the dismemberment
of the Macedonian empire, when its proximity to
the frontier of Syria made it an object of frequent
contention. Along with the rest of Phoenicia it
fell to the lot of Egypt, and was named Itolemais,
after one of the Ptolemies, probably Soter, who
could not have failed to see its importance to his
dominions in a military point of view. In the
wars that ensued between Syria and Egypt, it was
taken by Antiochus the Great (Ptol. v. 62), and
attached to his kingdom. When the Maccabees
established themselves in Judam, it became the
base of operations against them. Simon drove his
enemies back within its walls, but did not take it
(1 Mace. v. 22). Subsequently, when Alexander
Bolas set up his claim to the Syrian throne, he
could offer no more tempting bait to secure the co-
operation of Jonathan than the possession of Ptol"-
mais and its district (1 Mace. x. 39). (Jn the decay
of the Syrian power it was one of the few cities
of Judeea which established it* mde(>eiidence. Al-
exander Jannseus attacked it without success.
Cleopatra, whom be had summoned to his assist-
ance, took it, and transferred it, with her daughter
Selene, to the Syrian monarchy : under her rule it
was besieged and taken by Tigranes (Joseph. Ant.
xiii. 12, §2; 13, § 2; 10, § 4). Ultimately it
passed into the ha'ids nf the Komans, who con-
structed a military road along the coast, from
Berytus to Sepphoris, passing through it, and ele-
vated it to the rank of a colony, with the title
Colonia Claudii Cwsaris (Plin. v. 17). The only
notice of it in the N. T. is in connection with St
Paul's passage from Tyre to (tesarea (Acts xxi. 7 '
Few remains of antiquity are to be found in th#
modern town. The original name has alone sur-
vival all the changes to which the place has been
exposed. W. L. B.
ACCOS CAk« St; [Alex. A« x <«, Fielu: l Ja -
cob), father of John and grandfather of Eupolemtu
the ambassador fron Judas Maccalueus to Home (1
Mace. viii. 17).
AC'COZ. [Koz.]
ACEI/DAMA ('AmAtotut; Ivnm |aos
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ACELDAMA
tWh.] ([Sin] B) 'AKeAoo/ufx : Baceklama); x »~
<w dtparos, "the 6eld of blood; " (Cbdd. ^p_?
S2^T), the name given by the Jews of Jerusalem
to a "field" (x<aplov) near Jerusalem purchased
by Judas with the money which he received for the
betrayal of Christ, and so called from his violent
death therein (Acts i. 10). This is at variance
with the account of St. Matthew (xxvii. 8), accord-
ing to which the " field of blood " (aypbs aiuarm I
was purchased by the Priests with the 30 pieces of
silver after they had been cast down by Judas, M a
burial-place for strangers, the locality t>eing well
known at the time as " the field of the Potter," ■
{rbv itypbv too xepafifus '■ See Alford's notes to
Acts i. 1!*. And accordingly ecclesiastical tradition
appears from the earliest times to have pointed out
two distinct (though not unvarying) spot3 as re-
ferred to in the two accounts. In Jerome's time
{Onont. Achebi'iina) the "ager sanguinis" was
shown " ad australem b plagain montis Sion." A r-
culfus (p. 4) saw the u large Jiff-tree where Judas
hanged himself," certainly in a different place from
that of the "small field (Aceldama) where the
)>odies of pilgrims were buried 1 ' (p. 5). Saewulf
(p. -42) was shown Aceldama " next" to Gethsem-
ane, u at the foot of Olivet, near the sepulchres
•>\ Simeon and Joseph " (Jacob and Zacliarias).
In the " (Jitez de Jherusalem" (Bob. ii- 500) the
place of the suicide of Judas was shown as a stone
arch, apparently inside the city, and giving its
name to a street. Sir John Maundeville (p. 175)
found the " fltler-txea " of Judas "fast by" the
** image of Absalom; " but the Aceldama "on the
uther side of Mount Sion towards the south."
Maundrell's account (p. 408-9) agrees with this,
and so does the large map of Schultz, on which
both sites are marked. The Aceldama still retains
its ancient position, but the tree of Judas has been
transferred to the u Hill of Evil Counsel " (Stanley,
S. <f P. pp. 105, 18G ; and Barclay's Map, 1857,
and u CStJL** Ac. pp. 75, 208).
The u field of blood ' ' is now shown on the steep
southern face of the valley or ravine of Hinnom,
near its eastern end; on a narrow plateau (Salz-
inann, EtwU, p. 22), more than half way up the
hill-side. Its modern name is link ed-damm. It
Ls separated by no enclosure ; a few venerable olive-
bees (sec Salzmann s photograph, " Champ dtt
long " ) occupy part of it, and the rest is covered by
a ruined square edifice — half built, half excavated
— which, perhaps originally a church (Pauli, in
RitUr, Pat p. 464), was in Maundrell's time (p.
468) in use as a charnel-house, and which the latest
conjectures (Schultz, Williams, and Barclay, p. 207)
propose to identify with the tomb of Anauus (Joseph.
B. J. v. 12, § 2). It was believed in the middle
ages that the soil of this place had the power of very
rapidly consuming bodies buried in it (Sandys, p.
187), and in consequence either of this or of the
sanctity of the spot, great quantities of the earth
wre taken away ; amongst others by the Pisan Cru-
ACELDAMA
19
" The prophecy referred to by St. Matthew, Zecha-
rl&h (not Jeremiah) xi. 12, 13, doen no' in the present
ttate of the Hebrew text agree with the quotation of
he Evangelist. The Syriao Version omits the name
altogether.
& Busebios, from whom Jeromo translated, hits here
v fioptiotr. This may be a clerical error, or It may
ftdd 'ui'.tt/.r to the many instances existing of the
ihange of a traditional site to meet circumstances.
saders in 1218 for their Campo Santo at Pisa, and
by the Empress Helena for that at Home (Kob. i.
355; Raumer, p. 270). Besides the charnel-house
above mentioned, there are several large hollows in
the ground in this immediate neighborhood which
may have t>een caused by such excavations. The
formation of the hill is cretaceous, and it is well
known that chalk is always favorable to the rapid
decay of animal matter. The assertion i Ki.it it. p.
11*3; Hitter, Pal p. 403) that a pottery still exists
near this spot does not seem to be borne out by
other testimony. G.
* There are other views on some of the points
embraced in this article, which deserve to be men-
tioned. The contradiction said to exist between
Matt, xxvii. 8 and Acta i. 19 is justly qualified
in the Concise Dictionary as "apparent," and
hence not necessarily actual. The difficulty turns
wholly upon a single word, namely, iierftaaTO,
in Acts i. 18; and that being susceptible of a two-
fold sense, we are at lilierty certainly to choose
the one which agrees with Matthew's statement,
instead of the one conflicting with it. Many un-
derstand ^KT^aaro in Acts as having a Hiphil or
causative sense, as (ireek verbs, especially in the
middle voice, often have (Win. A'. T. (Jr. § 38, 3;
Scheuerl. Syntax, p. 298). With this meaning,
Luke in the Acts (or Peter, since it may be the
latter s remark,) states that Judas by his treachery
gave occasion for the purchase of " the potter's
field"; and that is precisely what Matthew states
in saying that the priests purchased the field, since
they did it with the money furnished to them by
the traitor. In like manner we read in the Cos-
pels that Jesus when crucified was put to death by
the Roman soldiers ; but in Acts v. 30, Peter says
to the member* of the Jewish Council: — " Whom
(Jesus) ye slew, hanging on a tree":'' which all
accept as meaning that the Jewish rulers were the
means of procuring the Saviour's death. For other
examples of this causative sense of verbs, comp.
Matt. ii. 10, xxvii. 60; John iv. 1; Acts vii. 21,
xvi. 23; 1 Cor. vii. 10; 1 Tim. iv. 10, etc. As
explaining, perhaps, why Peter chose this concise
mode of expression, Kritzsche'a remark may be
quoted: — The man (a sort of acerba irristia)
thought to enrich himself by his crime, but only
got by it a field where blood was paid for blood
{Kvang. Mutt. p. 700). Many of the best critics,
as Kuinoel, Olshausen, Tholuck ( J/5, notes),
Kbrard (iVusenseh. KrUik, p. 543), Baumgarten,
(Ajxwtelgesch. p. 31), Lange {BUwlwark, i. 400),
I echler {Drr Ajjost. Gtsch. p. 14), Robinson {Har-
mony, p. 227), Andrews {Life of our Lord, p.
511), and others, adopt this explanation.
It does not affect the accuracy of Matthew or
Luke whether "tha field of blood" which they
mention was the present Aceldama or not; for they
affirm nothing as to its position beyond implying
that it was a "potter's field" near Jerusalem.
c * KmQVs statement is ( Topograpliie Jeriaattms, p.
193) that he saw people cutting or digging up c.ny
there (Erde stechen), and not that they worked it up
on the ground. Schultz, the Prussian consul (Jerusa-
lem, eine VorUsun^, p. 39), and Porter {Giant Cities, p.
147), speak of a bed of clay In that place. See, also,
Williams's Holy City, ii. 495. There Is a pottery at
Jerusalem at present, for which the clay is obbtined
from the hill ore* the valley of Hinnom. Ii.
ft •The A. V. strangely misrepresents the Greek
here, as if the putting to death of Jesus was prior tc
the crucifixion. II
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ACELDAMA
Nor dws the existence of traditions which point
out different spots as "the field," prove that the
first Christians recognized two different accounts, i.
e. a contradiction in the statements of Matthew and
Luke; for the variant traditions are not old enough
(that of Arculf A.D. 700) to be traced to any such
source. Yet it is not impossible that the potter's
field which the Jews purchased may actually be the
present Aceldama, which overlooks the valley of
Hinnom. The receptacles for the dead which ap-
pear in tile rocks in that quarter show that the
ancient Jews were accustomed to bury tiers.
It is usually assumed that Judas came to his
miserable end on the very field which had been
bought with his 30 pieces of silver. It was for a
I (refold reason, says Ligbtfoot (//or. Ihbr. p. 690),
that the field was called Aceldama ; first, because,
as stated in Matt, xxvii. 7, it bad been bought with
the price of blood; and, secondly, because it was
sprinkled with the man's blood who took that price.
Such congruities often mark the retributions of
guilt. Yet it should be noted that Luke does not
say in so many words that Judas " fell headlong
and burst asunder " on the field purchased with his
" reward of iniquity " ; but may mean that the field
was called Aceldama because the fact of the trai-
tor's bloody end, whether it occurred in one place
x another, was so notorious (yywrrby iyivtro . . .
Sore KA7j0ijra<). Iu either case there is no incon-
sistency between the two reasons assigned by Mat-
thew and Luke for the appellation : the field could
be called Aceldama with a double emphasis, both
because it was " the price *f blood," and because
the guilty man's blood was shed there by his own
hand.
Further, the giving of the 30 pieces of silver,
" the price of him that was valued," for the " pot-
ter's field," fulfilled an O. T. prophecy. But why
the evangelist (Matt, xxvii. 9) should refer this
prophecy to Jeremiah, and not Zechariah (Zech.
xi. 12, 13), in whom the words are found, is a
question not easy to answer. Possibly as the Jews
(according to the Talmudic order) placed Jeremiah
at the head of the prophets, his name is cited
merely as a general title of the prophetic writings.
See Davidson's BibL Ciiticum, I 330. Dr. K.
Robinson (Uarmont/, p. 227) agrees with those who
think Jii tov irpocWp-ou may be the true reading,
but certainly against the external testimony. The
view of Heugstenberg is that though Zechariah's
prophecy was directly Messianic and that of Jere-
miah ante-Messianic and national yet they both
really prophesy one truth (namely, that the people
who spurn God's mercies, be they his prophets and
their warnings or Clirist and his Gospel, shall lie
hcmselves spurned); and hence Matthew in effect
quotes them both, but names Jeremiah only because
be was better known, and because Zechariah incor-
porates the older prophecy with his own so as to give
to the latter the effect of a previous fulfillment as a
pledge for the future : the common truth taught
in the two passages, and the part of " the potter "
in conspicuous in them, being supposed sufficient to
sumoniah the reader of this relation of the proph-
ecies to each other. See his Chrutukgy of Uit O.
T. ii. 187 ft, § 9 (Keith's trans.). So free a critic
•I Grotius {.Annua, ad loc.) takes nearly the same
new: — "Cum lulcm hoc dictum Jeremue per
£ach. repetitum hie recital Matt., siinul osteudit
tacite, ess puyuui imminere Judseis, quas iideui
prophetaB olim sui teinporis hominibus prasdix-
nnt." For other opinions, which may be thought,
ACHAN
however, to illustrate rather than solre the diffi
culty, see Dr. SchafTs edition of Lange's Commas
lory, L 506. II.
ACHAIA CAxofe) signifies in the N. T. s
Roman province, which included the whole of the
Peloponnesus and the greater part of Hellas proper
with the adjacent islands. This province, with
that of Macedonia, comprehended the while of
Greece: hence Achaia and Macedonia are frequently
mentioned together in the N. T. to indicate all
Greece (Acts xviii. 12, 27, xix. 21 ; Kom. xv. 26,
xvi. 5 [T. R., but here 'Aalas is the true realirg] :
1 Cor. xvi. 16; 2 Cor. i. 1, ix. 2, xL 10; 1 Theea
i. 7, 8). A narrow slip of country upon the
northern coast of Peloponnesus was originally calkd
Achaia, the cities of which were confederated in
an ancient League, which was renewed in B.C. 230
for the purpose of resisting the Macedonians. This
League subsequently included several of the other
Grecian states, and became the most powerful po-
litical body in Greece; and hence it was natural for
the Romans to apply the name of Achaia to the
Peloponnesus and the south of Greece, when they
took Corinth and destroyed the league in n.c. 146.
(KoXoSo'i Si ovk 'KWiSo\ &AA' 'Ax<>tai Tiy((iiya
ol 'Poifimoi, tioVi ix*ip&aarro "EAAijkoj 6Y
'Axatiy tots tow 'EAArjvucou wp<hcti)k6t<i»>,
Paus. vii. 16, § 10). Whether the Roman province
of Achaia was established immediately after the
conquest of the League, or not till a later period,
need not be discussed here (see Diet, of Geogr. i.
17). In the division of the provinces by Augus-
tus between the emperor and the senate in B.C.
27, Achaia was one of the provinces assigned to the
senate, and was governed by a proconsul (Strab.
xvii. p. 840; Dion. Cass. liii. 12). Tiberius in the
second year of his reign (a.d. 16) took it away
from the senate, and nude it an imperial province
governed by a procurator (Tac. Ann. 1. 76); but
Claudius restored it to the senate (Suet. Cloud. 25).
This was its condition when Paul was brought be-
fore Gallio, who is therefore (Acts xviii. 12) cor-
rectly called the "proconsul" (AWfwraxos) of
Achaia, which is translated in the A. V. " deputy "
of Achaia. [For the relation of Achaia to Hellas.
see Ghkkce, ad Jin.]
ACHA'ICUS fAxalmh), name of a Chris-
tian (1 Cor. xvi. 17, subscription No. 26).
A'CHAN (]?y, (nwWer; written "OS in 1
Chr. ii. 7 : "Ax** or "^X"P : -^ c * a « or Achar), an
Israelite of the tribe of Judah, who, when Jericho
and all that it contained were accursed and devoted
to destruction, secreted a portion of the spoil in his
tent. For this sin Jehovah punished Israel by
their defeat in their attack upon Ai. When Achan
confessed his guilt, and the booty was discovered,
he was stoned to death with his whole family b>
the people, In a valley situated between Ai and
Jericho, and their remains, together with bis prop-
erty, were burnt. From this event the valley re-
ceived the name of Achor (i. e. trouble) [Achok].
From the similarity of the name Achan to Achar,
Joshua said to Achan, " Why hast thou troubled
us? the Lord sliall trouble thee this day " (Josh,
vii.). In order to account for the terrible ven-
geance executed upon the family of Achan, it ii
quite unnecessary to resort to the hypothesis thai
they were accomplices in bis act of military insub-
ordination. The sanguinary severity of Orient*
nations, from which the Jewish people were by nc
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ACHAR
neans fret, has in all ages involved the ch'ddten in
:he punishment of the father. K. W. 3.
•The name occurs Josh. vii. 1, 18, 19, 2C, 24,
ixii. 20. A.
ACHAR ("135 : >A x ip- ddutr). A varia-
tion of the name of Achan which seems to have
irisen from the play upon it given in 1 Chr. ii. 7,
' Achar, the troubler (~ IpTJ? 'itch-) of Israel."
W. A. W.
ACH'BOR C'lapV [mouse] : 'Axoj3dip [also
'Ax<tf/3<fy>, 'Afxo$iip] I Achobor). 1. rather of
Baal-hanan, king of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 38, 39; 1
Chr. i. .19).
2. Son of Michaiah, a contemporary of Josiali
(2 K. xxii. 12, 14; Jer. xxvi. 22, xxxvi. 12), called
Ahdon in 2 Chr. xxxiv. 20.
A'CHAZ CAxoC : Achoz). Ahaz, king of
Judah (Matt. i. 9). W. A. W.
ACHIACH'ARUS CAx«£x«P»». t FA - and
Sin.] AxfiX"*""' [Ax fla X a P 0S ' ^X (tKa Pt •'■•111
t. r. ^""HrOPK = Postumus : Achichants).
Chief minister, " cupbearer, and keeper of the sig-
net, and steward, and overseer of the accounts " at
the court of Sarchedonus or Fsarhaddon, king of
Nineveh, in the Apocryphal story of Tobit (Tob. i.
21, 22, ii. 10, xiv. 10). lie was nephew to Tobit,
being the son of his brother Anael, and supported
him in his blindness till lie left Nineveh. From
tiie occurrence of the name of Aman in xiv. 10, it
has been conjectured that Achiacharu3 is but the
Jewish name for Mordecai, whose history suggested
some points which the author of the book of Tobit
worked up into his narrative; but there is no rea-
son to have recourse to such a supposition, as the
discrepancies are much more strongly marked than
the resemblances. W. A. W.
ACHI'AS (Achiat). Son of Phinees; high-
•riest and progenitor of F.sdras (2 Ksdr. i. 2), but
omitted both in the genealogies of Ezra and 1 Es-
dras. He is probably confounded with Ahijah, the
sou of Ahitub and grandson of Eli. \\\ A. W.
A'CHIM ('Axff/i. Matt. t. 14), son of Sadoc,
and father of Eliud, in our lord's genealogy; the
fifth in succession liefore Joseph the husband of
Mary. The Hebrew form of the name would be
P3\ Jachin (Gen. xlvi. 10; 1 Chr. xxiv. 17),
which in the latter place the L.XX. render 'Axfy*.
^Rom. ed.], or 'Ax*'V [V"'- \ Alex. lax*"", Comp.
'laxcfyi, Aid. 'AxM- ll fa a short form of Je-
hoiachin, the ljnrd will establish. The name, per-
haps, indicates him as successor to Jehoiachin's
throne, and expresses his parents' faith that God
would, in due time, establish the kingdom of Da-
ri I, according to the promise in Is. ix. 7 (6 in the
Hjb Bib.) and elsewhere. A. C. H.
A'CHIOR ('A x <cSj>, i. e. "WTIS:, the
Mother of light; comp. Num. xxxiv. 27: Achior :
■enfounded with 'Axidxopoj, Tob. *'• l"'i a gen-
eral of the Ammonites in the army of flolofemes,
»ho U aftei-wards represented as becoming a prose-
yte to Judaism (Jud. v., vi., xiv.). B. K. W.
A'CHISH C- ,;,, 7S : 'A^oDr: [Alex, in 1 K.
KfX's; Comp. 'AkxIs, in 1 K. 'Axlii Arhis),
i Philistine king at Gath, son of Maoch, who in
lit; title to the 34th Psalm is called Abimelech
pmibly corrupted from TjbE tl'*;S\ Daria
ACHSAH
21
twice found a refuge with him when he fled Irom
Saul. On the first occasion, being recognized by
the servants of Achish as one celebrated for his
victories over the Philistines, he was alarmed for
his safety, and feigned madness (1 Sam. xxi. W-
13). [David.] From Achish he fled to the cav"
of Adullam. On the second occasion, David He.
to Achish with 600 men (I Sam. xxvii. 2), and
remained at Gath a year and four months.
Whether the Achish [son of Maachah] to whom
Shimei went in disobedience to the commands of
Solomon (1 K. ii. [39,] 40), be the same person is
uncertain. R. W. B.
• In the title of the 34th Psalm, Abiroek -1.
(which see) may be the royal title, and Achish in
the history the personal name, as Hengstenberg
Ue Wette, I>engerke remark. F'iirst {ffandtnb. s.
v.) regards Achish as Philistian and probably =
serpent-charmer. The name occurs also 1 Sam.
xxvii. 3-12, xxviii. 1, 2, xxix. 2-9. H.
ACHITOB ('A X it<L$ [Vat. - x «-]: Achi-
tob). Aiiiti'ii, the high-priest (1 Esdr. viii. 2; 2
Esdr. i. 1), in the genealogy of Ksdrns.
W. A. W.
ACH'METHA. [Ecbataxa.]
A'CHOR, VALLEY OF, C^Cty PS? :
[<pdpay£ 'Ax<ip,] 'Ep.fxax'ipi [Hos. i™xi>
Ax<ip: vallis] Achor) r vilify of trouble, ac-
cording to the etymology of the text; the spot at
which Achan, the "troubler of Israel," was stoned
(Josh. vii. 24, 2C). On the N. lioundary of Judah
(xv. 7; also Is. Ixv. 10; Hos. ii. ID). It was
known in the time of Jerome ( Oiiom. s. v. ), who
describes it as north of Jericho; lint this is at vari-
ance with the course of the boundary in Joshua
(Keil's ./ashm, p. 131). G.
* No trace of the name is found any longer
Vet Achor " was situated at all events near Gilga.
and the West-Jordan heights" (Knobel, Josua, p.
110). It is a valley " that runs up from (iilgal to-
ward Bethel " (Thomson's Isind anil Boot, ii.
185). The prophet's allusion in Hos. ii. 1 j is not
so much to the place as to the meaning of the
name. " And [ will give her the valley of
Achor for a door of hope," i. e. through " trouble,"
through affliction and discipline, God will prepare
His people for greater blessings than they would
otherwise be fitted to haw bestowed on them. II.
ACH'SA (1073? : 'A<rx<»; Alex. A x <ro;
[Comp. 'Oti'] Achsa). Daughter of Caleb, or
Chelubai, the son of Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 49)."
[Caleb.] W. A. W
ACH'SAH (nODV [anklet]: 'Ao-x<t; [Alex
Comp. in Josh., Ax<ra: Axa), daughter of Caleb
the son of Jephunneh, the Kenezite. Her fathci
promised her in marriage to whoever should take
Debir, the ancient name of which (according to the
analogy of Kiiuath-Arba, the ancient name of
Hebron) was Kirjath-Sepber (or as in Josh. xv. 49,
Kir.jath-Sanna), the city of the book. Othniel,
her father's younger brother, took the city, and ac-
cordingly received the hand of Achsah as his re-
ward. Caleb at his daughter's request added tn
her dowry the upper and lower springs, which she
had pleaded for as peculiarly suitable to her inher-
itance in a south country (Josh. xv. 15-19. See
a • Achsa Is merely an incorrect form which tn ino4
ern editions of A. V. has been substituted for Aclis»h
the rwullng of the first and other e»i I v editions. A
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22
ACH8HAPH
Stanley's S. ./ P. p. 161). [Gullotii.] Tho
story is repeated in Judg. i. 11-15. Achsah is
mentioned again, as being the daughter of Caleb,
in 1 C'hr. ii. 48. But there is much confusion in
the genealogy of Caleb there given. [Achsa;
Oalkb.] A. C. H.
ACHTSHAPH (*B?-M [faKinatim, or
magic rites]: 'Affy> [Vat. A.(tut>], Kaufy [?] and
Kticp; [Alex. Ax<^>, Ax<rtup; Comp. Xaaitp,
'Axov^i AM. 'Ax'^i 'Axo-d^O Achtaplt, Ax-
op%), a city within the territory of Asher, named
between listen and Alamuielech (Josh. xix. 25);
originally the Beat of a Canaanite long (ii. 1, xii.
80). It U possibly the modern Kesaf, ruins bear-
ing which name were found by Robinson (iii. 55)
on the N. W. edge of the IliUh. But more prob-
ably the name has survived in Chaifa [on the sea,
at the foot of the north side of Mount Carmel],
a town which, from its situation, must always have
been too important to have escaped mention in the
history, as it otherwise would have done. If this
suggestion U correct, the LXX. rendering, K«f4>,
exhibits the name in the process of change from the
ancient to the modern form. G.
AOH'ZIB CP?7N [falsehood]: K.00, [Vat.
K<£ri0; Alex. AxC<*> <* P™** "«"■] 'Axf«'l8;
[Comp. 'Axf'flO Achab). 1. A city of Judah, in
the Shefekh (Seimiela), named with Keilah and
Mareshah (Josh. xv. 44, Micah i. 14). Tie latter
passage contains a play on the name : " The houses
of Achab (a H TpS) shall be a lie 0!?S)." It
is probably the same with Ciikzib and Chczeba,
which see.
2. [In Josh., 'Zx»(i&> Alex. A(et<p, **AxC«*
(so Aid.); Comp. 'Axoff/3; — in Judg. 'A<rx«P
[Vat. %«]; Alex. A<rx«»>»«i; Aid. 'Axo^iS;
Comp. 'A<rxa£f0.] A town belonging to Asher
(Josh. xix. 20), from which the Canaanites were not
expelled (Judg. i. 31); afterwards Ecdippa (Jos. B.
J. i. 13, | 4, 'EitS(inr«i>). Josephus also (Ant. v.
1, § 22) gives the name as 'Apxj) . ... ^ lea!
'EnStrovs. Here was the Casale Huberti of the
Crusaders (Schulz; Kitter, Pal p. 782); and it is
now et-Ziby on the sea-shore at the mouth of the
Nahr JlerdauU, 2 h. 20 m. N. of Akka (Robinson,
iii. 628; and comp. Maundrell, p. 427). After the
return from Babylon, Achzib was considered by the
Jews as the northernmost limit of the Holy Land.
$•-« the quotations from the Gemara in Reland (p.
>44). G.
ACITHA ('Axi/3<£ [Vat- -X""] > Alex. Ayj^a;
Aid. 'Axupd:] Agtsta). Hakui-ha (1 Ksdr. v.
*1). W. A. W.
ACITHO ([Akx.] 'Acittfr, [Comp. Aid.
M«0^,] probably an error for 'Ax'riiP [which is
Uie reading of Sin.]: Achitob, i. e. 3ieT*J»,
lind brother), Jud. viii. 1 ; comp. 2 Esdr. i. 1.
B. F. W.
ACRABATTI'NE. [Arabattixe.]
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES f>pf{«s
iaroari\my, Acta Apostolorum), a second treatise
[ttirfpos \Ayos) by the author of the third Gos-
pel, traditionally known as Lucas or Luke (which
tee). The identity of the writer of both books is
strongly shown by their great similarity in style
ind idiom, and the usage of particular words and
tompc-und forms. The theories which assign the
wok to otlier authors, or dHde it among several,
ACTS OF THE APOSrLES
' will not stand the test of seat ching inquiry. Thej
will be found enumerated in Davidson's Inurod. tc
the N. T. vol. uu, and Alford's prolegomena to vol
ii. of his edition of the Greek Testament. It must
be confessed to be, at first sight, somewhat surpris-
ing that notices of the author are so entirely want-
ing, not only in the book itself, but also, generally
in the Epistles of St. Paul, whom he must have
accompanied for some years on his travels. But
our surprise is removed when we notice the habit
of the Apostle with regard to mentioning his com-
panions to have been very various and uncertain,
and remember that no Epistles were, strictly speak-
ing, written by him while our writer was in his
company, before bis Roman imprisonment; for he
does not seem to have joined him at Corinth (Acts
xviii.), where the two Epp. to the Thess. wen
written, nor to have been with him at Ephesus,
ch. xix., whence, perhaps, the Ep. to the Gal. was
written; nor again to have wintered with him at
Corinth, ch. xx. 3, at the time of his writing the
Ep. to the Rom. and, perhaps, that to the Gal.
The book commences with an inscription to one
Theophilus, who, from bearing the appellation «pcf-
rurrot, was probably a man of birth and station.
But its design must not be supposed to be limited
to the edification of Theophilus, whose name is pre-
fixed only, as was customary then as now, by way
of dedication. The readers were evidently intended
to be the members of the Christian Church,
whether Jews or Gentiles ; for its contents are such
as are of the utmost consequence to the whole
church. They are The fulfillment of the promts'
of the Father by the descent of the Holy Spirit
and the results of that outpouring, by the disper-
sion of the Gospel among Jews and Gentiles.
Under these leading heads all the personal and
subordinate details may be ranged. Immediately
after the Ascension, St. Peter, the first of the
Twelve, designated by our Lord as the Rock on
whom the Church was to be built, the holder of the
keys of the kingdom, becomes the prime actor un-
der God in the founding of the Church. He is the
centre of the first great group of sayings and do-
ings. The opening of the door to Jews (ch. ii.)
and Gentiles (ch. x.) is his office, and by him, in
good time, is accomplished. But none of the ex-
isting twelve Apostles were, humanly speaking,
fitted to preach the Gospel to the cultivated Gen-
tile world. To be by divine grace the spiritual
conqueror of Asia and Europe, God raised up an-
other instrument, from among the highly-educated
and zealous Pharisees. The preparation of Saul
of Tarsus for the work to be done, the progress, ir,
his hand, of that work, his joumeyings, preachings,
and perils, his stripes and imprisonments, his testi-
fying in Jerusalem and being brought to testify in
Rome, — these are the subjects of the latter half
of the book, of which the great central figure is the
Apostle Paul.
Any view which attributes to the writer as hi«
chief design some collateral purpose which is served
by the book as it stands, or, indeed, any purpose
beyond that of writing a faithful history of sue)*
facts as seemed important in the spread of the Gos-
pel, is now generally and very properly treated at
erroneous. Such a new has become celebrated in
modern times, as held by Baur; — that the purpose
of the writer was to compare the two great Apostles,
to show that St. Paul did not depart from the prm
ciples which regulated St. Peter, and to exalt hi>
at every opportunity by comparison with St. Petes
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ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
Hie reader need hardly be reminded how little any
iueh purpose is borne out by the contents of the
book itself; nay, how naturally they would follow
their present sequence, without any such thought
having been in the writer's mind. Doubtless many
ends are answered and many results brought out
by the book as its narrative proceeds: as e. g. the
rejection of the Gospel by the Jewish people every-
where, and its gradual transference to the Gentiles;
and others which might be easily gathered up, and
made by ingenious hypotliesizers, such as Baur, to
appear as if the writer were bent on each one in its
turn as the chief object of his work.
As to the time when and place at which the
hook was written, we are left to gather them en-
tirely from indirect notices. It seems most proba-
ble that the place of writing was Home, and the
time about two years from the date of St. Paid'a
arrival there, as related in eh. xxviii., sub fn.
Had any considerable alteration in the ApostleV
circumstances taken place lielbre the publication,
there can be no reason why it should not have been
noticed. And on other accounts also, this time
was by far the most likely for the publication of the
book. The arrival in Home was an important
period in the Apostle's life: the quiet which suc-
ceeded it seemed to promise no immediate deter-
mination of his cause. A large amount of historic
material had U-en collected in Judaea, and during
the various missionary journeys; or, taking another
and not less probable view, Nero was beginning to
undergo that change for the worse which disgraced
the latter portion of his reign: none could tell how
soon the whole outward repose of Roman society
might be shaken, and the tacit toleration which
the Christians enjoyed he exchanged for bitter per-
secution. If such terrors were imminent, there
would surely he in the lloman Church prophets
and teachers who might tell them of the storm
which was gathering, and warn them that the
records lying ready for publication must be given
to the faithful t>efore its outbreak or event.
Such d priori considerations would, it is true,
weigh but little against presumptive evidence fur-
nished by the book itself; hut arrayed, as they are,
in aid of such evidence, they carry some weight,
when we find that the time naturally and fairly in-
dicated in the book itself for its publication is that
one of all others when we should conceive that pub-
lication most likely.
This would give us for the publication the year
63 A. d., according to the most probable assign-
ment of the date of the arrival of St. Paul at I tome.
The genuineness of the Acts of the Apostles has
ever been recognized in the Church. It is men-
'ioned by Eusebius (//. A', iii. 25) among the
uoKoyovptvat de?ai ypatyat. It is first directly
quoted in the epistle of the churches of Lyons and
Vienne to those of Asia and Phrygia (a. d. 177);
then repeatedly and expressly by Ireineus, Clement
of Alexandria, Tertullian, and so onwards. It was
rejected by the Marcionites (cent, iii.) and Mani-
•hn?ans (cent, iv.) as contradicting some of their
lotions. In modem Germany, liaur and some
others have attempted to throw discredit on it, and
fix its publication in the second century, mainly by
assuming the hypothesis impugned above, that it
Is an apology for St. Paid. Hut the view has
'mini no favor, and would, ere this, have been for-
gotten, had it not been for the ability a.id subtlety
4 its chief supporter.
The text of the Acts of the Apostles is very full
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES 23
if various readings; more so than any other book
of the N. T. To this several reasons may hau
contributed. In the many backward references U
Gospel history, and the many anticipations of state
meuts and expressions occurring in the Kpisties,
temptations alxmuded for a corrector to try his
hand at assiuulating, and, as he thought, reconcil-
ing the various accounts. In places where ecclesi-
astical order or usage was in question, insertions or
omissions were made to suit the habits and \ iows
of the Church in aftertimes. Whan the narrative
simply related facts, any act or word apparently
unworthy of the apostolic agent was modified for
the sake of decorum. Where St. Paul repeat * to
different audiences, or the writer himself narrate-}
the details of his miraculous conversion, the one
passage was pieced from the other, so as to produs*
verbal accordance. There an in this l>ook an un-
usual number of those remarkable interpolations of
considerable length, which are found in the Codex
Basse (L>) and its cognates. A critic of some em
ineuee, Bornemann, believes that the text of the
Acts originally contained them all, and has been
abbreviated by correctors; and lie has published an
edition in which they are inserted in full. But,
while some of them l»ear an apj>earance of genuine-
ness (as v. ;f. that in ch. xii. 10, where, after
i%*\B6vTts y is added Kar^riaav robs cirri {$a&-
pLOi/Sf koI) the greater [tart are unmeaning and ab-
surd (e. ff, that in ch. xvi. 31), where we read after
l£eA0cIV, — €iir6vT($, 'Hyvo'hffa.fJLfV t& ko.6' vfiai
on 4<tt* &vtipss JStttatoi' ical 4£ayay6vTfS vape-
k4\40W airrovs ktyovrts *Ek tt)i tt6\€ws Taurus
4(&Aar4 jttTfirore ird\tv uvvGTp&.tyitiO'iv rffi.1v heir
Kpd£oVT€5 KTU9' UfiWv).
The most remarkable exegetical works and mon-
ographs on the Acts, beside commentaries on the
whole N. T. [Alford, Wordsworth, 1 >e\Vettc, Meyer,
Lechler in I-ange's Bibtlurrk], are Baumgarten,
Apo&telyeschichte, vder tier fcnttcickthtngsgany der
Kirche wn Jerusnltni bis faun, Halle, 1852 [2d
ed. 1859, Kng. trans. Kdinb. 1854; Zeller, DU
Apostelgesc/nchte wtch ikrem Inhalt u. (Jrspmng
krit. untersucht, Stuttg. 1854, first publ. in the
Thevt. Jnhrb. 1849-51 ; and] l^kehusch, Die Com-
position und EnUtthuntj tier A/*ottelgeschichte von
Neuem untersucht, Gotha, 1854.
The former of these work Is a very complete
treatise on the Christian-historical development of
the Church as related in the book : the latter is of
more value as a critical examination of the various
theories as to its composition and authorship. [Zel
ler's is the ablest attack on its genuineness and au
then t icily.]
Valuable running historical comments on the
Acts are also found in Neander's Pjlanziiny u.
Lettung der ChristUchen Kirche durch die AposUl^
4th ed., Hamburg, 1847 [Eng. trans, by Ryluul
in Bonn's Stand. Library, 1851, revised and cor-
rected by E. G. Kobinson, N. Y. 18G5]; Cony-
!>eare and Howson's Life and Kpistles of St. Paul,
2d ed , Lond. 185G. Professed commentaries have
been published by Mr. Humphry, Iond. 1847,
[2d ed. 1854], and Professor Hackett, Boston, U.
S. 1852 [enlarged ed. 1858, and Dr. J. A. Alex-
ander, New York, 1857]. II. A.
*Add to the collateral helps Paley's Horve Paid-
rur Btscoe, The History of the Act* of the Apos-
tles confirmed, etc., lata 1742, new ed. Oxf.
1841 ; Meyer, J. A. G., Vtr$ntf. eirter Vertheidig-
»ng d. GescK. Jtsu u. d Apostel alltin atu griech.
u. row. Profanscribenten, 1805 Metier, fit) tk
G(
24 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
tjueet Htcnriarltf tn tcribendo Actt. Apott. Libra,
Hag. Com. 1827; Bi.ttger's BeilrSge air EM. m
He PauUnischen Briefe, 1837-38; Birks'a Nora
ApottoHca ; Lewin's Life and Kpitllts of it. Paul,
I vol.. Lond. 1851; Dr. Howaon on the Claradtr
tf SL Paul (Hulsean Lectures for 1802); Luge,
ApotU Zeitaller, 1853-54; Dr. SchafTs Hilary
■>/ the Apottokc Church, N. Y. 1854, p. 191 ff.;
Lechler, Dai apottvl. u. d. nachapottol. ZcitaUer,
2d ed., 1857; Pressens^, Bittoire det trait premiere
ti'eUt de tEglite ChriHenne, Paris, 1858, i. 348
ff.; Ewald, Cetch. d. apatt. Zeitaltert, GUt. 1858
(Bd. vi. of his Cetch. d. YoOta Itratl) ; an art. in
the ChrieUan Examiner for July, 1861, on the
" Origin and Composition of the Acts of the
Apostles"; the AbbV Vidal, Saint Paul, m vie et
tee auvret, 2 vol., Paris, 1863; Vaughan, C. A.,
The Church of the Firtt Dayt, 3 vol., I/md
1864-65; Smith, James, Voyage and Shipwreck
of St. Paul, 3d ed., bond. 1866; and Kloster-
mann, Vindtcke Lucana, tea de /tinerarii in Libra
Actt. attervato Auctore, (Jotting. 1866.
On the chronology, see particularly Anger, Dr
Ttmporvm in Artie Apaet. Ratione, Lips. 1833,
and Wieaeler, Chronologic det apnttol. Zeitaltert,
Gi'tt. 1848. H. and A.
* Some additional remarks will here be made
upon the theory of the Tubingen school respecting
the authorship of the book of Acts. This theory
proceeds upon the assumption that Peter and the
rest of the original disciples of Christ were Judair.-
en; t. «., that they insisted npon the circumcision
of the Gentile converts to Christianity, as an indis-
pensable condition of fellowship. Consequently,
according to Dr. Baur, Peter and Paul and the two
branches of the church of which they were respec-
tively the leaders were placed in a relation of hos-
tility to one another. After the death of these
Apostles, various attempts were made to produce a
reconciliation between the opposing parties. The
hook of Acts, it is claimed, is the product of one
of these iienical or compromising efforts. A Paul-
ine Christian in the earlier part of the second cen-
tury composes a half-fictitious history, with the de-
sign to present Paul in a favorable light to the Ju-
daizers, and Peter in an equally favorable light to
the adherents of Paul. Paul is represented as hav-
ing circumcised Timothy, and as having in other
points conformed to the .ludaizing principles ; whilst
Peter, on the other hand, in the affair of Cornelius
and on other occasions, and the Jerusalem Church
(in the narrative of Apostolic convention, for exam-
ple), are made out to agree almost with the tenets
of Paul. One feature of Dr. Baur's system was
«he rejection of the genuineness of all the Pauline
Epistles, save the two Epistles to the Corinthians,
the Epistle to the Iiomans and that to the Gaia-
tians. The following remarks form the heads
of .t conclusive argument against the Tubingen
theory.
1. Paul's general style of reference to the other
Apostles, in the Epistles acknowledged to be genu-
ine, is inconsistent with that theory. He and
they form one company, and are partakers of com-
mon afflictions. Ser 1 Cor. iv. 9 tea., 1 Cor. iv.
eeq. In the last passage (ver. 9; he styles him-
••lf "the least of the Apostles." When both
Epistles were written, he was engaged in cUecting
contribution for "the saints" at Jerusalem.
Die last two chapters of the Epistle to the Komans,
which show the friendship of Paul for the Jewish
Christians, are, on quite insufficient gmunds. de-
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
nied to be genuine by Baur. There is no l
able doubt of their genuineness.
2. Paul's account of his conference with the
Apostles at Jerusalem (Gal. ii. 1 eeq.) — the pas-
sage on which Baur chiefly relies for the establish-
ment of his thesis — really overthrows it. The
"false brethren" (ver. 4) were not Apostles, but
the faction of Judaizers. Of the Apostles Peter,
James, and John, he says (ver. 9) when they " per-
ceived the grace that wot given unto me, they gave
to me and Barnabas the right hand of ' feUomthip."
The sincerity of this act of fellowship is proved, if
proof were needed, by the arrangement made for
the contribution for the poor, to be gathered by
Paul from the Gentile Churches (ver. 10). The
controversy with Peter (ver. 11 teq.) was not about
a principle, but was occasioned by the circumstance
that the latter did " not walk uprightly," at was
false to his convictions. The circumcision of Tim-
othy, as recorded in Acts, is not rendered improb-
able by the refusal of Paul (Gal. ii. 3) to circum-
cise Titus, since Titus was a heathen by birth, and
Timothy was circumcised, not to comply with a
demand of Judaizers, but to conciliate Jews. In
the latter case, no principle was sacrificed; see 1
Cor. ix. 20. The right interpretation of Gal. ii.
removes tie objections brought to the credibility of
the narrative, in Acts xv., of the Apostolic conven-
tion. In the light of this interpretation, the prin-
cipal objections of the Tubingen Bchool to the cred-
ibility of the book of Acts, as a whole, vanish.
But some of the positive proofs of the genuineness
of this book may be here briefly stated.
1. The testimony of the author, especially when
we consider the form in which it is given. It is
generally conceded that the third Goepel and Acts
are by the same author. This author declare*
(Luke i. 2) that be derived his information from
eye-witnesses and contemporaries. The passages in
Acts (xvi. 11, xx. 5-15, xxi. 1-18, xxvii. 1, xxviii.
17) in which the writer speaks in the first person
plural — the so-called » we " passages — prove him
to have been a companion of Paul. The theory
that Acta is a compilation of documents being un-
tenable, we are obliged to suppose either that the
writer was a participant in the events recorded, or
that he has introduced a document, retaining the
pronominal peculiarity on purpote to deceive the
reader. This last hypothesis is advocated by Zel-
ler. Week's theory that a document from Timo-
thy is artlessly introduced without any notice to
the reader, is refuted by the circumstance that, in
language and style, the passages in question cor-
respond with the rest of the book.
2. The moral spirit of the book is inconsistent
with the ascription of it to forgery and intentional
deception. See, for example, the narrative of Ana-
nias and Sapphire.
3. The relation of Acta to the Pauline Epistles
proves the genuineness and credibility of the for-
mer. Both the coincidences and diversities make
up this proof. It is exhibited in part in Paley't
flora Paulina. The Acts is seen to be an indc-
pender.t narrative.
4. An examination of the contents of the Acts
will show the untenable character of the Tiibingen
hypothesis. See, for example, Acta i. 21, 22, when?
another Apostle is chosen to ftt up tit t number of
the. ttcelre, — a passage which an author such u
Bum* describes would never have written. Set
also Acta xxi. 15 eeq., especially vers. 20, 31
where the believing Jews who are zealous fr* tit
Digitized by
Google
AUUA
»w ire declared to be many thousands " (/.i,p<-
di«j). See also Paul's denunciation of the Jews,
Acts xxviii. 25 seq.
The historical discrepancies which the critics
find in Acts are such as, if they were made out to
exist, prove no «■ tendency " or partisan purpose
in the work, but only show tliat the author, like
other credible historians, is not free from inaccura-
cies. The speeches are doubtless given or repro-
duced in (he language of Luke himself. Their his-
torical credibility is shown by Tholuck (Theol.
Stiulien u. Kritiken, 1839, II.).
In the defence of the Tubingen hypothesis, see
Baur, Dis Christenthum u. die chrutliche Kirch*
'ler drei ersten Johrhunderten, 2e Ausg., 1800;
also, his Puidus ; and Zeller, Die. Apostelyeschichte.
In the refutation of this hypothesis, see Eduard
l^kebusch, Die Composition u. I'.tUstehung (far
Apostelyeschichte, 1854; Professor Hackett, Com-
mentary on the Acts, revised ed. 1858 (both in the
introduction and in the exegesis of the passages
pertaining to the controversy); Meyer, Ajxislelye-
tchichte ; Lightfoot, lip. to the Galatians, Canib.
1865, Diss. iii. St. Paid and the Three, pp. 276-
346; and Fisher's Essays im the Supernatural
Origin of Christianity, New York, 1865.
G. If. F.
ACU'A CAkovS; [Aid. 'Akouo:] Accub)
Akkub (1 Esdr. v. 30); comp. Wa. ii. 45.
YV. A. W.
A'CUB ('Aicofy: Alex. A;cou;a; [AM.'Akou/J:]
Accusu). Bakbi'k (1 felr. v. 31; Dump. Ezr. ii.
15). W. A. W.
AD' AD AH (^7?1? [festival]: 'Apo^A;
[Alex. Comp. Aid. 'ASoSd 1 :] Adada), one of the
cities in the extreme south of Juduh named with
Dimonah and Kedesh (Josh. xv. 22). It is not
mentioned in the Onomasticon of Eusebius, nor
has any trace of it been yet discovered.
AT) AH (TTJS, ornament, beauty: 'Kl&:
Adi). 1. The first of the two wives of Lamech,
fifth in descent from Cain, by whom were born to
him Jabal and Jubal (Gen. iv. 19, [20, 23]).
2. A Hittitess, daughter of Elon, one (probably
the first) of the three wives of Esau, mother of his
first-born son Eliphaz, and so the ancestress of six
(or seven) of the tribes of the Edomites (Gen. xxxvi.
i, [4,] 10 ff. 15 ff.). In Gen. xxvi. 34, she is
called Basiikmath. F. W. G.
ADA1AH [3 syl.] (HJ75 [«*"■ Jehovah
adorns] : 'Ettii ; [Vat. ESetya ;] Alex. ItSiSa :
Hadaia). 1. The matemal grandfather of King
losiah. and native of Boscath in the lowlands of
•udah (2 K. xxii. 1).
2. ("ASaf; [Vat. Afcm;] Alex. AScuo: Adaia.)
■ Levite, of the Gershonite branch, and ancestor
»f Asaph (1 Chr. vi. 41). In ver. 21 he is called
(doo.
3. ('ASofo; [Vat. Aflio;] Alex. AAom: Adtua.)
A Beigaminite, son of Shimhi (1 Chr. viii. 21),
jrbo is apparently the same as Sherua in ver. 13.
4. (Alex. SaStas, Aoam Ad/tins, Adala.) A
priest, son of Jerobam (1 Chr. ix. 12; Neh. xi. 12),
•rbo returned with 242 of his brethren from Baby-
vn.
6. (' ASofo;: Adaia.) One of the descendants
■f Bani, who had married a foreign wife after the
eturn from Babylon (Ezr. x. 29). He is called
Ikdecs in 1 Esdr. ix. 30.
ADAM
26
8. ('ASofo; Alex. ASoios; FA. AJdou: Adilat.
The descendant of another Bani, who had also
taken a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 39.)
7. (Alex. Axaio; [Vat.] FA. AoAco: A'lnla )
A man of Judah of the line of Pharez (Neh. xi. 5)
8. ff^VfliS. : 'AJloi [Vat. 'Af«io, 2. m. AS-
eio ;] Alex. ASaia : JffmffTf ) Ancestor of Maaseiah
one of the captains who supported Jehoiada (2 Chr.
xxiii. 1). W. A. W
ADA'LIA (S^IS: BapU; JVt% M. Bop-
(7o; Alex. FA. BapfA; Comp. "ASaAui:] Adalia),
a son of llani.in (Esth. ix. 8).
* He was massacred by the Jews, together with
nine other sons of Haman, in the palace of the
Persian king at Shushan, on Haman's downfall and
the elevation of Mordecai to his place as chief min-
ister of state (Esth. ix. 6-10). The name is Per
sian, though the father was probably an Amalek
ite. H-
AD' AM (CIS: 'A8d>: Adam), the name
which is given in Scripture to the first man. The
term apparently has reference to the ground from
which he was formed, which is called Adamah
( 1 ^M, Gen. ii. 7). The idea of redness of color
seems to be inherent in either word. (Cf. D"1M,
Ijun. iv. 7; D"TM, red, D"TM Edom, Gen. xxv.
30; D^M, a ruby: Arab. j»J>l. cotore fusco
■aulitm fuit, rubrum tinxit, Ac.) The generic
term Adam, man, becomes, in the case of the first
man, a denominative. Supposing the Hebrew lan-
uagc to represent accurately the primary ideas
connected with the formation of man, it would
seem that the appellation liestowed by God was
given to keep alive in Adam the memory of his
earthly and mortal nature; whereas the name by
which he preferred to designate himself was /sit
I " fc M, a man of substance or worth, Gen. ii. 23).
Hie creation of man was the work of the sixth
day. HU formation was the ultimate object of the
Creator. It was with reference to him that ah
things were designed. He was to be the "roof
and crown " of the whole fabric of the world. In
the first nine chapters of Genesis there appear to be
three distinct histories relating more or less to the
life of Adam. The first extends from Gen. i. 1 tc
ii. 3, the second from ii. 4 to iv. 26, the third from
v. 1 to the end of ix. The word at the commence
meat of the two latter narratives, which is ren-
dered there and elsewhere generations, may also lie
rendered history. The style of the second of these
records differs very considerably from that of the
first. In the first the Deity is designated by the
word Khhim; in the second He is generally spoken
of as Jehovah Khhim. The object of the first of
these narratives is to record the creation; that of
the second to give an account of paradise, the orig-
inal sin of man and the immediate posterity of
Adam: the third contains mainly the history of
Noah, referring, it would seem, to Adam and his
descendants, principally in relation to that patri-
arch.
The Mosaic accounts furnish us with very few
materials from which to form any adequate concep-
tion of thf first n.»n. He is said to have beer:
created in the imajje and likeness of God, and thii
Digitized by
£6 ADAH
is ccmmonly interpreted to mean some super-ex-
jellent and divine condition which was lost at the
Fall' apparently, however, without sufficient reason,
as the continuance of this condition is implied in
the time of Noah, subsequent to the flood (Gen. ix.
6), and is asserted as a feet by St. James (iii. 9),
and by St. Paul (1 Cor. xi. 7). It more probably
points to the Divine pattern and archetype after
which man's intelligent nature was fashioned ; rea-
son, understanding, imagination, volition, <4c. being
attributes of God; and man alone of the animals
of the earth being possessed of a spiritual nature
which resembled God's nature. Man, in short, was
a spirit created to reflect God's righteousness and
truth and love, and capable of holding direct inter-
course and communion with Hiin. As long as bis
will moved in harmony with God's will, he fulfilled
the purpose of his Creator. When he refused sub-
mission to God, he broke the law of his existence
and fell, introducing confusion and disorder into the
economy of his nature. As much as this we may
learn from what St. Paul says of " the new man
being renewed in knowledge after the image of Him
that created him " (Col. iii. 10), the restoration to
such a condition being the very work of the Holy
Spirit of God. The name Adam was not confined
to the father of the human race, but like homo was
applicable to woman as well as man, so that we find
it is said in Gen. v. 1, 2, " This is the book of the
' history ' of Adam in the day that God created
' Adam,' in the likeness of God made He him, male
and female created He them, and called their name
Adam in the day when they were created."
The man Adam was placed in a garden which
the Lord God bad planted "eastward in Eden,"
for the purpose of dressing it and keeping it. It
is of course hopeless to attempt to identify the sit-
uation of Eden with that of any district familiar
to modern geography. There seems good ground
for supposing it to have been an actual locality.
It was probably near the source of a river which
subsequently divided into four streams. These
are mentioned by name: Pison is supposed by
some to be the Indus, Gihon is taken for the
Nik, Hiddekel is called by the LXX. here, and at
Dan. x. 4, Tigris, and the fourth is Euphrates;
but how they should have been originally united U
unintelligible. Adam was permitted to eat of the
fruit of every tree in the garden but one, which was
called the "tree of the knowledge of good and
evil." What this was it is also impossible to say.
Its name would seem to indicate that it had the
power of bestowing the consciousness of the differ-
erence between good and evil ; in the ignorance of
which man's innocence and happiness consisted.
The piohibition to taste the fruit of this tree was
i nforced by the menace of death. There was also
another tree which was called '< the tree of life."
Some ruppose it to have acted as a kind of med-
icine, and that by the continual use of it our first
parents, not created immortal, were preserved from
death. (Abp. Whately.) While Adam was in the
garden of Eden the beist* of the field and the
fowls of the air were brought to him to be named,
and whatsoever he called every living creature
that was the name thereof. Thus the power of
itly designating objects of sense was possessed by
the first man, a faculty which is generally considered
is indicating mature and extensive intellectual re-
sources. Upon the failure of a companion suitable
fer Adam among the creatures thus brought to him
'« be named, the Lord God caused a deep sleep to
ADAH
fall upon him, and took one of his .lbs bum him,
which He fashioned into a woman and brought hei
to the man. Prof. S. Lee supposed the narrativt
of the creation of Eve to have been revealed U
Adam in his deep sleep (Lee's Job, Introd. p. 18)
This is agreeable with the analogy of similar pas-
sages, as Acts x. 10, xi. 5, xxii. 17. At this time
they are both described as being naked without the
consciousness of shame.
Such is the Scripture account of Adam prior to
the Fall. There is no narrative of any condition
superhuman or contrary to the ordinary laws of
humanity. The first man is a true man, with the
powers of a man and the innocence of a child.
He is moreover spoken of by St. Paul as being
"the figure, tvwos, of Him that was to come,"
the second Adam, Christ Jesus (Rom. v. 14). His
human excellence, therefore, cannot have been
superior to that of the Son of Mary, who was
Himself the Pattern and Perfect Man. By tile
subtlety of the serpent, the woman who was given
to be with Adam, was beguiled into a violation of
the one command which had been imposed upon
them. She took of the fruit of the forbidden tree
and gave it to her husband. The propriety of its
name was immediately shown in the results which
followed: self-consciousness was the first fruits of
sin; their eyes were opened and they knew that
they were naked." The subsequent conduct of
Adam would seem to militate against the notion
that he was in himself the perfection of mural ex-
cellence. His cowardly attempt to clear himself by
the inculpation of his helpless wife bears no markt
of a high moral nature even though fallen ; it was
conduct unworthy of his sons, and such as many
of them would have scorned to adopt.'' Though
the curse of Adam's rebellion of necessity fell upon
him, yet the very prohibition to eat of the tree of
life after his transgression, was probably a manifes-
tation of Divine mercy, because the greatest male-
diction of all would have been to have the gift of
indestructible life superadded to a state of wretch-
edness and sin. When moreover we find in Prov
iii. 18, that wisdom is declared to be a tree of life
to them that lay hold upon her, and in Rev. U. 7,
xxii. 2, 14, that the same expression is applied to
the grace of Christ, we are led to conclude that this
was merely a temporary prohibition imposed till
the Gospel dispensation should be brought in.
Upon this supposition the condition of Christians
now is as favorable as that of Adam before the
Fall, and their spiritual state the same, with the
<• * For an analysis of this firet sin or the race, the
nature of the temptation, and its effects on the mind
of Adam, the reader will find Aubcrlen's remarks In-
structive (Die giilliicJu Offenbarvng, i. 154 If., trans-
lated in the BiU. Sacra, xxii. 430 ff.). H.
A * The better view of interpreters la that Adam
meant to cast the blame of his sin not so much on
Eve as on bis Maker for having given to him a woman
whose example had led him into transgression. And
in that disposition certainly he manifested only a trait
of human character that has ever distinguished his
descendants, namely, a proneness to find the cause of
sin not In their own hearts, but in God's relations to
them as having ordained the circumstances in whirl
they set, and given to them the moral nature whicl
they possess. In that remonstrance of the Apoett
James (I. 18-15) against this self-exculpatory spirit
" Let no man say when be Is tempted, I am tempted rt
Qod," fcc, we simply hear again the echo of AdanA
defuse in the garden, " The woman whom thou gave*
to be with me " (Oen. 111. 12). H
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ADAM
tingle exception of the consciousness of sin and the
knowledge of good and evil.
Till a recent period it has been generally believed
that the Scriptural narrative supposes the whole
human race to have sprung from one pair. It is
maintained that the O- T. assumes it in the reason
assigned for the name which Adam gave his wife
after the Kail, namely, Eve, or Chavvah, >'. e. a liv-
ing woman, u because she was the mother of all
Living; " and that St. I'aul assumes it in his sermon
at Athens when he declares that God hath made
of one blood (ill nations of men ; and in the Epistle
to the Itomans, and first Epistle to the Corinthians,
when he opposes Christ as the representative of re-
deemed humanity, to Adam as the representative
of natural, fallen, and sinful humanity. But the
full consideration of this important subject will
come more appropriately under the article Man.
In the middle ages discussions were raised as to
the period which Adam remained in Paradise in a
sinless state. To these Haute refers in the l'aradiso,
txvi. 139-142: —
" Net monte, che si leva piii dall' onda,
I'd' io, con vita pura e disonesta,
li ii i.i i-i iin' ora a quella ch' e scconda,
Come it Sol muta quadra, air ora sesta."
L'anto therefore did not suppose Adam to have
been more than seven hours in the earthly paradise.
Adam is stated to have lived 930 years : so it would
seem that the death which resulted from his sin
was the spiritual death of alienntiou from God.
" In the day that thou eatest thereof thou shalt
surely die : M and accordingly we find that this
spiritual death began to work immediately. The
sons of Adam mentioned in Scripture are Cain,
Abel and Seth. It is implied, however, that he
had others. S. L.
AD' AM 07S=e«rtA:<> [Comp. Aid. 'AJ-
uui :] Adorn), a city on the Jordan " beside ( "It . !2)
1 Zarthan,' " in the time of Joshua (Josh. iii. 16).
It is not elsewhere mentioned, nor is there any ref-
erence to it in Josephus. The LXX. (both MSS.)
[both in the Iioni. ed. and the Alex. MS. | has ear
Hfpous Kapiafliapi'u [Vat. Ko9ioipf 0>]. a curious
variation, in which it has been suggested (Stanley,
S. cf. P. App. § 80, note) that a trace of Adam
appears in a f nu, 1) being changed to K according
to the frequent custom of the LXX.
Hole. — The A. V. here follows the Keri, which,
for CN2 = " by Adam," the reading in the He-
brew text or Ghetib, has C7SI? = " from Adam,"
an alteration which is a questionable improvement
i.Keil, p. 51). The accurate rendering of the text
is " rose up upon a heap, very far off, by Adam,
the city that is beside Zarthan " (Stanley, S. o> P.
p. 304, note). G.
ALyAMAH (npitf [earth]: 'Apuaffl;
[Alex. Comp. Aid. VJa^l'] Edenvi), one of the
"fenced cities" of Naphtali, named between Chin-
aereth and ha-Kamah (Josh. xix. 36). It was
jrobably situated to the N. W. of the Sea of Gali-
te, but no trace of it has yet been discovered.
ADAMANT ("l"?;", thdmir: iSo^-ru-os :
a Can the place have derived Its name from the
rat ' ground " (Tip'INn) which was In this ->ry
anfhboriiood — " between Succottt and Zartoan "
3 A rti 461?
ADAMANT 27
adamas > >). The word Shamir occurs as act mmop
noun eleven tunes in the O. T. In eight of th«s*
passages it evidently stands for some prickly plant
and accordingly it is rendered " briers " c by the
A. V. In the three remaining passages (Jer. xvii.
1; Ez. iii. 9; Zech. vii. 12) it is the representative
of some stone of excessive hardness, and is used
in each of these last instances metaphorically. In
•ler. xvii. 1, Stidmir= "diamond " in the text of
the A. V. " The sin of Judah is written with a
pen of iron and with the point of a diamond,"
i e. the people's idolatry is indelibly fixed in I licit
affections, engraved as it were on the tablets of
their hearU. In Ez. iii. 9, Sham\r: - •■ adamant"
" As an adamant harder than flint have 1 made
thy forehead, fear them not." Here the word is
intended to signify that firmness of purpose with
which the prophet should resist the sin of the re-
bellious house of Israel. In Zech. vii. 12, the
Hebrew word = " adamant-stone " — " Yea, they
made their hearts as an adamant-stone, lest they
should hear the Law," — and is used to express the
hardness of the hearts of the Jews in resisting
truth.
The LXX. afford us but little clue whereby to
identify the mineral here spoken of, for in Ez. iii. 9
and in Zech. vii. 12 they have not rendered the
Hebrew word at ill, while the whole passage in
Jer. xvii. 1-5 is altogether omitted in the Vatican
MS.; the Ale vi i ii hi nr MS., however has the pas-
sage, and reads, with the versions of Aquila, Theo-
dotion, and Symmachus, " with a nail of ada-
mant" <* " Adamant " occurs in the Apocrypha,
in Ecclus. xvi. 16.
Our English " Adamant " is derived from the
Greek, and signifies u the unconquerable," in
allusion, perhaps, to the hard nature of the sub-
stance, or, according to Pliny (xxxvii. 15), because
it was supposed to be indestructible by tin--'' The
Greek writers " generally apply the word to some
very hard metal, perhaps steel, though they do also
use it for a inincr.il. Pliny, in the clutpter referred
to above, enumerates six varieties of Adnmm.
Dana (Syst. Mineral, art Diamond) says that the
word u Adatnas was applied by the ancients to sev-
eral minerals differing much in their physical
properties. A few of these are quartz, specular
iron ore, emery, and other substances of rather
high degrees of hardness, which cannot now be
identified." Nor does the English language attach
any one definite meaning to Adamant ; sometimes
indeed we understand the diamond 1 * by it, but it is
often used vaguely to express any substance of inn
LT
ut.
■■I
9 > ~ 9 | «
f> Arab. k«w/jLyy et . , ^ A ( t. 7.
mas. The Chaldee WTWWj,
c The word U then frequently associated witl
iTE\ "thorns."
<* .'»■ r', M 'v a.--<u.u tiVw, I-VV. Alex.; "In ungiM
adamantino,'' Vutg.
1 a, i-iii >.
/ It is incorrect to suppose that even cne diant'ind,
which is only pure carbon crystallized, is " invincible H
by fire. It will burn, and at a temperature of 14*
Wedgewood will be wholly consumed, producing car
bonlc acid gas.
a Comp. also Senec. Hercul. Fur. 807 : " Adamant,
texto vincire."
A Our English diamond is merely a corruption of
adamant. Comp. the French diamant*.
„
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28 ADAMANT
penetrable hardness. Chancer, Bacon, Shakea-
rie, nae it in some instances for the lodeetone."
modem mineralogy the simple term Aflamant
has no technical signification, but Adamantine Spar
la a mineral well known, and ia closely allied to that
which we have good reason for identifying with the
Shamir or Adamant of the Bible.
That some hard cutting stone is intended can
be shown from the passage in Jeremiah quoted
above- Moreover the Hebrew root • (Shamar, " to
cut," «• to pierce "), from which the word is derived,
reveals the nature of the stone, the sharpness of
which, moreover, is proved by the identity of the
original word with a brier or thorn. Now since,
In the opinion of those who have given much at-
tention to the subject, the Hebrews appear to have
been unacquainted with the true diamond,' 7 it is
very probable, from the expression in Ez. iii. 9, of
'• adamant harder than flint," d that by Shamir is
intended some variety of Corundum, a mineral
inferior only to the diamond in hardness. Of this
mineral there are two principal groups; one is crys-
talline, the other granular ; to the crystalline va-
rieties belong the indigo-blue sapphire, the red
oriental ruby, the yellow oriental topaz, the green
oriental emerald, the violet oriental amethyst, the
brown adamantine spar. But it is to the granular
or massive variety that the Shamir may with most
probability be assigned. This is the modern Kmery,
extensively used in the arts for polishing and cutting
gems and other hard substances; it is found in
Saxony, Italy, Asia Minor, the East Indies, Ac.,
and " occurs in boulders or nodules in mica slate, in
talcose rock, or in granular limestone, associated
with oxide of iron; the color is smoke-gray or
bluish-gray; fracture imperfect. The best kinds
are those which have a blue tint; but many sub-
stances now sold under the name of emery contain
no corundum." * The Greek name for the emery
is Smyris or Smirit/ and the Hebrew lexico-
o Chaucer, Komaunt of the Rose, 1182; Shakes-
wan, Ifid. Night Dr. Act ii. sc. 2, and Trail, and
Oeu. Act Hi. sc. 2 ; Bacon's Euay on Travel.
b Font's Conccrdantue, ~\12iffl, uuidere, impingere.
tat Gesenlua, Tha. sub too. "1DBJ, 1 9- "1DD,
T 6» -
"DB7, korruil, riguit. Whence Arab. - 1 1(rT Samur,
« an Egyptian thorn " (see Forekal, FL JBg. Ar. cxxiil.
> ,
176), and \ »xLw, adamai. See Freytag, La. Arab.
s. v.
e Dana says that the method of polishing diamonds
was flirt discovered In 1466 by Louis Bergnen, a cit-
fcm of Bruges, previous to which time the diamond
was only known in its native uncut state. It is quite
slsar that Shamir cannot mean diamond, for if it did
Use word would be mentioned with precious stones;
but this is not the case.
d "lbO i7t"'. That "IV, though it may some-
times be applied to '* rock " generally, yet sometimes
=Jttnt. or some other variety of quartz, seems clear
from Kx. iv. 25 : — " Then Zipporah took a sharp stone "
("1 ), TtSr. That Obit knives were in common use
amongst Eastern nations is well known. Compare
that very interesting verse of the LXX., Josh. xjdv.
n.
« Anated's Mineralogy, } 894.
So-pvptc, or a-fiipi*, aulpi* sat appov ftAoc
fHssychlusi ay '«« Attot itrrl (Woseor. v. 166). Both
ADBBBL
graphera derive this word from the Hebrew Shamir
There seems to be no doubt whatever that the twe
words are identical, and that by Adamant we an
to understand the emery-etone,' or the uncrystal-
line variety of the Cortmdatm.
The word Shamir occurs in the 0. T. three
times as a proper name — once as the name of a
man* (1 Chr. xxiv. 24), and twice as the name of
a town. The name of the town may. have reference
to the rocky nature of the situation, or to briert
and thorns abundant in the neighborhood.'
W. H.
AD* AMI (^BTO ["humanua," human, oi
Adamite:] 'Apfxi; [Alex- Aid. 'Appal; Comp.'At
e/tuli] Adam), a place on the border of Naphtali,
named after Alton bezaanannim (Josh. xix. S3).
By some it is taken in connection with the next
name, han-Nekeb, but see Belaud, p. 646. In the
post-biblical times Adami bore the name of Damin.
ADAS (accurately Addar, TJS [AetoAt]:
iapala; [Alex. AM. Comp. 'ASSapd:] Addar), a
place on the south boundary of Palestine and of
Judah (Josh. xv. 3) which in the parallel list is
called Hazar-addab.
ADAR. [Mouths.]
AD'ASA ('AoW, LXX; rl 'AScuri, Joa. :
Adarta, Adazer), a place in Judsea, a day's jour-
ney from Gazers, and 30 stadia from Bethhoron
(Jos. Ant. xii. 10, § 6). Here Judaa Maccabeus
encamped before the battle in which Nicanor was
killed, Nicanor having pitched at Bethhoron (1
Mace. vii. 40, 45). In the Onomasticon it is men-
tioned as near Guphna [the Roman Gophna and
present Jufna, 2f miles north-west of Bethel Ses
Ophni.]
AIXBEEL (^<*3TN : Nov83«t)a; [in 1 Chr.,
Vat No/3Son)A; C«mp. 'ABJirfA; Aid. Av0oir*AO
Adbeel; 'AjSSsqAor, Joseph.; "perhaps 'miracle
Oo*
of God,' from ...jl, miracle," Gesen. s. v.) a
son of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 13; 1 Chr. i. 29), and
probably the progenitor of an Arab tribe. No sat-
isfactory identification of this name with that of
any people or place mentioned by the Greek geog-
raphers, or by the Arabs themselves, has yet been
discovered. The latter have lost most of the names
of Ishmael's descendants between that patriarch
and 'Adnan (who is said to be of the 21st genera-
tion before Mohammed), and this could scarcely
have been the case if tribes, or places named after
them, existed in the times of Arabian historians or
relators of traditions: it is therefore unlikely that
statements are correct ; the one refers to the pouutrr,
the other to the sioiw. The German Smirget, or
Sdunirgcl, Is evidently allied to the Hebrew or Greek
words. Bohlen considers the Hebrew word to be of
Indian origin, comparing asmira, a stone which eats
away iron. Doubtless all these words have a common
origin.
o This Is probably the same stone which Herodotus
(vii. 69) says the Ethiopians In the army of Xerxes
used instead of Iron to point their arrows with, and
by means of which they engraved seals.
* In the Kerl. The Chethib has "fiir, Shamir
< It will be enough merely to allude to the Rabbin.'
eal table about Solomon, the Hoopoe, and the worm
Shamir. See Boohart's Hterozoieon, vol. tti. p. 84S
ed. BoasomuUer, and Buxtorf, La. Talmud. osL Sifts'
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AOVAS
Jmm uames are to be recovered from the works of
utive authors. But some they have taken, and
ipparently corrupted, from the Bible; and among
'hoe is Adbeel, written (in the Mir-dt ez-Zemdn)
Ja\|. E. S. P.
ADDAN (l^JK [•rrono]: 'HJa», LXX-;
' AaAdp [Vat AAAop, Alex. Wop], Apocr. 1 Esdr. :
Aden, Vulg. ), one of the places from which some of
the captivity returned with Zerubbabel to Judaea
who could not show their pedigree as Israelites
(EJx.ii.5K). In the parallel lists of Nehcmiah (vii.
61) and Esdras the name is Addon and Aalak.
0.
* Perhaps the name Aalar in 1 Esdr. t. 36 cor-
responds to Immkr in Ezra and Nehemiah. It
appears in Esdras as the name of a man. See
CHARAATHAI.AR. A.
ADDAR (Tjy: 'ASlp; [Vat. AA«; Alex.
Ap«J; Comp. '\tap-] Addar), son of Bala (1 Chr.
riii. 3), called Abd in Num. uvi. 40.
ADDER. This word in the text of the A. V.
is the representative of four distinct Hebrew names,
mentioned below. It occurs in Gen. xlix. 17 (mar-
gin, arrounruiie); Ps. Iviii. 4 (margin, atp); xci.
13 (margin, nap); Prov. xxiii. 32 (margin, cocka-
trice); and in Is. xi. 8, xiv. 39, lix. 5, the margin
has adder, where the text has cockatrice. Our
English word adder is used for any poisonous snake,
and is applied in this general sense by the transla-
tors of the A. V.o They use in a similar way the
synonymous term asp.
1. Acthub (3W35 ; i^xi s : lupit) is found
only in Ps. cxl. 3 : " They have sharpened their
tongues like a serpent, adder's poison is under their
lips." The latter half of this verse is quoted by
St. Paul from the LXX. in Bom. iii. 13. The
poison of venomous serpents is often employed by
the sacred writers in a figurative sense to express
the evil tempers of ungodly men — that malignity
which, as Bishop Home says, is '» the venom and
poison of the intellectual world" (comp. Deut.
xxxii. 33; Job xx. 14, 16).
It is not possible to say with any degree of cer-
tainty what particular species of serpent is intended
by the Hebrew word ; the ancient versions do not
help us at aD, although nearly all agree in some
kind of serpent, with the exception of the Chaldee
paraphrase, which understands a spider by Acthub,
-iterpreting this Hebrew word by one of somewhat
-milar form. 6 The etymology of tbe term is not
ascertained with sufficient precision to enable us to
refer the animal to any determinate species. Gese-
nius derives it from two Hebrew roots/ 7 the coin-
Dined meaning of which is " rolled in a spire and
lying in ambush ; " a description which would ap-
ply to almost any kind of serpent.
The number of poisonous serpents with which
the Jews were acquainted was in all probability
limited to some five or six species [Serpent], and
as there are reasonable grounds for identifying
Peihen and Shephlphdn with two well known spe-
aes, via. the Egyptian Cobra and the Homed Viper,
It is not improbable that the Acthub may be repre-
■ented by the Toxicoa of Egypt and North Africa.
ADDER
29
• Addtr, In systematic soology, Is generally appuad
« than genen which fcrm the family Ttptnda ; — Am.
» to* Kpn Atpit of th- Al|s,
At any rate it is unlikely that the Jews were unac-
quainted with this kind, which is common in
Egypt and probably in Syria : the £chit arcnicUa
therefore, for such is this adder's scientific name
may be identical in name and reality with the aiii
mal signified by the Hebrew Acthub.
Toxicoa, of Igypt-
Colonel Hamilton Smith suggests that the Ac-
thub may be the puff or spooch-adder of the Dutch
colonists at tbe Cape of Good Hope, or that of
Western Africa; but it has never been shown that
the Cape species ( Clotho arietant) or the W. Afri-
can species ( Clolho laterittrign), the only two hith-
erto known, are either of them inhabitants of a dis-
trict so far north and east u Egypt
2. Peihen ()?$). [Asp.]
3. Ttepha, or Tsiphbni (SS*, Wgs :
(xyova iurxlSav, Ktpiirrnt: reaulut) occurs five
times in the Hebrew Bible. In Prov. xxiii. 32 it
is translated adder, and in the three passages of
Isaiah quoted above, as well as in Jer. riii. 17, it is
rendered cockatrice. The derivation of the word
from a root which means " to hiss " does not help
us at all to identify the animal. From Jeremiah
we learn that it was of a hostile nature, and from
the parallelism of Is. xi. 8, it appears that the 7V
ph/mi was considered even more dreadful than the
Peihen. Bochart, in his Wurouncon (iii. 182, ed.
Rosenmuller), has endeavored to prove that the Tti-
phi'mi is the Basilisk of the Greeks (whence Jerome
in Vulg. reads Reguhu), which was then supposed
to destroy life, bum up grass, and break stories by
the pernicious influence of its breath (comp. Pliu.
H. If. riii. c. 33); but this is explaining an " igno
turn per ignotius."
The whole story of the Basilisk is involved in
fable, and it is in vain to attempt to discover the
animal to which the ancients attributed such terri-
ble power. It is curious to observe, however, that
Forakil (Deter. Animal, p. 15) speaks of * kind of
serpent (Coluber B&lleik is the name he gives it)
which k s says produces irritation on the spot
touched *>y its breath ; he is quoting, no doubt, the
e Hut sub roe. : — W3V, ntrorsuen u float, and
- T
2|2?, buufiatta at. All! Arab, kathaba (fanpstun
ttevn), ral etiam gasMnb (venanum)
lltati
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BO
ADDER
Sjpinlon of the Arabs, Is this a relic of the Htm-
kskan fable ? This creature was so called from a
mark on its head, supposed to resemble a kingly
jrown. Several serpents, however, have peculiar
markings on the head — the varieties of the Spec-
tacle-Cobras of India, for example — so that iden-
tification is impossible. As the LXX. make use
of the word Basilisk (P>. xc. 13; id. 13, A. V.j
it was thought desirable to say this much on the
subject."
It is possible that the Ttiphutii may be repre-
sented by the Algerine adder (Clutho mauritanica)
but it must be confessed that this is mere conject-
ure Dr. Harris, in his Natural History of the
Bible, erroneously supposes it to be identical with
the Rajah zephen of Forskil, which, however, is a
fish {Trigon zephen, Cut.), and not a serpent.
Algerine Adder. (British
4. Shephiphon ()b^jp : fya-aBWoj: ceras-
(•«) occur* only in (Jen. xlix. 17, where it is used
to characterize th- tribe of Pan: " Dan shall be a
serpent by the way, an adder in the path, that
biteth the home's hwla, so that his rider shall fall
backward." Various are the reulings of the old
versions in this pasxise : the Samaritan interprets
Shephiphim by "lying in wait;" the Targums of
Jonathan, of Onkeios, and of Jerusalem, with the
Syiiac, " a basilisk." » The Arabic interpreters
Erpenius [t. e. the anonymous version edited by
a The Basilisk of naturalists Is a most forbidding-
looking yet harmless lizard of the family Iguttnidtr,
order Sauria. In using the term, therefore, care
most be taken not to confound the mythical serpent
with the veritable Saurian.
6 ]min (WUrman), ptnticiosm, bom DT*, " to
mercy." " Its R Salom. Chaldamm explicit, Onke-
kn autem raddit, SiaU serpens Human, quod est no-
men strpenlis cujusdam, eujus morsus est msanabUu ;
is auum est sasMseus "OW??." (.Oil. Surf, i.
1111.)
■ fly &a».
[This is not the rendering of
>o ,
the versions referred to, which have j.i ft" A.]
rfrrora ^Ctt?, P -H tn , maniert, aeeordtef to
PBrst and A. Schultsnj ; but Oesenius denies this
cussing, and compares 'he Syr. c2j», " to glide,"
"to creep."
ADDEB
Erpenius] and Saadias have " the horned snake; ' <
and so the Vulg. Cerastes. The LXX., like the
Samaritan, must have connected the Hebrew term
with a word which expresses the idea of " sitting
in ambush." The original word comes from a
root which signifies "to prick," "pierce," or
"bite."''
The habit of the Shephiphtn, alluded to in Ja-
cob's prophecy, namely, that of lurking in the sand
and biting at the horse's heels, r suits the character
of a well-known species of veuomous snake, the cel-
ebrated horned viper, the asp of Cleopatra ( Ceras-
tes Uasstlguishi), which is found abundantly in the
sandy deserts of Egypt, Syria, and Arabia. The
Hebrew word Shephiphdn is no doubt identical with
the Arabic Siffon. if the translation of this Ara-
bic word by Uolius be compared with the descrip-
tion of the Cerastes in the British Museum, there
will appear good reason for identifying the Shephi-
phon of Genesis with the Cerastes of naturalists.
" Siffon, serpentis genus leve, punctis maculisque
disticctum " — "a small kind of serpent marked
with dots and spots" (Golius, Arab. Lex. s. v.).
" The Cerastes ( Cerastes Hasselquittii), brownish
white with pale brown irregular unequal spots"
( Vat. of Snakes in Brit. At. pt. i. 29). It is not
pretended that the mere fact of these two animals
being spotted affords sufficient ground, when taken
alone, for asserting that they are identical, for many
serpents have this character in common ; but, when
taken in connection with what has been adduced
above, coupled with the fact that this spotted char-
acter belongs only to a very few kinds common in
the localities in question, it does at least form strong
presumptive evidence in favor of the identity of the
Shephfphdn with the Cerastes. The name of Ce-
rastes is derived from a curious hornlike process
above each eye in the male/ which gives it a for-
midable appearance. Bruce, in his Travels in
Abyssinia, has given a very accurate and detailed
account of these animals. He observes that he
found tbem In greatest numbers in those parts
which were frequented by the jerboa, and that in
the stomach of a Cerastes he discovered the remains
of a jerboa. He kept two of these snakes in a
glass vessel for two years without any food. An-
other circumstance mentioned by Bruce throws
some light on the assertions of ancient authors as
to the movement of this make. /Elian,? Isidorus,
' ivK isUBoLow
"H KaX aparpoxtjjtri Ktxrk oilfiw Mvaet avet.
Nlcander, Theriac. 268.
/ The female, however, is supposed sometimes to
possess these horns. Hasselqnist (Itiner. pp. 241,
866) has thus described them : — " Tentacula duo,
utrinque unum ad latera rertlcls, In margins superior!
orbita oculi, crecta, parte arena parum arcuata,
eademque parte parum canaliculate, sub-dura, mem
brana tenaci vestita, basi squamls minimis, una seris
erectis, cincta, brevta, orbital oculorum dimidia longi-
tudlne."
With this description that of Geoflroy St. Hflaln
may be compared : — " An dessus des yeux naft df
chaqoe cote une petite eminence, on comme on a eou-
tume de la dire one petite come, tongue de deux on
trols lignes, presentant dans le sens de sa longueur del
Billons et dirigee en haut et un pen en arriere, d'od Is
nom de Ceraste. La nature des comes du Ctirwte tsi
trie peu connne, et lean usages, si touteftds ellet
peurent ftre de qnelqua utlUte pour ranimal, son*
entterement Ignores."
o Aolov D ottMr irsoVmr ^MUld, Oc Amm n
181
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ADD!
Aetius, have all recorded ot the Cerastes that,
whereas other serpents creep along in a straight
direction, this one and the ILciaorrhous a (no
doubt the same animal under another name) mow
tideways, stumbling as it were on either side (and
conip. IJochart).'' I>et this be compared with what
Bruce says : " The Cerastes moves with great ra-
pidity and in all directions, forwards, backwards,
sideways ; when be inclines to surprise any one who
.is too far from him, he creeps with his side towards
the person,' 1 Ac., Ac. The words of Ibn Sina, or
Avicenna, are to the same effect. It is right, how-
ever, to state that nothing unusual has been ob-
served in the mode of progression of the Cerastes
now in the gardens of the Zoological Society ; but
of course negative evidence in the instance of a
specimen not in a state of nature docs uot inval-
idate the statement of so accurate an observer as
Bruce.
ADINA
81
The ItomeJ C'envtes. iKn.m specimen in British
Mumuui.)
The Cerastes is extremely venomous; Bruce
compelled one to scratch eighteen pigeons upon the
thigh a* quickly as possible, and they all died
nearly in the tame interval of time. It averages 12
to IS inches in length, hut is occasionally found
larger. It belongs to the family I "iperida, order
Ophidian [Serpent.]
From the root Sluiphaph are possibly derived
the proper names of Siiutiiam, whence the family
of the Siiupiiamitks, SiiEriiuniAN, and Snnr-
n>. W. H.
ADTOI ('AJJ.' [Tisch. Treg. 'A8o>f]>- t Son
of Cotam, and father of Melchi, in our Lord's
genealogy (I.ulte iii. 28); the third above Salathiel.
The etymology and Hebrew form of the name are
doubtful, at it does not occur in the I.XX., but it
probably represents the Hebrew N lj?, an ornament,
and ii a short form of Adiel, or Adaiab. The lat-
ter name in 1 Cbr. vi. 41 (26 in Heb. Bib.) is ren-
dered in the [Roman edition of the] Septuagint
ASoT, which is very close to Addi. A. C. H.
3. CAM; [Vat. ASSfir:] Addiv.) This name
occurs in a very corrupt verse (1 Esdr. ix. 31 ), ap-
parently for Adna (Ezra x. 30). W. A. W.
A1VDO ('ASM; [Vat. £»«»:] Addin).
Iddo, the grandfather of the prophet Zechariah (1
Esdr. vi. 1). W. A. W.
° Aoxpa A* iirurKa£mv bXiyoy ffVpoc, ota jffp&rnjc
(rTlcander, TKtriac. 294).
• Boehart (Hicrtn. 1U. 209, Rosenm.) says that tn*
laotmi derive ]'i.*CtP from *]QID, damdicart,
•bntai J]1EU7 Is Claudia.
« The ealebnted John EUls stems to have been th*
Irtt Bngttahman who gm an accurate description of
IVawnet. 1798).
ADDON. [Addah.]
• This varied orthography, says Fiirst (ffandwo
p. 17) is owing to a dialectic difference which pro
bounced -v as o. 11.
AD'DUS ('A88oi5j: Addus). L The tons of
Addus are enumerated among the children of Solo-
mon's servants who returned with Zorobabel (1
Esdr. v. 34); but the name does not occur in the
parallel lists of Ezra or Nehemiah.
2. ('IaSSou; [Vat. laSSous;] Alex. lotSovr;
[Aid. 'fiSiovs'] Addin.) A priest whose descend-
ants, according to 1 Esdr., were unable to establish
their genealogy in the time of Ezra, and were re
moved from their priesthood (1 Esdr. v. 38). He
is said to have married Augia, the daughter of
Berzelus or Barzillai. In Kzra and Nehemiah he
is called by his adopted name Uarzillai, and it is
not clear whether Addus repiesenU his original
name or is a mere corruption. \V. A. \V.
ADER ("TTS ['» /*™« "'I?. <> ft**]'
'ESep; [Vat. oSirS;] Alex. -n««p: Heeler). A
Benjamite, son of Beriah, chief of the inhabitants
of Agalon (1 Chr. viii. 15). The name is, more
correctly, Eder. W. A. W.
AD1DA ('ASiJii; [Sin. AoV.Jo, Atom or
-voi,] Joseph. "A8J180: Addus, Adicida), a town
on an eminence (Ant. xiii. 6, § 4) overlooking the
low country of Judah ('A. ir tj StdtrJAa), forti-
fied by Simon Maccabaeus in his wars with Try-
phon (1 Jlacc. xii. 38, xiii. 13). Alexander was
here defeated by Aretas (Ant. xiii. 15, § 2); and
Vespasian used it as one of his outposts in the
siege of Jerusalem (B. J. iv. 9, § 1). Probably
identical with Hadid and Adi th aim (which see)
U.
ADIEL CS"?!? [ornament of Gott\ : '!»*,.
i)\; [Vat. corrupt;] Alex. EJitia; [Comp. 'ASri)\:J
Adiel). 1. A prince of the tribe of Simeon, de-
scended from the prosperous family of Shimei (1
Chr. iv. 36). He took part in the murderous raid
made by his tribe upon the peaceable llamite shep-
herds in the valley of Gedor, in the reign of Heze-
kiah.
2. ('AMA.) A priest, ancestor of Maaaiai (1
Chr. ix. 12).
3. OOJit}*.; [Vat. Comp.] Alex. , as t *)\.) An-
cestor of Azmaveth, David's treasurer (1 Chr.
xxvii. 25). W. A. W.
ADIN (riV [delicate]: 'ASSb/ASlr [Vat
AJif, Attir] in Ear., ['AStnoi, ASfrin 1 Esdr.;]
HJ.V [Vat. HStiv] in Neb.; Adin, Adan in Err.
viii. 6). Ancestor of a family who returned with
Zerubbabel to the number of 454 (Ezr. ii. 15 [1
Esdr. v. 12] ), or ti 55, according to the parallel list
in Neb., vii- 20. Fifty-one more [251 according tc
1 Esdr. viii. 32] accompanied Ezra in the second
caravan from Babylon (Ezr. viii. 6). They joined
with Nehemiah in a covenant to separate themselves
from the heathen (Neh. x. 16). W. A. W.
ADINA (r«*"T3? [plinn(\: AoW; [Comp.
Vat. FA. 'AJsim.:]' Adina). The son of Sbiza,
one of David's captains i«:yond the Jordan, and
chief of the Reubenites (1 Chr. is. 42). According
to the A. V. and the Syriac, he had the command
of thirty men ; bat the passage should be rendered
"and over him were thirty," that is, the thirty be-
fore enumerated were his superiors, just as Benaiab
was " above the thirty " (1 Chr. xxvii. 6).
W. A. W
Digitized by
Goo^fe
82 A»INO
ABTCNO, THE EZNITE, 2 Sam. xxviii. 8.
See Jashobeam.
AiyiNUS ('l«oW»; [Vat. USsiros; AM.
'AHii'iff:] Jad&mu*). Jam in the Levite (1 E»dr.
ix. 48;oomp. Neh. viii. 7). W. A. W.
ADITHA1M (with the article, D^TOPI
[tAe douofe booty]; Comp. 'A-ysMaTp; Aid. A8-
■srycMai/t: ^i&tAin'm]), a town belonging to Ju-
dah, lying in the low country (Shefdah), and
named, between Sharaim and Gederah (with the
article V, in Josh. xv. 36 only. It is entirely omit-
ted oy the [Vat. and Alex. MSS. of the] IJCX.
At a later time the name appeari to have been
changed to Hadid ■ (CbadidJ and Adida. For the
dual termination, comp. the two names occurring
in the same verse ; also Eglaim, Horonaim, etc.
G.
ADJURATION [Exorcism.]
ADXAI [dissyl.] C^IV O PP^IJ, jus-
tice of JaK\: 'A8Ai; [Vat.] Alex. ASai; [Comp.
'A5\aJ:] Adli). Ancestor of Shaphat, the overseer
of David's herds that lied in the broad valleys (1
Chr. xxvii. 29). W. A. W.
AIKMAH (npiW ifortreu, Fttrst]: 'A8-
aai: Adama), one of the "cities of the plain,"
always coupled with Zeboim (Gen. x. 19, xiv. 2
8; Deut. xxix. 23; Hos. xi. 8). It had a king of
its own.
ADTHATUA (SnO"^ : [MoA«™d>; Vat
Alex. FA. KaX-naeap; Comp. 'ASuofitC:] Admt-
Iha), one of the seven princes of Persia (Esth. i.
U).
ADTJA (N3/1J7 [pUature]: 'E8W; [Vat. H.
EoWe, Mai Aitaire •■] Edna). 1. One of the
family of Pahath-Moab who returned with Ezra,
and married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 30).
2. (Morris; [Vat. Alex, om.: Comp. 'EoWi.])
A priest, descendant of Harim, in the days of Joi-
akim, the son of Jeshua (Neb. xii. 15).
W. A. \V.
A1VNAH (HJiy [pleature]: 'E»V<i: Ed-
na*}. 1. A Manassile who deserted from Saul and
joined the fortunes of David on his road to Ziklag
from tlie camp of the Philistines (1 Chr. xii. 20).
2. ("EftVas; [Vat.] Alex. ESrau.) The com-
mander-in-chief of 300,000 men of Judah, who
were in Jebosbaphat's army (2 Chr. xvii. 14).
W. A. W.
ADO'NI-BE'ZEK (PJ3r?'"T**, lord of Be-
tek: ' A8Wi/8«f eV : Adonibettc), king of Bezek, a
city of the Canaanites. [Bezek.] This chieftain
was vanquished by the tribe of Judah (Judg. i. 3-
7), wbo cut off his thumbs and great lues, and
brought him prisoner to Jerusalem, where he died,
lie confessed that he had inflicted the same cruelty
upon 70 petty kings whom he had conquered.
R. W. B.
* Cassel in his note on Judg. i. 6 (Richter u.
Ruth, p. 6), mentions some parallels to this barbar-
ty, -vhich show that it was not uncommon in an-
cient times. The form of the mutilation was not
arbitrary, but chosen in order to render those wbo
suffered it unfit for warlike service : henceforth they
tould neither wield the bow, nor stand firm in bat-
te, or escape by flight. When the inhabitants of
a If so, it is an Instance of Am changing to OuUi
m Osr p 486).
ADONIJAH
jEgina were conquered b. c. 466, the Athenians
ordered their right thumbs to be cut off so that
they might not be able to handle the spear, though
as slaves they might pull the oar (./Elian, lor.
Hut. ii. 9). The confession of the savage chief
(Judg. i. 7) testifies to the natural sentiment that
the wicked deserve to experience the sufferings
which they themselves have inflicted on others
(comp. Ps. vii. 15, 16). Adoni-bezek had humili-
ated as well as maimed his victims : " they hac
gathered their meat under his table " (Judg. i. 7,
and comp. Matt. xv. 2> ). It is said of some of the
Parthian kings that at table they threw food to
their famished vassals, who would catch it up like
dogs, and like dogs were beaten till blood flowed
from them (Athen. Beipn. lib. iv. p. 152 d).
Adoni-bezek is obviously not so much a proper
name as a title. H.
•ADON1CAM, ADON1CAN. [Adok-
IKAM.]
ADONI'JAH (H'a'TK, Tlja^g, my Lord
is Jehotah : 'ASarias ■ Adonitu). 1. The fourth
son of David by Haggith, born at Hebron, while
his father was king of Judah (2 Sam. iii. 4).
After the death of his three brothers, Amnon, Chi-
leab, and Absalom, he became eldest son; and,
wlh'n his father's strength was visibly declining,
put forward his pretensions to the crown, by equip-
ping himself in royal state, with chariots and hone-
men, and fifty men to run before him, in imitation
of Absalom (2 Sam. xv. 1 ) whom he also resembled
in personal beauty, and apparently also in charac -
ter, as indeed Josephus says (Ant. vii. 14, § 4).
For this reason he was plainly unfit to be king,
and David promised Bathsheba that her son Solo-
mon should inherit the crown (1 K. i. 30), for there
was no absolute claim of primogeniture in these
Eastern monarchies. Solomon's cause was espoused
by the liest of David's counsellors, the illustrious
prophet Nathan; Zadok, the descendant of Eleazar,
and representative of the elder line of priesthood ;
lienaiah, the captain of the king's body-guard ; to-
gether with iShilnei and Itei, whom Ewald (Get-
cliichte, iii. 266) conjectures to be David's two sur-
viving brothers, comparing 1 Chr. ii. 13, and iden-
tifying TCU7 with nyCtt? (Shimmah in our
version), and *j?n with *T1 (our Jtaddai). From
1 K. ii. 8, it is unlikely that the Shimei of 2 Sam.
xvi. 5 could have actively espoused Solomon's cause.
On the side of Adonijah, who when be made his
attempt on the kingdom was about 35 years old (2
Sam. v. 5), were Abiathar, the representative of
Eli's, i. e. the junior line of the priesthood (de-
scended from lthamar, Aaron's fourth son), and
Joab, the famous commander of David's army; the
latter of whom, always audacious and self-willed,
probably expected to find more congenial elements
in Adonijah's court than in Solomon's. His name
and influence secured a large number of followers
among the captains of the royal army belonging to
the tribe of Judah (comp. 1 K. i. 9 and 25); and
these, together with all the princes except Solomon
were entertained by Adonijah at a great sacrificial
feast held "by the stone Zoheleth, which is bj
Enrogel." 'flic meaning of the stone Zoheleth i*
very doubtful, being translated rock of the watch-
tower in the Chaldee; great rock, Syr. and Arab,
and explained " rock of the stream of water " lij
R. Kimchi. En-rogel is mentioned in Josh. xv. 7
as a spring on the border of Judah and Benjamin
Digitized by
Google
ADONIKAM
S. of Jerusalem, and may be the same as that
afterwards called the Well of Job or Joab (Ain
Ayub). It is explained spriny of the fuller by the
Chaldee Paraphrast, perhaps because he treads his
;lothes with his feet ( £l see Gesen. *. v.); but
comp. Deut. xi. JO, where "watering with the
feet M refers to machines trodden with the foot, and
such possibly the spring of Rogel supplied. [En-
m >oel.] A meetuig for a religious pur-pose would
Ik- held near a spring, just as in later times sites
for Tpoffevx&l were chosen by the waterside (Acts
xvi. 13).
Nathan and Bathsheba, now thoroughly alarmed,
apprised David of these proceedings, who immedi-
ately gave orders that Solomon should be conducted
on the royal mule in solemn procession to Gihon,
a spring on the west of Jerusalem (2 Chr. xxxii.
30). JGuiON.] Here he was anointed and pro-
claimed king by Zadok, and joyfully recognized by
the people. This decisive measure struck terror
into the opposite party, and Adonijah fled to the
sanctuary, but was pardoned by Solomon on con-
dition that he should "shew himself a worthy
man," with the threat that "if wickedness were
found in him he shonld die" (i. 52).
The death of David quickly followed on these
events; and Adonijah begged Bathsheba, who as
"king's mother" would now have special dignity
and influence [Asa], to procure Solomon's consent
to his marriage with Abishag, who had been the
wife of David in his old age (1 K.. i. 3). This was
regarded as equivalent to a fresh attempt on the
throne [Absalom; Auxf.k]; and therefore Solo-
mon ordered him to be put to death by Kenaiah, in
accordance with the terms of his previous pardon.
Far from looking upon tliis as "the most flagrant
act of despotism since Doeg massacred the priests
at Saul's command " (Newman, Hebrew .Uon'irchy,
ch. iv.), we must consider that the clemency of
Solomon in sparing Adonijah till he thus again re-
vealed a treasonable purpose, stands in remarkahle
contrast with the almost universal pnictice of
Eastern sovereigns. Any one of these, situated
like Solomon, would probably have secured his
throne by putting all his brothers to death, whereas
we have no reason tio think that any of David's
sons suffered except the open pretender Adonijah,
though all seem to have opposed Solomon's claims;
and if his execution l)e thought an act of severity,
we must remember that we cannot expect to find
the principles of the Gospel acted upon a thousand
years before Christ came, and that it is liard for
ua, in this nineteenth century, altogether to realize
the position of an Oriental king in that remote
age.
2. [Aid. Vat. Alex. *A5«Way.] A Invite in
tne reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 8).
3. ['ASoWa; Alex. Aovaa; Vat. FA. ESawo;
Aid. 'Aai-iV. Comp. 'ASiciav: Adonia.] One of
the Jewish chiefs in the time of Nehemiah (x. 16").
He is called Adouikam (Ep^DTS !: ■ Kfwucdp '
Adonicfim) ui Ezr. ii. 13. Comp. Ezr. viii. 13;
Nch. vii. 18. G. E. L. C
ADON'IKAM (2^:'*TW r W of the enemy,
Ge8. ; or Unil who fittlfft, Flint]. WtjwvtKdu. [or
-K&*', Vat. varies in each place] : Adonicam). The
ions of Adonikam. 666 in number, were among
those who returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel
(Ezr. U- 13; Neh. vii. 18; 1 Esdr. v. 14). In the
Mt two passages the number is 667. The r*nain-
ADORAIM
3S
dcr of the family returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 13
1 Esdr. viii. 3D). The name Ls given as Adoni-
jah in Neh. x. 16. [In 1 Esdr. v. 14, A. V. ed.
1611, etc. reads Adonkan, and viii. 39, Adonicam
— A.] W. A. W.
ADONIHAM (E^'-IS [lord of exalta-
tion], 1 K. iv. 6; by an unusual contraction Ado
kam, CH^W, 2 Sam. xx. 24, and 1 K. xii. 18
also Hadoham, CV1H, 2 Chr. x. 18: * ASwvtp&fi,
[Vat. -vsi-, in I K. xii. Apa/j.'] Adoniram, Ada-
ram). Chief receiver of the tribute during the
reigns of David (2 Sam. xx. 24), Solomon (1 K.
iv. 6) and Kehoboam (1 K. xii. 18). This last
monarch sent him to collect the tribute from the
rebellious Israelites, by whom he was stoned to
death. [See also 1 K. v. 14.] R. \V. B.
ADO'NI-ZE'DEC (P7V" S ?*TS, lord of jus-
tice: 'ASwi/tjSe^eV; [Comp. 'AoWio-eSeV] Adon-
isedec), the Amorite king of Jerusalem who organ-
ized a league with four other Amorite princes
against Joshua. The confederate kings having laid
siege to Gibeon, Joshua marched to the relief of
his new allies and put the besiegers to flight. The
five kings took refhge in a cave at Makkki>ah,
whence they were taken and slain, their bodies
hung on trees and then buried in the place of their
concealment (Josh. x. 1-27). [Joshua.]
R. W. B.
* Adoni-zedek (note the meaning) was no doubt
the official name of the Jebusite kings at Jerusalem,
as l'haraoh was that of the Egyptian kings, Agag
that of the Amalekites, Jabin that of the Hazor-
ites, and the like. See Hengsteul»erg*s Beitraye,
ni. 306, and Keil's Bach Jostia, p. 171. II.
ADOPTION (vlodtffia), an expression meta-
phorically used by St. Paul in reference to the pre-
sent and prospective privileges of Christians (Rom.
viii. 15, 23; Gal. iv. 5; Eph. i. 5). lie probably
alludes to the Roman custom of adoption, by which
a person not having children of his own might
adopt as his son one born of other parents. It was
a formal act, effected either by the process named
adroyntio, when the person to be adopted was in-
dependent of his parent, or by adopt'io, specifically
so called, when in the power of his parent (See
Diet, of (Jr. and Horn. Ant. art. Adoitio.) The
effect of it was that the adopted child was entitled
to the name and sucra privatn of his new father,
and ranked as his heir-at-law; while the father on
his part was entitled to the property of the son,
.and exercised towards him all the rights and priv-
ileges of a father. In short the relationship was to
all intents and purposes the same as existed between
a natural father and son. The selection of a per-
son to be adopted implied a decided preference and
love on the part of the adopter; and St. Paul aptly
transfers the well-known feelings and customs con-
nected with the act to illustrate the position of tin
Christianized Jew or Gentile. The Jews them-
selves were unacquainted with the process of adop-
tion: indeed it would have been inconsistent with
the regulations of the Mosaic law affecting the
inheritance of property. The instances ©occasion-
ally adduced as referring to the custom (Gen. xv.
3, xvi. 2, xxx. 5-tt) are evidently not cases of
adoption proper. W. L B.
ADO'RA or AT)OR. [Adouaim.]
ADORA1M (D^VrW: 'ASipof ; [Ate. **
Digitized by
44
ADORAM
agoal^O Aduram), a fortified city built by Reholo-
am (3 Chr. xi. 9), in Judah " (Jos. Ant. viii. 10,
$1), apparently in or near tbe Shrftltth, since, al-
though omitted from the lists in Josh. xv. it is by
Josepbus (Ant. xiii. 9, § 1, 15, f 4; R. J. i. 2. § 6,
i. 8, § 4) almost uniformly coupled with Mareshah,
which was certainly situated there. For the dual
terminatiou compare Adilhaim, Gederothaim, etc.
By Joseph lis it is given as'ASvpo, 'ASiiptos; and
in Ant xiii. 6, § 5, he calls it a " city of Idumrea,"
under which name were included, in the later times
of Jewish history, the southern parts of Judrea it-
self (Keland, p. 48; Robinson, ii. 69). Adoraim is
probably tbe same place with *A8wpa (1 Mace. xiii.
30), unless that be Dor, on the sea-coast below Car-
rael. Robinson identifies it with />iirn, a "large vil-
lage " on a rising ground west of Hebron (ii. 215).
G.
* Dura " is one of the largest villages in the dis-
trict of Hebron, and is properly the chief place "
(Rob. ii. 214). The name (from "HS, to be great)
intimates that Adoraim hod a similar importance :
and the dual (Fiirst, i. 22) implies that there was an
upper and lower town, as there might so easily be,
since the top of the hill overlooks tbe present Dura
on its slope. H.
ADO'RAM. [Aponiram.]
ADORATION. Tbe acts and postures by
which the Hebrews expressed adoration bear a great
similarity to those still in use among Oriental na-
tions. To rise up and suddenly prostrate the body,
was the most simple method ; but generally speak-
ing, tbe prostration was conducted in a more formal
manner, the person falling upon the knee and then
gradually inclining the body until the forehead
tcuched the ground. The various expressions in
Adoration. Modem Egyptian. (I*ne.) •
Hebrew referring to this custom appear to have
their specific meaning: thus - 5? 3 Orhrra*, I.XX.)
describes the sudden fall; 7?~ (Kd>rrs>, LXX.)
bending the knee; TTP (nrr«, LXX.) tbe in-
tlination of the head and body; and lastly TIPX?
(rpotTKuvur, LXX.) complete prostration. The
term TJ~ (Is. xliv. 15, 17, 19, xlvi. 6) was intro-
duced at a late period as appropriate to the worship
paid to idols by the Babylonians and other eastern
nations (I 'an. lii. 5, 6). Such prostration was
usual in tl e worship of Jehovah (Gen. xvii. 3 ; Ps.
« Even without this statement of Joeephns, it Is
tla!i u»t r ' Judah and Benjamin," in 2 Chr. xi. 10,
ADRAMYTTIUM
lev. 6;. but it was by no means ex.lnsi.ely lues)
for that purpose; it was tbe formal mode of re-
ceiving visitors (Gen. xviii. 2), of doing obeisance
to one of superior station (2 Sam. xiv. 4), and of
showing respect to equals (1 K. ii. 19). (>eea-
sionally it was repeated three times (1 Sam. xx.
41), and even seven times (Gen. xxxiii. 3). It *vat
accompanied by such acts as a kiss (Ex. xviii. 7 ).
laying hold of the knees or feet of the person to
whom the adoration was paid (Matt xxviii. 9), and
kissing the ground on which he stood (Ps. Ixxii. y :
Mic. vii. 17). Similar adoration was paid to idols
(IK. xix. 18; sometimes, however, prostration was
omitted, and the act consisted simply in kissing the
hand to the object of reverence (Job xxxi. 27) in
the manner practiced by the Romans (l'liny xxviii.
5: see Diet, of Ant. art. Adokatio), in kissing
the statue itself (Hos. xiii. 2). Tbe same cus-
toms prevailed at Uie time of our Saviour's min-
istry, ax appears not only from the numerous
occasions on which they were put in practice to
wards Himself, but also from the parable of the
unmerciful serrant (Matt, xviii. 20), and from Cor-
nelius's reverence to St. Peter (Acts x. 25), in
which case it was objected to by tbe Apostle, as
implying a higher degree of superiority than be was
entitled to, especially as coming from a Roman to
whom prostration was not usual. \V. L. B.
ADRAJVTMELECH {Beb. Adrammelech]
1 ('n 1 ^'! 1 "^? : 'AJpojuA^x; [A 1 "- AtyofMAsitO
■ Adramt Itch]. 1. The name of an idol worshipped
by tbe colonists introduced into Samaria from Se-
pharvaim (2 K. xvii. 31). He was worshipped with
rites resembling those of Molech, children being
burned in bis honor. In Gesenius (tub voce) the
word is explained to mean qtlendor of the king, being
a contraction of tj 7$H "lit*. But Winer, quot-
ing Reland, Dt ret. lingud Pert. ix. interprets the
first part of tbe word to mean fire, and so regards
this deity as the Sun-god, in accordance with the
astronomical character of the Chaldrean and Per-
sian worship. Sir II. Kawlinson also regards
Adrammelech as the male power of tbe sun, and
Anajimfi.i t ii, who is mentioned with Adramme-
lech, as a companion-god, as the female power of the
sun. (Rawlinson's lltraduhu, i. 611.)
2. [Alex, in 2 K. AJ«f»«A«x.] Son of the
Assyrian king Sennacherib, whom he murdered in
conjunction with his brother Sbarezer in the temple
of Nisroch at Nineveh, after the failure of thj As-
syrian attack upon Jerusalem. The parricides
escaped into Armenia (2 K. xix. 37 ; 2 Chr. xxxii.
21 ; Is. xxxvii. 38 ). The date of this event vnu
u. C. 680. G. E. L. C.
ADRAMYTTIUM (occasionally Atbamyt.
Tll'M : and some cursive MSS. have 'Arpafun-nyf;
instead of 'AtpanvTTnyy in Acts xxvii. 2), a sea-
port in the province of Asia [AsiaJ, situated in the
district anciently called /Eolis, and alio Mysia (see
Acts xvi. 7). Adramyttiuin gave, and still gives
its name to a deep gidf on this coast, opposite li-
the opening of which is the island of Lesbos [M'-
tyvenk]. St. Paul was never at Adramyttium,
except, perhaps, during his second missionary jour
ney, on his way from Galatia to Troas (Acts xvi.),
and it has no Biblical interest, except as illustrat-
ing his voyage from Ctesarea in a ship belonging tc
is a form of expression for tbe new kingdom, and th»
none of the towns named are necessarily in tb* Hard*
of Benjamin proper.
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ADR1A
his place (Acts xxvii. 2). The reason is given in
tfhat follows, namely, that the centurion and his
prisoner* would thus be brought to the coasts of
Asia, and therefore some distance on their way
towards Rome, to places where some other ship
bound for the west would probably be found.
Ships of Adramyttium must have been frequent
m this coast, for it was a place of considerable
traffic. It lay on the great Koman road ltd ween
Assos, Troas, and the Hellespont on one side, and
Pergainus, Ephesus, and Miletus on the other, and
was connected by similar roads with the interior of
the country. According to tradition, Adramyttium
was a settlement of the Lydians in the time of
Ocesus. It was afterwards an Athenian colony.
Under the kingdom of Pergainus it became a sea-
port of some consequence; and in the time of St.
Paul Pliny mentions it as a Koman assize-town.
The modern Adramyti is a poor village, but it is
iit ill a place of some trade and shipbuilding. It is
described in the travels of Pococke, Turner, and
Fellows. It is hardly worth while to notice the
mistaken opinion of Grotius, Hammond, and others,
that Hadrunietum on the coast of Africa is meant
in this passage of the Acts. J. S. II.
A1)RIA, more properly A'DRIAS (6 'ASptas I
[Adria]). It is important to fix the meaning of
this word as used in Acts xxvii. 27. The word
seems to have been derived from the town of Adria,
near the Po; and at first it denoted that part of
the gulf of Venice which is in that neighltorhood.
Afterwards the signification of the name was ex-
tended so as to embrace the whole of that gulf.
Subsequently it obtained a much wider extension,
and in the uixtstolic age denoted that natural divi-
sion of the Mediterranean, which Humboldt names
the Syrtic basin (see Acts xxvii. 17), and which
had the coasts of Sicily, Italy, Greece, and Africa
for its boundaries. This definition is explicitly
given by almost a contemporary of St. Paul, the
geographer Ptolemy, who also says that Crete is
bounded on the west by Adrias. !.ater writers
state that Malta divides the Adriatic sea from the
Tyrrhenian sea, and the isthmus of Corinth the
/Egean from the Adriatic. Thus the ship in which
Joseph us started for Italy About the time of St.
Paul's voyage, foundered in Adrias (Life, .'!), and
here he was picked up by a ship from Gyrene and
taken to Puteoli (see Acts xxvii i. 13). It is through
ignorance of these facts, or through the want of
attending to them, that writers have drawn an ar-
gument from this geographical term in favor of the
£tlse view which places the Apostle's shipwreck in
the Gulf of Venice. [Mkmta.J (Smith's Vuy.
and Shipwreck of St. Paul. Diss, on the Island
Htliia.) J. S. H.
A'DRIEL (V^-Hy \Jock of God] : [Comp.]
\ZpHiK\ [Rom. 'Etftyt^A, Vat. 2 e pei (om. in 1
Sam.); Alex. Io-porjX, Eotyi; Aid. TrtfHJa. 'E<r-
6pi:\ Hadriel)) a son of Barzillai the Meholathite,
to whom Saul gave his daughter Merab, although
he had previously promised her to David (1 Sam.
xviii. 19). His five sons were amongst the seven
descendants of Saul whom David surrendered to the
Gibeonites (2 Sam. xxi. 8, 9) in satisfaction for the
endeavors of Said to extirpate the latter, although
Ibe Israelites had originally made a league with
them (.Josh, ix- 15). In 2 Sam. xxi. they are called
■he sons of Michal [the daughter of Saul and wife
rf Davidj; but as Michal had no children (2 Sam
r 43), the A. V., in order to surmount the diffi
ADULLAM
36
culty, erroneously translates HIT " brought up,'
instead of "lore." This accords with the opinion
ol the Targnni and Jewish authorities. The mar-
gin also gives " Michal's sister " for " Miehal."
l J robably the error is due to some early transcri-
ber.
ABU'EL CMoviiK [Alex. FA. Naur)],
i. e. ^WIVj I Cfcr. ""■ a6 CUMfc)j ix. 12
CASi^A), the ornament nf God). A Naphtalite,
ancestor of Tobit (Tob. i. 1).
B. V. W. and W. A. W.
ADULXAM (Apocr. Odollam, dVjS
[justice of the people, Ges. ; but according to Si-
monis from TTX9 and D^P, hence hiding-piice] :
'OSoAAa^: [OdoUam, Odullam, AdulUun]), a city
of .ludah in the lowland of the Shefelah, .Josh. xv.
35 (comp. Gen. xxxviii. 1, H .ludah icejil douni"
and Mieah i. 15, where it is named with Mareshah
and Achzib); the seat of a Canaanite king (Josh,
xii. 15), and evidently a place of great antiquity
(Gen. xxxviii. 1, 12, 20). fortified by Keliolioam
(2 Ohr. xi. 7), one of the towns reoecupied by the
Jews after their return from Babylon (Neh. xi. 30),
and still a city ("O. TrdAis) in the times of the Mac-
cabees (2 Mace. xii. 38).
The site of Adnllam has not yet been identified,
but from the mention of it in the passages quoted
above in proximity with other known towns of the
Shefeldiy it is likely that it was near Delr Ihtbl*tn,
5 or miles N. of Kleutheropolis. (By Kusebius
and Jerome, and apparently by the LXX. it is con-
founded with EOUUH: see that name.) The lime-
stone cliffs of the whole of that locality are pierced
with extensive excavations (Robinson, ii. 23, 51-53),
some one of which is possibly the "cave of Adul-
Iam," the refuge of David (1 Sam. xxii. 1; 2 Sam.
xxiii. 13; 1 Ohr. xi. 15; Stanley, .S. <f P. p. 259 j
Monastic tradition places the cave at Kh&rtitun, at
the south end of the W'ody Urtds, between Beth-
lehem and the Dead Sea (Robinson, i. 481). G.
* No one who has seen the cave at Kh&reitun
can have any doubt of its fituess to l>e such a place
of refuge as the cave of Adullain evidently was to
David and his followers. For a description of this
cavern see Tkkoa. 1 >r. Thomson {hmd mui Hook,
ii. 424 f.) pleads still for the correctness of the
popular opinion. David, who lived in the neigh-
iioring Bethlehem and had often driven his flocks
over those hills, must have known of the existence
of the cave and been familiar with the entrances to
,it. It was in a desert remote from the haunts of
Saul, or if approached by him was incapable of any
effectual assault. It was in the direction of Moab
whither David, shortly before betaking himself U>
this retreat, had sent his parents and the women of
his train. Stanley decides (S. & P. p. 254, note)
that the cave mint have been in the Shefelah, be-
cause the family of David " went down " to him
there from Bethlehem (1 Sam. xxii. 1); but the
expression may be used also of Khureitun, which is
nearly 2 hours S. E. of Bethlehem and over a path
which descends rapidly almost the entire distance.
Tha' the town and the cave of Adullam are not
near each other would be only an instance of the
fact that the same name is often appUed to different
localities.
<• *So also Thenius (Die Bucher Samuels, p. 230}.
accounts for the inconsistency. Sea furtl er undel
Merab. H
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56
A1XJLLAMITE
David ma certainly in the care of Adullam
when the "three chiefs" brought watei to him
from Bethlehem ; and aa it is said that the Philis-
tines, through whom they forced their way for that
purpose, were encamped at the time near Beth-
lehem (2 Sam. xxiii. 13, 14), we must infer that
the care itself was near Bethlehem, and not so far
iff aa the border of the plain of Philistia.<" H.
ADULXAMTTE Ctblg [tee Adul-
lam] : 'OioWafJiTT)s ; Alex. OooAAeuurmjv '■
Odo&amita). A native of Adullam: applied to
Hirah, the friend (or " shepherd " as the Vulgate
has it, reading WO'l for ^Hjn) of Judah (Gen.
xxxvili. 1, 12, 20). W. A. W.
ADULTERY. The parties to this crime were
a married woman and a man who was not ber hus-
band. The toleration ot polygamy, indeed, renders
it nearly impossible to make criminal a similar
offence committed by a married man with a woman
not his wife. In the patriarchal period the sanc-
tity of marriage is noticeable from the history of
Abraham, who fears, not that his wife will be se-
duced from him, but that he may be killed for her
sake, and especially from the scruples ascribed to
Pharaoh and Abimelech ((Jen. xii., xx.). The
woman's punishment was, as commonly amongst
eastern nations, no doubt capital, and probably, as
in the case of Tamar's uuchastity, death by fire
(xxxviii. 24). The Mosaic penalty was that both
the guilty parties should be stoned, and it applied
as well to the betrothed as to the married woman,
provided she were free (Deut. xxii. 22-24). A
bondwoman so offending was to be scourged, and
toe man was to make a trespass offering (Lev. xix.
20-22).
The system of inheritances, on which the polity
of Moses was based, was threatened with confusion
by the doubtful offspring caused by this crime, and
this secured popular sympathy on the side of moral-
ity until a far advanced stage of corruption was
reached. Yet from stoning being made the penalty
we may suppose that the exclusion of private re-
venge was intended. It is probable that, when
:hat territorial basis of polity passed away — as it
did, after the captivity — and when, owing to Gen-
tile example, the marriage tie l>ecame a looser bond
of union, public feeling in regard to adultery
changed, and the penalty of death was seldom or
never inflicted. Thus in the case of the woman
brought under our Lord's notice (John viii.), it
is likely that no one then thought of stoning
her in fact, but there remained the written law
ready for the purpose of the caviller. It is likely,
«lso, that a divorce in which the adulteress lost ber
lower and rights of maintenance, Ac. (Otnutra
Ihftlttiboth, cap. vii. 6), was the usual remedy
t jggested by a wish to avoid scandal and the ex-
citement of commiseration for crime. The word
rofiattiynwrtaat [ttiyimrlirtu 1-achm., Tisch.,
Treg.] (Matt. i. 19), probably means to bring the
case before the local Sanhedrim, which was the
usual course, but which Joseph did not propose to
take, preferring repudiation (Buxtorf, de Sporu. tt
Dirort. iii. 1-4), because that could be managed
frivately (Adtya).
Concerning the famous trial by the waters of
jealousy (Num. v. 11-29), it has been questioned
« • Since writing the above note, we Hod that Dr.
staqley is either not consistent with himself or has
manned his opinion. In his article on Da tup In this
ADUMMIM
whether a husband was, in case of certain facta
hound to adopt it. The more likely view is, that
it was meant aa a relief to the vehemence of impla-
cable jealousy to which (frientals appear prone, but
which was not consistent with the laxity of the
nuptial tie prevalent in the period of the New Tes-
tament. The ancient strictness of that tie gave
room for a more intense feeling, and in that inten-
sity probably arose this strange custom, which no
doubt Moses found prevailing and deeply seated ;
and which is said to be paralleled by a form of
ordeal called the " red water " in Western Africa
(Kitto. C'yc4y>. s. v.). The forms of Hebrew jus
tice all tended to limit the application of this test.
1. By prescribing certain facts presumptive of
guilt, to l« established on oath bv two witnesses,
or a preponderating but not conclusive testimony
to the fact of the woman's adultery. 2. By tech-
nical rules of evidence which made proof of those
presumptive facts difficult (Soliili, vi. 2-5; 3. By
exempting certain large classes of women (all In-
deed, except a pure Israelitess married to a pure
Israelite, and some even of them) from the liability.
4. By providing that the trial could only lie before
the great Sanhedrim (Sotah, i. 4). 5. lly invest-
ing it with a ceremonial at once humiliating and
intimidating, yet which still harmonized with the
spirit of the whole ordeal as recorded in Num. v. ;
but 6. Above all, by the conventional and even
mercenary light in which the nuptial contract was
latterly regarded.
When adultery ceased to be capital, aa no doubt
it did, and di»orcc became a matter of mere conve-
nience, it would be absurd to suppose that tliis trial
was continued. And when adultery became com-
mon, as the Jews themselves confess, it would have
been impious to expect the miracle which it sup-
posed. If ever the Sanhedrim were driven by
force of circumstances to adopt this trial, no doubt
every effort was used, nay. was prescribed (Sotiih
i. 5, 6) to overawe the culprit and induce confes-
sion. Nay, even if she submitted to the trial and
was really guilty, some rabbis held that the effect
on her might be suspended for years through the
merit of some good deed (Svttili, iii. 4-0). Be-
sides, however, the intimidation of the woman, the
man was likely to feel the public exposure of his
suspicions odious and repulsive. Divorce was a
ready and quiet remedy; and the only question
was, whether the divorce should carry the dowry,
and the property which she had brought; which
was decided by the slight or grave character of the
suspicions against her (SvUti, vi. 1; Oenutra Clir-
thihotli, vii. 6; L'gol. Uxor J/tb. c. vii.). If the
husband were incajiable through derangement, im-
prisonment, &c., of acting on his own behalf in the
matter, the Sanhedrim proceeded in his name aa
concerned the dowry, but not as concerned the trial
by the water of jealousy (Sotah, iv. 0). H. H.
ADUM'MIM, " the going up to " or « or "
(S^IST** nHp^; Ttftnfa,,,, 'Ata^ilp, [h>i-
tkurts AlBaulv; Alex, wfixrarafiatris Aoouiu,
avafi. Eoctiur :] ascefuio or oscensus Aihmmim) =
the " pass of the red ; " one of the landmarks of
the boundary of Benjamin, a rising groiuid or past
"over against Gilgal," and "on the south side
of the ' torrent ' " (Josh. xv. 7, xviii. 17), which is
Dictionary ({ li. 3), and in his Lectures on the JeteiM
OiwcA (li. B9), he speaks r*<hc«t hesitation tf tat
cave Dear KhUreitLn aa David -> *>f Adullam H
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AEDIAS
the position still occupied by the road leading up
from Jericho and the .Jordan vallej to Jerusalem
;Rob. i. 558"), ou the south face of the gorge of
the Watty Kelt. Jerome ( Oiumi. Ath-iinmln) as-
cribes the name to the blood shed there by the rob
hers who infested the pass in his day, as they still
(Stanley, pp. 314, 424; Martiiieau, p. 481 , Stewart)
continue to infest it, as they did in the middle
ages, when the order of Knight* Templars arose
out of an association for the guarding of this road,
and as they did iu the days of our Lord, of whose
parable of the Good Samaritan this is the scene.
But the name is doubtless of a date and significance
far more remote, and is proltably derived from some
tribe of t4 red men ' of the earliest inhabitants of
the country (Stanley, p. 424. note). The sugges-
tion of Keil that it refers to the " ri.thlichen Karbe
des Felsen," is the conjecture of a man who has
never been on the spot, the whole pMi being of the
whitest limestone. [Fiirst derives the name in
the first instance from the color (rtd-bnmm) of the
earth in the hills.] G.
ASDI'AS ('AiSias; [Vat. AijStiar, Aid. Alex.
'A7)5/os:] Uetiai). 1 Esdr. ix. 27. Probably a
corruption of Ei.iam.
jE'GYPT. [Egypt.]
-iE'NEAS [so, correctly, A. V. ed. 1611, etc.;
Eneas, later eds.] (AiVe'aj: jEnta»), a paralytic at
Lydda, healed by St. Peter (Acts ix. SS, 34).
* The name shows that, he was either a Greek or
a Hellenistic Jew. It is uncertain whether he was
a believer or not {$.v8putirov riva) ; but it was usual
to require faith of those who received such benefits.
II.
^E'NON 'Aiiw: Simon), a place "near to
Salirn," at which John baptized (John iii. 2.1). It
was evidently west of the Jordan (comp. iii. 22
with 26, and with i. 28), and abounded iu water.
This is indicated by the natne, which is merely a
Greek version of the Chaldee 7} 1 \7 = " springs.'
.-Knoii is given in the Onomnstimn as 8 miles south
of Scytho[iolis, "juxta Salem et Jordanem." Dr
Robinson's most careful search, on his second visit,
however, failed to discover any trace of either name
or remains in that locality (iii. 3.33). But a Salim
has been found by him to the east of and close to
X&bulus, where there are two very copious springs
(U. 279; iii. 298). This position agrees with the
requirements of Gen. xxxiii. 18. [Sai.icm.] In
favor of its distance from the Jordan is the consid-
eration that, if close by the river, the Kvangelist
would hardly have drawn attention to the " much
irater" there.
The Latest writer on Jerusalem, Dr. Barclay
(1858), reports the discovery of /Enon at WaJy
Farnli, a secluded valley about 5 miles to the N. Ii.
rf Jerusalem, runiung into the great Warty Power
Immediately above Jericho. The grounds of this
novel identification are the very copious springs and
pools in which W. Farali abounds, and also the
presence of the name SeUim or Seleim, the appel-
lation of another Watty close by. But it requires
nore examination 'Jian it has yet received. (Bar-
day, City of Hit Gnat King, pp. 558-570.) See
Ihe curious speculations of I -ightfoot ( "horog. In-
quiry, ch. iii. S§ 1, 2, 3, 4). G.
■ Robinson's words, r ' On the south s.de
ibore, 1 ' are the more remarkable, because the identitj
f the place with the HmMkM— tn docs not neem
ban occurred to him.
AGABUS
37
* The later observations tend to narrow th*
limits of the question: they indicate at least the
region if they do not fix the site of Mnon. Je-
rome's testimony (Reland's PaltEstina, p. 480) that
it was 8 miles south of Seythopolis (still shown
there in his day, "ostenditur usque nunc '*) agrees
with the ascertained condition of that neighbor
hood. Dr. Thomson {Land awl Book, ii. 176),
who visited Beisdn (Seythopolis) and the neighbor-
hood, represents the valley there as alwunding in
fountains and brooks, which make it one of the
most fertile places in Palestine. Though find-
ing no traces of the names still current, he says
that ^Enon and Salim were no doubt in this
(Shor Btisan. Dr. Robinson's Salim lies too far
inward to agree with the "juxta Jordanem " of
Eusebius and Jerome; indeed, he gives up tliat po-
sition and fixes on a different one. The name
merely of Salim would not he decisive, as it seems
to have been, and is still, not uncommon in Pales-
tine. [Salim.] We have the more reason for
adhering to the traditionary site, that Mr. Van de
Velde reports his finding a Mussulman oratory
( IVely) called Shtykh Salim near a heap of ruins,
about six English miles south of Bt?i$t'tn, and two
west of the Jordan (Syr. awl Pal. ii. 34W). Bleek
(Brit/ an die Ihbr. vol. ii. pt. 2. p. 28o ft".) main-
tains that tliis Salim was not only the one where
John baptized, but of which Melchizcdek was king
((Jen. xiv. 18). As to /Enon, which is descriptive
rather than local, the existence itself of fountains,
"deep waters" (DSoto iroAAtO, is all the identifi-
cation that the term requires. H
.(ERA. [Chbosolooy.]
ETHIOPIA. [Ethiopia.]
•^THIOPIC VERSION. [Version*,,
A NCI EST.]
AFFINITY. [Marriage.]
AG'ABA ('AK«a#£ ; [Vat. niarg. AyyojSo;
Alex. ra$a; Aid. *A>a04:] Aygab), 1 Esdr. v.
30. [Hawaii.]
AG'ABUS 6 CAya$os- Ayabm),*. Christian
prophet in the apostolic age, mentioned in Acts xi.
28 and xxi. 10. The same person must \m meant in
both places ; for not only the name, but the office
(■Kpo<p4\Tr\s) and residence (ojt6 'UpoaoXv^ajv^ anl
tTjs 'IouSoiaj), are the same in both instances.
He predicted (Acts xi. 28) that a famine would
take place in the reign of Claudius " throughout all
the world " (2<p' o\t]v r^v olKovpLtrnv). This ex
pression may take a narrower or a wider sense,
either of which confirms the prediction. As (Jreek
and Roman writers used tj otKovfte vt\ of the (Jreek
and the Roman world, so a Jewish writer could use
it naturally of the Jewish world or Palestine. Jo-
sephus certainly so uses it (Ant. viii. 13, § 4) when
speaking of the efforts of Ahab to discover the
prophet Ebjah, he says that the king sought him
Kari TTurrar t)jv oiKOVfLtirnv, i- <« throughout
Palestine and its lx>rders. (See Auger, Dc Tempo-
rum in ActU App. ratione, p. 42.) Ancient writers
give no account of any universal famine in the
reign of Claudius, but they speak of several local
famines which were severe in particular countries.
Josephus (AiU. xx. 2, § € ib. 5, § 2) mentions one
which prevailed at that time in Judaea, and swept
I away many of the inhabitants. Helena, queen of
i Adiabene, a Jewish proselyte who was then at Je-
b • TuU article (not accrsditeJ In the Sof Ilia ed)
■ Bon) has been re-written hen by the author II
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38 AOAO
-usalem, imported provisions from Egypt and Cy-
prus, which the distributed among the people to
»ve them from starvation. This, in all probability.
is the famine to which Agabus refers in Acta xi.
28. The chronology admits of this supposition.
According to Joeephus, the famine which he de-
scribes took place when Cuspius Fadus and Tiberius
Alexander were procurators ; i. e. as Lardner com-
putes the time (Credibility, P. I. b. i. ch. xi.), it
may have begun about the close of A. D. 44, and
lasted three or four years. Fadus was sent into
Judaea on the death of Agrippa, which occurred
in August of the year a.d. 44; and it was about the
time of the death of Agrippa (Acts rii. 1) that Paul
and Barnabas carried the alms of the Christians at
Antioch to Jerusalem. If we attach the wider
sense to olicovfitrrir, the prediction may import
that a famine should take place throughout the
Roman empire during the reign of Claudius (the
year is not specified), and not that it should prevail
in all parte at the same time. We find mention
of three other famines during the reign of Claud-
ius: one in Greece (Euseb. Chron. 1. 79), and two
in Rome (Dion Cass. lx. 11; Tac. Arm. xii. 43).
For the facte concerning these families, see Walch,
De Agabo vote (DiuerU. ad Ada Apod. ii. 131 ff.).
At Csesarea, Agabus foretold to Paul, who was
then going up to Jerusalem for the last time, that
the Jews there would cast him into prison and bind
him hand and foot The prophet accompanied this
prediction with a symbolic act (that of binding his
own hands and feet with Paul's girdle), which
served to place the event foretold more vividly be-
fore them. The scene, being thus acted out before
their eyes, was rendered present, real, beyond what
any mere verbal declaration could possibly have
made it
" Segnins irritant animoa demises per aurem
Quam quas sunt oculls sutjecta ndelibus, at que
Ipse sibl tradit spectator."
Instances of such symbolism, though rare in the
N. T., are frequent in the Old. SeelK.xxii.il;
Is. xx. 1 ff.; Jer. xiii. 1 ff.; Ezek. iv. 1 ff., etc.
The name Agabus is variously derived : by Dru-
sius, from 23^, " ^ oc,ut ' °7 Grotius, Witeiut,
and Wolf, from 235, he loved. See Wolf *s Cora
Philologiae, ii. 1167. Walch {id supra) adopts
'he latter derivation, and compares the name with
he Greek Agape, Agapetus, Agapius, and the like.
Walch, in his Ditirrtatio. treats (a) of the name
of Agabus; (A) of his office as prophet; (c) of bis
prophecies; and (d) of their fulfillment. He
illustrates these topics fully, but adds nothing
important to the results stated in this article. The
.ncidente in which Agabus appears are noticed at
ength in Baumgarton's Apoetelyetchichte, I. 270
it. and li. 113 ff. H. B. H.
A'G AG (33N, from an Arabic root " to bum,"
Uesen.: 'ATtty and rc4v: Agag), possibly the title
jf the kings of Amalek, like Pharaoh of Egypt
One king of this name is mentioned in Num. xxiv.
AGATE
7, and another in 1 Sam. xv. 8, 9, Sal, 39. Tbs
latter was the king of the Amalekites, whom Sao)
spared together with the best of the spoil, although
it was the well-known will of Jehovah that the
Amalekites should be extirpated (Ex. xvii. 14
Deut xxv. 17). For this act of disobedience Sam-
uel was commissioned to declare to Saul his rejec-
tion, and he himself sent for Agag and cut him ir.
' was. [Samuel.]
Hainan is called toe AoAorre in Esther (Bov-
•muos, iii. 1, 10, viii. 3, 5, [MontWr, U. 84]).
The Jews consider Haman a descendant of Agag,
the Amalekite, and hence account for the hatred
with which he pursued their race (Joseph. Ant. xi.
6, § 5; Targ. Esth.). R. W. B.
A'GAGITE. IAcac]
A'GAR. [Haoar.]
AGARE'NES (viol 'Ayap: JUS Agar), Bar.
iii. 23. [Haoakenes.]
AGATE (i2tr, Aebt; 13"!?, cadctdt
ox«tT7|»: ackatet) is mentioned four times in the
text of the A. V.; viz. in Ex. xxviil. 19, xxxix.
12; Is. liv. 12; Ex. xxvii. 10. In the two former
passages, where it is represented by the Hebrew
word sheb<\ it is spoken of as forming the second
stone in the third row of the high-priest's breast-
plate ; in each of the two latter places the original
word is cadc6a\ by which no doubt is intended a
different stone. [Ruby.] In Ex. xxvii. 16, where
the text has agate, the margin has chrg$oprnte,
whereas in the very next chapter, Ex. xxviii. 13,
chrywpra$t occurs in the margin instead of em-
erald, which is in the text, as the translation of an
entirely different Hebrew word, niphec; « this will
show how much our translators were perplexed as
to the meanings of the minerals and precious stones
mentioned in the sacred volume ; b and this uncer-
tainty which belongs to the mineralogy of the Bi-
ble, and indeed in numerous instances to its botany
and zoology, is by no means a matter of surprise
when we consider how often there is no collateral
evidence of any kind that might possibly help us,
and that the derivations of the Hebrew words have
generally and necessarily a very extensive significa-
tion; identification, therefore, in many cases be-
comes a difficult and uncertain matter.
Various definitions of the Hebrew word skebi
have been given by the learned, but nothing defi-
nite can be deduced from any one of them. Gese-
nius places the word under the root ih&bahe " to
take prisoner," but allows that nothing at all can
be learned from such an etymology. Fiirst d with
more probability assigns to the name an Arabic
Origin, th&ba, " to glitter."
Again, we find curiously enough an interpreta-
tion which derives it from another Arabic root,
which has precisely the opposite meaning, viz. " to
be dull and obscure." • Another derivation traces
the word to the proper name Sheba, whence pre-
cious stones were exported for the Tyrian mer-
chants. Of these derivations, it is difficult to see
any meaning at all in the first,/ while a contrary
"TO*.
& See " Translators' Preface to the Seeder," which
1 1* to be regretted is never now printed in editions
■ she Bible.
• 1*007, oofXtmim /tat, fleam. Thaaar. a. v.
d Oomp. OoUua, Arab. Ltx.
' 1387 ; of. Frertag, Arab. Ltr.. KiXmS (▼">
* * *
eonj. of K Juw), otuevra, ambig*afltU ru akemi.
/"Bed ban null fccrant ad dXageodam ejne oat*
rem." — Brans. T. 8. n. xv. I.
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AGE, OLD
•ne to what we should expect is giver, to the third,
jr»r a dull-looking stone is surely out of place
amongst the glittering gems which adorned the sa-
cerdotal breastplate. The derivation adopted by
Fiirst is perhaps the most probable, yet tuere is
nothing even in it which will indicate the stone in-
tended. That she-bo, however, does stand for some
variety of agaie seems generally agreed upon by
commentators, for, as Kosenmuller " has observed
(Schd. in Exod. xxxviii. 19). there is a wonderful
agreement amongst interpreters, who all under-
stand an agtte by the term.
Our English agate, or achat, derives its name
from the Achates, the modern Dirillo, in the Val
di Noto, in Sicily, on the banks of which, accord-
ing to Theophrastus and Pliny, it was first found ; b
but as agates are met with in almost every coun-
try, this stone was doubtless from the earliest times
known to the Orientals. It is a silicious stone of
the quartz family, and is met with generally in
rounded nodules, or in veins in trap-rocks ; speci-
mens are often found on the sea-shore, and in the
l>eds of streams, the rocks in which they had been
imbedded having been decomposed by the elements,
when the agates have dropped out. Some of the
principal varieties are called chalcedony, from Chal-
cedon in Asia Minor, where it is found, carntUtm,
cttrysoprasr, an apple-green variety colored by ox-
ide of nickel, Mocha-stones, or moss agate, which
owe their dendritic or tree-like markings to the
imperfect crystallization of the coloring salts of
manganese or iron, onyx-stones, bUnnl-stimes, &c.,
Ac. Beautiful s]>ecimens of the art of engraving on
rtiaicttk>ny are still found among the tombs of
Egypt, Assyria, Etruria, &c. c W. II.
AGE, Ot*D. In early stages of civilization,
when experience is the only source of practical
knowledge, old age has its special value, and con-
sequently its special honors. The Spartans, the
Athenians, and the Romans were particular in
showing respect to the aged, and the Egyptians
had a regulation which lias its exact parallel- in the
Bible (Herod, ii. 80; Lev. xix. 83). Under a pa-
triarchal form of government such a feeling was
Ktill more deeply implanted. A further motive was
superadded in the case of the Jew, who was taught
to consider old age as a reward for piety, and a sig-
nal token of God's favor. For these reasons the
aged occupied a prominent place in the social and
political system of the Jews. In private life they
were looked up to as the depositaries of knowledge
(Job xv. 10); the young were ordered to rise up in
their presence (Lev. xix. 32); they allowed them to
give their opinion first (Job xxxii. 4); they were
taught to regard grey hairs as a " crown of glory *'
ind as the "beauty of old men" (Prov. xvi. 31,
xx. 2J). The attainment of old age was regarded
as a special blessing (Job v. 2ti) not only on ac-
count of the prolonged enjoyment of life to the ir
dividual, but also because it indicated peaceful and
prosperous times (Zech. viii. -t; I Mace. xiv. 9; Is.
kv. 20). In public affairs age carried weight with
AGRICULTURE
89
^2*J* "esse atJtatem, satis probabile est, quum
minu in noc l&pide interpretum ait consensus." Vld.
3n»an. di Vest. Haeerd. Hebraor. II. c. xv. Hi.
" KaAos M Atflov tot b o.\aTrfi b otto tov *Ai -itov
DTofioC tov iv StK^Ain, *ai moActTat rifuoc . — Theoph.
*V. U. 81, ed. Schneider, and FUn. xxxvii. 54 ; Utho%-
mphu SUUienne, Naples, 1777, p. 16.
■ Compare with this Ex. xxxviii. 23: "And with
»tm wm Aholiab, son of Ahisamach, of the tribe a }an,
it, especially in the infancy of the state : it formet
under Moses the main qualification of those whe
acted as the representatives of the people in all
matters of difficulty and deliberation. The old
men or Elders thus became a class, and the title
gradually ceased to convey the notion of age, and
was used in an official sense, like Patres, Senatores,
and other similar terms. [Eldkks.] Still it
would be but natural that such an office was gen-
erally held by men of advanced age (1 K. xii. 8).
\V. L. 13.
* The distinction between irpeafivrns and irpta-
fiuTcpos should be remarked. Though the for-
mer refers always to age, the latter refers occa-
sionally to age (Acts ii. 17; 1 Tim. v. 1; 1 Pet.
v. 5), but usually to rank or office. The point is
of some interest as regards the age of Paul at the ~
time of his Roman captivity. In Pbilein. ver. 9.
the apostle alludes to himself "as an old man"
(u>s irpeafivTTis) for the purpose of giving effect by
that reminiscence to his entreaty in behalf of Ones-
inius. Paid is supposed to have been, at the time of
writing to Philemon (converted about 30 a. i>., at
the age of 30, and at Kome 02-4 a. i>.), about 60
years old. According to Hippocrates, a man was
called vpcafivT-ns from 49 to 56, and after that was
called yipwv. But there was another estimate
among the Greeks which fixed the later period
(yripas) at 69. Coray treats of this question in
his Xuytictiripos 'UpariKd'y, p. 167 (Paris, 1831 ). d
Our most impressive image of old age in the X.
T., as represented by its appropriate word, is that
which occurs in the Saviour's touching description
of what was to befall the energetic Peter in his last
days {orav ynpiiavs)- See John xxi. 18. The
term applied to Zacliarias (Luke i. 18) is vpev
&VT7IS- The patriarch Jacob's characterization of
a long life, as he looked back upon it from the verge
of the grave, has hardly its parallel for truthfulness
and pathos in all extant literature. See Gen. xlvii.
8, 9. H.
A'GEE [dissyl.] (S3S [fugitive]: "Acra ;
Alex. A-yoa; [Camp. 'Ayd'] Age). A Hararite,
father of Shammah, one of David's three mightiest
heroes (2 Sam. xxiii. 11). In the Peshito-Syriac
he is called " Ago of the king's mountain."
AGGE'US ('AyyaTos: Aggceus), [1 Esdr. vi. 1,
vii. 3; 2 Esdr. i. 40.] [IIaggai.]
AGRICULTURE. This, though prominent
in the Scriptural narrative concerning Adam, Cain
and Noah, was little cared for by the patriarchs
more so, however, by Isaac and Jacob than by
Abraham (Gen. xxvi. 12, xxxvii. 7), in whose time,
probably, if we except the lower Jordan valley (xiii.
10), there was little regular culture in Canaan.
Thus Genu: and Sheehem seem to have been cities
where pastoral wealth predominated. The herds -
BUB strove with Isaac about his wells; alwut his
crop there was no contention (xx. 11, xxxiv. 28).
In Joshua's time, as shown by the story of the
" Eshcol" (Num. xiii. 23-4), Canaan was found in
an engraver and a cunning workman ; " and ch. xxxix
8: " And he made the breastplate of cunning work.'
• Occasional specimens of agate occur along the
coast north of Tortosa, and it Is very abuudant ntni
Antloch {Antakia), Kob. Phys. Gro«r. p. 376. II.
'' • Ot. the Mngte word *' aged " in Phileui. v»*r. 9,
the celobratod I. i;.u-t preached two of his 39 set wont
on the Epistle ;o Philemon ( Predi^ten tttn d. Brief
an d. Pkiltmof *t Oallen, 1785-6;. H
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10
AGRICULTURE
• much more advanced agricultural state than
Jacob had left it in (Deut. viii. 8), resulting prob-
ably from the severe experience of (amines, and the
example of Egypt, to which its people were thus
led. The pastoral life was the means of keeping
the sacred race, whilst yet a family, distinct from
mixture and locally unattached, especially whilst
in Egypt. When, grown into a nation, they con-
quered their future seats, agriculture supplied a
similar check on the foreign intercourse and speedy
demoralization, especially as regards idolatry, which
commerce would have caused. Thus agriculture
became the basis of the Mosaic commonwealth
(MichaeJis, xxxvil.-xli.). It tended to check also
the freebooting and nomad life, and made a numer-
ous offspring profitable, as it was already honorable
by natural sentiment and by law. Thus, too, it
indirectly discouraged slavery, or, where it existed,
made the slave somewhat like a son, though it
made the son also somewhat of a slave. Taken in
connection with the inalienable character of inher-
itances, it gave each man and each family a stake
in the soil and nurtured a hardy patriotism.
" The land is Mine " (Lev. xxv. 23) was a dictum
which made agriculture likewise the basis of the
theocratic relation. Thus every family felt its own
life with intense keenness, and had its divine ten-
ure which it was to guard from alienation. The
prohibition of culture in the sabbatical year formed,
under this aspect, a kind of rent reserved by the
Divine Owner. Landmarks were deemed sacred
(Deut. xix. 14), and the inalienability of the heri-
tage was ensured by its reversion to the owner in
the year of jubilee; so that only so many years of
occupancy could be sold (Lev. xxv. 8-16, 23-35).
The prophet Isaiah (v. 8) denounces the contempt
of such restrictions by wealthy grandees who sought
to " add field to field," erasing families and depop-
ulating districts.
A change In the climate of Palestine, caused by
increase of population and the clearance of trees,
must have token place before the period of the N.
T. A further change caused by the decrease of
skilled agricultural labor, e. <?., In irrigation and
terrace-making, has since ensued. Nut only this,
but the great variety of elevation and local charac-
ter in so small a compass of country necessitates a
partial and guarded application of general remarks
(Robinson, 1. 607, 553, 554, iii. 595; Stanley, S.
<f P. pp. 119, 124-6). Yet wherever industry is
secure, the soil still asserts its old fertility. The
llaur&n (Pereea) is as fertile as Damascus, and its
bread enjoys the highest reputation. The black
and fat, but light, soil about Gaza is said to hold
•o much moisture as to be very fertile with little
.'sin. Here, as in the neighborhood of Bryt-it, is
a vast olive-ground, and the very sand of the shore
is said to be fertile if watered. The Israelites
probably found in Canaan a fair proportion of
woodland, which their necessities, owing to the dis-
couragement of commerce, must have led them to
reduce (Josh. xiii. 18). Hut even in early times
timber seems to have been far less used for building
material than among western nations ; the Israel-
ites were not skillful hewers, and imported both
be timber and the workmen (1 K. v. 6, 8). No
itore of wood-fuel seems to have been kept; ovens
were heatrd with such things as dung and hay (Ez.
y. 12, 15; Mai. iv. 1); and, in any case of sacrifice
sn an emergency, some, as we should think, unu-
raal source of supply is constantly mentioned for
he won) (1 Sam. vi. 14; 9 Sam. xxiv. 29; 1 K.
AGRICULTURE
xix. 21 ; comp. Gen. xxii. 3, C, 7). .411 this li.clf
cates a non-abundance of timber.
Its plenty of water from natural sources mads
Canaan a coutrast to rainless Egypt (Deut. viii. 7
xi. 8-12). Nor was the peculiar Egyptian method
alluded to in Deut xi. 10 unknown, though less
prevalent in Palestine. That peculiarity seems tc
have consisted in making in the fields square shal-
low beds, like our salt-pans, surrounded by a raised
border of earth to keep in the water, which was
then turned from one square to another by pushing
aside the mud to open one and close the next with
the foot. A very similar method is apparently de-
scribed by Robinson as used, especially for garden
vegetables, in Palestine. There irrigation (includ-
ing under the term all appliances for making the
water available) was as essential as drainage in our
region ; and for this the large extent of rocky sur-
face, easily excavated for cisterns and ducts, was
most useful. Even the plain of Jericho is watered
not by canals from the Jordan, since the river lies
below the land, but by rills converging from the
mountains. In these features of the country lay
its expansive resources to meet the wants of a mul-
tiplying population. The lightness of agricultural
labor in the plains set free an abundance of hands
for the task of terracing and watering; and the
result gave the highest stimulus to industry.
The cereal crops of constant mention are wheat
and barley, and more rarely rye and millet (?).
Of the two former, together with the vine, olive,
and fig, the use of irrigation, the plough and the
harrow, mention is found in the book of Job (xxxi.
40, xv. 33, xxiv. 6, xxix. 0, xxxix. 10). Two
kinds of cummin (the black variety called " fitches,"
Is. xxviii. 27), and such podded plants as beans
and lentiles, may be named among the staple prod-
uce. To these later writers add a great variety
of garden plants, e. g., kidney-beans, peas, lettuce,
endive, leek, garlic, onion, melon, cucumber, cab-
bage, Ac. (Milium, Ctfoim, 1. 1, 2). The produce
which formed Jacob's present was of such kinds as
would keep, and had kept during the (amine (Gen.
xliii. 11).
The Jewish calendar, as fixed by the three great
festivals, turned on the seasons of green, ripe, and
fully-gathered produce. Hence, if the season was
backward, or, owing to the imperfections of a non-
astronomical reckoning, seemed to be so, a month
was intercalated. This rude system was fondly re-
tained long after mental progress and foreign inter-
course placed a correct calendar within their power;
so that notice of a Vtadar, i. e., second or inter-
calated Adar, on account of the lambs being not
yet of paschal size, and the barley not forward
enough for the Abib (green sheaf), was sent to the
Jews of Babylon and Egypt (L'gol. de Re RutL v.
22) early in the season.
The year ordinarily consisting of 12 months wai
divided into 6 agricultural periods as follows (To
taphta Taamth, ch. 1): —
I. Sowing Toot.
! beginning about
autumnal
equinox ^Barly rate las
M&rchesvan
Kaaleu, former half . . .
H. Umurr
Kasleu, latter naif.
Tebsth.
Shebath, former half.
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AGRICULTURE
AGRICULTURE
41
IH. Cold Season.
B •bath, latter half
iter
[Veedar] ....
NImh, former half .
Latter rain doe.
IT. HiavuT Too.
Wnan, latter half
(Jar
31van, former half
iii van, latter half.
Tamua
Ab, former half.
Beginning about
vernal equinox.
Barley green.
Passover.
VI Mat ripe.
Pentecost.
VI. Sclt»t Siasoh.
Ab, latter half.
Blul.
Tisri, former half
. . Ingathering of fruits.
Thus the 6 mouths from mid Tisri to mid Nisan
were mainly occupied with the process of cultiva-
tion, and the rest with the gathering of the fruits.
Kain was commonly expected soon after the autum-
nal equinox or mid Tisri; and if by the first of
Kasleu none had fallen, a fast was proclaimed
(Mishna, Taantih, ch. i.). The common scriptu-
ral expressions of the "early" and the •'latter
rain " (Dent- xi. 14; Jer. v. 24; Hos. vi. 3; Zech.
x. 1 ; Jam. v. 7) are scarcely confirmed by modern
experience, the season of rains being unbroken
(Robinson, i. 41, 429, iii. 96), though perhaps the
fall is more strongly marked at the beginning and
the end of it. The consternation caused by the fail-
ure of the former rain is depicted in Joel i., ii. ; and
that prophet seems to promise that and the latter
rain together " in the first month," •'. e. Nisan (ii.
23). Hie ancient Hebrews had little notion of
green or root-crops grown for fodder, nor was the
lung summer drought suitable for them. Barley
supplied food both to man and beast, and the plant,
called in E*. iv. 9, " Millet," J?'T, holms dochmi,
linn. (Gesenius), was grazed while green, and its
ripe grain made into bread. In the later period
of more advanced irrigation the ]i"1 s*\ "Fenu-
greek," occurs, also the HPU7, a clover, appa-
rently, given cot (Peak, v. 5). Mowing (*3, Am.
vii. 1; Pa. Uarii. 6) and haymaking were familiar
p ro cess e s, but the latter had no express word,
TSP standing both for grass and hay, a token
it a hot climate, where the grass may become hay
as it stands.
The produce of the land besides fruit from trees,
was Technically distinguished as nHIDH, tnclud
ing apparently all cereal plants, 71 V3Bp (quicquia
in tiliquit naseUur, Buxt Lex.), nearly equivalent
to the Latin kgumen, and CJiyiT or "WIT
nj^J, tamaa nortensia, (since the former word
alone was used also generically for all seed, includ-
ing all else which was liable to tithe, for which
purpose the distinction seems to have existed. The
plough probably was like the Egyptian, and the
process of ploughing mostly very light, like that
called scar\ficaHo by the Romans (" Syria tenui
sulco ant," Phn. xviii. 47), one yoke of oxen
mostly sufficing to draw it. Such is still used in
Asia Minor, and its parts are shown in the accom-
panying drawing: a is the pole to which the cross
beam with yokes, 0, is attached ; c, the share ; d, the
handle; e represents three modes of arming the
share, and/ is a goad with a scraper at the other
Jto^
Fig. 1. — Plough, fee., as still used In Asia Minor. -
(From Fellowe's Asia Minor.)
end, probably for cleansing the share. Mountains
and steep places were hoed (Is. vii. 26 ; Maimon. ad
Muhn. vi. 2; Robinson, iii. 59S, 602-3). The
breaking up of new land was performed as with
the Romans rere novo. Such new ground and fal-
lows, the use of which latter was familiar to the
Jews (Jer. iv. 3; Hos. x. 12), were cleared of stones
and of thorns (Is. v. 2; Gemara Ilitrosvl. ad toe.)
early in the year, sowing or gathering from " among
thorns" being a proverb for slovenly husbandry
(Job v. 5; Prov. xxiv. 30, 31; Robinson, ii. 127)
Virgin land was ploughed a second time. The
proper words are nP.5, proscindere, and 1T0\
offringere, •'. e., iterare ut frangantw gteba (by
cross ploughing), Varr. de R. R. i. 32; both
are distinctively used Is. xxviii. 24. Land already
tilled was ploughed before the rains, that the moist-
ure might the better penetrate (Maimon. ap. UgoL
de Re Rust. v. 11). Rain, however, or irrigation
(Is. xxxii. 20) prepared the soil for the sowing, as
may be inferred from the prohibition to irrigate- tiB
\£
Hj. % — Kgrpttan ploughing and sewing. — (WTildneoo, Tombs of tht Kings. — Thrbes.)
fce gleaning was over, lest the poor sbo-ild suffer ' abb of the sower, being scattered broadcast, ana
Peak, t. I); and inch sowing often took place ploughed in afltrwards, the roots of the late crop
silhout previous ploughing, the seed, aa ii. the pa.-- being so far decayed as to serve for manure (Pel-
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AGRICULTURE
AGRICULTURE
lit- & — Goats treading In the gain, whan town in the Held, alter the water hat subsided.
TbfMi*, near the Pyramid*.)
(Wilkinson,
low», Ana tfmor, p. 72). The soil ni then I gathered to seed sown was often vast; a hundred-
brushed over with a light harrow, often of thorn | fold is mentioned, but in aneh a way as to signify
bashes. In highly Irrigated spota the seed was I that it was a limit rarely attained (Gen. xxri. 19
trampled in by cattle (Is. xxxii. 90), as in Egypt by I Matt. xiil. 8).
goaU (Wilkinson, i. 39, 2d Ser.). Sometimes,
however, the sowing was by patches only in well
manured spots, a process called ">Wfi, der. "12?,
pardut, from its spotted appearance, as represented
in the accompanying drawing by Surenhusius to
Illustrate the Minima. Where the soil was heavier,
.^3k BL^%>*
"^ , **JS^--.
-iRWiew- -
fig. 4. — Corn growing In patches. — (Surenhusiiui.)
the ploughing was best done dry (" dum sicca tel-
lure licet," Virg. Uevry. i. 914); and there, though
not generally, the tarritio (yn"5, der. "I"TO| to
cleanse), and even the Emtio of Roman husbandry,
performed with tabula affixed to the aides of the
share, might be useful. But the more formal rou-
tine of heavy western toils must not be made the
standard of such a naturally fine tilth as that of
Palestine penerally. " Sunt enim regionum propria
munera, sicut i£gypti et Africa?, in quibus agricola
post sementem ante messem segetem non attingit
.... in iis autem locis ubi dtndtratur srcmVio,"
Ac., Columella, ii. 12. During the rains, if not
too heavy, or between their two periods, would be
the best time for these operations; thus 70 da) s be-
fore the passover was the time prescribed for sowing
for the " wave-sheaf," and, probably, therefore, for
that of barley generally. The oxen were urged on
by a goad like a spear (Judg. iii. 31 ). Tne custom
of watching ripening crops and threshing floors
against theft or damage (Robinson, i. 400, ii. 18,
83, 99) is probably ancient. Thus Boar, slept on
Le floor (Ruth iii. 4. 7.)° Barley ripened a week
it two before wheat, and as fine harvest weather
*as certain (Prov. xxvi. 1; 1 Sam. xil. 17; Am. iv.
7), the crop chiefly varied with the quantity of
timely rain. The neriod of harvest must always
have differed according to elevation, aspect, Ac.
.Robinson, i. 430, 551. ) The proportion of harvest
The rotation of crops, familiar to the Egyptians
t^.^::-/^
Fig. 6. — Sowing. — (Sunmhustas.1
Pig. 6. — Sowing. — (Samnhnaius.)
- • This practice continues to the present day.
•peaking or a night spent near Hebron, Robinson (ii.
148, ed. 1841) says : " The owner* of the crops came
rrary night and slept upon the^ thrashing floors to
7. — Sowing. — (Surenhasras.)
guard them ; and this we bad found to be unlversa. Ii
all the region of Qasa." Thomson (Land ami Boo*
U. 548) notes to the same custom. See Rom, Bool
or. H
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AGRICULTURE
(Wilkinson, ii. p. 4), can nardly have been un-
known to the Hebrews. Sowing a field with divers
iceds was forbidden (Deut. xxii. 9), and minute
directions are given by the rabbis for arranging a
seeded surface with great variety, yet avoiding jux-
taposition of heterogenea Such arrangements are
shown in the annexed drawings. Three furrows'
AGRICULTURE
43
Fig. 8. — Sowing. — (Suranhuslus.)
interval was the prescribed margin (Celaim, ii. 8).
The blank spaces in fig. 5, a and 6, represent such
margins, tapering to save ground. In a vineyard
wide spaces were often left between the vines, for
e «^-S-&^- ,
Pig. 9. — Com-field with Olives. — i.Sureuhusius.)
whose roots a radius of 4 cubits was allowed, and
the rest of the space cropped : so herb-gardens
itood in the midst of vineyards (Penh, v. 5.)
Kig. 9 shows a corn-field with olives about and
cmidst it.
in Jer. and .loel), either the ears merely in tht
" Picenian " method (Varr. de Re Bust. i. 50), or
stalk and all, or it was pulled by the root* (Peak, v.
10). It was bound in sheaves — a process prom-
inent in Scripture, and described by a peculiar
word, ~I!3S — or heaped, tfXSSqh, in the
form of a helmet, rVMDfiVS of a turban (of
which, however, see another explanation, Buxt. Lex.
s. v. n'lDD-IS), or rrnnb of a cake. The
Fig. 12. — Heaping. — (Surenhusius.)
sheaves or heaps were carted (Am. ii. 13) to the
floor — a circular spot of hard ground, probably,
as now, from 50 to 80 or 100 feet in diameter.
Such floors were probably permanent, and became
well known spots (Gen. 1. 10, 11; 2 Sam. xxiv. 16,
18). On these the oxen, <&c., forbidden to be muz-
zled (Deut. xxv. 4), trampled out the grain, as we
Fig. 13. — Threshing-floor. The oxen driven round
the heap ; contrary to the usual custom. — (Wilkin
son, Thebfs.)
find represented in the Egyptian monuments. At
a later time the .lews used a threshing sledge called
!/.'■! ■", (Is. xli. 15; 2 Sam. xxiv. 22; 1 Chr. xxi.
23), probably resembling the n6reg, still employed
lig 10 — Heaping wheat. — (Wilkinson, Tombs of tki
Kings — Thrbrs |
The wheat, Ac., was reaped by the sickle (the
*jrd f->t which is tTQin in Deut., and bjr
(T«. It - tailing up the doom by the i
kiojOD ul ttipra.)
■ (\\ ii-
Fig 14. — The JViiw a machine used by the modern
Egyptians lor tfireslUBtf com.
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44
AGRICULTURE
hi Egypt (Wilkinson, ii. 190) — a stage with three
rotten ridged with iron, which, aided by the driver's
weight, crushed out, often injuring, the grain, as
Fig. 15. — Thrashing Instrument. — (From Fellows'*
Asia Minor.)
well as cut or tore the straw, which thus became
lit for fodder. It appears to have been similar to
the Roman tribulum and the plosttihm Pnsnicum
AGRICULTURE
(Varr. de R. R. i. 52). Lighter grains were beater,
out with a stick (Is. xxviii. 27). Barky was some-
times soaked and then parched before treading out
which got rid of the pellicle of the grain. See
further the AntiqvitaU* Tritura, Ugolini, vol. 29
The use of animal manure is proved frequent by
such recurring expressions as "dung on the face
of the earth, field," Ac (Ps. lxxxiii. 10 ; 2 K. ix.
37 ; Jer. viii. 2, Ac.). A rabbi limits the quantity
to three heaps of ten half-core, or about 380 gal-
lons, to each PSD (=J of ephah of grain,
Gesen.), and wishes the quantity in each heap,
rather than their number, to be increased if the
field be' large (Sheviith, cap. iii. 2). Nor was the
great usefulness of sheep to the soil unrecognized
{ibid. 4), though, owing to the general distinctness
of the pastoral life, there was less scope for it
Vegetable ashes, burnt stubble, Ac. were si
Fig. 16. — Treading out the grain by oxen, and winnowing. 1. Baking up the «ara to the centre. 2. The
driver. 8. Winnowing, with wooden shovels. — (Wilkinson, Thtbtt.)
The "shovel" and "fan" (PCP and P??2,
Is. xxx. 24, but their precise difference is very
doubtful) indicate the process of winnowing — a
conspicuous part of ancient husbandry (Ps. xxxv.
5 ; Job. xxi. 18 ; Is. xvii. 13), and important owing
to the slovenly threshing. Evening was the fa-
vorite time (Kuth iii. 2) when there was mostly a
breeze. The P?!?? (>TTY, to scatter = rrior'>
(Matt. iii. 12; Horn. Iliad, xiii. 588), was perhaps
a broad shovel which threw the grain up against
the wind; while the PIT} (akin to PTI?) may
have been a fork (still used in Palestine for the
same purpose), or a broad basket in which it was
tossed. The heap of produce rendered in rent was
sometimes customarily so large as to cover the
PPP {Bata itehda, ix. 2). This favors the lat-
ter view. So the -trior was a corn-measure in
Cyprus, and the hlitruw — l a lUttpros (Uddell
and Scott, Lex. s. v. Trior). The lost process was
tiie slaking in a sieve, i '7 ! 3T> fi&rtim, to sep-
arate dirt and refuse (Am. Ix. 9). [See t-uke xxil.
31]
1 ields and floors were not commonly enclosed ;
vineyards mostly were, with a tower and other
buildings (Num. xxii. 24 ; Ps. lxxx. 13 : Is. v. 5 :
Matt. xxi. 83; comp. Judg. vi. 11). Banks of mud
from ditches were also used.
With regard to occupancy a tenant might nay
a fixed moneyed rent (Cant. viii. 11) — In which
case he was called 13127, and was compellable to
keep the ground in good order for a stipulated share
of the fruits (2 Sam. ix. 10; Matt. xxi. 34), often
a half or a third ; but local custom was the only
rule: in this case he was called D^C and was
more protected, the owner sharing the loss of a
short or spoilt crop; so, in case of locusts, blight,
Ac., the year's rent was to be abated ; or he might
' receive such share as a salary — an inferior position
1 — when the term which descrilied him was "'-IP.
It was forbidden to sow flax during a short occu-
pancy (hence leases for terms of years would seem
I to have been common), lest the soil should be un-
• duly exhausted (comp. Gtorg. i. 77). A passer-by
[ might eat any quantity of corn or grapes, but not
I reap or carry off fruit (Ueut. xxiii. 24-5; Matt
Ixii. 1).
! The rights of the comer to be left, and of glean-
ing [Corner; Gleaning], formed the poor man's
' claim on the soil for support. For his benefit, too
a sheaf forgotten in carrying to the floor was to he
left; so also with regard to the vineyard and the
olive-grove (Lev. xix. 9, 10; Deut xxiv. 19).°
o * The beautiful custom has survived to the present
time (Thomson's Land and Book, U. 828, fill). On
several topics In this article (as climate, seasons, fcrttt
Ity, productions) further Id formation will be fauns'
under Paimnrs. H.
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AOBIPPA
Besides then Menu a probability that wery third
fear a eecond tithe, besides the priest* , wai paid
fcr the poor (Deut. xiv. 28, xxvi. 12; Am. iv. 4;
lob. i. 7; Joseph. Ant. It. 8). On this doubtftil
point of the poor man's tithe ('337 "IWVO) tee a
learned note by Surenhusins, ad Peak, nil. 8.
These rights, in ease two poor men were partners
in oosupmney, ought be conveyed by each to the
other for half the field, and thus retained between
them (Haimon. ad Peak, v. 5). Sometimes a char-
itable owner declared his ground common, when
Its fruits, as those of the sabbatical year, went to
the poor. For three years the fruit of newly-
planted trees was deemed uncircumcised and for-
bidden; in the 4th it was holy, as first-fruits; in
toe 5th it might be ordinarily eaten (Mithna, Or-
tek, patrim). For the various classical analogies,
see Diet, of Gr. and Rom. Antiq. a. v. H. H.
AGRIPTA. [Herod.]
A'GUR ("W [coBector]: Congregant). The
sod of Jakeh, an unknown Hebrew sage, who ut-
tered or collected the sayings of wisdom recorded
in Prov. xxx. Ewald attributes to him the author-
ship of Prov. xxx. 1-xxxi. 9, in consequence of the
similarity of style exhibited in the three sections
therein contained ; and assigns as his date a period
not earlier than the end of the 7th or beginning of
the 6th cent. b. c. The Rabbins, according to
Bashi, and Jerome after them, interpreted the name
symbolically of Solomon, who "collected under-
standing " (from "US Agar, he gathered), and is
alsewherecaUed"Koheleth." Bunsen (BHxlwerk, i.
p. clxxviii.) contends that Agur was an inhabitant
of Masea, and probably- a descendant of one of the
500 Simeonites, who, in the reign of Hezekiah,
drove out the Amalekites from Mount Seir. Hit-
sig goes further, and makes him the son of the
queen of Massa and brother of. Lemuel (Die SprOche
8aL p. 311, ed. 1858). [Massa.] In CasteU's
Lex. Beptag. we find the Syriac word J'^^l,
ig&rd, denned as signifying " one who applies him-
self to the studies of wisdom." There is no au-
thority given for this but the Lexicon of Bar BahluL
and it may have been derived from some tradi-
tional interpretation of the proper name Agur.
W. A. W.
A'HAB (SNTTrjl [father' $ brother] : '/L X euifi;
Achat), son of OmrL seventh king of the separate
kingdom of Israel, and second of his dynasty. The
great lesson which we learn from his life is the depth
of wickedness into which a weak man may tall,
even though not devoid of good feelings and amiable
Impulse*, when he abandons himself to the guidance
of another person, resolute, unscrupulous and de-
praved. The cause of his ruin was his marriage
with Jezebel, daughter of EthbasL or EithobaL king
of Tyre, who had been priest of Astarte, but bad
usurped the throne of bis brother Pballes (compare
Joseph. Ant. viii. 13, 2, with c Apion. L 18). If
aha resembles the Lady Macbeth of our y-eat
dramatist, Ahab has hardly Macheth's energy and
aetermination, though ne was probably by nature a
better man. We have a comparatively full account
of Ahab's reign, because it was distinguished by
the ministry of the great prophet HyaL, who was
srouqht into direct collision with Jezebel, when she
auliuvu to introduce into Israel the impure wor-
■tip of Baal and her other's goddess Astarte. In
AHAB
46
obedience to her wishes, Ahab caused a temple ta
be built to Baal in Samaria itself, and an oracular
grove to be consecrated to Astarte. With a fixed
determination to extirpate the true religion, Jezebel
hunted down and put to death God's prophets,
some of whom were concealed in caves by Obadiah,
the governor of Ahab's house ; while the Phoenician
rites were carried on with such splendor that we
read of 450 prophets of Baal, and 400 of Asherah.
(See 1 K. xviii. 19, where our version follows the
LXX. in erroneously substituting "the groves"
for the proper name Asherah, as again in 2 K.
rxi. 7, xxiii. 6.) [Asherah.] How the wurship
of God was restored, snd the idolatrous priests slain,
in consequence of " a sore famine in Samaria," will
be more properly related under the article Elijah.
But heathenism snd persecution were not the only
crimes into which Jezebel led her yielding husband.
One of bis chief tastes was for splendid architect-
ure, which he showed by building sn ivory house
and several cities, and also by ordering the restore
tion and fortification of Jericho, which seems to
have belonged to Israel, and not to Judah, as it is
said to have been rebuilt in the days of Ahab,
rather than in those of the contemporary king of
Judah, Jeboshaphat (1 K. xvi. 34). But the place
in which he chiefly indulged this passion was the
beautiful city of Jezreel (now Zerin), in the plain
of Esdraelon, which he adorned with a palace and
park for his own residence, though Samaria re-
mained the capital of his kingdom, Jezreel standing
in the same relation to it as the Versailles of the
old French monarchy to Paris (Stanley, 8. 4 P-
p. 244). Desiring to add to his pleasure-grounds
there the vineyard of his neighbor Naboth, he pro-
posed to buy it or give land in exchange for it; and
when this was refused by Naboth, in accordance
with the Mosaic law, on the ground that the vine-
yard was " the inheritance of his fathers " (Lev.
xxv. 23), a false accusation of blasphemy was
brought against him, and not only was he himself
stoned to death, but his sons also, as we team from
2 K. ix 28. Elijah, already the great vindicator
of religion, now appeared as the assertor of morality,
and declared that the entire extirpation of Ahab's
house was the penalty appointed for his long course
of wickedness, now crowned by this atrocious
crime. Tie execution, however, of this sentence
was delayed in consequence of Ahab's deep repent-
ance. The remaining part of the first book of
Kings is occupied by sn account of the Syrian
wars, which originally seems to have been contained
in the last two chapters. It is much more natural
to place the 20th chapter after the 21st, snd so
bring the whole history of these wars together, than
to interrupt the narrative by interposing the story
of Naboth between the 20th and 22d, especially as
the beginning of the 22d seems to follow naturally
from the end of the 20th. And this arrangunent
is actually found in the LXX. and confirmed by
the narrative of Josephus. We read of three cam-
paigns which Ahab undertook against Benhadad
U. king of Damascus, two defensive and one offen-
sive. In the first, Benhadad laid siege to Sama-
ria, and Ahab, encouraged by the patriotic counsels
of God's prophets, who, next to the true religion,
valued most deeply the independence of His chosen
people, made a stti-jn attack on him whilst in the
ptentitude of errogant confidence he was banquet-
ing in his test with his 32 vassal kings. The
Syrians wen totally rooted, and fled to Dams*
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(6
AHARAW
Next yew Benhadad, bettering that his failure
mi owing to some peculiar power which the God
of brad exercised over the hills, invaded Ianel by
way of Aphek, on the E. of Jordan (Stanley, S.
<f P. App. § 6). Yet Ahab's victory wai so com-
plete that Benhadad himself fell into his banda;
bat was releaaed (contrary to the will of God aa
announced by a prophet) on condition of restoring
all the cities of Israel which be held, and making
"streets" for Ahab in Damascus; that is, admit-
ting into his capital permanent Hebrew commis-
sioners, in an independent position, with special
dwellings for themselves and their retinues, to watch
over the commercial and political interests of Ahab
and his subjects. This was apparently in retali-
ation for a similar privilege exacted by Benhadad's
predecessor from Omri in respect to Samaria.
After this great success Ahab enjoyed peace for
three years, and it is difficult to account exactly for
the third outbreak of hostilities, which in Kings is
briefly attributed to an attack made by Ahab on
Ramoth in GQesd on the east of Jordan, in con-
junction with Jehoahaphat king of Judah, which
town he claimed as belonging to Israel But if
Ramoth was one of the cities which Benhadad
agreed to restore, why did Ahab wait for three years
to enforce the fulfillment of the treaty? from
this difficulty, and the extreme bitterness shown by
Benhadad against Ahab personally (1 K. xxii. 31),
it seems probable that this* was not the case (or at
all events that the Syrians did not so understand the
treaty), but that Ahab, now strengthened by Jehoah-
aphat, who must have felt keenly the paramount
importance of crippling the power of Syria, origin-
ated the war by assaulting Ramoth without any im-
mediate provocation. In any case, God's ble ss i n g
did not rest on the expedition, and Ahab was told by
the prophet Micaiah that it would fail, and that the
prophets who advised it were hurrying him to his
ruin. For giving this warning Micaiah was im-
prisoned; but Ahab was so far roused by it as to
take the precaution of disguising himself, so as not
to oner a conspicuous mark to the archers of Ben-
hadad. But be was slain by a "certain man who
drew a bow at a venture; " and though staid up
in his chariot for a time, yet he died towards even-
ing, and his army dispersed. When he was brought
to be buried in Samaria, the dogs licked up his blood
as a servant was washing his chariot ; a partial ful-
fillment of EUjah's prediction (1 K. xxi. 19), which
was more literally accomplished in the case of his
son (9 K. ix. 26). Josephus, however, substitutes
Jezreel for Samaria in the former pa s sag e (Ant.
fill. 15, 6). The date of Ahab's accession is 919
B. c; of his death, b. o. 897.
8. pA*idj8: Heb. in Jer. xxix. 23, 3PS]. A
lying prophet, who deceived the captive Israelites
m Babylon, and was burned to death by Nebuchad-
osnar, Jer. xxix. 91, 99. G. E. L. C.
AH AR'AH (rnnH [after the brother, but
■neertain]: 'Aapi; [Vat. la$avK:] Ahara).
The third son of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 1). See
Abeb, Ahibam. W. A. W.
AHAIt/HEL (VlTTJB [as above]: o8«Aa%ot
Vnx'O' [Gomp. U. *Pi>xdA:] Aharehel). A
same occurring in an obscure fragment of the
genealogies of Judah. " The families of Aharhel"
apparently traced their descent through Cos to
Ashur, the posthumous son of Herron. The Tar-
pon of K. Joseph on Chronicles identifies him with
AHASUBBUS
"Hur the firstborn of Miriam" (1 Chr. k. •)
The LXX. appear to have read 3TI TIM
" brother of Rechab," or according to the Compaa-
tensian editkn Vn TW, "brother of Rachel.'
W. A. W.
AHA'SAI [8 syL] (^ITS [=Ahaaah] : on
in LXX. [but Comp. *urxioj] : Ahan). A priest,
ancestor of Msasisi or Amsshai (Neh. xL 18).
He is called Jahzebah in 1 Chr. ix. 19.
W. A. W.
AHAS'BAI [8 syL] OSpCH : i 'Ao-jWrBt
[Vat. -$tt-] ; Alex, o Atrovc; [Comp. 'AxorjBaf :]
AtubaS). The father of Eliphelet, one of David's
thirty-seven captains (2 Sam. xxiii. 34). In the
corrupt list in 1 Chr. xi. 36, Eliphefet appears as
" Eliphal the son of Ur." The LXX. regarded the
name Ahaabai as denoting not the father but the
family of Elipbelet. [According to Uesenius the
name signifies / have taken refuge in Jehovah.]
W. A. W.
• AHASHVE'ROSH. Noted in Ezra iv. •
in the margin of the A. V. aa the Hebrew form of
AHA8UBBVS. A.
AHASUBTIU8 (WVnitpny : -Ao-o-o^pos,
[Vat. AffOnooi ,] LXX. [in Ezra iv. 6] ; but 'Aa^a-
poj, [Alex. Kownpot, Comp. Aid. 'Aeaovnpot,}
Tob. xiv. 15: Auuenu, A. V. [in Tob.], Vulg.),
the name of one Median and two Persian kings
mentioned in the Old Testament. It may be de-
sirable to prefix to this srticle a chronological table
of the Medo-Peraian kings from Cyaxares to Ar-
taxerxes Longimanus, according to their ordinary
classical names. The Scriptural names conjectured
to correspond to them in this srticle and Abta-
xerxes are added in italics.
1. Cyaxares, king of Media, son of Phraortes,
grandson of Deioces and conqueror of Nineveh,
began to reign B. c. 684. Ahatuerut.
2. Astyages his son, last king of Media, B. c.
694. Darius the Mtdc.
3. Cyrus, son of his daughter Mandane and
Cambyses, a Persian noble, first king of Persia, 569.
Cyrui.
4. Cambyses his son, 629. Ahasumu.
5. A Magian usurper, who personates Smerdis,
the younger son of Cyrus, 521. Artaxerxu.
6. Darius Hystaspis, raised to the throne on the
overthrow of the Magi, 621. Dariut.
7. Xerxes, bis son, 485. Ahamttnu.
8. Artaxerxes Longimanus (Macrocbeir), his son,
465-495. Artaxerxu.
The name Ahssuerus or Achashverosh is the
same as the Sanscrit kthatra, a king, which appears
as kthtnhe in the arrow-headed inscriptions of Per-
sepolis, and to this in its Hebrew form t*' prosthetic
is prefixed (see Gibbs's Gesenius, S). This nam*
in one of its Greek forms is Xerxes, explained by
Herod, (vi. 98) to mean iftfiot, a signification suf-
ficiently near that of king.
L In Dan. ix. 1. Ahasuenu [LXX. Xipfys,
Theodot. 'Aaoinpos] i* eaid to be the father of
Darius the Mede. Now it is almost certain that
Cyaxares is a form of Ahasoems, gredxed into
<• •This Ibrm In A. V. ed. 1611 may haw ban >»
tended to bs nad Abartarus, a bahaj aaad lor *, •
•lsswhsn. A
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AHaSUERUS
Axares with the prefix Cy- or Kai-, common to the
gniani»n dynasty of kings (Malcolm's Persia, ch.
lii . ), with which may be compared Kai Khosroo, the
Persian name of Cyrus. The son of this Oyaxares
was Astyages, and it is no improbable conjecture
that Darius the Mede was Astyages, set over Baby-
lon as viceroy by his grandson Gyrus, and allowed
to live there in royal state. (See Rawlinson's
Herodotus, vol. i. Essay iii. § 11.) [Dakius.]
This first Ahasuerus, then, is Cyaxares, the con-
queror of Nineveh. And in accordance with this
view, we read in Tobit, xiv. 15, that Nineveh was
taken by Nabuchodonosor and Assuerus, i. e. Cy-
axares.
2. In Ezra iv. 6, the enemies of the Jews, after
the death of Cyrus, desirous to frustrate the build-
ing of Jerusalem, send accusations against them to
Ahasuerus, king of Persia. This must be Cam-
byses. For we read (v. 5) that their opposition
continued from the time of Cyrus to that of Darius,
and Ahasuerus and Artaxerxes, i. e. Cambyses and
the Pseudo-Smerdis, are mentioned as reigning be-
tween th<".m. [Artaxek.yks.] Xenophon (Cyr.
viii.) calls the brother of Cambyses, Tanyoxares,
i. e. the younger Oxares, whence we infer that the
elder Oxares or Axares. or Ahasuerus, was Cam-
byses. His constant wars probably prevented him
from interfering in the concerns of the Jews. He
was plainly called after his grandfather, who was
not of royal race, and therefore it is very likely that
he also assumed the kingly name or title of Axares
or Cyaxarcs which had been borne by his most illus-
trious ancestor.
3. The third is the Ahasuerus of the book of
Esther. It is needless to give more than the heads
of the well-known story. Having divorced his
queen Vashti for refusing to appear in public at a
banquet, he married four years afterward the Jewess
Esther, cousin and ward of Mordecai. Five years
after this, Hanian, one of his counsellors, having
been slighted by Mordecai, prevailed upon him to
order the destruction of all the Jews in the empire.
But before the day appointed for the massacre,
Esther and Mordecai overthrew the influence which
Hainan had exercised, and so completely changed
his feelings hi the matter, that they induced him to
put Hainan to death, and to give the Jews the right
of self-defense. This they UBcd so vigorously that
they killed several thousands of their opponents.
Now from the extent assigned to the Persian em-
pire (Esth. i. 1), " from India even unto Ethiopia,"
it is proved that Darius Hystaspis is the earliest
possible king to whom this history can apply, and it
is hardly worth while to consider the claims of any
after Artaxerxes Longimanus. But Ahasuerus
cannot be identical with Darius, whose wives were
the daughters of Cyrus and Otanes, and who in
name and character equally differs from that foolish
tyrant. Neither can he be Artaxerxes I-ongiraanus,
although as Artaxerxes is a compound of Xerxes,
there is less difficulty here as to the name. But in
the first place the character of Artaxerxes, as given
by Plutarch and by Diodorus (xi. 71), is also very
unlike that of Ahasuerus. Besides this, in Ezra
rii. 1-7, 11-2G, Artaxerxes, in the seventh year of
to- »eigii, issues a decree very favorable to the Jews
snd it is unlikely, therefore, that in the twelfth
'Esth. iii. 7) I Inn in n could speak to him of them
■ if he knew nothing about them, and persuade
dim to sentence them to an indiscriminate niag-
acre- We are therefore reduced to the belief that
ihaeoerui b Xerxes (the name* being, m wa have
AHA/ 47
seen, identical); and this conclusion : a fortified by
the resemblance of character, and by certain chron-
ological indications. As Xerxes scourged the sea,
and put to death the engineers of his bridge be-
cause their work was injured by a storm, so Ahas-
uerus repudiated his queen Vashti because she
would not violate the decorum of her sex, and
ordered the massacre of the whole Jewish people to
gratify the malice of Hainan. In the third year
of the reign of Xerxes was held an assembly to ar-
range the Grecian war (Herod, vii. 7 ff.). In the
third year of Ahasuerus was held a great feast and
assembly in Shusban the palace (Esth. i. 3). In
the seventh year of his reign Xerxes returned de-
feated from Greece, and consoled himself by the
pleasures of the harem (Herod, ix. 108). In the
seventh year of his reign " fair young virgins were
sought " for Ahasuerus, and he replaced Vashti by
marrying Esther. The tribute he u laid upon the
land and upon the isles of the sea (Esth. x. 1) may
well have been the result of the expenditure and
ruin of the Grecian expedition. Throughout tho
book of Esther in the LXX. ' ' Kpra^ep^-ns is writ-
ten for Ahasuerus, but on this no argument of any
weight can be founded. G. E. L. C.
AHAVA (NinM {water, Ges.]: i EM
[Vat. Eueiji, Alex. Emi], [in Ezr. viii. 21, 31] I,
'Aoue [Vat. &ove, Aous] : Ahava), a place (Ezr. viii.
15), or a river C"»"0) (viii. 21, 31), on the banks
of which Ezra collected the second expedition which
returned with him from Babylon to Jerusalem.
Various have been the conjectures as to its locality ;
e. a. Adiaba (Le Clerc and Mannert); A I. eh or
Aveh (Hiivernick, see Winer); the Great Zab
(RosenmiiUer, Bib. Gtoyr.). But the latest re-
searches are in favor of its being the modern Hit,
on the Euphrates, due east of Damascus, the name
| of which is known to have been in the post-biblical
times Ihi, or Ihi da-kira (Talm. S~l , pi NTT),
" the spring of bitumen." See Rawlinson's Herod-
otus, i. 316, note.
In the apocryphal Esdras [1 Esdr. viii. 41, 61]
the name is given ef >as. Josephus (Ant. xi. 5, j
2) merely says eij to rtpay rov Ewppdrou. G.
AHAZ (TPS, possessor: 'Ayaf; Joseph.
T T
i ' Ax^fni : Achaz). 1. Ahaz, eleventh [twelfth ?]
j king of Judah, son of Jotham, ascended the throne
I in the 20th year of his age, according to 2 K. xvi. 2.
I But this must be a transcriber's error for the 25th,
which number is found in one Hebrew MS., the
LXX., the Peshito, and Arabic version of 2 Chr.
xxviii. 1 ; for otherwise, his son Hezekiah was bom
when he was eleven years old (so Clinton, Fasti
HtU., vol. i. p. 318). At the time of his accession,
Kezin king of Damascus and Pekah king of Israel
had recently formed a league against Judah, and
they proceeded to lay siege to Jerusalem, intending
to place on the throne Ben Tabeal, who was not a
prince of the royal family of Judah, but probably
a Syrian noble. Upon this the great prophet
Isaiah, full of zeal for God and patriotic loyalty to
the house of David, hastened to give advice and
encouragement to Ahaz, and it was probably owing
to the spirit of energy and »*eligious devotion which
he poured into his counsels, that the allies failed
.. their attack on Jerusalem. Thus much, together
with anticipations of danger from the Assyrians,
and a general picture of weakness and unfaithf li-
nos both in the king and the people, we find it
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18 AHAZIAH
the famous prophecies of the 7th, 8th, and 9th
chapters of Isaiah, in which be seeks to minute
snd Ripport them by the promise of the Messiah.
From 2 K. xvi. and 2 Chr. xxviii. we learn that
the allies took a vast number of captives, who,
however, were restored in virtue of the remon-
strances of the prophet Oded ; and that the; also
inflicted a most severe injur}' on Judah by the
capture of Hath, a flourishing port on the Red Sea,
in which, after expelling the Jews, the; reestab-
lished the Kdomites (according to the true reading
of 2 K. xvi. 6, D^Vltf for D^DYTN), who
attacked and wasted the £. part of Judah, while
the Philistines invaded the W. and S. The weak-
minded and helpless Abas sought deliverance from
these numerous troubles by appealing to Tiglath-
pileser kins of Assyria, who freed him from his
most formidable enemies by invading Syria, taking
Damascus, killing Kezin, and depriving Israel of its
Northern and Transjordanic districts. But Abac
had to purchase this help at a costly price. He
became tributary to TigkUh-pileser, sent him all the
treasures of the Temple and his own palace, and
even appeared before him in Damascus as a vassal.
He also ventured to seek for safety in heathen cere-
monies; making his son pass through the fire to
Moloch, consulting wizards and necromancers (Is.
rill. 19), sacrificing to the Syrian gods, introducing
a foreign altar from Damascus, and probably the
worship of the heavenly bodies from Assyria and
Babylon, as he would seem to have set up the
horses of the sun mentioned in 2 K. xxiii. 11 (cf.
Tac. Ann. xii. 13); and '< the altars on the top (or
roof) of the upper chamber of Abas " (2 E. xxiii.
12) were connected with the adoration of the stars.
We see another and blameless result of this inter-
course with an astronomical people in the *> sundial
of Ahaz," la. xxxviii. 8.° He died after a reign of
16 years, lasting n. c. 740-724. G. E. L. C.
2. (Ahaz.) A son of Micah, the grandson of
Jonathan through Meribbaal or Mephibosheth (1
Chr. viii. 85, 36. ix. 42). W. A. W.
ahaziah (n;ynw, innc* 9 . «*«» J«-
hovah sustains.- 'Oxotias [Vat. -£«-]: Ochorias.)
L Son of Ahab and Jezebel, and eighth king of
Israel. After the battle of Ramoth in Gikad
[Ahab] the Syrians had the command of the coun-
try along the east of Jordan, and they cut off all
xnnmunication between the Israelites and Moab-
xes, so that the vassal king of Moab refused his
yearly tribute of 100,000 lambs and 100,000 rams
with their wool (comp. Is. xvi. 1). Before Ahaziah
xrald take measures for enforcing his claim, he was
seriously injured by a foil through a lattice in his
palace at Samaria. In bis health be had worshipped
his mother's gods, and now he tent to inquire of the
tracle of Baalzebub in the Philistine city of EJtron
whether he should recover his health. But Elijah,
who now for the last time exercised the prophetic
office, rebuked him for this impiety, and announced
to him his approaching death. He reigned two
•ears (B. c. 896, 896). The only other recorded
transaction of his reign, his endeavor to join the
king of Judah in trading to Ophir, is more fitly re-
lated under Jehosrafhat (1 K. xxii. 60 ff. ; 2 K.
i.; 2 Chr. xx. 35 ft*.).
2. Fifth [sixth] king of Judah, son of Jehoram
md Athaliah, daughter of Ahab, and therefore
Mpbew of the preceding Ahaziah. He is called
« * For aba" sun dial "of Abas, sas Dui, II.
AHAZIAH
Asariah, 2 Chr. xxii. 6, probably by a copyist's (
and Jehoahaz, 2 Chr. xxi. 17. Ewald (GaduekU
dtt VoOcn IfratL, ill. 636) thinks that his name
was changed to Ahaziah on his accession, but the
LXX. read 'OxoQas for Jehoahaz, and with this
agree the Peshito, ChaM., and Arab. So too, while
in 2 K. viii. 26 we read that he was 22 years ok)
at his accession, we find in 2 Chr. xxii. 2, that hit
age at that time was 42. The former number is
certainly right, as in 2 Chr. xxi. 5, 20, we see that
his father Jehoram was 40 when he died, which
would make him younger than his own son, so that
a transcriber must have confounded 2.3 (22) and
aO (42). Ahaziah was an idolater, " walking in
all the ways of the bouse of Ahab," and he allied
himself with his uncle Jehoram king of Israel,
brother and successor of the preceding Ahaziah,
against Hazael, the new king of Syria. The two
kings were, however, defeated at Ramoth, where
Jehoram was so severely wounded that he retired to
his mother's palace at Jezreel to be healed. The
union between the uncle and nephew was so close
that there was great danger lest heathenism should
entirely overspread both the Hebrew kingdoms, but
this was prevented by the great revolution carried
out in Israel by Jehu under the guidance of Elisha,
which involved the house of David in calamities
only leas severe than those which exterminated the
house of Omri. It broke out while Ahaziah was
visiting his uncle at Jezreel. As Jehu approached
the town, Jehoram and Ahaziah went out to meet
him, either from not suspecting his designs, or to
prevent them. The former was shot through the
heart by Jehu ; Ahaziah was pursued as far as the
pass of Gur, near the city of Ibleam, and there
mortally wounded. He died when he reached Me-
giddo. But in 2 Chr. xxii. 9, it is said that Aha-
ziah was found hidden in Samaria after the death of
Jehoram, brought to Jehu, and killed by his orders.
Attempts to reconcile these account* may be found
in Pole's Synoptu, in Lightfoot's Harm, of Old
Tett. (in be.), and in Davidson's Text of the OU
Tettament, part ii. book ii. ch. xiv. Ahaziah
reigned one year, B. c. 884, called the 12th of Je-
horam, king of Israel, 2 K. viii. 26, the 11th, 2 K.
ix. 29. His lather therefore must have died before
the 1 1th [year] of Jehoram was concluded (Clinton,
FatH HelL 1. 324). O.E.LC.
* It being possible that the two accounts, taken
singly, are fragmentary, they may supplement each
other. Ahaziah escaping "by the way of the
garden house," Jehu ordered his men to pursue and
slay him in his chariot (2 K. ix. 27); but being too
swift for his pursuers, he reached Samaria and then
concealed himself for a time, till Jehu, " executing
judgment upon the house of Ahab," sought him
out, and had him put to death (2 Chr. xxii. 8, 9).
For the fuller circumstances of the death we turn
again to 2 K. ix. 27. Jehu ordered his captive to
be taken (perhaps under some pretense of a friendly
object) to "the going up (ascent) to Gur near
Ibleam," and there he was slain in his chariot (i. e
received the deadly blow there, though he e.capw"
and actually died at Megiddo). According a an-
other slightly varied combination, Ahaziah may
have managed, after being brought before Jehu frort
his place of concealment, to escape again, and in-
stead of being decoyed to Gur for execution, ma)
have been overtaken there as he fled in his chariot
and put to death as before stated. It is worts
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AHBA.N
noticing (see the Hebrew text and rne italics in the
A V.: "Aud they did so") that the slaying of
Ahaziah at Gur (2 K. ix. 27) stands loosely related
to what precedes, as if his being slab: there was the
final execution of Jehu's urder after various delays
had intervened. See Keil, Comm iib. die Biicher
der Kdniije, p. 402; and Zeller's Bibl Worterb.
r 42. [AZABIAH 12.] H.
AITBAN C?2nS [brother of the wise, or
brotherly]: 'Ax<*Mp'< ■*^ e1, OC '' [ AM . 'O^SS;
.'on i p. 'Afloy:] Ahobban). Son of Abishur, by
his wife Abihail (1 Chr. ii. 29). He was of the
tribe of Judah. W. A. W.
A'HER(~!PS {another]: 'kip; [V* M.
Atp, H. Afp; Comp. 'Ax«'p : ] Aher). Ancestor
of Hushim, or rather " the Hushim," as the plural
form seems to indicate a family rather than an in-
dividual. The name occurs in an obscure passage
in the genealogy of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 12).
Some translators consider it as not a proper name
at all, and render it literally " another," because,
as Hashi says, Kzra, who compiled the genealogy,
was uncertain whether the families belonged to the
tribe of Beinamin or not. It is not improbable
that Aher and Ahiram (Num. xxvi. 38) are the
same; unless the former belonged to the tribe of
Dan, whose genealogy is omitted in 1 Chr. vii.;
Hushim being a Danite as well as a Beivjamite
W. A. W.
AHIJAH
49
A'HI C'rS, brother: i8>\<po0: fratret). 1.
A Gadite, chief of a family who lived in Gilead in
Bashan (1 Chr. v. 15), in the days of Jotham, king
of Judah. By the LXX. and Vulgate the word
was not considered a proper name. [But for Boiif
i£t\<f>ov of the Roman edition, Vat. M. has Zu-
/Soi/xa.u ',11. 7.a/i,w\au. ] . and Alex, with 7 other
MSS. Ax<0ouC- — A \T
2. ('Ax'; L Vat ' M - Axiouia, H. Ax">ui\:] AM.)
A descendant of Shanier, of the tribe of Asher (1
Chr. vii. 34). The name, according to Gesenius,
is a contraction of Ahijah.
AHI'AH. [Ahijah.]
AHI'AM (CS^nK, for 2!^™ [fatlier's
brother], Gesen.: [in 2 S.] 'A/wdv; [Aid. 'Ax'oV;
Comp. 'Ax"»^; in 1 Chr. 'Axfa; Vat - Ax«iu;
Comp. Alex. 'Ayid/* : 1 Allium), son of Sharar the
Hararite (or of Sacar, 1 Chr. xi. 35), one of David's
30 mighty men (2 Sam. xxiii. 33).
AHI'AN 0;nN: 'ai^; [Vat. iooi M i Alex.
Aciy:] Ahin). A Manassite of the family of She-
mida (1 Chr. vii. 19). , W. A. W.
AHIE'ZER C"*yT4J: [brother of help, or
God ii help] : ' Ax'((f p ■ Ahiezer). 1. Son of Am-
mishaddai, hereditary chieftain of the tribe of Dan
under the administration of Moses (Num. i. 12, ii.
25, vii. 66, [71, x. 25]).
2. The Beiyamite chief of a body of archers at
the time of David (1 Chr. xii. 3). R. W. B.
AHIHUD ("HiTPN [brother = friend, of
the Jews, or of renown] : 'Axidp ; [Alex. Axi»)3 :]
Ahind.) 1. The son of Shelomi, and prince of
the tribe of Asher, selected to assist Joshua and
Eleazar in the division of the Promised Land ^Nura.
txxiv. 27).
*• OHT'S [brother =bimi of union]: 'l«.
VX*i IT* 4 - iax«X«*i Atac «X'X«Ji Oamp.
'Ax'OvSO Aland), chieftain of the tribe of Benja-
min (1 Chr. viu. 7). R. W. B.
AHI'JAH, or AHI'AH (n»n^ and
:\n»nS [friend of Jeho-mh] : 'Ax'i [Vat. -x«i-] I
Achiat). 1. Son of Ahitub, Ichabod's brotlier, the
son of Phinehas, the son of Eli (1 Sam. xiv. 3, 18).
He is described as being the Lord's priest in Shi
loh, wearing an ephod. And it appears that the
ark of God was under his care, and that he inquired
of the Lord by means of it and the ephod (comp.
1 Chr. xiii. 3). There is, however, great difficulty
in reconciling the statement in 1 Sam. xiv. 18, con-
ccrning the ark being used for inquiring by Ahijah
at Saul's bidding, and the statement that they in-
quired not at the ark in the days of Saul, if we un-
derstand the latter expression in the strictest sense.
This difficulty seems to have led to the reading
in the Vatican copy of the LXX., of to lipoiS, in
1 Sam. xiv. 18, instead of tV ki0utoV, or rather
perhaps of "P-S, instead of ^"^S, in the He-
brew codex from which that version was made-
Others avoid the difficulty by interpreting ]VnN
to mean a chest for carrying about the ephod in.
But all difficulty will disappear if we apply the ex-
pression only to all the latter years of the reign of
Saul, when we know that the priestly establishment
was at Nob, and uot at Kiijath-jearim, or Baale of
Judah, where the ark was. But the narrative in 1
Sam. xiv. is entirely favorable to the mention of the
ark. For it appears that Saul was at the time in
Gibeah of Beinamin, and Gibeah of Benjamin
seems to have been the place where the house of
Ahinadab was situated (2 Sam. vi. 3), being prob-
ably the Benjamite quarter of Kirjath-jearim,
which Lay on the very borders of Judah and Ben-
jamin. (See Josh, xviii. 14, 28.) Whether it
was the encroachments of the Philistines, or an in-
cipient schism between the tribes of Beinamin and
Judah, or any other cause, which led to the disuse
of the ark during the latter years of Saul's reign,
is difficult to say. But probably the last time that
Ahyah inquired of the Lord before the ark was on
the occasion related 1 Sam. xiv. 36, when Saul
marred his victory over the Philistines by his rash
oath, which nearly cost Jonathan his life. For we
there read that when Saul proposed a night-pursuit
of the Philistines, the priest, Ahijah, said, " Let ut
draw near hither unto God," for the purpose,
namely, of asking counsel of God. But God re-
turned no answer, in consequence, as it seems, of
Saul's rash curse. If, as is commonly thought, and
as seems most likely, Ahijah is the same person as
Ahimelech the son of Ahitub, this failure to obtain
an answer from the priest, followed as it was by a
rising of the people to save Jonathan out of Saul's
hands, may have led to an estrangement between
the king and the high-priest, and predisposed him
to suspect Ahimelech's loyalty, and to take that
terrible revenge upon him for his favor to David.
Such changes of name as Ahi-melech and Ahi-jah
are not uncommon. (See Genealogies, p. 115-
118.) ■ However, it is not impossible that, as Ge-
senius supposes, Ahimelech may have been brother
to Ahi juh.
2. [Achia.] Son of Bela (1 Chr. viii. 7)
[Probably the same as Ahoah, 1 Chr. viii. 4. — A.]
» Wban wt h»v. to* fortho «nor af JMmdUck tm
JUumtluk.
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60
AHIKAM
9. [LXX . UMupbt abrov: Actio.] Son of Je-
mhmeel (1 Chr. u. 26).
4. [Atio.] One of David's n ighty men, a Pe-
lonite (1 Chr. xi. 36).
6. [LXX. iStAfol airtV: -rfKa*.] A Lerite
in David's reign, who was over the treasure of the
bouse of God, and over the treasures of the dedi-
cated things (1 Chr. xzvi. 30).
6. [Ahia.] One of Solomon's princes, brother
of Euboreph, and son of Shisha (1 K. iv. 3).
7. [Ahitu.] A prophet of Shiloh (1 K. sir. 2),
hence called the Shilonite (xi. 29) in the days of
Solomon and of Jeroboam king of Israel, of whom
we have two remarkable prophecies extant: the one
in 1 K. xi. 81-39, addressed to Jeroboam, announ-
cing the rending of the ten tribes from Solomon, in
punishment of his idolatries, and the transfer of the
kingdom to Jeroboam : a prophecy which, though
delivered privately, became known to Solomon, and
excited his wrath against Jeroboam, who fled for his
life into Egypt, to Shishak, and remained there till
Solomon's death. The other prophecy, in 1 K.
xiv. 6-16, was delivered in the prophet's extreme
old age to Jeroboam's wife, in which he foretold
the death of Abyah, tho king's son, who was sick,
and to inquire concerning whom the queen was
come in disguise, and then went on to denounce
the destruction of Jeroboam's house on account of
the images which he had set up, and to foretell the
captivity of Israel " beyond the river " Euphrates.
These prophecies give us a high idea of the faith-
fulness and boldness of Ahgah, and of the eminent
rank which he attained as a prophet. Jeroboam's
speech concerning him (1 K. xiv. 2, 3) shows the
estimation in which he held his truth and prophetic
powers. In 2 Chr. ix. 29 reference is made to a
record of the events of Solomon's reign contained
in the "prophecy of Ahyah the Shilonite." If
there were a larger work of Ahyah's, the passage
in 1 K. xi. is doubtless an extract from it.
8. fAhiai.] Father of Baaaha, king of Israel,
the contemporary of Asa, king of Judah. He was
of the tribe of Issachar (1 K. xv. 27, 33). [Occurs
also 1 K. xxi. 22; 2 K. ix. 9.] A. C. H.
». CAfai [Vat. A»«:] Echata.) One of the
heads of the people who sealed the covenant with
Sehemiah (Neb. x. 26). W. A W.
AHJ/KAM (Ei^PS {brother of the enemy]:
Ax'*4" [Vat, -*««-] : Miami), a son of Shaphan
the scribe, an influential officer at the court of Jo-
iiah (2 K. xxii. 12), and of Jehoiakim his son (Jer.
xxvl. 24). When Shaphan brought the book of the
law to Josiah, which Hilkiah the high priest had
found in the temple, Ahikam was sent by the king,
together with four other delegates, to consult Hul-
dah the prophetess on the subject. In the reign of
lehoiakim, when the priests and prophets arraigned
Jeremiah before the princes of Judah on account of
sis bold denunciations of the national sins, Ahikam
niccessfully used his influence to protect the prophet.
His son Uedaliah was made governor of Judah by
Nebuchadnezzar, the Chaldean king, and to his
charge Jeremiah was entrusted when released from
prison (Jer. xxxix. 14, xL 5). B. W. R
AHIIiUD CwVPhJ [brother of one born,
Jes.; or Ach, 1. e. God, who originatti, Fiirst:
Jtom.] 'AYtXott; 'AyiAoiSfl [Tat. ~ x «-] in 2 Sam.
<x. 24; [Vat. Aycm in 2 Sam. viii. 16 and 1 Chr.;
toll. It. 8, Tat M. Ay«A<o8, H. A X «iAo»:]
AJtx AvumA«x 8 Sam. vfll. 16, \ X W* 1 K - iv -
AHIMAAZ
8: AhOud). 1. Father of Jeboshaphat, the r»
oorder or chronicler of the kingdom in the reigns
of David and Solomon (2 Sam. viii. 16, xx. 24; ]
K. hr. 3; 1 Chr. xviii. 16).
8. ('Ax*ofc; [Vat. Ax«v«xi] &*>*■ EA008.)
The father of Baana, one of Solomon's twelve com-
missariat officers (1 K. iv. 12). It is uncertain
whether he is the same as the foregoing.
W.A.W.
AHIM'AAZ rtfe*. Ahima'az] (V?PTW
{brother of anger, I. e. trasctWe]: 'AyuasW;
[Vat. Axtwwu:] Achimaat). L Father 0? Saul's
wife, Ahinoam (1 Sam. xiv. 60).
3. [Vat. Arcipaat, etc.] Son of Zadok, the
priest in David's reign. When David fled from
Jerusalem on account of Absalom's rebellion, Za-
dok and Abiathar, accompanied by their sons Ahim-
aaz and Jonathan, and the Levites, carried the ark
of God forth, intending to accompany the king.
But at his bidding they returned to the city, a*
did likewise Hushai the Archite. It was then ar-
ranged that Hushai should feign himself to be a
friend of Absalom, and should tell Zadok and Abi-
athar whatever intelligence he could obtain in the
palace. They, on their parts, were to forward the
intelligence through Ahimaaz and Jonathan. Ac-
cordingly Jonathan and Ahimaaz stayed outside
the walls of the city at En-Kogel, on the road
towards the plain. A message soon came to thetn
from Zadok and Abiathar through the maid-servant,
to say that Ahithophel had counselled an immediate
attack against David and his followers, and that,
consequently, the king must cross the Jordan with-
out the least delay. They started at once on their
errand, but not without being suspected, for a lad
seeing the wench speak to them, and seeing them
immediately run off quickly — and Ahimaaz, we
know, was a practiced runner — went and told Ab-
salom, who ordered a hot pursuit. In the mean
time, however, they had got as far as Bahurim, the
very place where Shimei cursed David (2 Sam. xvi.
6), to the house of a steadfast partizan of David's.
Here the woman of the bouse effectually hid them
in a well in the court- yard, and covered the well's
mouth with ground or bruised corn. Absalom's
servants coming up searched for them in vain ; and
as soon as they were gone, and returned on the road
to Jerusalem, Ahimaaz and Jonathan hasted on to
David, and told him Ahithophel's counsel, and
David with his whole company crossed the Jordan
that very night. Ahithophel was so mortified at
seeing the failure of his scheme, through the un-
wise delay in executing it, that be went home and
hanged himself. This signal service rendered to
David, at the hazard of his life, by Ahimaaz, must
have tended to ingratiate him with the king. We
have a proof how highly he was esteemed by him,
as well as an honorable testimony to his diameter,
in the saying of David recorded 2 Sam. xviii. 27.
For when the watchman announced the approach
of a messenger, and added, that his running was
like the running of Ahimaaz, the soli of Zadok,
the king said, "He is a good man, and conwth
with good tidings."
The same transaction gives us a very curious
specimen of the manners of the times, and a singu-
lar instance of oriental or Jewish craft in Ahimaaz.
For we learn, first, that Ahimaaz was a professed
runner — and a very swift one too — which ons
would hardly have expected in the ion of the high
priest. It belongs, however, to a sbnnle stare of
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AHIMAAZ
KMiotjr tliat bodily powers of any kind should be
highly rained, and exercised by the possessor of
them in the most natural waj AhinM« waa
probably natuially swift, and to became famous ft*
his running (2 Sun. xviii. 27). So we are told of
Asahd, Joab's brother, that "he was as light of
foot as a wild roe" (2 Sam. ii. 18). And that
quick running was not deemed inconsistent with
the utmost dignity and parity of character appears
from what we read of Eujah the TUhbite, that " he
girded up his loins and ran before Ahab (who was
in his chariot) to the entrance of Jezreel" (1 K.
xviii. 46). The kings of Israel had running foot-
men to precede them when they went in their char-
iots (2 Sam. xv. 1; 1 K. i. 5), and their guards
were called O' 1 ?'?' runnen - I' appears by 2 Chr.
xxx. 6, 10, that in Hezekiah's reign there was an
establishment of running messengers, who were
also called D" 1 ?^. The same name is given to the
Persian posts in Esth. Ul. 13, 15, nil. 14; though
it appears from the latter passage that in the time
if Xerxes the service was performed » 1th mules and
eamels. The Greek name, borrowed from the Per-
sian, was iyyapoi- As regards Ahimaas's crafti-
ness we read that when Absalom waa killed by Joab
and his armor-bearers Ahimaax was very urgent
with Joab to be employed as the messenger to run
and carry the tidings to David. The politic Joab,
well knowing the king's fond partiality for Absalom,
and that the news of his death would be anything
but good news to him, and, apparently, having a
friendly feeling towards Ahimaax, would not allow
him to be the bearer of such tidings, but em-
ployed Cushi instead. But after Cushi had started,
Ahimaaz was so urgent with Joab to be allowed to
run too that at length he extorted his consent
Taking a shorter or an easier way by the plain he
managed to outrun Cushi before he got in sight of
the watch-tower, and, arriving first, he reported to
the king the good news of the victory, suppressing
his knowledge of Absalom's death, and leaving to
Cushi the task of announcing it. He bad thus the
merit of bringing good tidings without the alloy of
the disaster of the death of the king's son. This
■ the last we hear of Ahimaaz, for the Ahimaaz
of 1 K. iv. 15, who was Solomon's captain in
Naphtali, was certainly a different person. There
is no evidence, beyond the assertion of Josephus,
hat he ever filled the office of high-priest; and Jo~
■ephus may hare concluded that he did, merely be-
cause, in the genealogy of the high-priests (1 Chr.
ri. 8, 9), be intervenes between Zadok and Azariah.
Judging only from 1 K. iv. 2, compared with 1
Chr. vL 10, we should conclude that Ahimaax died
before his father Zadok, and that Zadok was suc-
ceeded by his grandson Asariah. Josephua's state-
Kent that Zadok was the first high-priest of Solo-
jiocrs temple, seeing the temple was not finished
tiD the eleventh year of his reign, is a highly im-
probable one in itself. The statement of the Seder
(Ham, which makes Ahimaaz high-priest in Reho-
xui'i reign, is still more so. It is safer, there-
fore, to follow the indications of the Scripture nar-
ative, though somewhat obscured by the appar-
ently corrupted passages, 1 K. ir. 4, and 1 Chr.
ri. 9, 10, and conclude that Ahimaaz died before
fee attained the high-priesthood, leaving as his heir
lis son Azarias
3. Solomon's officer in Naphtali, charged with
yovtding victuals for the king and his household
AHIKADAB
51
for one month in the year. He was probably of
the tribe of Naphtali, and was the king's son In
law, having married his daughter Basmath (1 K
iv. 7, 15). A. C. H.
AHI/MAN (HPT*} [»rot»ero/omyr,Ges.]
'Ax'ftsV, ['AXV40, Vat -xtf, in Judg., Vat.'
Axiraay; Alex. Axucau, Ayi/uupO AcMmoM,
[Ahiman]). L One of the three giant Anakbst
who inhabited Mount Hebron (Num. xiii. 22, 88;
[Josh. xr. 14]), seen by Csleb and the spies. The
whole race were cut off by Joshua (Josh. xi. 21),
and the three brothers were slain by the tribe of
Judah (Judg. i. 10). R. W. B.
2. (AiudV; [Vat H. Alport, H. Ai/utu; Aid.]
Alex. AtpdV, [Comp. 'AxipdV:] Ahuwrn.) One
of the porters or gatekeepers, who had charge of
the king's gate for the " camps " of the sons of Levi
(1 Chr. ix. 17). W. A. W.
AHIM'ELEOH [Htb. -melech] On^PJJ
[brother of the liny] : 'AriulAtx and 'A/9i/u&«x>
[Vat. - X e«- and -£«-; Alex. A/up-, A0in~, Ax>p-
cA«Xi Ax<M<Xf«:] Achimelech, [Ahimekch]). L
Son of Abitub (1 Sam. xxii. 11), and high-priest at
Nob in the days of Saul. He gave David the show-
bread to eat, and the sword of Goliath ; and for so
doing was, upon the accusation of Doeg the Edom-
ite, put to death with his whole house by Saul's
order. Eighty-five priests wearing an ephod wen
thus cruelly slaughtered; Abiathar alone escaped.
[Abiathak.] The LXX. read three hundrea
and five men, thus affording another instance of
the frequent clerical errors in transcribing numbers,
of which Ezr. ii. compared with Neh. vii. is a re-
markable example. The interchange of D\3Dip,
or nibtT, with D^Q??!?? and tPbtP, is very
common. For the question of Ahimelech's iden-
tity with Atujah, see Ahijah. For the singular
confusion [or apparent confusion] between Ahime-
lech and Abiathar in the 1st Book of Chronicles
see Abiathar. [The name occurs 1 Sam. xxL 1,
2, 8, xxii. 9, 11, 14, 16, 20, xxHi. 6, xxx. 7; 9
Sam. viii. 17; 1 Chr. xxiv. 3, 6, 31; Ps. Hi. title.]
2. pAeV&«Yi Vatl A0«jmA«x, *• m.
Ax«i/««A«y : Achimelech.] One of David's com-
panions while he was persecuted by Saul, a Hittite;
called in the LXX. Abimeiech; which is perhaps
the right reading, after the analogy of Abimeiech,
king of Gerar (1 Sam. xxri. 6). In the title of Pi
xxxhr. "n7!?' , 3M [Abimbxech, Achish] seams
to be a corrupt reading for .13 TI^p nJ , ? T <
See 1 Sam. xxi. 18 (12, in A. V.). X C. H.
AHI-MOTH (."iHOTW [brother of dtatk\:
'K X iiuUi [Vat AA«pa«:] Aehimoth), a Levitt
of the bouse of the Korbites, of the family of the
Kohathitea, apparently in the time of David (1
Chr. vi. 25). In ver. 85, for Ahimoth we find Ua-
hath (nrre). Mail, as in Luke til. 26. For*
correction of these genealogies, see Genealogiet of
our Lord and Saviour Jetut Christ, p. 214, note.
A. C. H.
AHIN'ADAB (^TV [noAfe brother]:
'AjpraSdjS; [Vat Ayiwu^; Alex. AXraSa0:]
Ahtnadab), son of Iddo, one of Solomon's twelve
commissaries who supplied provisions for the royal
household. The district entrusted to Ahinadafc
Digitized by
Googfe
52
AHINOAM
Mi tint rf Mahanaim, situated on the east of the
Jordan (1 K. Iv. 14). E. W. B.
AHIN'OAM [fled, -no'am] (t33» s Pijl
[brother of grace or beauty; according to Furst's
theory, Ach, i. e. God, it grace] : ' Ay iro6/i; Alex.
Axuroo/i; [Comp. 'Ayikh^i:] JcUnoam). 1.
Daughter of Ahimaai and wife of Saul (1 Sam. xiv.
W.) W. A, W.
2. TAxotCcut, 'Ax'^ifoMi Vat - Ax«t»OMi etc
A woman of Jezreel, whoae mwruline name ma;
be compared with that of Ahigsi], father of joy.
It was not uncommon to give women name* com-
pounded with 2M (father) and Tgl (brother).
Ahinoam was married to David during his wander-
ing life (1 Sam. xxv. 43), lived with him and his
other wife Abigail at the court of Achiah (xxvii. 3),
was taken prisoner with her by the Amalekites
when they plundered Ziklag (xxx. 5), but was res-
etted by David (18). She is again mentioned as
living with him when he was long of Judah in
Hebron (2 Sam. ii. 2); and was the mother of his
eldest son Amnon (iii. 2 [also 1 Chr. iii. 1]).
G. E L. C.
AHI'O (Vn^ [brotherly]: l atsAipol oi-
roS: Ahio, 2 Sam. vi 3, 4; /rater ejus, 1 Chr.
xtti. 7). JL Son of Abinadab who accompanied
the ark when it was brought out of his lather's
house (2 Sam. vi. 3, 4; 1 Chr. xiii. 7).
8. (VPN [brotherly]: &St\<phs abrovi Alex,
oi aSt\<pot aurov: Ahio.) A Benjamite, one of
the sons of Beriah, who drove out the inhabitants
of Oath (1 Chr. viii. 14). According to the Tat.
MS. the LXX. must have read VPH, according
to the Alex. MS. VPtf.
3. A Benjamite, son of Jehiel, father or founder
of Gibeon (1 Chr. viii. 31, ix. 37). In the last
quoted passage the Vatican HS. [as aho Sin.] has
iStK<p6s and the Alex. oSc AaW- W. A. W.
AHITtA (Vyrtfi [brother of evil]: 'A x , f 4
[Vat. generally -y«i-] : Ahira), chief of the tribe
of NaphUli when Moses took the census in the year
sfter the Exodus (Num. i. 15, ii. 29, viL 78, 83, x.
17). B. W. B.
AHITtAM (C"VPP [brother exalted]: 'i axr
tpir [Vat. -x«-] ! [Alex. Ax'fxw:] Ahiram), son
if Benjamin (Num. xxvi. 38), called Ehi in Gen.
dvi. 21, [and perhaps the same as Areb, which
see.]
ahi'bamites, the Op^rjiin :
i 'laxyatri; [Vat. oIcmuMrm;] Alex, o Ayipai ;
[Aid. 6 'Artipavl-] Ahtramita). One of the
branches of the tribe of Benjamin, descendants of
Ahiram (Num. xxvi. 38). W. A. W.
AHIS'AMACH [Heb. -ea'maeh] "!T1Dip' , P£
[brother of support]: 'Ax«rop4x : Achisamech).
A Danite, father of Aholiab, one of the architects
tf the tabernacle (Ex. xxxi. 6, xxxv. 84, xxxviiL
W). W. A. W.
AHISH'AHAB [Heb. -shaTiar] (intCT$
^brother of 'the dawn]: 'Avi<rad/>; [Vat Ax«e*-
aoofi:] Ahuahar). One ofthe sons of Bilhan, the
pandaon of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 10).
W.A.W.
A HI "SHAH pfpPB [brother ofthe singer
AHITUB
or upright]: 'Axtcif, [Vat Ave.:] Ahi~\ tfcs
eontroOer of Solomon's household (1 K. r». 6).
AHITH'OPHKL [Hebrew Ahitho'phdl]
(b^fTPN [brother of foolishness]: 'Ax<r«Vf>
[Vat -x»r]i Joseph. 'Ax«t»>€Xoi: Achitophel)
a native of Glloh, in the hill country of Judas
(Josh. xv. 51), and privy councillor of David,
whose wisdom was so highly esteemed, that his
advice had the authority of a divine oracle, though
his name had an exactly opposite signification (2
Sam. xvi. 23). He was the grandfather of Bath-
sheba (comp. 2 Sam. xi. 3 with xxiii. 34). She la
called daughter of Ammiel in 1 Chr. iii. 6; bat
bM s E? U only the anagram of Ct^r*. Absa-
lom Immediately [as soon as] he had revolted sent
for him, and when David heard that Ahlthophel
had joined the conspiracy, he prayed Jehovah to
turn his counsel to foolishness (xv. 31), alluding
possibly to the signification of his name. David's
grief at the treachery of his confidential friend
found expression in the Messianic prophecies (Pa.
xli. », lv. 12-14).
In order to show to the people that the breach
between Absalom and his father was irreparable,
Ahithopbel persuaded him to take possession of the
royal harem (2 Sam. xvi. 21). David, in order to
counteract his counsel, sent Huahai to Absalom.
Ahithopbel bad recommended an itnm^Jljt^ par.
suit of David; but Hushai advised delay, his object
being to send intelligence to David, and give to
him time to collect his forces for a decisive engage-
ment When Ahithopbel saw that Hushai's advice
prevailed, he despaired of success, and returning
to his own home " put his household in order and
hung himself" (xvii. 1-23). (See Joseph. Ant
vii. 9, § 8; Niemeyer, CharaH. iv. 454; EwaM,
Geschich. ii. 652.) B. W.B.
• Ahlthophel is certainly a very singular nam*
for a man who had such a reputation for sagacity ;
and it is very possible it was derisively applied to
him after his death in memory of his infamous ad-
vice to Absalom, which the result showed to be so
foolish, while it was utterly disastrous to himself.
For other conjectures on this point see Wilkinson's
Persontd Names of the Bible, p. 384 (London,
1865). This caw of Ahithopbel is the only instance
of suicide mentioned hi the Old Testament (except
in war) as that of Judas is the only one in the New
Testament H.
AHITTJB OIBTS [brother of goodness ;
or, God is good, Filrst]: 'Axyri$: Achitob). i.
Father of Ahimelech, or Ahyah, the son of Phin-
ehsa, and the elder brother of Ichabod (1 Sam. xhr.
3, xxii. 9, 11 ), and therefore of the bouse of Eli and
the family of Ithamar. Tftere is no record of his
high-priesthood, which, if he ever was high-priest,
must have coincided with the early days of Samael's
judgeship.
2. [Vat Ax«t*>0; in Neh. xi. 11, Rom. At-
t«W, Vat Am»0ax, FA - A»o/3«x> AM. Ales
AMP, Comp. 'AxtrA$.] Son of Amariah and
father of Zadok the high-priest (1 Chr. vi. 7, 8, 63,
xviii. 16; 2 Sam. viii. 17), ofthe house of FJeazar.
From 1 Chr. ix. 11, where the genealogy of Aznnan,
the head of one of the priestly families that returned
from Babylon with Zerubbabel, is traced, througk
Zadok, to "AhHub, the ruler of the bouse of God,"
it appears tolerably certain that Ahitub was high
priest And so the LXX. version unequivocal)
renders It ulov 'Axnitfi iryoviUrou Atov revAtai
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AHIiAB
Hn expression 'SH3 TJ? is applied to Aaarlih
he high-priest in Hezekiah's reign in 3 Chr. xzxi.
18. The passage u repeated in Neh. xi. 11, bat
the LXX. hare spoilt the sense by •rendering "T\0
■Wrorn, as if it wen TJ3. If the Sne is cor-
rectly given in these, two passages, Ahitub was not
the father, but the grandfather of Zadok, hii father
being Meraioth. Kit in 1 Chr. vi. 8, and in Ezr
vil. 2, Ahitub U represented as Zadok's father.
This uncertainty makes it difficult to determine the
exact time of Ahitub's high-priesthood. If he was
father to Zadok he must hare been high-priest with
Ahimelech. But if he was grandfather, his age
would hare coincided exactly with the other Ahi-
tub, the son of Phinehas. Certainly a singular co-
incidence.
3. [Vat. Ax«t«»/3.] The genealogy of the
high-priests in 1 Chr. vi. 11, 12, introduces another
Ahitub, son of another AmanaL, and father of
another Zadok. At p. 387 of the Geneabgiei will
be bund reasons for believing that the second
Ahitub and Zadok are spurious. A. C. H.
AHIiAB O^TO [/«■*%]: AaUp:
[Comp. *Ax^<0 : ] Achalab), a city of Asber from
which the Canaanites were not driven out (Judg. i.
81). Its omission from the list of the towns of
Aaher, in Josh, xix., has led to the suggestion (Ber-
tbeiin on Judg.) that the name is but a corruption
of Achshaph ; but this appears extravagant. It is
more probable that Achlab reappears in later his-
tory as Gush Chaleb, sbn U713, or Giscala, (Re-
land, pp. 813, 817), a place lately identified by Rob-
inson under the abbreviated name of eUith, near
Snfcd, in the hilly country to the N. W. of the
Sea of Galilee (Rob. ii. 446, iii. 73). Gush Chaleb
was in Rabbinical times famous for its oil (see the
citations in Reland, p. 817), and the old olive-trees
still remain in the neighborhood (Rob., iii. 72).
From it came the famous John, son of Levi, the
leader in the siege of Jerusalem (Jos. VU. J 10;
B. J. ii. 21, § 1), and it had a legendary celebrity
as the birthplace of the parents of no leas a person
than the Apostle Paul (Jerome, quoted by Reland,
p. 813). [Gischala.] G.
AHXAI [2 syU] (*2TV [0 that, a wish]:
total [Vat. Axot], 'Axa&C; Alex. AaSat, OXi;
[Camp. OiAaf, 'AXaf ; Aid. Aojol, "OoAi:] Oholai,
OkoU). Daughter of Sheshan, whom he gave in
marriage to his Egyptian slave Jarba (1 Chr. ii. 31,
85). In consequence of the failure of male issue,
Ahlai became the foundress of an important branch
it the family of the JerahmeaUtes, and from her
•ere descended Zabad, one of David's mighty men
(1 Chr. xi. 41), and Azariah, one of the captains
of hundreds In the reign of Joash (2 Chr. xxiii. 1 ;
somp. 1 Chr. Ii. 38). W. A. W.
AHCAH (niny, probably another form of
'TFte LA**" * °f /How*] i 'Ax<^; [domp.
As»»:J Ahoe), son of Bela, the son of Benjamin (1
Off. viii. 4). The patronymic Aiuhite ('"IPS)
'• found in 2 Sam. xxiiL 9, 28; 1 Chr. xu 12, 29,
avB. 4). [Em.]
AHCHITE. [Ahoah.]
AHOT.AH (H^nW [her tent]: _«\d' i
▼at. OoAAo, Ooab; Alex. OKXa] OoUa), a lu.--
AHOL1BAMAH 69
lot, used by Ezekiel as the symbol of Samaria (E*
xxiii. 4, 5, 36, 44).
AHOXIAB (a^VrtS {tent of hit /otter] i
"EAuO: OoUab), a Danite of great skill aa a
weaver and embroiderer, whom Moses appointed
with Bezaleel to erect the tabernacle (Ex. xxrv.
80-35 [xxxi. 6, xxxvi. 1, 2, xxxviii. 2]).
AHOI/IBAH (HybnN [my tabernacle in
her]: 'OoKtfiii [Alex. 0\t$a-] OoUba), a harlot,
used by Ezekiel aa the symbol of Judah (Ex. xxiii.
4, 11, 22, 36, 44).
AHOLIBA'MAH (n^b™? [tent of An
height or lofty tent]: 'OXi/Sc/ul [etc.; Alex. EXi-
0t)ta, etc. :] OoHbama), one (probably the second)
of the three wives of Esau. She was the daughter
of Amah, a descendant of Seir the Horite (Gen.
xxxvi. 2, 25). It is doubtless through this con-
nection of Esau with the original inhabitants of
Mount Seir that we ire to trace the subsequent
occupation of that territory by him and his de-
scendants, and it is remarkable that each of hi*
three sons by this wife is himself the head of a
tribe, whilst all the tribes of the Edomites sprung
from his other two wives are founded by his grand-
sons (Gen. xxxvi. 15-19). In the earlier narrative
(Gen. xxvi. 34) Aboh'bamah is called Judith,
daughter of Beeri, the Hittite. The explanation
of the change in the name of the woman seems to
be that her proper personal name was Judith, and
that Aholibamah was the name which she received
as the wife of Esau and foundress of three tribes of
his descendants ; she is therefore in the narrative
called by the first name, whilst in the genealogical
table of the Edomites she appears under the second.
This explanation is confirmed by the recurrence of
the name Aholibamah in the concluding list of the
genealogical table (Gen. xxxvi. 40-43 [comp. 1
Chr. i. 52]) which, with Hengstenlwrg (Die An-
thentie d. Pent. il. 279, Eng. transl. ii. 228), Tueb
( Kornm. Ob. d. Gen. p. 498), Knobd ( Genet, p. 258),
and others, we must regard as a list of names of
places and not of persons, as indeed is expressly
said at the close of it: " These are the chiefs (heads
of tribes) of Esau, according to their settlements
in the land of their possession." The district
which received the name of Esau's wife, or perhaps
rather from which she received her married name,
was no doubt (aa the name itself indicates) situated
in the heights of the mountains of Edom, probably
therefore in the neighborhood of Mount Hor and
Petra, though Rnobel places it south of Petra,
having been misled by Burckhardt's name Betma,
which, however, according to Robinson (ii. 155), is
it a sandy tract with mountains around it ... .
but not itself a mountain, as reported by Burck
hardt." It seems not unlikely that the three tribes
descended from Aholibamah, or at least two of
them, possessed this district, since there are enumer-
ated only eleven districts, whereas the number of
tribes is thirteen, exclusive of that of Korah, whoa*
name occurs twice, and which we may further con-
jecture emigrated (in part at least) from the dis-
trict of Aholibamah, and became associated with
the tribes descended from EUphaz, Esau's first-born
son.
It is to be observed that each of the wives of Esau
is mentioned by a different name in (he genealogi-
cal table from that which occurs in the history.
This U joticed under Babhkkatr. With i
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54 AHTJMAI
lo the tame and race of the father of AhoHbamah,
an Amah and Bekri. F. W. G.
AHU'MAI [8 syL] P&TVl : 'Axv«at; [Vat.
Ax«iM"0 Ahumai). Son of Jahath, a descendant
m Judah, and head of one of the families of the
Zorathitej (1 Chr. It. 9). W. A. W.
AHU'ZAM (DjnM [their pouamon] : 'nxo/a ;
Alex. OxaCoMi [AM. 'Ax<tCi Comp. *o£d>:]
Ootam). Properly Aiiuzzam, ion of Ashur, the
father or founder of Tekoa, by hit wife Naarah (1
Chr. iv. 6). W. A. W.
AHTJZ'JZATH ('-Wrt? [poutuim:] 'Oxo-
(A8-. Ochozath), one of the friends of the Philistine
king Abimelech who accompanied him at his inter-
riew with Isaac (Gen. xxvi. 96). In LXX. he is
called i yvu&ayaybs airrov —proiwbut, or brides-
man, and his name is inserted in ni. 22, 23. St.
Jerome renders the word "a company of friends,"
as does also the Taigum.
For the termination "-ath " to Philistine names
eomp. Gath, Goliath, Timnath. H. W. B.
AI [monosyL] ( s ? = A«uj ofrmu, Gea.). 1.
(Always with the def. article, TS? H (see Gen. xii.
8, in A. V.), To/, * To/, 'AM, 'At; Jos. "Awo;
Bat), a royal city (comp. Josh. viii. 23, 29, x. 1,
xii. 9) of Canaan, already existing in the time of
Abraham (Gen. xii. 8) [Hai], and lying east of
Bethel (comp. Josh. xii. 9), and " beside Bethaven "
(Josh. vii. 2, viii. 9). It was the second city taken
by Israel after their passage of the Jordan, and
was "utterly destroyed" (Josh. vii. 3, 4, S; viii.
1, 2, 3, 10, 11, 12, 14, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23, 24,
26, 26, 28, 29; ix. 3; x. 1, 2; xii. 91. (See Stan-
ley, 5. 4 P. p. 202.) However, if Aiath be Al-
and from its mention with Migron and Michmash
it is at least probable that it was so — the name
was still attached to the locality at the time of
Sennacherib's march on Jerusalem (Is. x. 28).
(Aiath.] At any rate, the " men of Bethel and
Ai," to the number of two hundred and twenty-
three, returned from the captivity with Zerubbabel
(Ext. ii. 28; Neb. vii. 32, "one hundred and
iwenty-three " only); and when the Benjaminites
again took possession of their towns, " Michmash,
Aya and Bethel, with their ■daughters,'" are
among the places named (Neh. xi. 31). [Aija.]
Eusebius remarks (Onom. 'Ayyai) that though
Bethel remained, Ai was a t6toi fpn/aot, alrrhs
■iivov Sfixnmu : but even that cannot now be said,
and no attempt has yet succeeded in fixing the site
of the city which Joshua doomed to be a " heap
uid a desolation forever." Stanley (S. <* P. p.
102) places it at the head of the Wady ffarith ;
Williams and Van de Velde (8. <f P. p. 204,
uote) apparently at the same spot as Robinson (i.
443, 575; and Kiepert's map, 1856), north of
Mukhmiit, and between it and Dcir Duwav. For
Krafft's identification with Kirbet eUIIaiyth, see
Rob. iii. 288. It is the opinion of some that the
yords Avim (E s -V?) in Josh, xviii. 23, and Gaza
a The put of the country in which A|jalon was slt-
satsd — the western slopes of the main central table-
land leading down to the plain of Sharon — must, If
lie derivation of the names of its towns Is to be
trusted, have abounded in animals. Besides A|)alon
idewr), hen lay Bhaalbun (foxes or Jackals), and not
hi off the valley of ZebUm (hyenas). 8w Stanley,
•.162. note.
AIJALON
(>T}5) in 1 Chr. vii. 28, are corruptions of AI
[Arm; Azzah.]
S. ("5 : rofand [Alex. FA.] Kai iVat omits:]
Hai), a city of the Ammonites, apparently attached
to Heshbon (Jer. xlix. 8). G.
A1AH [8 syL] (njK [prg, cfaawr]: «A»
Alex. Aw; [in Gen. 'AXi<\ Ala). L Son of
Zibeon, a descendant of Seir, and ancestor of on*
of the wives of Esau (1 Chr. i. 40), called in Gen.
xxxvi. 24 Ajaii. He probably died before his
father, as the succession fell to his brother Amah.
2. (f> 2 Sam. iii.,] '\<b\, [Vat M. IoJ, Alex.*
IoX, Comp. 'An; in 2 Sam. xxi.,] 'AtS.) Father
of Rizpah, the concubine of Saul (2 Sam. iii. 7,
xxi. 8, 10, 11). W. A. W.
AIATH [8 syL] (n»? [fern, of?, At}: ,U
t*j» wihur 'Ayvol: Aiath), a place named by
Isaiah (x. 28) in connection with Migron and
Michmash. Probably the same as Ai. [At;
Aija.]
AI'JA [2 syL] (VFB : [om. Aid. Bom. Alex.
FA.; Comp. y t t. c N for Tof; FA.V A<a>:]
Hai), like Aiath, probably a variation of the name
ii. The name is mentioned with Michmash and
Bethel (Neh. xi. 31). [Ai.]
AI'JALON [3 syl.] 0'V^N, place of our*
or gaztUtt, Gesen. p. 46, Stanley, p. 208, note;
AlaXiv [? AiXaV), and AlXai/a, [etc.:] Ajalon).
L A city of the Kohathites (Josh. xxi. 24; 1 Chr.
vi. 69), originally allotted to the tribe of Dan
(Josh. xix. 42; A. V. "Ajalon"), which tribe,
however, was unable to dispossess the Amorites of
the place (Judg. i. 36). Ajjalon was one of the
towns fortified by Reboboam (2 Chr. xi. 10) dur-
ing his conflicts with the new kingdom of Ephraim
(1 K. xiv. 30), and the last we hear of it is as being
in the hands of the Philistines (2 Chr. xxviii. 18,
A. V. "Ajalon").
Being on the very frontier of the two kingdoms,
we can understand how Ayalon should be spoken
of sometimes (1 Chr. vi. 69, comp. with 66) as in
Ephraim,'' and sometimes (2 Chr. xi. 10; 1 Sam.
xiv. 31) as in Judah and Benjamin.
The name is most familiar to us from its men-
tion in the celebrated speech of Joshua during his
pursuit of the Canaanites (Josh. x. 12, "valley
(PCS) of Ay'alon; " see Stanley, p. 210). There
is no doubt that the town has been discovered by
Dr. Robinson in the modern YAlof a little to the
N. of the Jaffa road, about 14 miles out of Jerusa-
lem. It stands on the side of a long hill which
forms the southern boundary of a fine valley of
corn-fields, which valley now bears the name of the
M erj Ion Omar, but which there seems no rea-
son for doubting was the valley of Ayalon which
witnessed the defeat of the Canaanites (Rob. 11.
263, iii. 146).
2. [AlxA/ii Aid. Alex. AiXcf/a.] A place in
Zebulun, mentioned as the burial-place of Ekm
CpVtf),* one of the Judges (Judg. xii. 12). G.
b Perhaps this may suggest sn explanation of th*
allusion to the " house of Joseph " in the difficult
passage, Judg. I. 84, 86.
' 'loAu, In Kpiphaniua ; ass Behind, p. 668.
<' It will be observed that the twt words dlflet teUr
fat their vowel-points
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AIJELBTH
" It may have been also hit birth-place, and pos-
ibly took its name from him. [Eton.] Van de
Vdde (.Went. p. 383) report* hit finding a Joiin, a
place of rains, In northern Galilee, inland from
Aleka, which (if this be reliable) might aniwer mil
snough to the A'yulon in Zebulun.
l*be Ayalon mentioned as lying in the tribe of
Benjamin (2 Chr. zi. 10), one of "the lanced cities"
fortified by Kchoboam, some regard as a third town
of this name. But it was probably the Danite
Atfalon (Josh. xix. 48), which, after the Danites
had extended their territory further north (Judg.
xvlLU 1 IT.), was assigned to Benjamin, and hence at
different times was held by different tribes. See
Bertheau's note on 3 Chr. xi. 10 (Exeg. Handouch,
it. 308). H.
AI'JELETH [3 syL] 8BLSVHAR, more
correctly ATEurrn Has-srachar (i"V;*H
"inWH, the hind of the morning dawn), (bond
once only in the Bible, in connection with Ps. xxii.,
of which it forms part of the introductory verse or
title. This term has been variously interpreted.
Kaabi, Kimcbi and Aben-Ezra attest that it was
taken for the name of a musical instrument.
Many of the modern versions have adopted this
interpretation ; and it also seems to have been that
of the translators from whom we have the Author-
ized Vernon, although they have left the term it-
self untranslated. Some critics speak of this
instrument as a "flute;" and J. I). Michaelis,
Mendelssohn, Knapp, and others, render the He-
brew words by " morning Bute." Michaelis admits
the difficulty of describing the instrument thus
named, but he conjectures that it might mean a
" flute " to be played on at the time of the " morn-
ing " sacrifice. No account is rendered, however,
by Michaelis, or by those critics who adopt his
view, of the etymological voucher for this transla-
tion. Mendelssohn quotes from the Sltilte Hag-
aeborim a very fanciful description of the " Ayeleth
Hasshachar" (see Prolegomena to Mendelssohn's
Paahns); but he does not approve it: he rather
seeks to justify bis own translation by connecting
the name of the "flute" with D s 3nH H^JH,
Ayeleth Ahabim (Prov. v. 19), and by endeavoring
to make it appear that the instrument derived its
appellation from the sweetness of its tones.
The Chaldee Paraphrast, a very ancient author-
ity, renders ""IHtPn fl^*r* "the power of the
continual morning sacrifice," implying that this
term conveyed to the chief musician a direction
respecting the time when the 33d psalm was to be
abanted. In adopting such a translation, H j'hf
must be received as synonymous with ."VH'H
(ttrength, force) in the 30th ver. (A. V. 19th ver.)
of the same psalm.
According to a third opinion, the " hind of the
morning " e*pi e asts aUegorically the argument of
the 33d psalm. That this was by no means an
mcommon view is evident from the commentaries
«f Rashi and Kimchi ; for the latter regards the
'Hind of the Morning " as an allegorical appeDa-
fon of the house of Jndah, whose captivity in Baby-
lon is. agreeably to his exegesis, the general burden
if the psalm. TOolnck, who imagines the 33d
saahn to treat primarily of David, and of the Mes-
4ah arcundarUy, make* David allude to himself
aut
66
under the figure of « the hind of the morning."
He speaks of himself as of a hind pursued even
from the first dawn of the morning (Thohiek oe
the Ps. m loco).
The weight of authority predominates, however,
in favor of the interpretation which assigns to
"inU?n i""P*S the *ole purpose of describing tc
the musician the melody to which the psalm was
to be played, and which does not in any way con-
nect " Ayeleth Hasshachar " with the arguments of
the psalm itself. To Aben-Ezra this interpreta-
tion evidently owe* it* origin, and his view has
been received by the majority of grammarians and
lexicographers, as well as by those commentators
whose object has been to arrive at a grammatical
exposition of the text. Amongst the number,
Buxtorf, Boehart, Gesenius, Kosenmiiller, and M.
Sachs (in Zunz's Bible), deserve especial mention.
According to the opinion, then, of this trustworthy
band of scholars, "'ntPn i"V?'N described a lyr-
ical composition no longer extant; but in the age
of 1 tavid, and during the existence of the Temple
of Solomon, when the Paahns were chanted for
public and private service, it was so well known as
to convey readily to the director of the sacred
music what it was needful for him to know. That
this was not an unusual method of describing a
melody may be satisfactorily proved from a variety
of analogous instances. Ample evidence is found
in the Talmud (JeruthnL Berach.) that the ex-
pression "hind of the morning" was used figura-
tively for ■' the rising sun; " and a similar use of
the Arabic "Gesalath" may be adduced. (See
RosenmiUIer'a Scholia, in loco, and Flint's Con-
cordance.) Aben-Ezra is censured by Boehart
(Uierotoicon, book iii. ch. 17) for describing the
poem "inB?n n„*M as an amorous song
(-3.1 -pi bv naroa bvq nbnn, Kin
CanN nVw 1D3 pU7P), a term considered
too profane to be employed in reference to a compo-
sition used for public worship. But if for the ob-
noxious epithet "amorous" the word "elegiac''
be substituted (and the expression used by the rabbi
will readily admit of this change in the translation)
the objection is removed.
Cahnet understands ""int&n dV.H to mean
a '- band of music " ; and he accordingly translate*
the introductory verse, "A Psalm of David, ad-
dressed to the music master who presides over the
Band called the Morning Hind." D. W. M.
A1N (IV.'), "an eye," and also, in the simple
but vivid imagery of the East, a spring or nat-
ural burst of living water, always contradistin-
guished from the well or tank of artificial formation,
which latter is designated by the words Beer
(->K3), Bor (ik? and ~nS). Ain (till retain?
e ~
its ancient and double meaning in Arable, mWIC-
Such bring springs abound in Palestine even mors
than il. other mountainous districts, and apart from
their natural value in a hot climate, form one of the
most remarkable features of tht country. Professor
Stanley (S. d- P. pp. 147, 609) has called atten-
tion to the accurate and persistent use of the word
in the orurkjl text of the Bible, and has well ex-
pressed ue inconvenience arising from the confuakm
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56 AIN
In the A. V. of words and things ao radically distinct
u Ain and Beer. " The importance of distin-
guishing between the two U illustrated by Ex. xr.
87, in which the word Ainoth (translated 'wells')
ia used for the springs of fresh water at Elim, al-
though the rocky soil of that place excludes the
•apposition of dug wells." [Fountain.]
Ain oftenest occurs in combination with other
words, forming the names of definite localities.
These will be found under En, as En-gedi, En-gan-
nim, Ac. It occurs alone in two cases : —
L (With the def. article, f^il.) One of the
landmarks on the eastern boundary of Palestine as
described by Moses (Nam. xxxiv. 11), and appar-
ently mentioned, if the rendering of the A. V. ia
accurate, to define the position of Riblah, namely,
"on the east side of 'the spring'" (LXX. «V1
rrrydr)- By Jerome, in the Vulgate, it is rendered
contra fonUm Daphnm, meaning the spring which
rose In the celebrated grove of Daphne dedicated to
Apollo and Diana at Antioch." But Riblah hav-
ing been lately, with much probability, identified
(Rob. iii. 542-6; Porter, ii. 335) with a place of
the same name on the N. E. slopes of the Hermon
range, "the spring" of the text must in the
present state of our knowledge be taken to be 'Ain
et-'Aty, the main source of the Orontes, a spring
remarkable, even among the springs of Palestine,
for its force and magnitude. The objections to this
identification are the distance from Riblth — about
9 miles ; and the direction — nearer K. E than E.
(see Rob. iii. 634; Porter, ii. 335-6, 358). [Rib-
lah; Hamath.]
2. ['A<r<£, etc.; Alex. Mr, etc: Ain, Ain.]
One of the southernmost cities of Judah (Josh. xr.
39), afterwards allotted to Simeon (Josh. xix. 7;
1 Chr. iv. 32 'J and given to the priests (Josh. xxi.
16). In the list of priests' cities in 1 Chr. vi.
Ashan ()WT?) takes the place of Aiu. [Ashan.]
In Nell. xi. 29, Ain is joined to the name which
in the other passages usually follows it, and appears
as En-rimmon. So the LXX., in the two earliest
of the passages in Joshua, give the name as 'Epo»-
uM and 'Epcp+uiv. [En-rimmon.] (See Rob.
uTaM.) g.
•The reader should not overlook, under this
head, Dr. Robinson's admirable account of the Ayins
or Fountains of Palestine in his Physical Geog-
raphy (pp. 238-264). Me enumerates and de-
scribes the principal of them under the classes of
(a), those of the western plain along the Mediter-
ranean; (6) those of the hill-country west of the
Jordan ; (c) those in the Ghdr or valley of the
Jordan ; (d) those of the hill-country east of the
Jordan ; and (e) the warm and mineral fountains.
In the comparative frequency of such living springs
of water, he finds the characteristic difference be-
tween Palestine and Egypt, and a perfect justifica-
tion of the language of Moses in his description of
the Promised Land to the children of Israel : " For
a That this, and not the spring lately identified at
Dt/iuft, near the source of the Jordan at Tel tl-Kady
'Rob. Iii. 398 ; Bitter, Jordan, p. 216), is the Daphne
referred to In the Vulgate, is clear from the quota-
tions from Jerome given in Reland (Pol., oap. xxv.
». 120). In the Targums o." Jonathan and Jerusalem,
Ublah b rendered by Dophne, and Ain by 'Invatha
'KnWV) [or 'Ayenutha, tOIVS, Jerus.].
sshwaa (29) would place Alii at " Hn-ol-Malcha "
Uoubtleai Am- Vtllahali) ; to be consistent with which
A IB
the Lord thy God bringeth the* into a good land, a
land of brooks of water, of fountains and depths
that spring out of valleys and hills " (Pent. viii. 7).
The English explorer, Mr. Tristram, in his LoM
of Itrael, has given special attention to this im-
portant branch of sacred geography ; and Dr. Sepp
has done the same in his two volumes (Jerusalem
u. dot BtiHge Land, 1863). The subject neon
again under Fountains. H.
• AIR (in the N. T. U,p, also obpa*6,). The
Greeks generally used the word Hip to denote thai
lower portion of the atmosphere, the region of
vapors, clouds and mist, in opposition to aMip, the
pure upper air or ether, though the former term
also included the whole space between the earth
and the nearest of the heavenly bodies. The
Romans borrowed the words and adopted the con-
ceptions connected with them. It appears to have
been a common opinion, both among the Jews and
heathens, that the air was filled with spiritual be-
ings, good and evil, the region nearest the earth
being regarded as, in particular, the abode of the
latter class. Thus Pythagoras taught, according
to Diogenes Larrtius (viii. 32), "that the whole
air was full of souls," namely, deemons and heroes;
Plutarch says that " the sir beneath the ether and
the heaven, top SraiBpor kip* koX rev inrovpdviov,
is full of gods and daemons " ( Qwest Rom. c. 40,
p. 274 b); and he ascribes to Xenocrates the doc-
trine " that there are beings in the region surround-
ing us, great and powerful indeed, but evil-disposed
and malignant" (De h. et Gar. e. 26, p. 361
b). Varro, in a curious passage preserved by
Augustine (De Cm. Dei, vii. 6), r ep r e sents the
space between the moon and the lower part of our
atmosphere as full of "heroes, lares, and genii,"
aeria attune, that is, souls inhabiting the aer in
distinction from the other. Philo says that " an-
gels, which the philosophers call demons, are souls
flying about in the air," ^uval xari. rhv aipa rer6-
ufvai (De Gigant. c. 2. Opp. i. 263 ed. Mang.);
and similar passages repeatedly occur in his writ-
ings (De Plant. Noe, c. 4, p. 331; De Con/, ling,
c. 34, p. 431; De Somn. i. 22, p. 641). In a
Rabbinical commentary on Pirke Amth, foL 83, 2,
it is said that " from the earth upward the whole
space is filled with beings divided into bands with
rulers; and that below [«. e. in the lower region of
the air] there are many creatures employed in in-
juring and accusing." (See Drusius on Eph. vi.
12, or Koppe on Eph. ii. 2.) The TetU XI I.
Patriarch., Btnj. e. 3, speaks of Beliar or Belial
as tepioy rytvua, a " spirit of the air." (Fabric.
Cod. pteudep. V. T. p. 729.) These passages may
serve to illustrate Eph. ii. 2, where Satan is desig-
nated as 6 b\p\tev r V s ^ovfflas rod aJpos, *• *»
" the ruler of the powers of the air," l^ovaia being
used in a collective sense for i(avo~lai (comp. Eph.
vi. 12, Col. ii. 15), as we say "force" for "foroes,"
and denoting the evil spirits which make the air
he la driven to assume that the Daphne near Paulas
had also the name of Riblah.
b There Is a curious expression la this verse which
has not yet been explained. After enumerating tba
" cities " (*"W) of Simeon, the text proceeds, u and
their villages O^VW were Ktam, Ain D>
dttea" 0"iy). Considering the strict (Hstkation at
generally observed in the uaa of those two wards tba
above is at least worthy of note. [Hasob..
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A1RUS
their lidt.it;. 1 1 >u So, substantially, Roh.nihin,
Bretechne'tder, ai.d (jriinm in tibv lexicons, with
1 >e Wette, Meyer, liieek, Alford, Ellicott, and
sther eminent commentators. Tor further quota-
tions illustrating the opinion referred to, see I)m-
lius (in the CWfc Sacri), (Jrotius. Wetstein, and
Meyer in he. ; Eisner, Obss. Sucr. ii. 205-7, and
Windet, De \1la j'unctarwn Statu, sect. xiii. pp.
2tH-266, 3d ed., Und. 1677. The elaborate note
of Harless aLso deserves to be compared.
Prof. Stuart, in his Sketches of Angeloht/y
{Bibl. Sacra for 18-43, p. 139), translates the ex-
pression in Eph. ii. 2, " prince of the aerial host,"
and remarks that "no other exegesis which has
been given of this text seems capable of abiding
the test of philological examination.'' Hut he
understands the language used here and elsewhere
in reference to the locality of evil spirits as si/riir-
bolical. « Their airy nature (to speak as the an-
cients did), their invisibility, their quick and easy
access to men, are all shadowed forth in assigning
them an aerial aliode " (p. 144).
The Greek oupavos, " heaven," is the word
rendered "air" in the expression " the birds " or
"fowls of the air," Matt. vi. 20, viii. 20, etc., and
"sky" in Matt. xvi. 2, 3, "the sky is red and
lowering," and not unfrequently denotes the lower
heaven, the region of clouds and storms. (See
the X. T. Lexicons.) In accordance with this use
of the primitive word, ra lirovpdvia in Eph. vi. 12
may be understood as essentially synonymous with
6 <Xfo in Eph. ii. 2, or at least as including it.
The expression t£ •Kv^v^ariKh t/js irovnplas iv
rots i-novpaviois in the passage referred to (A. V.
"spiritual wickedness in high places," but see the
margin) is accordingly translated by Stuart "evil
spirits in the aerial regions" {Bibl. Sacra, 1843,
pp. 123, 139), and by Ellicott "the spiritual hosts
of wickedness in the heavenly regions." Substan-
tially the same view is taken of the passage by the
best commentators, as De Wette, Meyer, Week,
Alford. In illustration of the use of ivovpdvtos,
see the account of the seven heavens in the Ttst.
XII. Patriarch., Levi, c. 3, and the Ascension of
Isiiah, vii. 9-13, and x. SO, cited by Stuart, ut
supra, p. 139. So, where the so-called Epistle of
Ignatius to the Ephesians in the shorter form (c. 13)
reads iv rj (sc. fipijvr}) iras ir6Ktpos Karapyftrat
iirovpaviojv tcaX tirtyelatv, the longer recen-
sion has d( pirn y nai trrtyeiuv irvevfA&rwv.
The superstitious notion, widely prevalent in
later times, that evil spirits have the power of
raising storms and tempests, appears to have been
connected with this conception of their place of
it>ode. The sorcerer Ismenu is represented by
Tasso as thus invoking the daemons, " roving in-
habitants of the air " : —
■'Vol che le t«m|*.'f*te e le procelle
Movete, abitator tttir aria errantt."
Gerus. Lib. xiii. 7.
The proverbial phrases ds ktpa \a\ctv, 1 Cor.
liv. 9, " to talk to the winds" (vcjitts verba pro-
fun/fere, Lucret. iv. 929), and atpa ftipciv, 1 Cor.
x. 26, " to beat the air" (verberare xciibus auras,
Virg. •*♦£*». v. 377), hardly need illustration. A.
AI'RUS Clatpos; [Vat. Uctpos; Aid. 'Atpof-]
« The Alex- MS. In this place reads 'Iov&u? for
liovftntff, nT, d Ewald (G«cA. It. 91, 368) endeavors to
How toenirwo that titv AcMbtUtiue there mention d
toa that between Samaria and Judeea, in support o
to opinion thmt a targe P«t of Southern Palestfn"
AKRABBIM
57
Ait). One of the " servants of the Temple," or
Nethiuira, whose descendants returned with Zuro
babel (1 Esdr. v. 31). I'trhaps the same as Re-
aiaii. W. A. W.
A'JAH, Gen. xxxvi. 24. [AtAH.]
AJ'ALON (Josh. x. 12, xix. 42; 2 Chr. xxviii.
18). The same place as Aualon (1) which see.
The Hebrew being the same in both, there is no
reason for the inconsistency in the sjielling of the
name in the A. V. G.
A'KAN (VJP [perh. slmrpsighled, Furst]
'louxifi; [Alex. Iaju/ca^; Aid. 'loundv] Aeon),
descendant of Esau (den. xxxvi. 27, called Jaka.
in 1 Chr. i. 42. [ISkne-Jaakan.]
AK'KUB (aV;V [iim&m]i 'Akou/3; [Vat
Iokouv : ] Alex. AkkuvB '■ Accub). L A descend-
ant of Zerubbabel, and one of the seven sons of
Elioenai (1 Chr. iii. 24).
2. {'Axoifi in 1 Chr., 'Akw/3; Alex. A/cou/3 in
I Chr., AKoufi in Ezr. and Neh. ; [Vat. Akouu in
I Chr. and Kzr., Akou in Neh. vii.] ) One of the
porters or doorkeepers at the east gate of the Temple.
If is descendants succeeded to his office, and appear
among those who returned from llabylon (1 Chr.
ix. 17; Ezr. ii. 42; Neh. vii. 45, xi. lu, xii. 25)
Also called Dacom (1 Esdr. v. 28).
3. CAkou0; [Vat. A/co0tofl.]) One of the
Nethinim, whose family returned with Zerubbabel
(Kzr. ii. 45). The name is omitted in Neh. vii.,
but occurs in the form Acun in 1 Esdr. v. 31.
* It rather corresponds to Acua ('AicoiiS) in
1 Esdr. v. 30. Acub in 1 Esdr. v. 31 answers to
Hakhuk, Ezr. ii. 51. A.
4. (on. in LXX. [but Comp. 'Akov$]-) A
Invite who assisted Ezra in expounding the Law to
the people (Neh. viii. 7). Called Jacubus in 1
Esdr. ix. 48. W. A. W.
AKRAB'BIM [scorpions], "tiik ascent
of," and "tiik r.oixo up to"; also " Ma a leu -
acbabbim " ( ran":v rr^p = the »<»,•
l>ion~pass; ai'dHcurts 'AxpaPli/ [Alex. -3«vJ
Ascensw scwj)itnwm). A pass between the south
end of the Dead Sea and Zin, forming one of the
landmarks on the south boundary at once of Judah
(Josh. xv. 3) and of the Holy I^uid (Num. xxxiv.
4). Also the north (? ) boundary of the Amorites
(Judg. i. 36).
Judas Maccaha'iis had here a great victory over
the iMomites (1 Mace. v. 3," " Arabattine," which
see; Jos. Ant. xii. 8, § 1).
De Saulcy (i. 77) would identify it with the long
and steep pass of the Wtuly rs-Zwctirah. Scor-
pions he certainly found there in plenty, but this
w;tdy is too much to the north to have been Akrab
him, as the boundary went from thence to Zin and
Kadesh-barnea, which, wherever situated, were cer
tainly many miles further south. Hobinson's con-
jecture is, that it is the line of cliffs which cross
the Ghor at right angles, 11 miles south of the
Dead Sea, and form the ascent of separation between
the Ghor and the Arabali (ii. 120). Hut this would
be a descent and not an ascent to those who were
entering the Holy I -a ,il from the souths Perhapa
the most feasible supposition is that Akrabbim is
was *>i "i i in possession of the Euomites. But this
readlag does not agree with the context, and it is at
taut certain that Jo^ephus had the text as it now
stands.
6 • In his Ply*, txqfr. p. 58, l>r. Robinson asyi tb>~
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58
ALABASTER
Jhe steep pass a-Sufah, by which the final step is
made from the desert to the level of the actual land
of Palestine. As to the name, scorpions abound
Lit the whole of this district.
This place must not be confounded with Acra-
battene, north of Jerusalem. [Arbattis.] G.
ALABASTER (i\i$eurrpot- alabastrum)
occurs in the N. T. only, in the notice of the
alabaster box of ointment which a woman brought
to our Lord when He sat at meat in the bouse of
Simon the leper at Bethany, the contents of which
she poured on the head of the Saviour. (See Matt.
xxvi 7; Mark xiv. 3; Luke vii. 37.) By the
English word alabaster is to be understood both
that kind which is also known by the name of
gypsum, and the oriental alabaster which is so
much valued on account of its translucency, and
for its variety of colored streamings, red, yellow,
gray, Ac., which it owes for the most part to the
admixture of oxides of iron. The latter is a fibrous
carbonate of lime, of which there are many varieties,
satin tpar being one of the most common. The
former is a hydrous sulphate of lime, and forms
when calcined and ground the well-known substance
called piaster of Parit. Both these kinds of ala-
baster, but especially the latter, are and have been
long used for various ornamental purposes, such as
the fabrication of vases, boxes, Ac. The ancients
considered alabaster (carbonate of lime) to l« the
best material in which to preserve their ointments
(Pliny, B. N. xiii. 3). Herodotus (iii. 20) men-
tions an alabaster vessel of ointment which Cam-
byges sent, amongst other things, as a present to
the ^Ethiopians. Hammond (Annntat. ad Matt.
xxvi. 7 ) quotes Plutarch, Julius Pollux, and Athen-
ieus, to show that alabaster was the material in
which ointments were wont to be kept.
In 2 K. xxi. 13, " I will wipe Jerusalem as a
man wipeth a dish" (Heb. tsallachath), the Vat.
and Alex, versions of the LXX. use alabattron in
the rendering of the Hebrew words." The reading
of the LXX. in this passage is thus literally trans-
lated by Harmer ( Observations, iv. 473) : — "I will
unanoint Jerusalem as an alabaster unanointed box
is unanointed, and is turned down on its face."
Pliny 6 tells us that the usual form of these alabas-
ter vessels was long and slender at the top, and
round and full at the bottom. He likens them to
the long pearls, called eUnclii, which the Homan
Indies suspended from their fingers or dangled from
their ears. He compares also the green pointed
cone of a rose-bud to the form of an alabaster oint-
ment-vessel (H. N. xxi. 4). The onyx — (cf. Hor.
Od. iv. 12, 17), "Nardi parvus onyx" — which
Pliny says is another name for alnbastrites, must
not be confounded with the precious stone of that
name, which is a sub-species of the quartz family
of minerals, being a variety of agate. Perhaps the
name jf onyx was given to the pink-colored variety
jf the jalcare-jua alabaster, in allusion to its resem-
thls line of elms crosses the GhCr 6 or 8 miles south of
the Dead Sea. The Akrabbhn (scorpion cliffs) would be
tn " ascent " (H^JJQ) justly so called, without any
reference to the direction In which the traveller might
pproach them in a given instance. We need not
suppose them to have received their name from the
tci that the Hebrews crossed theiu from the south iu
omuig out of Egypt II.
° siroAft^w ttji* 'IfpovtraAiiji icalwf iwaXtifctrat o
BAa£aoTpoc dn-aAct^Ofirvof, KaX «araoTp«$«Tal etri
mtmr avmv, LXX. The Complutenstaui version
ALABASTER
Ming the finger-nail (onyx) in color or else because
the calcareous alabaster bears some resemblance tc
the agate-onyx in the characteristic lunar-shape*,
mark of the last-named stone, which mark remindec
the ancients of the whitish semicircular spot at the
base of the finger-nail.
Alabaster Vessels. From the British Museum. The
inscription on the centre vessel denotes the quantity
it holds.
The term alnbastra, however, was by no means
exclusively applied to vessels made from this ma-
terial. Theocritus' speaks of golden alabasters.
That the passage in Theocritus implies that the
alabasters were made of gold, and not simply gilt,
as some have understood it, seems clear from the
words of Plutarch (in Alexandra, p. 676), cited by
Kypke on Mark xiv. 3, where he speaks of alabas-
ters " all skillfully wrought of gold." ** Alaltasters,
then, may have been made of any material suitable
for keeping ointment in, glass, silver, gold, Ac.
Precisely similar is the use of the English word
box ; and perhaps the Greek ™£ot and the Latin
buxvs are additional illustrations. Bex is doubt-
less derived from the name of the shrub, the wood
of which is so well adapted for turning loxes and
such like objects. The term, which originally was
limited to boxes made of the box-wood, eventually
extended to boxes generally; as we say, an iron
box, a gold box, Ac.
In Mark xiv. 3, the woman who brought "the
alabaster box of ointment of spikenard " is said to
break the box before pouring out the ointment
This passage has l>een variously understood; but
Warmer's interpretation is probably correct, that
breaking the box implies merely breaking the seat
which kept the essence of the perfume from evap-
orating.
The town of Alabastron in Middle Egypt received
its name from the alabaster quarries of the adjacent
hill, the modern Mount St. Anthony. In this town
and the Vulgate understand the passage In a very dff
ferent way.
>> "Et procerioribus sua gratia est: elenchos appel-
lant fastigata longitudlne, alabastrorum flgura In plent
orem orbem desinentes " (H. N. Ix. 66).
e 2vp«'w Si fnvpt xpvavC aAa0aorpa (Id. XT. 114)
'' Mvpov xpv<nui«Aa|Wrpa non sunt vsna unguentaru
ex Hjahaj»trite lapide enque auro ornata, red shnpU
clter vaaa unguentarin ex auro facta. Cf. Hchleust
Lex. N. T. s. v. iXAfrurrpor." (KlessUnc, it Iheot
1. e.)
** xpwov tprmpKt'va ireotTTiic.
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ALEXANDER III.
ALAMETH
fM a manufactory of vases and .essel* for holding
mrfuniea, Jtc. W. H.
* Layard found vase* of white alabaster ajiong
the minis at Nineveh, which were used for holding
ointments or cosmetics (Babylon anil Ninevth, p.
197). The alabasters often had a long, narrow
neck, and it not only accords best with the Greek
(avvrpfyaaa) to suppose that the woman broke
this in two, but makes the act more expressive.
She would reserve nothing for herself, but devote
the whole to her Lord. • See Meyer and Lange on
Mark xiv. 3. H.
ALA-METH (>""IBb)7 [covering]: 'EAir*-
U9; [Vat r«ju««;' All.] Alex. ■EA/.ffl^.;
[Comp. 'AAopstt:] Almath). Properly Alk-
meth ; one of the sons of Becher, the son of Ben-
jamin (1 Chr. vii. 8). W. A. W.
ALAM'MEIiECH [fleirew Alammelech]
CH^. 1 *? = *%'• oak; 'VMptKixi [Vat -A«i-;
Aid. 'AXi/i.t\ex '■] Ebnelech), a place within the
limits of Asher, named between Achshaph and
Annul (Josh. xix. 26, only). It has not yet been
identified; but Schwarz (191) suggests a connec-
tion with the Nahr tt-MeSk, which falls into the
Hlshon near Haifa. 0.
AL'AMOTH (n'lD^V : Ps. xlvi., title; 1
Chr. xv. 20), a word of exceedingly doubtful mean-
ing, and with respect to which various conjectures
prevail. Some critics are of opinion that it is a
kind of lute brought originally from Elam (Per-
sia); others regard it as an instrument on which
young girls (H n ?V) used to play (comp. the
old English instrument "the Virginal"): whilst
some again consider the word to denote a species
of lyre, with a tourdme (mute) attached to it for
the purpose of subduing or deadening the sound,
and that on this account it was called TO J,
from C 7 ?, to conceal Lafage speaks of ~ IB ;?J
as " chant suplrieur ou chant a 1' octave." Some
German commentators, having discovered that the
lays of the medieval minstrels were chanted to a
melody called " die Jungfrauenweise," have trans-
ferred that notion to the Psalms; and Tkoluck, for
instance, translates 7" IIO^P by the above German
term. According to this notion .115^5 would
not be a musical instrument, but a melody. (See
Mendelssohn's Introduction to his Vtrsion of the
Ptalnu; Forkel, Getchkhte der Mutik; Lafage,
Bitt. Gen. de la Mmique ; and Gesenius
rr&v.) a w. m.
AI/CIMUS ('AAjciuoj, valiant, a Greek name,
assumed, according to the prevailing fashion, as
representing BOJ^ 'EAiOKcfp, God hath tet
up), called also Jac'ewus (A K ol 'Idxciuos all.
IaniKfiuof, Joseph. Ant. xii. 9, 6, t. e. BPJ, efc
. ud. iv. 6, varr. lectL), a Jewish priest (1 Mace. •Hi.
12) who was attached to the HeDenizing party (2
Mace. xiv. 3)." On the death of Menelaus he vat
tppointod to the high-priesthood by the influence if
Lysiaa, though not of the pontifical family (Joseph.
. c; xx. 9; 1 Mace. vii. 14), to the exclusion of
>oias, the nephew of Menelaus. When Demetrius
■ Aesordrag to a Jewish tradition (BtraUth R. 66), Sauhsdrlm. whom he afterwards pot far im'it.
he was " ««'i son of Joss ban Jower," chkf of the | all, Xtt. <■' *nw, L 245, 808.
6ft
Soter obtained the kingdom of Syria he paid court
to that monarch, who confirmed him in his office,
and through his general Bacchides [Bacchides]
established him at Jerusalem. His cruelty, how-
ever, was so great that, in spite of the force left in
his command, he was unable to withstand the op-
position which he provoked, and he again fled to
Demetrius, who immediately took measures for his
restoration. The first expedition under Nicanor
proved unsuccessful; but upon this Bacchides
marched a second time against Jerusalem with a
large army, routed Judas, who fell in the battle
(161 b. c), and reinstated Alcinms. After his res-
toration, Alcimus seems to have attempted to mod-
ify the ancient worship, and as be was engaged in
pulling down " the wall of the inner court of the
sanctuary " (i. e., which separated the court of the
Gentiles from it; yet see Grimm, 1 Mace. ix. 54) be
was "plagued" (by paralysis), and "died at that
time," 160 b. c. (Joseph. Ant. xii. 9, 6, xii. 10; 1
Mace, vii., ix. ; cf. 2 Mace, xiv., xv. Ewald, Getch.
da Volkct Itr. iv. 365 ff.) B. F. W.
AI/EMA (iv 'AA/pois; [Alex, tr AAopoij:]
in Alimit), a large and strong city in Gilead in the
time of the Maccabees (1 Mace. v. 26). Its name
does not occur again, nor have we yet any means
of identifying it. [Grimm (in foe.) conjectures
that it may represent Beer-dim (Is. xv. 8, comp.
Num. xxi. 16). — A.] G.
ALETtfETH (nB^7 [covering] : SoAot-
fidi, Ta\tfU9; Alex. raA<po0, [-/M0; Aid. ToAc-
u49, 'AAtp; Comp. 'AAculg:] Alamalh). A
aenjamite, son of Jehoadah, or Jarah, and de-
scended from Jonathan the son of Saul (1 Chr.
viii. 36, ix. 42). The form of the name in Hebrew
is different from that of the town Alemeth with
which it has been compared. W. A. W.
ALETKETH (accurately, Allemeth: HB^S:
ra\i/iiB; [Alex. roAqucO:] Almntli), the form
under which Almon, the name of a city of the
priests in Benjamin, appears in 1 Chr. vi. 60 [46].
Under the very similar form of 'Almll or Almuth,
it has been apparently identified in the present day
at about a mile N. K of Anata, the site of Ana-
thoth; first by Schwarz (128) and then by Mr.
Finn (Rob. xii- 287). Among the genealogies of
Benjamin the name occurs in connection with A«-
maveth, also the name of a town of that tribe (1 Chr.
viii. 36, ix. 42; compared with Ezr. ii. 24). [Al-
mon.] In the Targum of Jonathan on 2 Sam
xvi. 5, Bahurim is rendered Alemath. <i
ALEXANDER III., king of Macedon, sur-
named The Great ('A\4(avSpos, the helper of
men: Alexander : Arab, the two-horned, Gohi Lex
Arab. 1896), "the son of Philip " (1 Mace. -A. 3)
and Olympias, was born at Pella B. c. 356. On
his mother's side he claimed descent from Achilles;
and the Homeric legends were not without influence
upon his life. At an early age he was placed under
the care of Aristotle; and while still a youth he
turned the fortune of the day at Chwroneia (33*
B.C.). On the murder of I'hiUp (B.C. 330) Alex -
an d?r put down with resolute energy the disaftec-
tior vaf hostility by which his throne was men-
aced ; and in two years he crossed the Hellespont
(b. a 334) to carry out the plans of his father, and
execute the mission of Greece to the civilized world.
Baph.
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60
ALEXANDER III.
He battle of the Granicus m followed by the sub-
jugation of western Alia; and in the following year
the fate of the East was decided at Issus (b. c.
333). Tyre and Gaza were the only cities in
Western Syria which offered Alexander any resist-
ance, and these were reduced and treated with un-
usual severity (b. c. 332). Egypt next submitted
to him; and in B. c. 331 he founded Alexandria,
which remains to the present day the most charac-
teristic monument of his life and work, [n the
tame year he finally defeated Darius at Gaugamela ;
and in n. c. 330 his unhappy rival was murdered
by Bessus, satrap of Bactria. The next two years
were occupied by Alexander in the consolidation of
his Persian conquests, and the reduction of Bactria.
In n. c. 3*27 he crossed the Indus, penetrated to
the Hydaspes, and was there forced by the discon-
tent of his army to turn westward. He reached
Susa B. c. 325, and proceeded to Babylon b. c.
324, which he chose as the capital of bis empire.
In the next year he died there (b. c. 323) in the
midst of his gigantic plans ; and those who inherited
bis conquest* left his designs unachieved and unat-
teinpted (cf. Dan. vii. 6, viii. 5, xi. 3).
The famous tradition of the visit of Alexander to
Jerusalem during his Phoenician campaign (Joseph.
Ant. xi. 8, 1 ff.) has been a fruitful source of con-
troversy. The Jews, it is said, had provoked his
anger by refusing to transfer their allegiance to
Kim when summoned to do so during the siege of
Tyr->, and after the reduction of Tyre and Gaza
(Jowph. 1. c.) he turned towards Jerusalem. Jad-
dua (Jaddus) the high-priest (Neh. xii. 11, 22),
who had been warned in a dream how to avert the
king's anger, calmly awaited his approach; and
when he drew near went out to Sapha (HSS, he
Kaiched), within sight of the city and temple, clad
In his robes of hyacinth and gold, and accompanied
by a train of priests and citizens arrayed in white.
Alexander was so moved by the solemn spectacle
that he did reverence to the holy name inscribed
jpon the tiara of the high-priest ; and when I'ar-
menio expressed surprise, he replied that " he had
jeei) the god whom Jaddua represented in a dream
at Dium, encouraging him to cross over into Asia,
tnd promising him success." After this, it U said
chat he visited Jerusalem, offered sacrifice there,
beard the prophecies of Daniel which foretold his
rictory, and conferred important privileges upon the
Jews, not only in Judaea but in Babylonia and Me-
dia, which they enjoyed during the supremacy of
lis successors. The narrative is repeated in the
Talmud (Joma f. 69; ap. Otho, Lex. Rabb. s. v.
Alexander ; the high-priest is there said to have
been Simon the Just), in later Jewish writers
Vajikra R. 13; Joseph ben Gorton, ap. Ste. Croix,
. 553), and in the chronicles of Abulfeda (Ste.
Croix, p. 555). The event was adapted by the Sa-
maritans to suit their own history, with a corre-
sponding change of places and persons, and various
embellishments (Aboul'lfatah, quoted by Ste. Croix,
pp. 209-12) ; and in due time Alexander was en-
i oiled among the proselytes of Judaism. On the
ther hand no mention of the event occurs in Ar-
•jan, Plutarch, Diodorus, or Curtius ; and the con-
.ection m which it is placed by Josephus is alike
inconsistent with Jewish history (Ewald, Gesch. d
VoOces Isr. iv. 124 ff.) and with the narrative of
fcrrian (iii. 1 c0So/tn V^P? 4"* ""J* rdfi-* 4Sjxi-
mv f/Ktv is n-jAownoi - ).
But admitting the incorrecti-ess of the details of
ALEXANDER HI.
the tradition as given by Josephus, there are I
points which confirm the truth of the main fact
Justin says that " many kings of the East came tt
meet Alexander wearing fillets" (lib. xi. 10); anc*
after the capture of Tyre " Alexander himself visited
some of the cities which still refused to submit U
him " (Curt. iv. 5, 13). Even at a later time, ac-
cording to Curtius, he executed vengeance person-
ally on the Samaritans for the murder of his gov-
ernor Andmmachus ((^urt. iv. 8, 10). Besides this,
Jewish soldiers were enlisted in his army (Hecat.
ap. Joseph, c. Apiun. i. 22); and Jews formed an
important element in the population of the city
which he founded shortly after the supposed visit.
Above all, the privileges which he is said to have
conferred upon the Jews, including the remiasioi:
of tribute every sabbatical year, existed in later
times, and imply some such relation between the
Jews and the great conqueror as Josephus describes.
Internal evidence is decidedly in favor of the story,
even in its picturesque fullness. From policy or
conviction Alexander delighted to represent him-
self as chosen by destiny for the great act which he
achieved. The siege of Tyre arose professedly from
a religious motive. The battle of Issus was pre-
ceded by the visit to Gordium ; the invasion of Per-
sia by the pilgrimage to the temple of Amnion.
And if it be impossible to determine the exact cir-
cumstances of the meeting of Alexander and the
Jewish envoys, the silence of the classical historians,
who notoriously disregarded (e. g. the Maccabees)
and misrepresented (Tac. Hut. y. 8) the fortunes
of the Jews, cannot be held to be conclusive against
the occurrence of an event which must have ap-
peared to them trivial or unintelligible (Jahn, Ar-
cliavi. iii. 300 ff. ; Ste. Croix, Examen critique, Ac.,
Paris, 1810; Thirlwall, Hut. of Greece, vi. 206 f.;
and on the other side Ant. van Dale, Divert, super
Aritlea, Amstel. 1705, pp. 69 ff.)
The tradition, whether true or false, presents an
aspect of Alexander's character which has been fre-
quently lost sight of by his recent biographers.
He was not simply a Creek, nor must he be judged
by a Greek standard. The Orientalism, which
was a scandal to his followers, was a necessary de-
duction from his principles, and not the result of
caprice or vanity (cotnp. Arr. vii. 29). He ap-
proached the idea of a universal monarchy from the
side of Greece, but his final object was to establish
something higher than the paramount supremacy
of one people. His purpose wag to combine and
equalize, not to annihilate: to wed the East and
West in a just union — not to enslave Asia to
Greece (Plut. de Alex. Or. 1, § 6). The time in-
deed, was not yet come when this was possible, but
if he could not accomplish the great issue, he pre-
pared the way for its accomplishment
The first and most direct consequence of the
policy of Alexander was the weakening of nation-
alities, the first condition necessary for the dissolu-
tion of the old religions. The swift course of his
victories, the constant incorporation of foreign
elements in his armies, the fierce wars and chang-
ing fortunes of his successors, broke down the bar-
riers by which kingdom had been separated from
kingdom, and opened the road for larger concep-
tions of life and faith than had hitherto been pos-
sible (cf. Polyb. iii. 59). The contact of the East
and West brought out into practical forms, thoughts
and feelings which had been confined to the schools
iPaganism was deprived of life as soon as it was
transplanted beyond the narrow limits in which
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ALEXANDER III.
look ita shape. The spread of commerce followed
the progress of arms; and 'ie Greek language and
literature vindicated their -laim to be conaiJeied
the moat perfect expression of human thought by
becoming practically universal.
The Jews were at once most exposed to the pow-
erful influences thus brought to bear upon the
East, and most able to support them. In the ar-
rangement of the Greek conquests which followed
the battle of Ipsus, b. c. 301, Judsa was made
the frontier land of the rival empires of Syria and
Egypt, and though it was necessarily subjected to
the constant vicissitudes of war, it was able to make
advantageous terms with the state to which it owed
allegiance, from the important advantages which it
offered for attack or defense [Antiochls, ii.-vii.].
Internally also the people were prepared to with-
stand the effects of the revolution which the Greek
dominion effected. The constitution of Ezra had
obtained its full development. A powerful hierar-
chy had succeeded in substituting the idea of a
church for that of a state; and the Jew was now
able to wander over the world and yet remain
faithful to the God of his fathers [The Disper-
sion]. The same constitutional change had
strengthened the intellectual and religious position
of the people. A rigid " fence " of ritualism pro-
tected the course of common life from the license
of Greek manners ; and the great doctrine of the
unity of God, which was now seen to be the divine
centre of their system, counteracted the attractions
of a philosophic pantheism [Simon the Just].
Through a long course of discipline in which they
had been left unguided by prophetic teaching, the
Jews had realized the nature of their mission to the
world, and were waiting for the means of fulfilling
it. The conquest of Alexander furnished them
with the occasion and the power. But at the same
time the example of Greece fostered personal as
well as popular independence. Judaism was
ALEXANDER BALAS
61
Tetmdrechm (Attic talent) of Lystmschus, King of
Threes.
Ubv Used of Alexander the Great, as a young Jupiter
Amnion, to right. Rev. BASIAEOX AYSIMAXOY.
In Meld, monogram and S, Pallas seated to left,
holding a Victory.
speedily divided into sects, analogous to the typical
forms of Greek philosophy. But even the rude
analysis of the old faith was productive of good.
The freedom of Greece was no less instrumental in
forming the Jews for their final work than the con-
templative spirit of Persia, or the civil organization
of Rome ; for if the career of Alexander was rapid,
Ita effects were lasting. The city which he chose
to bear his name perpetuated in after ages the office
which he providentially discharged for Judaism
and mankind; and the historian of i Christianity
■ The attempt of Bertholdt to apply Uik description
of the third monarchy to that of Alexander has uuae
to am—and It [Duns,].
must confirm the judgment of Arrian, that Alexan-
der, " who was like no other man, could not liavs
been given to the world without the special design
of Providence " (*{» tov itiov, Arr. vii. 30).
And Alexander himself appreciated this design bet-
ter even than his great teacher; for it is said (Plut.
tie Ale j. Or. 1, § 6) that when Aristotle urged
him to treat the Greeks as freemen and the Orien-
tals as slaves, he found the true answer to this
counsel in the recognition of his " divine mission
to unite and reconcile the world " (icotvit *,« •»
8t68*v aptuxrriii vol SioAAojcttji rw $\ur nop-
In the prophetic visions of Daniel the influence
of Alexander is necessarily combined with that of
his successors." They represented with partial ex-
aggeration the several phases of his character; and
to the Jews nationally the policy of the Syrian
kings was of greater importance than the original
conquest of Asia. But some traits of " the first
mighty king" (Dan. viii. 21, xi. 3) are given with
vigorous distinctness. The emblem by which he
is typified H , SV', a he-yoat, fr. ~>P2 he leapt,
Ges. Thet. s. v. ) suggests the notions of strength
and speed ; 6 and the universal extent (Dan. viii. 5,
. . . from the toeit on the fact of the whole earth),
and marvellous rapidity of his conquests (Dan. 1. c.
he touched not the. groiutd) are brought forward as
the characteristics of bis power, which was directed
by the strongest personal impetuosity (Dan. viii. 6,
in the fury of hi» poioer). He ruled with great
dominion, and did according to his will (xi. 3);
" and there was none that could deliver . . . out
of his hand (»iii. 7)." B. F. W.
ALEXANDER BATAS (Joseph. Ant. xiii.
4, § 8, 'AAf^artpoi i BdAat \ty6iurot ; Strab.
xiv. p. 751, to» B&\ar 'AAc^aropor; Just. xxxv.
1, Subornant pro eo Balam quendam . . . et
. . . noineu ei Alexandri iuditur. Balas possibly
represents the Aram. N/372, lord: oe likewise
assumed the titles Ari^arr/t and ttnpytrfo, 1
Mace. x. 1). He was, according to son,e, a (natu
ral) son of Antiochus IV. Epiphanes (Strab. xiii
Joseph. Ant. xiii. 2, 1), but he was more generally
regarded as an impostor who falsely assumed the
connection (App. Syr. 67 ; Justin 1. c. cf. Polyb.
xxxiii. 16). He claimed the throne of Syria in
152 B. c. in opposition to Demetrius Soter, who
hud provoked the hostility of the neighboring longs
and alienated the affections of his subjects (Joseph.
1. c). His pretensions were put forward by Herac-
lides, formerly treasurer of Antiochus Epiphanes,
who obtained the recognition of his title at Rome
by scandalous intrigues (Polyb. xxxiii. 14, 16)
After landing at Ptolemais (1 Mace. x. 1) Alexin
der gained the warm support of Jonathan, who was
now the leader of the Jews (1 Mace. ix. 73); and
though his first efforts were unsuccessful (Just.
xxxv. 1, 10), in 150 B. c. be completely routed the
forces of Demetrius, who himself fell in the retreat
(1 Mace x. 48-50; Joseph. Ant. xiii. 2, 4; Str.
xvi. p. 751). After this Alexander married Cleo-
patra, the daughter of Ptolemaus VI. Philometor;
and in the arrangement of his kingdom appointed
Jonathan governor (/icptSd* yqs ; « Mace. x. 65)
of a province (Judsea : cf. 1 Mace, xi. 67). But his
There ma* be also some allusion In the word t»
the .egeud of Oamnna, the founder of uw Argtn
dynasty in Macedonia, who was guided to vie jrj br
" a tloak of goats " (.-vttn. t. 71.
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02
ALEXANDER
triumph was of abort duration. After obtaining
power he gave himself up to a life of indulgence
(Liv. Kp. 50; cf. Athen. v. 211); and when Deme-
trius Nicator, the son of Demetrius Soter, landed
in Syria in 147 B. c., the new pretender found
powerful support (1 Mace. z. (17 ff.). At first Jon-
atnan defeated and slew Apollonius the governor
of Ode-Syria, who had joined the party of Deme-
trius, for which exploit he received fresh favors
from Alexander (1 Mace. x. 69-89); but shortly
afterwards (b. c. 146) Ptolemy entered Syria with
a large force, and after he had placed garrisons in
the chief cities on the coast, which received him
according to the commands of Alexander, suddenly
pronounced himself in favor of Demetrius (1 Mace,
xi. 1-11 : Joseph. Ant. xiii. 4, 5 ff.), alleging, prob-
ably with truth, the existence of a conspiracy
against his life (Joseph. 1. c. cf. Diod. ap. Muller.
fragm. ii. 16). Alexander, who had been forced
to leave Antioch (Joseph. I.e.), was in Cilicia when
he heard of Itokmy's defection (1 Mace. xi. 14).
He hastened to meet him, but was defeated (1
Mace. xi. 15; Just. xxxv. 2), and fled to Aba? in
Arabia (Diod. 1. c.), where he was murdered u. c.
146 (Diod. 1. c; 1 Mace. xi. 17 differs as to the
manner; and Euseb. Chron. Arm. i. 349 represents
him to have been slain in the battle). The narra-
tive in 1 Mace, and Joaephus shows clearly the
partiality which the Jews entertained for Alexan-
der " as the first that entreated of true peace with
them " (1 Mace, x- 47); and the same feeling was
exhibited afterwards in the zeal with which they
supported the claims of his sou Antiochus. [Ak-
tiochus VI.] a F. W.
rstradmchm (Ptolemaic talent) of Alexander Bala*.
ibv. Bust of King to right. Rev. BASIAEflZ AA-
EEANAPOY. fiigle, upon rudder, to left, and
palm-branch. In field, the monogram and symbol
of Tyre J date THP (163 JEr. Seleucid), Ac.
ALEXANDER ('AA/{avopai), in N. T. 1.
Son of Simon the Oyrenian, who was compelled to
bear the cross for our Lord (Mark xv. 21 ). From
•Jbe manner in which he is there mentioned, to-
gether with his brother Rums, they were probably
persons well known in the early Christian church.
[C'omp. Rom. xvi. 13.]
2. One of the kindred of Annas the high-priest
(Acts iv. 6), apparently in some high office, as he
is among three who are mentioned by name. Some
suppose him identical with Alexander the Alabarch
at Alexandria, the brother of PhDo Juda-us, men-
tioned by Josephus {Ant. xviii. 8, § 1, xix. 6, § 1)
in the Utter passage as a d>(Aoj oy> x<uoi of the
Emperor Claudius: so that the time is not incon-
sistent with such an idea.
« The Alexandrine corn-Teasels (Acts xxrit. 6,
uriH. 11) were large (Acta xxvil. 87) and handsome
(Luc Navig. p. 668. ed Bened.) ; and even Vespasian
made a voyage in one (Joseph. S. J. vii. 2). They
tanarally sailed direct to PutaaU (fliamrrsin, Sarah.
ALEXANDRIA
3. A Jew at Epheaus, whom his country men put
forward during the tumult raised by Demetrius the
silversmith (Acts xix. 33), to plead their cause with
the mob, as being unconnected with the attempt U
overthrow the worship of Artemis. Or he may
have been, as imagined by Calvin and others, a
Jewish convert to Christianity, whom the Jews
were willing to expose as a victim to the frenzy of
the mob.
4. An Ephesian Christian, reprobated by St
Paul in 1 Tim. i. 20, as having, together with one
Hymemeus, put from him faith and a good con-
science, and so made shipwreck concerning the
faith. This may be the same with
5. Alexander the coppersmith ('AA. 6 xaA-
mis), mentioned by the same apostle, 2 Tim. iv.
14, as having done him many mischiefs. It is
quite uncertain where this person resided ; but from
the caution to Timotheus to beware of him, prob-
ably at Epbesus. H. A.
ALEXANDRIA [Gr. -dri'a] ($ 'AAf{dV-
Spew, 3 Mace. iii. 1 ; Mod., El-]skenderteyeh ;
Kthn., 'AAegaropevi, 3 Mace. ii. 30, iii. 21; Acts
xviii. 24, vi. 9), the Hellenic Roman and Christian
capital of Egypt, was founded by Alexander the
Great n. c. 332, who traced himself the ground-
plan of the city which he designed to make the
metropolis of his western empire (Plut. AUx. 26).
The work thus begun was continued after the death
of Alexander by the Ptolemies; and the beauty
(Athen. i. p. 3) of Alexandria became proverbial.
Every natural advantage contributed to its prosper-
ity. The climate and site were singularly healthy
(Strab. p. 793). The harbors formed by the island
of Pharos and the headland Lochias, were safe and
commodious, alike for commerce and for war; and
the lake Mareotis was an inland haven for the mer-
chandise of Egypt and India (Strab. p. 798). Un-
der the despotism of the later Ptolemies the trade
of Alexandria declined, but its population (300,000
freemen, Diod. xvii. 52: the free population of At-
tica was about 130,000) and wealth (Strab. p. 798)
were enormous. After the victory of Augustus it
suffered for its attachment to the cause of Antony
(Strab. p. 792); but its importance as one of tije
chief com-porta of Rome ■ secured for it the gen-
eral favor of the first emperors. In later times the
seditious tumults for which the Alexandrians had
always been notorious, desolated the city (A. D.
260 ff. Gibbon, Decline and Fall, c. x.), and relig-
ious feuds aggravated the popular distress (Dionys.
Alex. Kp. iii., xii.; Euseb. H. E., vi. 41 ff.; vii.
22). Yet even thus, though Alexandria suffered
greatly from constant dissensions and the weakness
of the Byzantine court, the splendor of "the great
city of the West " amazed Amrou, its Arab con-
queror (a. d. 640; Gibbon, c. Ii.): and after cen-
turies of Mohammedan misrule it promises once
again to justify the wisdom of its founder (Strab.
xvii. pp. 791-9; Frag. ap. Joseph. Ant. xiv. 7, 2:
Plut. Alex. 26; Arr. iii. 1; Joseph. B. J. iv. 6
Comp. Alexander the Great.)
The population of Alexandria was mixed from'
the first (comp. Curt. iv. 8, 6) ; and this fact formed
the groundwork of the Alexandrine character.
The three regions into which the city was divided
(Regit) Judaorvm, Brvchehm, Rhacotu) corre-
p. 798) ; Senec. Ep. 77, 1 ; cf. Suet Aug. 93, Act!
xxvili. 18) ; but, from stress of weather, often saUss
under the Astatic court (Acts xxrU. ; cf. Lue 1. e. a
670 f. ; Smith. Veyag, of St fW, pp 70 «•
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ALEXANDRIA
tponded to the three chief classes of its inhabitants, I
Jews, Greeks, Egyptians;" but in addition to these!
principal races, representatives of almost every na- j
Hon were found there (Dion Chrys. Ornt. xxxii.).
According to Josephus, Alexander himself assigned
IB the Jews a place in his new city; "and ihey ob-l
tained," he adds, "equal privileges with the Mace-j
donians " [c Ap. ii. 4) in consideration "of tlieir ;
services against the Egyptians" (B. J. ii. 18, 7).
Ptolemy I. imitated the policy of Alexander, and,
after the capture of Jerusalem, he removed a con-
siderable number of its citizens to Alexandria.
Many others followed of their own accord ; and all
.•eeeived the hill Macedonian franchise (Joseph. Ant.
xii. 1; cf. c. Ap. i. 22), as men of known and
tried fidelity (Joseph, c. Ap. ii. 4). Already on a
former occasion the Jews had sought a home in the
land of their bondage. More than two centuries
and a half before the foundation of Alexandria a
large body of them had taken refuge in Egypt,
after the murder of Gedaliah; but these, after a
general apostasy, were carried captive to ltabylon
by Nebuchadnezzar (2 K. xxv. 20 ; Jer. xliv. ; Jo-
seph. Ant. x. 9, 7).
The fate of the later colony was far different.
The numbers and importance of the Egyptian Jews
were rapidly "ncreased under the Ptolemies by fresh
immigrations and untiring industry. Philo esti-
mates them in his time at little less than 1,000,000
(In Flacc. § 6, p. 971); and adds that two of the
five districts of Alexandria were called " Jewish dis-
tricts: " and that many Jews lived scattered in the
remaining three (id. § 8, p. 973), Julius Ciesar
(Joseph. Ant. xiv. 10, § 1) and Augustus confirmed
to them the privileges which they had enjoyed before,
and they retained them with various interruptions,
of which the most important, a. d. 39, is descril>ed
by Philo (I. c), during the tumults and persecu-
tions of later reigns (Joseph, c. Ap. ii. 4; B. J.
xii. 3, 2). They were represented, at least for
some time (from the time of Cleopatra to the
reign of Claudius; Jost, Gesch. d. Judtnth. i. 353)
by their own officer {40ydpxys* Strab. ap. Joseph.
Ant. xiv. 7, 2; aKa&dpxy$t Joseph. Ant. xviii. 7,
3; 9, 1; xix. 5, 1; cf. Hup. ad Juv. Sat. i. 130;
yt vdpxys* Philo, fn Flacc. § 10, p. 975), and Au-
gustus appointed a council (ytpovffia, i- *• SnnJie-
drin : Philo /. c. ) "to superintend the affairs of the
lews," according to their own laws. The estab-
lishment of Christianity altered the civil position
of the Jews, but they maintained their relative
prosperity; and when Alexandria was taken by
Amrou 40,000 tributary Jews were reckoned among
the marvels of the city (Gibbon, cli.).
For some time the Jewish Church in Alexandria
was in close dependence on that of Jerusalem,
(loth were subject to the civil power of the first
Ptolemies, and both acknowledged the high-priest
m their religious head. The persecution of Ptol-
emy Phibpator (217 b. c.) occasioned the first
political separation between the two Inxlies. Prom
that time the Jews of Palestine attached themselves
to the fortunes of Syria [Antiociius the Great];
and the same policy which alienated the Palestin-
ian party gave unity and decision to the Jews of
Alexandria. The Septuagint translation which
•trengthened the larrier of language between Pai-
ALEXANDRIA
63
estine and Egypt, and the temple at IjontopoUa
(LB1 n. c.) which subjected the Egyptian Jews to
the charge of schism, widened the breach whict
was thus opened. But the division, though marked,
was not complete. At the beginning of the Chris-
tian era the Egyptian Jews still paid the contribu-
tions to the temple-service (Kaphall, I Int. of Jews,
ii. 72). Jerusalem, though ite name was fashioned
to a Greek shape, was still the Holy City, the me-
tropolis not of a country but of a people ('IepoVo-
Kis. Philo, In Fliicc. § 7; Ley. atl Cni. § 30), and
the Alexandrians had a synagogue there (Acts vi.
(I). The internal administration of the Alexan-
drine Church was independent of the Sanhedrim at
Jerusalem ; but respect survived submission.
There were, however, other causes which tended
to produce at Alexandria a distinct form of the
Jewish character and faith. The religion and phi-
losophy of that restless city produced an effect upou
the people more powerful than the influence of pol-
itics or commerce. Alexander himself symbolized
the spirit with which he wished to animate his new
capital by founding a temple of Isis side by side
with the temples of the Grecian gods (Arr. Hi. 1).
The creeds of the East and West were to coexist in
friendly union ; and in after-times the mixed wor-
ship of Serapis (oorop. Gibbon, c. xxviii. ; Diet, of
O'eot/r. i. p. 98) was characteristic of the Greek
kingdom of Egypt (August. De Cir. Dei, xviii. 5;
S. maximus jKijyptiortim Devs). This catholicity
of worship was further combined with the spread of
universal learning. The same monarchs who fa-
vored the worship of Serapis (Clem. Al. Protr. iv.
§ 48) founded and emljellished the Museum and
library ; and part of the Library was deposited ir.
the Serapeum. The new faith and the new litera-
ture led to a common issue ; and the Egyptian Jews
necessarily imbibed the spirit which prevailed
around them.
The Jews were, indeed, peculiarly susceptible of
the influences to which they were exposed. They
presented from the first a capacity for Eastern or
Western development. To the faith and conserva-
tism of the Oriental they muted the activity and
energy of the Greek. The mere presence of Hel-
lenic culture could not fail to call into play their
powers of speculation, which were hardly repressed
by the traditional legalism of I^destine (comp.
Jost, Gesch. d. Judtnth. i. 293 fl' ) ; and the un-
changing element of divine revelation which they
always retained, enabled them to harmonize new
thought with old lielief. But while the intercourse
of the Jew and Greek would have produced the
game general consequences in any case, Alexandria
was peculiarly adapted to insure their full eflect.
The result of the contact of Judaism with the
many creeds which were current there must have
been speedy and powerful. The earliest (ireek
fragment of Jewish writing which has lieen pre-
served (about 100 B. c.) [AnisToucu's] contains
large Orphic quotations, which had been already
moulded into a Jewish form (comp. Jost, Scant, i.
Jwl'ith. i. 870*; and the attempt thus made to
connect the mos* ancient Hellenic traditions with
the I M was often repeated afterwards. Nor wai
this done in the spirit of bold forgery. Orpheus,
Musii'ii s, and the Sibyls appeared to stand, in some
<• Polybius (xxxiv. 14 ; ap. Btrab. p. 787) speaks of receive the title of " mercenaries," from the servici
he population as consisting; of " three races (rpux yeVij) ' wblch they ortjrinally rendered to Alexander (Joseph
a* nairr* Egyptian ... the mennmry . . . and the ' V. J. H. 18, 7) and tha tint PtotamiM (Joseph e. Ap
. of Greek detmnt." The Jowi might «. 41.
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ALEXANDRIA
remote period anterior to the corruption! of poly-
theism, as the witnesses of a primeval revelation
and of the teaching of nature, and thus it seemed
excusable to attribute to them a knowledge of the
Mosaic doctrines. The third book of the Sibyllines
(a b. c. 150) is the most valuable relic of this
pseudo-Hellenic literature, and shows how 6u- the
conception of Judaism was enlarged to meet the
wider view of the religious condition of heathen-
dom which was opened by a more intimate knowl-
edge of Greek thought; though the later Apoca-
lypse of Ezra [Esdras ii.] exhibits a marked
reaction toward* the extreme exciwaveness of former
But the indirect influence of Greek literature and
philosophy produced still greater effects upon the
Alexandrine Jews than the open conflict and com-
bination of religious dogmas. The literary school
of Alexandria was essentially critical and not cre-
ative. For the first time men labored to collect,
revise, and classify all the records of the past
Poets trusted to their learning rather than to their
imagination. Language became a study ; and the
legends of early mythology are transformed into
philosophic mysteries. The Jews took a vigorous
share in these new studies. The caution against
writing, which became a settled law in Palestine,
found no favor in Egypt. Numerous authors
adapted the history of the Patriarchs, of Hoses,
and of the Kings, to classical models (Euseb. Prop.
Ev. ix. 17-39) [as] Eupolemus, Artapanus ( ? ), De-
metrius, Aristieus, Cleodemus or Malchas, "a
prophet.** A poem which bears the name of
Phocylides, gives in verse various precepts of Le-
viticus (D.rnitl tec. LXX. Apohg. p. 612 f. Rome,
1772) ; and several large fragments of a " tragedy ' '
in which Kzekiel (c. n. c. 1 10) dramatized the Ex-
odus, have been preserved by Kusebius (L c), who
also quotes numerous passages in heroic verse from
the elder i'hilo and Thcodotus. This classicalism
of style was a symptom and a cause of classicalism
of thought. The same Aristobulus who gave cur-
rency to the Juds?o-Orphic verses, endeavored to
show that the Pentateuch was the real source of
Greek philosophy (Euseb. Prop. Ev. xiii. 12; Clem.
Al. Strom, vi. 98).
The proposition thus enunciated was thoroughly
congenial to the Alexandrine character; and hence-
forth it was the chief object of Jewish speculation
to trace out the subtle analogies which were sup-
posed to exist between the writings of Moses and
the teaching of the schools. The circumstances
under which philosophical studies first gained a
Sooting at Alexandria favored the attempt. For
some time the practical sciences reigned supreme;
and the issue of these was skepticism (Matter, Ifitl.
<U tEeoU ttAkx. hi. 162 if.). Then at length
the clear analysis and practical morality of the
Peripatetics found ready followers; and in the
strength cf the reaction men eagerly trusted to
those splendid ventures with which Plato taught
them to be content till they could gain a surer
knowledge (Phad. p. 85). To the Jew this surer
knowledge seemed to be already given ; and the be-
lief in the existence of a spiritual meaning under-
'ying the letter of Scripture was the great principle
>n which nil his investigations rested. The facts
rat supposed to be essentially symbolic : the lan-
guage the veil (or sometimes the mask) which
partly disguised from common sight the truths
which it enwrapped. In this way a twofold object
was gained. It became possible to withdraw the
ALEXANDRIA
Supreme Being (to iv, i &v) from immediate eon
tact with the material world ; and to apply the oar
rativea of the Bible to the phenomena of the will
It is impossible to determine the process by which
these results were embodied; but, as in paralla
cases, they seem to have been shaped gradually in
the minds of the mass, and not fashioned at once
by one great teacher. Even in the LXX. then
are traces of an endeavor to interpret the anthro-
pomorphic imagery of the Hebrew text [Skptua-
gixt] ; and there can be no doubt that the Com-
mentaries of Aristobulus gave some form and
consistency to the allegoric system. In the time
of Philo (h. c. 20 — A. D. 50) the theological and
interpretative systems were evidently fixed, even in
many of their details, and he appears in both cases
only to bare collected and expressed the popular
opinions of his countrymen.
In each of these great forms of speculation — Uw
theological and the exegetical — Aleundrianism has
an important bearing upon the Apostolic writings.
But the doctrines which are characteristic of the
Alexandrine school were by no means peculiar to
it. The same causes which led to the formation of
wider news of Judaism in Egypt, acting undej
greater restraint, produced corresponding results is
Palestine. A doctrine of the Word (Memra), and
a system of mystical interpretation grew up within
the Habbinic schools, which bear a closer analogy
to the language of St. John and to the "allegories"
of St. Paul than the speculations of Philo.
But while the importance of this Habbinic ele-
ment in connection with the expreuion of Apostolic
truth is often overlooked, there can lie no doubt
that the Alexandrine teaching was more powerful
in furthering its reception. Yet even when the
function of Alexandrianism with regard to Chris-
tianity is thus limited, it is needful to avoid exag-
geration. The preparation which it made was indi-
rect and not immediate. Philo's doctrine of the
Word (Logos) led men to accept the teaching of
St. John, but not to anticipate it; just as his
method of allegorizing fitted them to enter into the
arguments of the Epistle to the Hebrews, though
they could not have foreseen their application.
The first thing, indeed, which must strike the
reader of Philo in relation to St. John, is the sim-
ilarity of phrase without a similarity of idea. His
treatment cf the Logos is vague and inconsistent.
He argues about the term and not about the real-
ity, and seems to delight in the ambiguity which it
involves. At one time he represents the Logos a*
the reason of God in which the archetypal ideas of
things exist (\iyos ivtiiStros), at another time as
the Word of God by which he makes himself known
to the outward world (\iyot rpcxpopiK6t), bat he
nowhere realizes the notion of One who is at once
Kevealer and the Revelation, which is the essence
of St. John's teaching. The idea of the active
l/ogos is suggested to him by the necessity of with-
drawing the Infinite from the finite, God from man,
and not by the desire to bring God to man. Not
only is it impossible to conceive that Philo could
have written as St. John writes, but even to sup-
pose that he could have admitted the possibility of
the Incarnation of the Logos, or of the personal
unity of the Logos and the Messiah. But while
it is right to state in its full breadth the opposition
between the teaching of Philo and St. John," it if
a The closest analogy to the teaching of I'hilo if
ths Logos occurs to the Bptstle to the Hebrews, wblek
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ALEXANDRIA
impossible not to feel the important office which
the mystic theosophy, of which Philo is the repre-
sentative, fulfilled in preparing for the apprehension
of the highest Christian truth. Without any dis-
tinct conception of the perscuality of the Logos, the
tendency of Philo's writings was to lead men to
regard the Logos, at least in some of the senses of
the term, as a person; and while he maintained
with devout earnestness the indivisibility of the di-
vine nature, he described the Logos as divine. In
Jiis manner, however unconsciously, he prepared
the way for the recognition of a twofold personality
in the Godhead, and performed a work without
which it may well appear that the language of
Christianity would liave been unintelligible (comp.
Donier, Die Lthre rvr, dtr Ptrsim. Christi, i. 93
if).
The allegoric method stands in the same relation
to the spiritual interpretation of Scripture as the
mystic doctrine of the Word to the teaching of St.
John. It was a preparation and not an anticipation
of it. Unless men had been familiarized in some
such way with the existence of an inner meaning in
the Law and the Prophets, it is difficult to under-
stand how an Apollos "mighty in the Scriptures"
(Acts xviii. 24-2S) could have convinced many, or
how the infant Church could have seen almost un-
moved the ritual of the Old Covenant swept away,
strong in the conscious possession of its spiritual
antitypes. But that which is found in Philo in
isolated fragments combines in tbe New Testament
lo form one great whole. In the former the truth
is affirmed in casual details, in the latter it is laid
down in its broad principles which admit of infinite
application; and a comparison of patristic inter-
pretations with those of Philo will show how pow-
erful an influence the Apostolic example exercised
in curbing the imagination of later writers. Nor
is this all. While Philo regarded that which was
positive in Judaism as the mere symbol of abstract
truths, in the Epistle to the Hebrews it appears as
the shadow of blessings realized (Ilebr. ix. 11, ytvo-
fLtywv [so I-u.'lim. j ) in the presence of a personal
Saviour. History in the one case is the enunciation
of a riddle , in the other it is the record of a life.
The speculative doctrines which thus worked for
the general reception of Christian doctrine were also
embodied in a form of society which was afterwards
transferred to the Christian Church. Numerous
Iwlies nf ascetics (Therapeufa), especially on the
ttorders of lake Mareotis, devoted themselves to a
life of ceaseless discipline and study. Unlike the
Kssenes, who present the corresponding phase in
Palestinian life, they abjured society and labor, and
open forgot, as it is said, the simplest wants of na-
ture in the contemplation of the hidden wisdom of
the Scriptures (Philo, De Vit. Conttvipl. through-
wit). The description which Philo gives of their
occupation and character seemed to Eusebius to
present so clear an image of Christian virtues that
he claimed them as Christians; and there can be
no doubt that some of the forms of monasticism
were shaped upon the model of the Therapeuta;
(Kuseh. //• A*, ii. 16).
Acc*»rding to the common legend 'Euseb. /. c.)
St. Mark first " preached the GosikU in Egyp f , and
founded the first Church in Alexandria." At the
beginning of tbe second century tnts number of
ALGUM
65
to (nnroftThout Hellenistic mther than Babblolo. ' W
pare H*b. I*. 12 with Polio, Qmi ~*rum div. nmrrs %
Christians at Alexandria must have been very large,
and the great leaders of Gnosticism who arose there
(Basilides, Valeutinus) exhibit an exaggeration of
the tendency of the Church. Hut the later form"
of Alexandrine speculation, the strange varieties of
Gnosticism, the progress of the catechetical school,
the development of Neo-I'latonism, the various
phases of the Arian controversy, belong to the
history of the Church and to the history of philos-
ophy. To the last Alexandria fulfilled its mis-
sion; and we still owe much to the 6pirit of its
great teachers, which in titer ages struggled, not
without success, against the sterner systems of thn
West.
The following works embody what is valuable ill
the earlier literature on the subject, with copious
references to it: Matter, Histoire de tA'cole </"
Alexandrie, 2d ed., Paris, 1840. Diihne, A. ¥
Geschichtliche Darsteltuny tier jivlisch-idexandrin
ischen ReUijionsphilosophie, Halle, 1834. Gfrorer,
A. F., Philo, und die jiitlisch-aUxandrinische The-
osophie, Stuttgart, 1835. To these may be added,
Ewald, H., Oesch. dts Yolkes /trot I, Giittingen,
1852, iv. 250 ff., 393 ff. Jost, J. St, Oesch. dot
Jwhnlhums, Leipzig, 1857, i. 34-1 ff., 388 ff. Ne-
ander, A., History of Christian Church, i. 66 ff.,
Eng. Tr. 1847 [i. 49 ff., Amer. ca.]. Prof. Jowett,
Philo and St. Paul. St. Paul's Kpistles to the Thes-
salonians, <}c, London, 1855, i. 363 ff. [Vacherot
Hist. ml. de tEcole <jf Alexnivlrie, 3 vol., Paris
1846-51.] And for the later Christian history:
Guerike, H. F., De Schola Alexund<-ina Catechet-
ical, Ilalis, 1824-25." B. F. W.
ALEXANDRIANS, THE (of 'AAe£ay
!pe/j). 1. The Greek inhabitants of Alexandria
(3 Mace. ii. 30, iii. 21).
2. (Alexundrini.) The Jewish colonists of that
city, who were admitted to the privileges of citizen
ship, and had a synagogue at Jerusalem (Acts vi. 9).
[Alexandria, p. 63 n.] W. A. W.
ALGUM or ALMTJG TREES (D^S^N,
alfptmmlm ; D^2Q /W, almugyhn : |i5x,a OTrtAc-
K-nra, Alex., {. weAc/cnri, Vat., in 1 K. x. 11, 12;
£. vtvKiva: Uyna thyina, liyna pintn). There
can l>e no question that these words are identical,
although, according to Celsius (llierob. i. 173),
some doubted it. The same author enumerates no
fewer than fifteen different trees, each one of which
has been supposed to have a claim to represent thi
altpim or almuy-tree of Scripture. Mention of tht
nlmug is made in 1 K. x. 11, 12, 2 Chr. ix. 10, 11.
as having been brought in great plenty from Ophir,
together with gold and precious stones, by the fleet
of fliram, for Solomon's Temple and house, and for
the construction of musical instruments. " The
king made of the almug-trees pillars for tbe house
of the Lord, and for the king's house, harps also
and psalteries for singers; there came no such
almug-trees, nor were seen unto this day." In 2
( !hr. ii. 8, Solomon is represented as desiring Hiram
to send him M cedar-trees, fir-trees, and algiun-trees
(marg. almuijgim) out of Lebanon." From the
passage in Kings, it seems clear almug-trees came
from Ophir; and as it is improbable that l>ebanon
should also have been a locality for them, the pas-
sage whMi appears to ascribe the growth of the
" Alexandria occurs 1b the Vulgate by au error fof
No-Ammon [No-AmiosJ, Jer. xlrt. 26; to. xxz. H
IS, id: Nan. III. 8.
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ALGUM
shnug-tree to the mountains of Lebanon most be
considered to be either an interpolation of some tran-
scriber, or eke it must bear a different interpreta-
tion. The former view is the one taken by Kosen-
muUer (Bibl. Bot. p. 245, Morren's translation),
who suggests that the wood had been brought from
Ophir to Tyre, and that Solomon's instructions to
Hiram were to send on to Jerusalem (rid Joppa,
perhaps) the timber imported from Ophir that was
lying at the port of Tyre, with the cedars which
had been cut in Mount Lebanon (see l-ee's ffeb.
Lex. a. v. " Almuggim "). No information can
be deduced from the readings of the LXX., who
explain the Hebrew word by " hewn wood " (1 K.
x. 11, Vat.), "unhewn wood" (ibid. Alex.), and
"pine-wood" (2 Chr. ii. 8, and ix. 10, 11). The
Vulg. in the passages of Kings and 2 Chr. ix. reads
Hgna thyina ; but in 2 Chr. ii. 8 follows the LXX.,
and has liynn pinea. Interpreters are greatly per-
plexed as to what kind of tree is denoted by the
words nlyummim and almuggim. The Arabic and
the Chaldee interpretations, with Munster, A. Mon-
tanus, Deodatus, Noldius, 'figurinns, retain tlie
original word, as does the A. V. in all the three
passages. The attempts at identification made by
modern writers have not been happy. (1.) Some
maintain that the thyina" wood ( Thuya articulata)
u signified by algum. This wood, as is well known,
was highly prized by the Romans, who used it for
doors of temples, tables, and a variety of purposes ;
for the citron-wood of the ancients appears to be
identical with the thuya. (The word occurs in
Rev. xviii. 12.) Its value to the Romans accounts
for the reading of the Vulgate in the passages
quoted above. But the Thuya articulata is indig-
enous to the north of Africa, and is not found in
Asia ; and few geographers will be found to identify
the ancient Ophir with any port on the N. African
coast. [OrntR.] (2.) Not more happy is the
opinion of Dr. Kitto, that the deodar is the tree
probably designated by the term almug (PicU BibL,
note on 2 Chr.). On this subject Dr. Hooker, in
a letter to the writer, says, " The deodar is out of
the question. It is no better than cedar, and never
could have been exported from Himalaya." (3.)
The late Dr. Royle, with more reason, is inclined
to decide on the white sandal-wood (Fantalum al-
bum; see Cycl. Bib. Lit. art. "Algum.") This
tree is a native of India, and the mountainous parts
of the coast of Malabar, and deliriously fragrant in
the parts near to the root. It is much used in the
manufacture of work-boxes, cabinets, and other or-
naments. (4.) The rabbins 6 understand a wood
cemmonly called bratil, in Arabic albacram, of a
deep red color, used in dyeing.' This appears to
be the bukhan ( Catalpima lap/xm), a tree allied to
the Brazil-wood of modem commerce, and found
in India; and many of the Jewish doctors under-
stand coral (»". e. coral-wood) by the word almug,
the name no doubt having reference to the color of
« Thttja appears to be a corr upti on of Thya, from
#vm, " I sacrifice,' 1 the wood having been used ro sac-
rifices Thuja ociridmlalu is the well-known evergreen,
"arbor vitas."
6 K. Salomon Ben Melek, 1 K. x. 11, and R. Dav.
Khnehl, 2 Chr. ii. 8. " Algummim set quod almyggim,
arbor rubrls coloris dicta Arabum lingua atbateam,
vulgo foutfta." See Celsius, who wonders that the
term " Brazil-wood " (Lignum brarilimu) should be
named br one who lived 800 years before the discov-
ery of America ; but the word troja also ™ red color.
OX Rosenm. AM. of BO*, p. 248, Morren's note.
ALIAN
the wood. (5.) If any reliance is to la placed on
these rabbinical interpretations, the most probable
of all the attempts to identify the almug is that
first proposed by Celsius (Ilicrob. i. 172), namely
that the red sandal-wood (Pterocarput tantaunus
may be the kind denoted by the Hebrew word.
But this, after aD, is mere conjecture. " I have
often," says Dr. Hooker, " heard the subject of the
almug-tree discussed, but never to any purpose
The Pterocarput tuntalinut has occurred to me,
but it is not found in large pieces, nor is it, I be-
lieve, now used for musical purposes."
This tree, which belongs to the natural order
Legumimmt, and sub-order PapUionacea, is a na-
tive of India and Ceylon. The wood is very heavy,
hard, and fine-grained, and of a beautiful garnet
color, as any one may see who has observed the
medicinal preparation, the compound tincture of
lavender, which is colored by the wood of the red
sandal-tree. Dr. Lee (Lex. ffeb. s. v. " Algum-
mini") identifying Ophir with some seaport of
Ceylon, following Bocbart (Chanaan, i. 46) herein,
thinks that there can be no doubt that the wood in
question must be either the Kalanji id of Ceylon
or the sandal-wood (Pterocarput tanL f ) of India.
The Kalanji ad, which apparently is some species
of Pterocarput, was particularly esteemed and
sought after tor the manufacture of lyres and mu-
sical instruments, as Dr. Lee has proved by quota-
tions from Arabic and Persian works. In fact be
says that the Eastern lyre is termed the id, perhaps
because made of this sort of wood. As to the de-
rivation of the word nothing certain can be learnt.
Hiller (ffierophyt. p. i. 106) derives it from two
words meaning " drops of gum," a as if some res-
inous wood was intended. There is no objection
to this derivation. The various kinds of pines are
for the most part trees of a resinous nature; but
the value of the timber for building is great. Nor
would this derivation be unsuitable to the Ptero-
carpida generally, several species of which emit
resins when the stem is wounded. Josephus (Ant
viii. 7, § 1) makes special mention of a tree not un-
like pine, but which he is careful to warn us not to
confuse with the pine-trees known to the merchants
of his time. " Those we are speaking of," he says,
" were in appearance like the wood of the fig-tree,
but were whiter and more shining." This descrip-
tion is ton vague to allow us even to conjecture what
be means. And it is quite impossible to arrive at
any certain conclusion in the attempt to identify
the algum or almug-tree. The arguments, bow-
ever, are more in favor of the red sandal-wood than
of any other tree. W. H.
ALI'AH. [Alvah.]
ALIAN. [Alvah.]
6 «-
c i*AJ, lignum arboris magna, foliis amygdalims,
cojus decocto ttngitur color rublcundus sen pseudo-
purpureus — lignum bresUlum — ettom, color ejus tine-
tunun referens (Golius, Arab. Lex. s. v. Oakham).
<t For the various etymologies that have been gives
to the Hebrew word see Celsius, Hieroo. i. 172, sq.
Salmssius, Hyt. Iatr. p. 120, B. ; Oastell. Ltx. Hep
s. t. C^^K. Lee says " the word is apparently *»
eign." Geeraras gives no derivation. Flint refers tin
words to JSfif , Jhurt,
red tandal+oood. He
mothtt*.
It Is, he says, tbs
me Sanskrit SMr*a
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ALIEN
• ALIEN. [Strangek.]
* ALL TO. On the expression (Judg. ix. 53)
4 all to brake his scull," see note to the art. Abim-
ilkch. A.
ALLEGORY, a figure of 'speech which has
been defined by Bishop Marsh, in accordance with
its etymology, as u a representation of one thing
which is intended to excite the representation of
another thing; " the first representation being con-
sistent with itself, but requiring, or being capable
of admitting, a moral and spiritual interpretation
over and above its literal sense. An allegory has
been incorrectly considered by some as a lengthened
or sustained metaphor, or a continuation of meta-
phors, as by Cicero, thus standing in the same rela-
lion to metaphor as parable to simile. Hut the
two figures are quite distinct; uo sustained meta-
phor, or succession of metaphors, can constitute an
allegory, and the interpretation of allegory diners
from that of metaphor, in having to do not with
words but things. In every allegory there is a
twofold sense; the immediate or historic, which is
understood from the words, and the ultimate, which
is concerned with the things signified by the words.
The allegorical interpretation is not of the words
but of the things signified by them; and not only
inay, but actually does, coexist with the literal in-
terpretation in every allegory, whether the narrative
in which it is conveyed he of things possible or
real. An illustration of this may be seen in Gal.
iv. 24, where the apostle gives an allegorical inter-
pretation to the historical narrative of Hagar and
Sarah ; not treating that narrative as an allegory
in itself, as our A. V. woidd lead us to suppose, but
drawing from it a deeper sense than is conveyed by
the immediate representation.
In jmre allegory no direct reference is made to
the principal object. Of this kind the parable of
the prodigal son is an example (Luke xv. 11-32).
In mixed allegory the allegorical narrative either
contains some hint of its application, as Vs. lxxx.,
or the allegory and its interpretation are combined,
as in John xv. 1-8; but this last passage is, strictly
speaking, an example of a metaphor.
The distinction between the parable and the
allegory is laid down by Dean Trench (On the
Parables, chap. i.J as one of form rather than of
essence. " In the allegory," he sayB, B there is an
interpretation of the tiling signifying and the thing
signified, the qualities and properties of the first
being attributed to the last, and the two thus
blended together, instead of l>eing kq>t quite dis-
tinct and placed side by side, as is the case in the
parable." According to this, there is uo such
thing as pure allegory as above defined.
W. A. W.
ALLELUIA ('AAATjAotSm: Alleluia), so
written in Rev. xix. 1 ff. [and Tob. xiii. 18], or
wore properly Hallelujah (JSP T7/P), "praise
ye Jehovah," as it is found in the margin of Pa. civ.
35, cv. 45, cvi. 1, cxi. 1, cxii. 1, cxiii. 1 (comp. Ps.
cxiii. ft, cxv. 18, cxvi. 19, cxvii. 2). The Psalms
from cxiii. to cxviii. were called by the Jews the
HahVl, and were sung on the first of the month, at
the ftast of Dedication, and the feast of Tal>er-
nacles, the feast of Weeks, and the feast of the
^aseover. [IIosaxxa.] On the last occasioa
.'in. cxiii. and cxiv., according to the school of
Millel (the former only according to the school of
Shammai), were sung before the feast, and the if
uinder at ita termination, after drinking the hut
ALLIANCES 67
cup The hymn (Matt. xxvi. 30), sung by Christ
and his disciples after the last supper, is supposed
to have been the great llallel, which seems to have
varied according to the feast. The literal meaning
of u Hallelujah " sufficiently indicates the character
of the Psalms in which it occurs, as hymns of
praise and thanksgiving. They are all found in the
last book of the collection, and bear marks of be-
ing intended for use in the temple-service; the
words " praise ye Jehovah " being taken up by the
full chorus of Invites. In the great hymn of tri-
umph in heaven over the destruction of Babylon,
the apostle in vision heard the multitude iu chorus
like the voice of mighty thunderings burst forth,
" Alleluia, for the Lord God omnipotent reigneth,"
responding to the voice which came out of the
throne saying " Praise our God, all ye his servants,
and ye that fear him, both small and great" (Rev.
xix. 1-6). In this, as in the- offering of incense
(Rev. viii.), there is evident allusion to the service
of the temple, as the apostle had often witnessed it
in its fading grandeur. W. A. W.
ALLIANCES. On the first establishment of
the Jews in Palestine, no connections were formed
between them and the surrounding nations. The
geographical position of their country, the pecu-
liarity of their institutions, and the prohibitions
against intercourse with the Canaanites and other
heathen nations, alike tended to promote an exclu-
sive and isolated state. Hut with the extension of
their power under the kings, the Jews were brought
more into contact with foreigners, and alliances
beams essential to the security of their commerce.
Solomon concluded two important treaties exclu-
sively for commercial purposes: the first with
Hiram, king of Tyre, originally with the view of
| obtaining materials and workmen for the erection
of the Temple, and afterwards for the supply of
slup-builders and sailors (1 K. v. 2-12, ix. 27); the
second with a Pharaoh, king of Egypt, which was
cemented by his marriage with a princess of the
royal family; by this he secured a monopoly of the
trade in horses and other products of that country
(1 K. x. 28, 2J). After the division of the king-
dom, the alliances were of an offensive and defen-
sive nature. They had their origin partly in the
internal disputes of the kingdoms of Judah and
Israel, and partly in the position which these
countries held relatively to Egypt on the one side,
and the great eastern monarchies of Assyria and
Babylonia on the other. The scantiness of the
historical records at our command makes it prob-
able that the key to mauy of the events that oc-
curred is to be found in the alliances and counter
alliances formed between these peoples, of which u*<
mention is made. Thus the invasion of Shishak in
KeholKKim's reign was not improbably the result
of an alliance made with Jeroboam, who had pre-
viously found an asMum in Egypt (IK. xii. 2, xiv.
25). Each of these monarchs sought a connection
with the neighboring kingdom of Syria, on which
side Israel was particularly assailable (1 K. xv. 19);
but Asa ultimately succeeded in securing the active
cooperation of Henhadad against Baasha (1 K . xv.
16-20). Another policy, induced probably by the
encroaching .-.pint of Syria, led to the formation of
an alliance between the two kingdoms under Ahal
and Jehosh&i>hat. which was maintained until the
end of Allah's dynasty. It occasionally extended
to commercial operations (2 Chr. xx. 36). Th«
| alliance ceased in Jehu's redan: war broke out
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68
AiXIANCER
shortly after between Anariih and Jeroboam II. :
•ach nation looked for foreign aid, and a otttBUon
waa formed between Renin, king of Syria, and Pe-
kab on the one aide, and Ahaz and Tiglatb-Pileser,
king of Assyria, on the other (2 K. xvi. 6-9).
3y thia means an opening waa afforded to the ad-
vances of the Assyrian power; and the kingdoms
of Israel and Judah, as they were successively at-
tacked, sought the alliance of the Egyptians, who
were strongly interested in m«intjjning the inde-
pendence of the Jews as a barrier against the
encroachments of the Assyrian power. Thus
Hoshea made a treaty with So (Sabaco or Se-
vochus), and noelled against Shalmaneter (2 K.
xvii. 4): Ilezekiah adopted the same policy in op-
position to Sennacherib (Is. xxx. 2). In neither
case was the alliance productive of much good : the
Israelites were abandoned by So. It appears
probable that his -successor Sethos, who had of-
fended the military caste, was unable to render
Hezekiah any assistance ; and it was omy when the
independence of Egypt itself was threatened, that
the Assyrians were defeated by the joint forces of
Sethos and Tirhakah, and a temporary relief af-
forded thereby to Judah (2 K. xix. 9, 36 ; Herod,
ii. 141 )■ The weak condition of Egypt at the be-
ginning of the 26th dynasty left Judah entirely at
the mercy of the Assyrians, who under Esarhaddon
subdued the country, and by a conciliatory policy I
secured the adhesion of Manasseh and his succes-
sors to his side against Egypt (2 Chr. xxziii. 11-
13). It was apparently as an ally of the Assyrians
that Josiah resisted the advance of Necho (2 Chr.
xxxv. 20). His defeat, however, and the downfall
of the Assyrian empire again changed the policy
of the Jews, and made them the subjects of Egypt.
Nebuchadnezzar's first expedition against Jerusalem
was contemporaneous with and probably in conse-
quence of the expedition of Necho against the
Babylonians (2 K. xxiv. 1; Jer. xlvi. 2); and lastly,
Zedekiah's rebellion was accompanied with a re-
newal of the alliance with Egypt (Ez. xvii. 15).
A temporary relief appears to have been afforded
by the advance of Hophrah (Jer. xxxvii. 11), but it
was of no avail to prevent the extinction of Jewish
independence.
On the restoration of independence, Judas Mac-
cabteus sought an alliance with the Romans, who
were then gaining an ascendency in the East, as a
counterpoise to tie neighboring state of Syria (1
Mace, rill.) Joseph. Ant. xii. 10, § 6). This alli-
ance was renewed by Jonathan (1 Mace. xii. 1 ; Ant
xiii. 5, § 8), and by Simon (1 Mace. xv. 17; Ant
riii. 7, { 3). On the last occasion the indepen-
dence of the Jews was recognized and formally
notified to the neighboring nations b. c. 140 (1
Mace. xv. 22, 23). Treaties of a friendly nature
were at the same period concluded with the Lace-
demonians under an impression that they came of
a xmimon stock (1 Mace. xiiW, xiv. 20; Aid. xii.
4, § 10, xiii. 5, § 8). The Roman alliance was
again renewed by Hyrcanus, n. c. 128 (Ant. xiii.
9, § 2), after his defeat by Antiochus Sidetes, and
o * Though this usage happens to be mentioned
only in the transaction between Jacob and Laban (Qen.
xxxi. 52), it was evidently not uncommon among the
wstern races. Sir Henry C. TUwlinson mentions the
nterestlng and Illustrative feet that he has found In
iw Assyrian inscriptions frequent examples of this
aune practice of raising a tmnulus for the purpose of
commemorating and ratifying a compact. See Ath-
mman, April 19, 1882 The erection of a stone as a
ALLON
the losses he had sustained were repaired. Tbfa
alliance, however, ultimately proved fatal fo tilt
independence of the Jews. The rival claims of
Hyrcanus and Aristobulus having been referred U
Pompey, b. c. 63, he availed himself of the opportu-
nity of placing the country under tribute (Ant. xiv.
4, § 4). Finally, Herod was raised to the sov-
ereignty by the Roman Senate, acting under the
advice of M. Antony (Ant. xiv. 14, § 5).
The formation of an alliance waa attended with
various religious rites. A victim was slain and
divided into two parts, between which the contract.
ing parties passed, involving imprecations of a sim-
ilar destruction upon him who should break th»
terms of the alliance (Gen. xv. 10; cf. Lir. i. 34),
hence the expression n v "]$ t"T^3 ( = SpKia
rifMtv, fcdui icere) to make (lit. to cut) a
treaty ; hence also the use of the term 71 S (lit.
imprecation) for a covenant. That thia custom
was maintained to a late period appears from Jer.
xxxiv. 18-20. Generally speaking, the oath alone
is mentioned in the contracting of alliances, either
between nations (Josh. ix. 15) or individuals (Gen.
xxvi. 28, xxxi. 53; 1 Sam. xv. 17; 2 K. xi. 4).
The event was celebrated by a feast (Gen. /. c;
Ex. xxiv. 11; 2 Sam. iii. 12, 20). Salt, as sym-
liolical of fidelity, was used on these occasions; it
was applied to the sacrifices (Lev. ii. 13), and prob-
ably used, as among the Arabs, at hospitable enter
tainmenU ; hence the expression " covenant of salt "
(Num. xviii. 19; 2 Chr. xiii. 6). Occasionally a
pillar or a heap of stones was set up as a memorial
of the alliance (Gen. xxxi. 52).« Presents were
also sent by the party soliciting the alliance (1 K.
xv. 18; Is. xxx. 6; 1 Mace. xv. 18). The fidelity
of the Jews to their engagements was conspicuous
at all periods of their history (Josh. ix. 18), and
any breach of covenant was visited with very se-
vere punishment (2 Sam. xxi. 1 ; Ez. xvii. 16).
W. L.&
AI/LOM CAAX«Vi F" 1 - M - AAA**;] Alex.
ASXaiy: Malmon). The same as Ami or Amon
(1 Esdr. r. 34; comp. Ear. ii. 57; Neb. vii. 59).
W. A. W.
AI/LON (i'lVs or yi 1 *!), a large strong tree
of some description, probably an oak (see Ges. Tha.
51, 103; Stanley, App. § 76). The word is found
in two names in the topography of Palestine.
L Asajos, more accurately Em>n (] "?N
(D>a3S?3»): M»A<(; [Alex. MwAs.,:] Eton), a
place named among the cities of Naphtali (Josh,
xix. 33). Probably the more correct construction
is to take it with the following word, i. e. " the oak
by Zaanannim," or "the oak of the loading of
tents " [" tents of the wanderers," according to
Flint], as if deriving its name from some nomad
tribe frequenting the spot. Such a tribe were the
Kenites, and in connection with them the place is
again named in Judg. iv. 11," with the additional
rsUglous memorial or as the sign of a covenant bst wssa
God and man («. g. by Jacob at Bethel, Gen. xxviil
18) was a similar proceeding, but not altogether anal
ogons* JBL
• pbrf, Mon, is the reading of V.d.Booght, sot
of Walton's Polrglott; but mon MSB. have as abovi
(Davidson's Httr. Tact, p. 46).
c It must h» —marked that the Targmn Jonathar
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ALMODAD
laflnition of " by Kedcsh (Xaphtali)." Here, now
iver, the A. V., following the Vulgate, renders the
irordi "the plain of '/. van aim. [I'.i.on.] (See
Stanley, p. 340, note.)
2. Al'lou-ba'chuth (.~l : l'D2 fv. S <• = oak
of tceepiny; and so /3<£\aros TreVflouv: quercut
flttm), the tree under which Kebekah's nurse Deb-
orah, was buried (Gen. xxxv. 8,. Kwald ((letch.
iii. 39) believes the "oak of Talxir " (1 Sam. x. 3,
A. V. " plain of T." ) to lie the same as, or the
successor of, this tree, "Tabor" being possibly a
merely dialectical change from " Deborah," and he
would further identify it with the " palm-tree of
Deborah " (Judg. iv. D). See also Stanley, pp.
143, aao.» G.
3. Al/u» (TlVM [an oak]: 'Ak<ii>\ [Vat. M.
Kfiar, H. A/i/usri] Alex. AUw: Alton). A
Simeonite, ancestor of Zirza, a prince of his tribe in
the reign of Hezekiah (1 Chr. iv. 37). W. A. W.
ALMODAD (TITabs [po8sibly=«Af/>ro-
gemlor, FUrat]: 'EXfwHS: h'.tmodad), the first,
in order, of the descendants of .loktan (Gen. x. 26;
1 Chr. i. 20), and the progenitor of an Arab trilie.
His settlements must l»e looked for, in common with
those of the other descendant of Joktan, in the
Arabian peninsula; and his name appears to be
preserved in that of Mudad (or El-Mudad, the
word being one of those proper names that admits
»f the article being prefixed), a famous personage
In Arabian history, the reputed father of Ishmael's
Arab wife (Afir-at et-Zeman, <fcc.), and the chief
if the Joktanite tribe Jurhum (not to be confounded
with the older, or first, Jurhum), that, coming from
ihe Yemen, settled in the neighborhood of Mek-
teh, and intermarried with the Iahmaelites. The
tame of Mudad was peculiar to Jurhum, and
orne by several of its chiefs (Caussin de Perceval,
t.wii tar t Hut, det Aniiet tminl t Ishmisme, ./■('.,
t. 33 ff., 168, and 104 S.y Gesenius (Lex. ed.
Tregelles, in loc.) says, " If there were an ancietit
error in reading (for "111*2 *S), we might com-
pare Aforad, O'yC or t>|y( . — *J> the name of a
tribe living in a mountainous region of Arabia
Felix, near Zabid." (For this tribe see Abulfeda;
HitL Anteulamka, ed. Fleischer, p. 190.) Others
have suggested -, -ft* but the well-known tribes
if this stock are of Ishmaelite descent. Bochart
(Pkateg, ii. 16) thinks that Almodad may be traced
*n the name of the 'AWou/uuincu of Ptolemy (vi.
ALMOND
69
random this passage by words meaning " the plain of
she inmp " (see Schwan, p. 181). This is Ewald's ex-
planation also (Gexk. U. 492, note). For other inter-
vntaooos see First (Hatidwb. p. 91).
• The Sam. Version, according to Its customary
raftering of Allon, has here HiTD:: "111173, " the
.torn of BaUth." See this suhject more fully ex-
unined under Sunt.
• * The place of the first Deborah's " oak " and that
af the second Deborah's " palm-tree," may possibly
ttfl been the same; but in order to identify the one
toe with the other, Bwald has to assume that the text
has miscalled the tree Intended in one of the passages
Got*, ill. 29, note). In Geo. xxxr. 8, we are tc read
r under the oak,'' f • «. the original one or its representa-
e^aa aim well known, and not "an oak "(A. V.). If.
e DM''WP, **o»l !>■**• Vi-, from
7, § 24) a people of the interior of Arabia Felix,
near the sources of the river Lar [Arabia].
E. S. P.
AI/MON CpQ^?? [hidden]: rduxtka; [Alex.
AA^ttc: Comp. *Z\^<iiv\ Aid. *AA/u£:] Almon), a
city within the tribe of Benjamin, with " suburbs'*
given to tbe priests (Josh. xxi. 18). Its name does
not occur in the list of the towns of Benjamin in
.Tosh, xviii. In the parallel list in 1 Chr. vi. it is
found as Alemeth — probably a later form, and that
by which it would appear to have descended to us
[Ai.kmeth.] G.
AL'MON-DIBLATHA'IM (accurately Dib-
lathamah, nS\Hbn^~]b7? : reA/t&e Ae£
KaBaiLLi IIelmon-<Mbiathairn), one of the latest
stations of the Israelites, between Dilwti-gad and
the mountains of Abarim (Num. xxxh'i. 46, 47).
Dibon-gad is doubtless the present JJhiMn, just to
the north of the Anion ; and there is thus every
probability that Alnion-diblathaim was identical
with lieth-diblathaim, a Moabite city mentioned by
Jeremiah (xlviii. 22) in company with both Dibon
and Nebo, and that its traces will be discovered on
further exploration. [For the etymology see DtsV
lathaim.] G-
ALMOND (lt7; ; , shdked (nb) : d M £yoo-
Kov, KapvoVf Kopi/'ivos, Kapvurd' amyydalus,
fimyffdaktj in nueis nvxlum, instar nucls^ BtVflfl
viydins). This word is found in Gen. xliii. 11;
Ex. xxv. 33, 34, xxxvii. 19, 20; Num. xvii. 8;
Eccles. xii. 5; Jer. i. 11, in the text of the A. V.
It is invariably represented by the same Hebrew
word (shdh'd), which sometimes stands for the
whole tree, sometimes for the fruit or nut; for in-
stance, in Gen. xliii. 11, Jacob commands his sons
to take as a present to Joseph " a little honey,
spices and myrrh, nuts and almonds;" here the
fruit is clearly meant. In the passages out of the
book of Exodus the " bowls made like unto al>
monds," c which were to adorn the golden candle-
stick, seem to allude to the nut also.** Aaron's rod,
that so miraculously budded, yielded alnumd nuts.
In the two passages from Ecclcsiastes and Jere
mull, t&dsw is translated almond tree, which from
the context it certainly represents. It is clearly
then a mistake to suppose, with some writers, that
»hdked stands exclusively for "almond-nuts," and
that luz signifies the "tree."' Kosenmiiller con
jectures that the latter word designates the mkt,
the former the cultivated tree. This may be so,
but it appears more probable that this tree, con-
spicuous as it was for its early flowering and useful
fruit, was known by these Uoo different names.
int? > , always used in Heb. text in reference to the
golden candlestick: LXX. «TtTTvira>ficVoi KapvitrKovs,
al. <apvt(?KO<.s ; Aquila, t'f^v-ySciAwfAtrrji*.
d TJW, " est amy^dalus et amygdalum, arbor et
fructns ; hie autem fructus potius quarn arboris forma
designari videtur " (RoseumulL Schol. in Kxod. xxv.
3S; That sKak&d =* tree and fruit t see also Ftirst,
Concord. IpV-, " amygdala et amygdaium t de arbors
ei fructu ; " and Buxtorf, Lex. Chald., "T31T, " »ig
nincac arborem et fructum.'' Htcnaeli^ (Sitppl. s, t
17*02) understands the almond-shaped bowls to reftT
to *he tkecsom, 1. e. the calyx and the corolla.
e Harris, Nat. Hist, of the Bible, art. * Almond," and
Dr. Bo-'* In Kltto, art "Sualcsd."
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ro
ALMOND
n» etymology of the Hebrew Mr is uueerUln; and
ilthough the word ocean only in Gen. xxx. 37,
where it ia translated hazel in the text of the A.
V., yet there can be little or no doubt that it is an-
other word for the almond, for in the Arable this
identical word, tot, denote* the almond. [Hazeu]
The early appearance of the blossoms on the almond-
tree (Amygdalut communis) waa no doubt regarded
by the Jewa of old as a welcome harbinger of
spring, reminding them that the winter was pass-
ing away — that the flowers would soon appear on
the earth — and that the time of the singing of
birds and the roice of the turtle would soon be
heard in the land (Song of Sol. ii. 11, 12). The
word shiied, therefore, or the tree which hastened
to pot forth its blossoms, was a very beautiful and
fitting synonym for the toz, or almond-tree, in the
language of a people so fond of imagery and poetry
as were the Jews. We have in our own language
instances of plants being named from the season of
the year when they are flowering — may for haw-
thorn ; pasque flower for anemone ; tent My for
daffodil; winter cress for hetlge mutant. But
perhaps the best and most exact illustration of
the Hebrew ihiied is to be found in the English
word apricot, or apricoct, as it was formerly and
more correctly called, which is derived from the Latin
pracoqua, pracoeia ; this tree was so called by the
Romans, who considered it a land of peach which
ripened earlier than the common one; hence its
name, the precocious tree (comp. Plin. xv. 11 ; Mar-
tial, xiii. 46). Shaied, therefore, was in all prob-
ability only another name with the Jews for ha.
ShdJtfd it derived from a root which signifies
"to be wakeful," "to hasten,"" for the almond-
tree blossoms very early in the season, the flowers
appearing before the leaves. Two species of Amyg-
dalus — A. peraca, the peach-tree, and A. com-
munis, the sh&ked — appear to be common In Pal-
estine. They are both, according to Dr. Kitto
(Phys. Hist Palest, p. 211), in blossom in every
part of Palestine in January. The almond-tree
has been noticed in flower as early as the 9th of
that month: the 19th, 23d, and 26th are atoo re-
corded dates. The knowledge of this interesting
fact will explain that otherwise unintelligible pas-
sage in Jeremiah (i. 11, 12), " The word of the
Lord came unto me, saying, Jeremiah, what seest
thou ? And I said, I see the rod of an almond-
.ree (shiked). Then said the Lord unto me, Thou
hast well seen, for I will hasten (shiked) my word
to perform it"
In that well-known poetical representation of old
age in Eccles. xii. it is said, '• the almond-tree shall
Sourish." This expression is generally understood
as emblematic of the hoary locks of old age thinly
scattered on the bald head, just as the white blos-
"Tpt» (1) deeabmU, (8) vicilani- Arab.
JuLw:
hu om m is . The Chaldee Is yHJB 1 ', "J^TfJO? i
TQIP' HTjtCi 3 and p bsing Interchanged. The
rrrUc word la similar.
• The general color of the almond blossom is pink,
tat the flowers do vary from deep pink to marly
•hit*.
* 1|7tt/ Vr^3\ Osssnlus makes the verb
ALMOND
soma appear on the yet leafless boughs of this tan
Gesenius, however, does not allow such an inter-
pretation, for he says, with some truth, 6 that the
almond flowers are pink or rose-colored, not waste.
This passage, therefore, is rendered by him — " the
almond is rejected." c Though a delicious fruit
yet the ok) man, having no teeth, would be obliged
to refuse if If, however, the reading of the A
V. is retained, then the allusion to the almond-tree
is intended to refer to the hastening of old age in
the case of him who remembereth not " his Creator
in the days of his youth." As the almond-tie*
ushers in spring, so do the signs mentioned in the
context foretell the approach of old age and death.
It has always been regarded by the Jews with rev-
erence, and even to this day the Kngliuli Jews on
their great feast-days carry a bough of flowering
almond to the synagogue, just as in old time they
used to present palm-branches in the Temple, to
remind them perhaps, as Lady Callcott has observed
(Script. Herb. p. 10), that in the great famine in
the time of Joseph the almond did not fail them,
and that, as it " failed not to their patriarchs in the
days of dearth, it oometh to their hand in this day
of worse and more bitter privation, as a token that
God forgetteth not his people in their distress, nor
the children of Israel, though scattered in a foreign
land, though their home is the prey of the spoiler,
and their temple is become an high place for the
heathen."
A modern traveller in Palestine records that, at
the passover, the Jews prepare a compound of
almonds and apples in the form of a brick, and
baring the appearance of lime or mortar to remind
the people of their hard service in the land of
Egypt and boure of bondage (Anderson's Wander-
ings in Ute Land of Israel, p. 250).
The almond-tree, whose scientific name is Amyg-
dakis communis, belongs to the natural order Rosa-
cea, and sub-order Amygdala. This order is s
large and important one, for it contains more than
1000 species, many of which produce excellent
fruit. Apricots, peaches, nectarines, plums, cher-
ries, apples, pears, strawberries, Ac., Ac., are all in-
cluded under this order. It should be remembered,
however, that the seeds, flowers, bark, and leaves,
of many plants in the order Rosacea! contain a
deadly poison, namely, prussic or hydrocyanic acid.
The almond-tree is a native of Asia and North
Africa, but it is cultivated in the milder parts of
Europe. In England it is grown simply on ac-
count of its beautiful vernal flowers, for the fruit
scarcely ever comes to maturity. The height of
the tree is about 12 or 14 feet; the flowers an
pink, and arranged for the most part in pairs ; the
leaves sre long, ovate, with a serrated margin, and
an acute point. The covering of the fruit is downy
YKP to b* HiphU future, from yi^, to dmtte, to
tsxpist i yKS^ would then be alter the Syrlac farm
Instead of VN£. But all the old versions agree with
the translation of the A. V., the verb being formed reg
ularly from the root ^3, flam.
d « When the grinders cease because they an few '
(Seeks, xii. 8). For some other curious Interprets
Hon* of this passage, see that of B- Salomon, quotst
by Santas Pagnlnus in his nssoarw, sub voce T/13
and Vatablus, Annoutta ad BaUsiasttn, xB. 6 (O*
Bat. ill. 2861.
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ALMS
oid nueculeut, enclosing the hard shell which eon-
*m» the kernel. The bitter almond U only a
-A
Almond-tree and bloeeom.
variety of this species. The English Almond,
Spanish Almendra, the Provencal Amindola, the
French Amande, are all apparently derived from
the Greek afivySd\ri, Latin Amygdala. It u
curious to observe, in connection with the almond-
bowls of the golden candlestick, that pieces of rock-
cryxtal used in adorning branch-candlesticks are
still denominated by the lapidaries "Almonds."
W. U.
ALMS (Chald. NiTTS), beneficence towards
the poor, from Anglo-Sax. almeste, probably, as
well aa Germ, almoten, from «\<-qno<rvvr)\ eleemo-
iy»n, Vulg. (but see Bosworth, A. S. Diet.). The
word " alms " is not found in our version of the
canonical books of O. T., but it occurs repeatedly
in N. T., and in the Apocryphal books of Tobit
and Eccleaiasticus. The Heb. n|TJ3, righteout-
nett, the usual equivalent for alms in 0- T., is ren-
dered by LXX. in Dent. xziv. 13, Dan. iv. 24, and
elsewhere, tKri)!UxrivT\, whilst some MSS., with
Vulg. and Rhera. Test., read in Matt. vi. 1, JV
tmutawn. [This reading is adopted by Griesb.,
Lachm., Tiach., Tregelles, and Alford. — A.]
The duty of almsgiving, especially in kind, con-
sisting chiefly in portions to be left designedly from
produce of the field, the vineyard, and the olive-
yard (Lev. rix. 9, 10, xxiii. 22; Deut. xv. 11, xxiv.
19, xxri. 2-13; Ruth ii. 2), is strictly enjoined by
(he Law. After his entrance into the land of
promise, the Israelite was ordered to present yearly
tho first-fruits of the land before the Lord, in a
manner significant of his own previously destitute
condition. Every third year also (Deut. xiv. 28)
each proprietor was directed to share the tithes of
his produce with "the Levite, the stranger, the
fatherless, and the widow." The theological esti-
mate of almsgiving among the Jews is indicated by
the following passages : — Job xxxi. 17 ; Prov. x. 2,
si. 4; Eath. ix. 22; Pa. cxii. 9; Acta ix. 36, the
saseof Dorcas; x. 2, of Cornelius : to which may be
idded, Tob. iv. 10, 11, xiv. 10, 11; and Ecclus. iii.
30, xl. 24. And the Talmudista went so far as u
nterpret rigkUoumeu by almsgiving in such pas-
lages as Gen. xviii. 19 ; Is. liv. 14 , ?a. xvii. 15.
In the women's court of the Temple there were
.3 receptacles for voluntary offerings (Hark xii.
II), one of which was devoted to alms for education
af poor children of good family. Before the Cap-
ALOE8 71
tivity there is no trace of permUsiot. sf niendii ancyi
but it was evidently allowed in later times (Matt
xx. 30; Mark x. 46; Act* iii. 2).
After the Captivity, but at what time it cannot
1* known certainly, a definite system of almsgiving
was introduced, and even enforced under penalties.
In every city there were three collectors. The col-
lections were of two kinds: (1.) Of money for the
poor of the city only, made by two collectors, re-
ceived in a cheat or box (HQIp) in the synagogue
on the Sabbath, and distributed by the three in the
evening ; (2. ) For the poor in general, of food and
money, collected every day from house to house, re-
ceived in a dish OVTQn), and distributed by
the three collectors. The two collections obtained
the names respectively of " alms of the cheat," and
" alms of the dish." Special collections and dis-
tributions were also made on fast-days.
The Pharisees were zealous in almsgiving, bat
too ostentatious in their mode of performance, for
which our Lord finds fault with them (Matt. vi. 2).
But there is no ground for supposing that the ex-
pression fi)j vuHwitrns is more than a mode of
denouncing their display, by a figure drawn from
the frequent and well-known use of trumpets in re-
ligious and other celebrations, Jewish as well as
heathen. Winer, ». v. Carpxov. Eletm, Jud. 32.
Vitringa, Dt Syn. Vet. iii. 1, 13. Elsley, On Go*-
pel*. Maimonidea, Dt Jure Pauperis, vii. 10;
ix. 1, 6; x. (Prideaux.) Jahn, Arch. Bibl. iv.
371. . (Upborn.) Lightfoot, Hone Hebr., on Matt,
vi. 2, and Deter. TempU, p. 19. Diet, of Antxq.
s. v. " Tuba." [See Offkbimgs; Poor; Tithes;
Temple.]
The duty of relieving the poor was not neglected
by the Christians (Matt. vi. 1-4; Luke xiv. 13;
Acts xx. 35; Gal. ii. 10.) Every Christian was
exhorted to lay by on the Sunday in each week
some portion of his profits, to be applied to the
wants of the needy (Acta xi. 30; Rom. xv. 25-27;
1 Cor. xvi. 1-4). It was also considered a duty
specially incumbent on widows to devote them-
selves to such ministrations (1 Tim. v. 10).
H. W. P.
ALMUG-TREE. [Aujum.]
ALTfATHAN ('AAvoedV; [Vat. Zmarcwi]
Alex. EAraeW: Enaathan). ELxathan 2 (1
Esdr. viii. 44; comp. Exr. viii. 16). W. A W.
ALOES, LIGN ALOES (D^n**, AkiUm,
rnbrTR AhiUth: cfKnni (in Num. ixiv. 6),
oTurH) (in Pa. xiv. 8); aAaM, Aquila and Aid.
oAaW); Comp. iXiS; Sym. Bvfiiaua (in Cant, iv
14): tabemacula, gutta, aloe: in N. T. ixii), aloe)
the name of some costly and sweet-smelling wood
mentioned in Num. xxiv. 6, where Balaam com-
pares the condition of the Israelites to " trees of
lign-aloes which the Lord hath planted;" in Ps.
xiv. 8, "All thy garments smell of myrrh, and
aloes, and cassia; " in Prov. vii. 17, "I have per
fumed my bed with myrrh, aloes, and cinnamon."
Iii Cant. iv. 14, Solomon speaks of "myrrh and
aloes, with all tie chief spices." The word occurs
once in the N. T. (John xix. 39), where mention
is made of Nicodemus bringing "a mixture of
my— h and aloes, about an hundred pound weight,"
lur the purpose of anointing the body of our Lord.
Writers generally, following Celsius (Hierob. 1.
135), who devotes thirty-five pages to this subject,
suppose that the Aquilaria agaUoekum b the test
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T2
ALOES
n queation. The trees which belong to the natu-
■ al order AquUariacea, apetalous dicotyledonous
flowering plants, are for the most part natives of
tropical Asia. The species Aq. agallochum, which
supplies the aloes-wood of commerce, is much valued
In India on account of its aromatic qualities for
fumigations and incense. It was well known to
the Arabic physicians. Ibn Sina ° (Avicenna), in
the Latin translation, speaks of this wood under the
names of AgaUocImm, Xtjlakt, or Ligmim-AIoti.
In the Arabic original a description is given of it
under the names of Aghlajoon, Aghalookhi, Ood b
(Dr. Royle, in Cyc. Bib. lit. s. v. " Ahalim "). Dr.
Koyle {J that, of HimmaUiynn Bitany, p. 171) men-
tions three varieties of this wood as being obtained
in the bazaars of Northern India.
The Aquilarin secundaria of China has the char-
acter of being the most highly scented. But it is
a singular fact that this fragrancy does not exist in
any of this family of trees when in a healthy and
growing condition ; it is only when the tree is dis-
eased that it has this aromatic property. On this
account the timber is often buried for a short time
in the ground, which accelerates the decay, when
the utter or fragrant oil, is secreted. The best
aloe-wood is called calamine, and is the produce
of Aqttilaria agallochum, a native of Silhet, in
Northern India. This is a magnificent tree, and
grows to the height of 120 feet, being 12 feet in
girth: "The bark of the trunk u smooth and ash-
Aqullnrim Agallochum.
solortd; that of the branches gray and lightly
striped with brown. The wood is white, and very
o Abdallah ibn Sina. a celebrated Aimbian physi-
rian and natural philosopher, born a. d. 980. The
lews abbreviated the name into Abeusina, whence the
Ihrlattans call It Avicenna.
ft *^- tt \\ r-| i ayaAAoxor, AquHaria orala, Sprsn-
sat, iSu. Rri He*. I. p. 281 tt. ; Avicenna, 1. H. p. 182 ;
ALOES
light and soft. It is totally without s.nett; aid th*
leaves, bark, and flowers are equally inodorous; "
(Script, Herb. p. 238). The £xaecaria agattn.
chum, with which some writers have confused the
Aq. agall., is an entirely different plant, being a
small crooked tree, containing an acrid milky poi-
son, in common with the rest of the Kuphorblacea.
Persons have lost their sight from this juice getting
into their eyes, whence the plant's generic name,
Kxcacaria. It is difficult to account for the spe-
cific name of this plant, for the agallochum is cer-
tainly not the produce of it.
It must -be confessed, however, that, notwith-
standing all that has been written to prove the
identity of the Ala 'mi-trees with the alotucood of
commerce, and notwithstanding the apparent con-
nection of the Hebrew word with the Arabic Aghla-
joon and the Greek Agallochon, the opinion is not
clear of difficulties. In the first place the passage
in Num. xiiv. 6, " as the Ahalim which Jeho-
vah hath planted, is an argument against the
identification with the Aquilaria agallochum. The
I .XX. read ataival (tents) ; and they are followed
by the Vulg., the Syriac, the Arabic, and some
other versions. If Ohalbn (tents) is not the true
reading — and the context is against it — then if
Ahalim = Aq. agallochum, we must suppose that
Balaam is speaking of trees concerning which in
their growing state he could have known nothing
at all. Kosenmiiller {SchoL in V. T. ad Num.
xxiv. 6) allows that this tree is not found in Ara-
bia, but thinks that Balaam might have become
acquainted with it from the merchants. Perhaps
the prophet might have seen the wood. But the
passage in Numbers manifestly implies that he bad
seen the Ahalim gi owing, and that in all probabil-
ity they were some kind of tree sufficiently known
to the Israelites to enable them to understand the
allusion iu its full force. But if the AlidUm = the
Agallochum, then much of the illustration wouiu
have been lost to the people who jrere the subject
of the prophecy ; for the Aq. agallochum is found
neither on the banks of the Euphrates, where Ba-
laam lived, nor in Moab, where the blessing was
enunciated.
Michaelis {Supp. pp. 34. 35) beb'eves the LXX.
reading to be the correct one, though he sees no
difficulty, but rather a beauty, in supposing that
Balaam was drawing a similitude from a tree of for-
eign growth. He confesses that the parallelism of
the verse is more in favor of the tree than the tent ;
but he objects that the lign-aloes should be men-
tioned before the cedars, the parallelism requiring,
he thinks, the inverse order. But this is hardly a
valid objection ; for what tree was held in greater
estimation than the cedar V And even if Ahdlbn
= Aq. agall., yet the latter clause of the verse
does no violence to the law of parallelism, for of the
two trees the cellar "m<ijor est et auguttior."
Again, the passage in Ps. xlv. 8 would perhaps be
more correctly translated thus: " The myrrh, aloes,
and cassia, perfuming jll thy garments, brought
from the ivory palaces of the Aftnm, shall make
thee glad." c The Miur.i, or Minsei, were inhab-
3 ' ** 13 *
lignum Aloft, Kam. Id. Avlc. Can. 1. H. p. 281 ; conf
SprengeJ, Hut. Rti JJtr). tip. 2,1 (Fnytag, La
s. v.).
c See Bosenmuner's note on *t« passage ;&/!.«.
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ALOTH
tints of spicy Arabia, and carried on a great trade
.n the exportation of spices and perfumes (Plin. xii.
14, IB; liochart, Phnley, ii. 22, 135. As the
myrrh and cassia are mentioned as coming from
the Minni, and were doubtless natural productions
of their country, the inference is that nines, lieing
named with them, was also a production of the
same country.
The Scriptural use of the Hebrew word applies
both to the tree and to its produce; and although
some weight must be allowed to the opinion which
identifies the Ahdlim with the Agallnrhuin, sup-
ported as it is by the authority of so eminent a
botanist as the late Dr. Koyle, yet it must lie con-
ceded that the matter is by no means proved.
Hiller {llierophyt. i. 394) derives the won! from a
root which signifies " to shine," u to be splendid,"
and believes the tree to be some species of cedar ;
probably, he says, the Cedrw mayn /, or Cedrelate.
What tbe C. magna may be, modern botanical sci-
ence would lie at a loss to conjecture, but it is quite
possible that some kind of odoriferous cedar may
i>e the tree denoted bv the term Ahalim or AJialoth.
W. H.
ALOTH (t"lV?2 : Baa\<i$[ [Alex. MaaA.-
mri] Baloth), a place or district, forming with
Asher the jurisdiction of the ninth of Solomon's
commissariat officers (1 K. iv. 16). It is read by
the LXX. and later scholars as Mealoth, thcugh the
A. V. treats the 3 as a prefix.' 1 In the former
case see Bealoth. Joscphus has tV w«pl 'Ap-
*f)K Trapa\lav, 'A-pK-fi being the name which he
elsewhere gives to Ecdippa (Achzib) on the &ea-
coast in Asher. G.
AI/PHA. the first letter of the Greek alphabet,
as Omega is the last. Its significance is plainly
indicated in the context, u I am Alpha and Omega,
the beginning and the end, the first and the last "
(Rev. xxii. 13; comp. i. 8, 11 [rec. text], xxi. 0),
which may be compared with Is. xli. 4, xliv. 6, " I
am the first and I am the last, and beside me
there is no Sod." So Prudentius (Cathemer.
hymn. ix. 11) explains it:
"' Alpha et O cognorainatur : ipse fons et clausula
Omnium quae sunt, fuerunt, quiequo post futura sunt."
The expression "I am Alpha and Omega" is
illustrated by the usage in Rabbinical writers of
Aleph and Tau, the first and last letters of the He-
brew alphabet. Schoettgen (f/or. llebr. i. 1080)
quotes from Jalhit Rubeni, fol. 17, 4, " Adam
transgressed the whole law from S to H," that is,
from the beginning to the end. It is not neces-
*ary to inquire whether in the latter usage the
meaning is so full as in the Revelation : that must
l>e determined by separate considerations. As an
illustration merely, the reference is valuable. Both
(Ireeks and Hebrews employed the letters of the
slphabet as numerals. In the early times of the
Christian Church the letters A and n were com-
bined with the cross or with the monogram of
l-'hrist (Maitland, Church in die Catacombs, pp.
lHtf-8). One of the oldest monuments on which
.lii- occurs is a marble tablet fount in the cata-
combs at Melos, which belongs, if not to the first
"entury, to t he first half of the second. [Citoss]
W. A. W.
ALPH^US
73
T. ad Ps. xlT. 9), and tee's Heb. Lex. (s. t.
• The declaration " I am Alpha and Omega, the
beginning and the end," taken in its most general
sense^ appears to represent God as the being from
whom all thing* proceed and to whom they tend,
— the creator and ruler of the universe, directing
all events to the accomplishment of his purposes
In special reference to the subject of the Apocalypse,
it gives assurance that he will carry on to its con-
summation the work which he has begun; "the
kingdoms of this world shall become the kingdom
of our Lord and of his Christ" (Rev. xi. 15). As
Hengstenherg remarks (on Kev. i. 8), " in this dec-
laration the Omega is to be regarded as emphatic
ft is equivalent to saying, As I am the Alpha, so
am I also the Omega. The beginning is surety
for the end." See also IJengel's note. Comp. 2
ICsdr. vi. 8; Rom. xi. 36. Joseph, c. Apion. ii.
22, 6 6tbs . . . ainbs kavrQ teal iraffiv aindp-
terjSj 6-pxh xal fxtca «ol t4\os mUTOV* Ant.
viii. 11, § 2, itpxh fol TtKos rwv atrdyratv.
I'lato, Dt Leyg. iv. 7, p. 715 e, 6 Oats. &<nr(p koX
6 -ttoAcuo? \6yos, &pX"h y Te koI re\evr)}v KO.I fl4'
cra T<av aTraVrtw tx <av *• T - ^ l'ra-'dicatio Petri
ap. Clem. Alex. Strom, vi. 5, eh Bt6s 4crTiv y bs
apx^v irdvTwv 4iro{-q<X(V, tcaX t(\ovs t*£ov<rtay
Vxaw< ror otl.er examples and illustrations of
this phraseology, see Lobeck's Aghuyh. pp. 529-
531. A.
ALPHABET. [Writing.]
ALPHiE'US [or Alphe'us, A. V. 10H, and
most eds.] ('AX^cum' s ? /P [pwh* exchange]),
the father of the lesser St. James the Apostle (Matt.
x. 3; Mark iii. 18; Luke vi. 15; Acts i. 13), and
huslwnd of that Mary (called in Mark xv. 40,
mother of James the less and of Joses) who, with
the mother of Jesus and others, was standing by
the cross during the crucifixion (John xix. 25).
[Mary.] In this latter place he is called Clopas
(not, as in the A. V«, Cleophas); a variation aris-
ing from the double pronunciation of the letter P :
and found also in the LXX. rendering of Hebrew
names. Winer compares *Ayya7os from *3P.
'Ejuctfl from T\0& 9 tpcurttc from PDB (2 Chr.
xxx. 1), TajScic from P3T3 (Gen. xxii. 24), and
says that although no reliable example appears iii
the LXX. of the hardening of P at the beginning
of a word, yet such are found, as in KtAiKta from
^ vP. Whether the fact of this variety existing
gives us a further right to identify Alphaeus with
the Cleopas of Luke xxiv. 18, can never be satisfac-
torily determined. If, as commonly, the ellipsis in
'lovdas 'loK(ij8ou in Luke vi. 15, Acts i. 13, is t«
be filled up by inserting a$e\<p<fc, then the apostW
St. Jude was another son of Alphreus. And ha
Mark ii. 14, Levi (or Matthew) is also said to have
been the son of Alphneus. Nor can any satisfac-
tory reason be given why we should suppose this to
have been a different person, as is usually done.
For further particulars, see James the Less, and
Brethren of Jesus. H. A,
* The Alphseus who was the father of Levi or
Matthew (Mark ii. 14). and the Alphaeus who was
the father of T ames the I>ess (Matt. x. 3), in al.
probability, w»re different persons. In the listi
a • It does so in 1 K iv. 16, but not U Jotfi. xv
a*. *
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74
ALTANETJS
If the apostles (Matt x. 3; Mark iii. 18; Luke vi.
15; Ada i. 13), those of them known to be related
to each other are usually mentioned in pairs, whereas
Matthew (or l<evi) and James the jounger are
never placed thus together. Alphams was a com-
mon name among the Jews (see Lightfoot on Acta
L 13), and need not be appropriated to one perxon.
Fritzsche, Winer, De Wette, Okhausen, Meyer,
Lange, and most of the leading critics, recognize
two men of this name in the Gospels. Bleek re-
marks (St/HopL EvanyeUen, i. 386) that it is only
on the supposition that Levi and Matthew were dif-
ferent persons, and that I.*vi was a disciple only and
not an apostle, that he could be the son of the Al-
ptueua who was the father of the younger James.
H.
AI/TANETJS ('AATanubt; [Vat MaVrew-
roios;] Alex. AArwrcuor : Carianeut). The
same as Mattenai (Ezr. x. 33), one of the sons of
Haahum (1 Esdr. ix. 33). W. A. W.
ALTAR (HSTO: Ovcuurrhptor, /3«^(s: aL
tare). (A.) The first altar of which we have any
account is that built by Noah when he left the ark
(Gen. Tiii. 90). The Targumists indeed assert
that Adam built an altar after he was driven out
of the garden of Eden, and that on this Cain and
Abel, and afterwards Noah and Abraham, offered
sacrifice (Pseudo-Jonath. Gen. Tiii. 30, xxiL 9).
According to the tradition the Fust Man was made
upon an altar which God himself had prepared for
the purpose, and on the site of this altar were
reared both those of the Patriarchs and that in the
Temple of Solomon. This tradition, if no other
way valuable, at least shows the great importance
which the Jews attached to the altar as the central
point of their religious worship (Btihr, Symbol, ii.
360).
In the early times altars were usually built in
certain spots hallowed by religious associations,
e. g. where God appeared (Gen. xii. 7, xiii. 18,
xxvi. 35, xxxv. 1). Generally of course they were
erected for the offering of sacrifice; but in some in-
stances they appear to have been only memorial.
Such was the altar built by Moses and called Jeho-
vah Nissi, as a sign that the Lord would have war
with Amulek from generation to generation (Ex.
xvii. 15, 16). Such too was the altar which was
built by the Reubenites, Gaditee, and half-tribe of
Manasseh, " in the borders of Jordan," and which
was erected " not for burnt-offering nor for sacri-
fice," but that it might be "a witness" between
them and the rest of the tribe* (Josh. xxii. 10-29).
Altars were most probably originally made of earth.
The I-aw of Moses allowed them to be made either
of earth or unhewn stones (Ex. xx. 36): any iron
tool would have profaned the altar — but this could
only refer to the body of the altar and that part on
which the victim was laid, as directions were given
to make a casing of shittim-wood overlaid with
brass for the altar of burnt-offering. (See below).
In later times they were frequently built on high
places, especially in idolatrous worship (Dent. xii.
i; for the pagan notions on this subject, see Tae.
Ann. xiii. 57). The altars so erected were them-
selves sometimes called "high places" (miD"J,
8K. xxiii. 8;2Chr. xiv. 3, Ac.). By the Law of
Moses all altars were forbidden except those first
a Knobs! (tn toe.) is of opinion that the object of
in* net-work was to protect the altar from being In-
land by the feet and knees of the officiating priests,
ALTAR
in the Tabernacle and afterwards in the Tempt*
(Lev. xvii. 8, 9; Dent xii. 13, Ac). This prohi-
bition, however, was not strictly observed, at least
till after the building of the Temple, even by piout
Israelite*. Thus Gideon built an altar tfudg. vi.
34). So likewise did Samuel (1 Sam. vii. 9, 10),
David (3 Sam. xxiv. 25), and Solomon (1 K. Hi
*)•
The sanctity attaching to the altar led to its be-
ing regarded as a place of refuge or asylum (Ex.
xii. 14; IK, i. 50).
(B.) The Law of Moses directed that two altars
should be made, the one the Altar of Burnt offer-
ing (called also the Altar kut' i(orhy, •*• Haver-
nick in fit. xliii. 13 ff.) and the other the Altar of
Incense.
I. The Altar of Burnt -offering (n2Tp
nVl?ri), called in MaL i. 7, 13, "the table of
the Lord," perhaps also in Es. xliv. 16. This dif-
fered in construction at different times. (1.) Id
the Tabernacle (Ex. xxvii. 1 ff., xxxviii. Iff.) it
was comparatively small and portable. In shape it
i square. It was five cubits in length, the same
in breadth, and three cubits high. It was made
of planks of shittim (or acacia) wood overlaid with
brass. (Josephus says gold instead of onus, Ant.
iii. 6, § 8.) The interior was hollow (."Tib 3!C*f,
Ex. xxvii. 8). But as nothing is said about a cov-
ering to the altar on which the victims might be
placed, Jarchi is probably correct in supposing that
whenever the tabernacle for a time became station-
ary, the hollow case of the altar was filled up with
earth. In support of this view be refers to Ex. xx.
24, where the command is given, " make me an
altar of earth," &c, and observes: " Altare terreum
est hoc ipsum seneum altare cujut concavum terra
implebatur, cum caetra metarentur."
At the four comers were four projections called
horns, made, like the altar itself, of shittim-wood
overlaid with brass. It is not quite certain how
the words in Ex. xxvii. 2, TfftT^yyPQ 13gO,
should be explained. According to Mendelssohn
they mean that these boms were of one piece with
the altar. So also Knobel (Comm. in loc.). And
this is probably right By others they are under-
stood to describe only the projection of the horns
from Ule altar. These probably projected upwards ;
and to them the victim was bound when about to
be sacrificed (Ps. cxviii. 27). On the occasion of
the consecration of the priest* (Ex. xxix. 13) and
the offering of the sin-offering (Lev. iv. 7 ff.) the
blood of the victim was sprinkled on the horns of
the altar. (See the symbolism explained by Baum-
garten, Commtmtar zum Pentateuch, ii. 63.)
Round the altar midway between the top and bot-
tom (or, as others suppose, at the top) ran a pro-
jecting ledge (33"13, A. V. "Compass") on
which perhaps the priests stood when they officiated.
To the outer edge of this, again, a grating or net-
work of brass (ntr'r- nr- njppn "">"?•»:
was affixed, and reached to the bottom of the altar
which thus presented the appearance of being largei
below than above." Others have supposed thk
grating to adhere closely to the boards of whlcl
The 23*13, he thinks, was manly an <
way of finish at the top of thai.
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ALTAR
-lie attar was composed, or even to hare been sub-
stituted for them half-way up from the bottom.
At any rate there can be little doubt that the
grating was perpendicular, not horizontal as Jona-
than supposes (Targum on Ex. xxvii. 5). Accord-
ing to him it was intended to catch portions of the
sacrifice or coals which fell from the altar, and
which might thus be easily replaced. But it seems
improbable that a net work or grating should have
been constructed for such a purpose (cf. Joseph.
Ant. iii. 6, § 8). At the four corners of the net-
work were four brazen rings into which were in-
serted the staves by which the altar was carried.
These staves were of the same materials as the altar
itself. As the priests were forbidden to ascend the
altar by steps (Ex. xx. 26), it has been conjectured
that a slope of earth led gradually up to the
S'S - !?, or ledge from which they officiated. This
must have been either on the north or south side;
for on the east was " the place of the ashes " (Lev.
i. 16), and on the west at no great distance stood
the laver of brass. According to the Jewish tra-
dition it was on the south side. The place of the
altar was at " the door of the tabernacle of the tent
of the congregation" (Ex. xl. 29). The various
utensils for the service of the altar (Ex. xxvii. 3)
were: (a) fH 10, pans to clear away the fat
(l3R7T 7 ) and ashes with: elsewhere the word is
used of the pots in which the flesh of the sacrifices
was put to seethe (cf. Zech. xiv. 20, 21, and 2 Chr.
xxxv. 13, with 1 Sam. ii. 14). (A) O^, shovels,
Vulg. forcipes, Gesen. pales cineri removendo.
(c) mp^TQ, batons, LXX. <pta\al, vessels in
which the blood of the victims was received, and
from which it was sprinkled (r. p~N). (rf)
n3^T!3, flesh-hooks, LXX. .Kpiiypat, by means
of which the flesh was removed from the caldron or
pot (See 1 Sam. ii. 13, 14, where they are de-
scribed as having three prongs.) (e) ."" li-lltO,
fire-pans, or perhaps censers. These might either
be used for taking coals from the fire on the altar
(Lev. xvi. 12), or for burning incense (Num. xvi.
6, 7). There is no reason to give the word a dif-
ferent meaning in Ex. xxv. 38, where our version,
following the Vulgate, translates it " snuff-dishes."
All these utensils were of brass.
(2.) In Solomon's Temple the altar was consider-
kbly larger in its dimensions, as might have been
expected from the much greater size of the building
in which it was placed. like the former it was
square; but the length and breadth were now
twenty cubits, and the height ten (2 Chr. iv. 1).
(t differed, too, in the material of which it was
cade, being entirely of brass (1 K. viii. 64; 2
Ohr. vii. 7). It had no grating; and instead of a
tingle gradual slope, the ascent to it was probably
nade by three successive platforms, to each of which
it has been supposed that steps led (Surenhus.
Mishna, vol. ii. p. 261, as in the figure annexed).
Against this may be urged the fact that the Law
jf Moses positively forbade the use of steps (Ex. xx.
86) and the assertion of Josephus that in Herod's
temple tbe ascent was by an inclined plane. On
the other hand steps are introduced in the ideal, or
symbolical, temple of EceJoel (xliit. 17), and the
Inhibition in Ex. xx. has been interpreted as ap-
•Jyiog to a amtimunu flight of stairs and not to •
ALTAR 75
broken ascent. But the biblical account is so brief
that we are necessarily unable to determine the
Altar of Burnt Offering, from Surenhusius's Mishua.
question. Asa, we read, renewed (2?^in , 5) this
altar (2 Chr. xv. 8). This may either mean that
he repaired it, or more probably perhaps that he
reconsecrated it, after it had been polluted by idol-
worship ( [iveKalvure, LXX.). Subsequently Ahaz
had it removed from its place to the north side of
the new altar which Ur^jah the priest had made in
accordance with his direction (2 K. xvi. 14).
It was "cleansed" by command of Hezekiah
(■i:~)ntD, 2 Chr. xxix. 18), and Manasseh, after
renouncing his idolatry, either repaired (Chetib,
P*)) or rebuilt it (Keri, J3* \\ It may finally
have been broken up and the brass carried to Baby-
lon, but this is not mentioned (Jer. Hi. 17 tl.v
According to the Rabbinical tradition, this altar
stood on the very spot on which man was originally
created.
(3.) The Altar of Bumt-offering in the second
(Zeruhbabel's) temple. Of this no description is
given in the Bible. We are only told (Ezr. iii. 2
that it was built before the foundations of the Teui
pie were laid. According to Josephus (Ant. xi. 4,
§ 1) it was placed on the same spot on which that
of Solomon had originally stood. It was con-
structed, as we may infer from 1 Mace. iv. 47, of
unhewn stones (klSovs oXokA^oouj). Antiochus
Epiphanes desecrated it (tfiKooofnjtrav Qh(\vyua
tpn/iaoews i-w) to BvfftatrTJjptov, 1 Mace. i. 54)
and according to Josephus (AM. xii. 5, § 4) re-
moved it altogether. In the restoration by Judas
Maccahseus a new altar was built of unhewn stone
in conformity with the Mosaic Law (1 Mace. iv.
47).
(4.) The altar erected by Herod which is thus
described by Josephus (B. J. v. 5, § 6) : " In front
of the Temple stood the altar, 15 cubits in height,
and in breadth and length of equal dimensions, viz.
50 cubits : it was built foursquare, with hora-like
corners projecting from it; and on the south side a
gentle acclivity led up to it. Moreover it was made
without any iron tool, neither did iron ever touch
it at any time." Rutin, has 40 cubits square in-
stead of 50. The dimensions given in the Mishna
are different. It is there said (Middoth, 3, 1) that
tiie altar was at the base 32 cubits square ; at the
height of a cubit from the ground 30 cubits square;
at 6 cubits hignec (where was the circuit, N231C)
it was reduced to 28 cubits square, and at tat
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ALTAR
bonis still farther to 98. A space of a aubit each
way was ben allowed far the officiating priests to
walk, so that 24 cubits square were left for the fire
on the altar (n^TQil). This description is
not very clear. But the Rabbinical and other in-
terpreters consider the altar from the N231D
upwards to have been 28 cubits square, allowing at
the top, however, a cubit each way for the horns,
and another cubit for the passage of the priests.
Others, however (as L'Empereur in foe), suppose
the ledge on which the priests walked to have been
2 cubits lower than the surface of the altar on
which the fire was placed.
The Mishna further states, in accordance with
Jojephus (Bee above), and with reference to the law
already mentioned (Ex. xx. 25), that the sknes of
which the altar was made were unhewn ; ai. 1 that
twice in the year, viz. at the Feast of the Passover
and the Feast of Tabernacles they were whitewashed
afresh. The way up (tf3~) was on the south
side, 32 cubits long and 16 broad, constructed also
of unhewn stones. In connection with the horn on
the south-west was a pipe intended to receive the
blood of the victims which was sprinkled on the
left side of the altar : the blood was afterwards car-
ried by means of a subterranean passage into the
brook Kidron. Under the altar was a cavity into
which the drink-offerings passed. It was covered
over with a slab of marble, and emptied from time
to time. On the north side of the altar were a
number of brazen rings, to secure the animals
which were brought for sacrifice. Lastly, round
the middle of the altar ran a scarlet thread (tMn
H"1? , 3 bt£) to mark where the blood was to be
sprinkled, whether above or below it.
According to Lev. vi. 12, 13, a perpetual fire wrs
to be kept burning on the altar. This, as Biil.r
(Symbol, ii. 350) remarks, was the symbol and to-
ken of the perpetual worship of Jehovah. For in-
asmuch as the whole religion of Israel was concen-
trated in the sacrifices which were offered, the ex-
tinguishing of the fire would have looked like the
extinguishing of the religion itself. It was there-
fore, as he observes, essentially different from the
perpetual fire of the Persians (Curt. iii. 3; Amm.
Hare, xxiii. 6; Hyde, ReL Vet Pert. viii. 148), or
the fire of Vesta to which it has been compared.
These were not sacrificial fires at all, but were sym-
bols of the Deity, or were connected with the belief
which regarded fire as one of the primal elements
of the world. This fire, according to the Jews,
was the same as that which came down from
heaven (tS,j oijxuwrrWr) "and consumed upon
th> altar the burnt-offering and the fat" (Lev. ix.
21 .. It couched upon the altar, they say, like a
lion; it was bright as the sun; the flame thereof
wna solid and pure ; it consumed things wet and
Jry alike; and finally, it emitted no smoke. This
was one of the five things existing in the first tem-
ple which tradition declares to have been wanting
in the second ( Tract. Joma, c. i. sub fin. fol. 21,
sol. k). The fire which consumed the sacrifices
rat kindled from this: and besides these there was
the fire from which the coals were taken to burn
ncenxe with. (See Carpxor. Apparat. But. CrU.
imtot. p. 286.)
U. The Altar of Incense (rnbfln n3»n and
ALTAR
JTTCp ~>CpC, Ex. xxs, 1 ; 8vo-uurri)piov 0v/a
ipirrot, LXX.), called also the golden altai
(2mn r"!2Tn, Ex. xxxix. 38; Num. iv. 11) U
distinguish it from the Altar of Burnt-offering
which was called the brazen altar (Ex. xxxviii. 30).
Probably this is meant by the "altar of wood"
spoken of Esek. xll. 22, which is further described
the " table that is before the Lord," precisely
the expression used of the altar of incense. (See
Delitzsch, Brief an die Bebr. p. 678.) The name
nilTC, " altar," was not strictly appropriate, as
no sacrifices were offered upon it ; but once in the
year on the great day of atonement, the high-priest
sprinkled upon the horns of it the blood of the sin-
offering (Ex. xxx. 10).
(a.) That in the Tabernacle was made of acacia-
wood, overlaid with pure gold. In shape it was
square, being a cubit in length and breadth, and 2
cubits in height. Like the Altar of Burnt-offering
it had horns at the four corners, which were of one
piece with the rest of the altar. So Rabb. Levi
ben Gerson : " Discimus inde quod non conveniat
facere cornua separatim, et altari deinde apponere,
sed quod cornua del<eant esse ex corpora altaris."
(Comment, in Leg. fol. 100, col. 4).
It had also a fop or roof ( J2 : tcxipa, LXX. ),
on which the incense was laid and lighted. Many,
following the interpretation of the Vulgate cratic-
ulam ejut, have supposed a kind of grating to be
meant; but for this there is no authority. Round
the altar was a border or wreath ("TJ : arpcirriiw
o~rt<pdirt)y xp"<"jy, LXX.). Josephus says: Irf/y
iffx&pa ■xpwria inrtpavtffrwau, fxov<ra Kara
yvvla»iKac^reT4<l>ayoi>(Ant.iii.9,S8). "Erat
itaque cinctorium, ex solido conflatum auro, quod
tecto ita adhsrebat, ut in extremitate Ulud cingeret,
et prohiberet, ne quid facile ab altari in terram de-
volveretur." (Carpzov. Appar. Bui. Crit. Annot
p. 273.) Below this were two golden rings which
were to be " for places for the staves to bear il
withal." The staves were of acacia-wood overlaid
with gold. Its appearance may be illustrated by
the following figure: —
Supposed term of the Altsr of I:
This altar stood in the Holy Place, •' before to*
rail that is by the ark of the testimony " (Ex. xxx
6. xl. ft). Philo too speaks of it as tVm tou wpore^
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ALTAR
tou Ktmartrdur/ueros, and as standing between the
candlestick and the table of shew bread. In ap-
parent contradiction to this, the author of the
Epistle to the Hebrews enumerates it among the
objects which were within the second vail {fieri to
Sf irtpav »araw4raafia), «■ e. in the Holy of Holies.
It is true that by Suixmrtipiov in this passage may
be meant " a censer," in accordance with the usage
of the LXX., but it u better understood of the
Altar of Incense which by Philo and other Hel-
lenists is called Sufjjarfipiay. It is remarkable also
that in 1 K. vi. 21, 22, this same altar is said to
belong to » the oracle" ("PSf* ""l^H nSTEn)
or most Holy Place. This may perhaps be ac-
counted for by the great typical and symbolical
importance attached to this altar, so that it might
be considered to btlmg to the ttvripa <ricrirl\.
(See Bleek on Heb. ix. 4, and Delitzsch in loc.)
(4.) The Altar in Solomon's Temple was similar
(1 K. vii. 48; 1 Cbx. xxviii. 18), but was made
of cedar overlaid with gold. The altar mentioned
in Is. vi. 6, U clearly the Altar of Incense, not the
Altar of Burnt-offering. From this passage it
would seem that heated stones (i"lSS~]) were laid
upon the altar, by means of which the incense was
kindled. Although it is the heavenly altar which
is there described, we may presume that the earthly
corresponded to it.
(e.) The Altar of Incense is mentioned as having
been removed from the Temple of Zerubbabel by
Antiochus Epiphanes (1 Mace. i. 21). Judas
Maccabeus restored it, together with the holy
vessels, Ac. (1 Mace. iv. 49). On the arch of Titus
no Altar of Incense appears. But that it existed
in the last Temple, and was richly overlaid, we learn
from the Minima ( Chngign, iii. 8). From the cir-
cumstance that the sweet incense was burnt upon
it every day, morning and evening (Ex. xxx. 7, 8),
as well as that the blood of atonement was sprinkled
upon it (v. 10), this altar had a special importance
attached to it. It is the only altar which appears
in the Heavenly Temple (la vi. 6; Rev. viii. 3,
(C.) Other Altai. (1.) Altars of brick. There
teems to be an allusion to such in Is. lxv. 3. The
words are- rVaaVn b? CHEi^E, "offering in-
ALTAB
77
Various Allan.
J, 1 Sgypthn, from ban-relief*. (BoseL.nl.)
V Aaryrlsu, (bund at Khonabad. (Layart <
4. Babylonian, Bibtiolhtipu National: (i/» Turd.)
5. Assyrian, from Khonabad. (Layard.)
•rote on the brich," generally explained as referring
■o altars made of this material, and probably sit-
uated in the "gardens" mentioned just before
Rosenmuller suggests, however, that the allusion ia
to some Babylonish custom of burning incense on
bricks covered over with magic formulas or cunei-
form inscriptions. This is also the view of Gesen-
ius and Maurer.
(2. ) An Altar to an Unknown God (' kyvdxrry
8«<j>, Acts xvii. 23). What altar this was has been
the subject ef much discussion. St. Paul merely
mentions in his speech on the Areopagus that he
had himself seen such an altar in Athens. Hia as
sertion, as it happens, is confirmed by other writers,
Pausanias says (i. § 4), irravBa *al fjafiol 8tmr
tc bvopa.fop.ivw ayv&trrwy Kal tipdwy jval wai
twv Taiv hiiattts KM taXijpov. And Philostratus
( Vii. Apollun. vi. 3), ett+poriartpov to wrpl
irrtVrwy fft&v d Aeycir, Kal ravra 'AHfynaiy
oo Kal aypuHTTvy Sat/jt6vwv fiotpoi XSpvyrat. This
as Winer observes, need not be interpreted as if
the several altars were dedicated to a number of
tryvaoroi Btol, but rather that tach altar had the
inscription 'Ayviiar<? 6ey. It is not at all prob-
able that such inscription referred to the God
of the Jews, as One whose Name it was unlawful
to utter (as Woif and others have supposed). As
to the origin of these altars, Eichhorn suggests that
they may have been built before the art of writing
was known (f3a/iol an&mpot), and subsequently
inscribed iyy. 0«<j>. Neander's view, however, is
probably more correct. He quotes Diog. Laertius,
who, in his Life of Epimenides, says that in the
time of a plague, when they knew not what God to
propitiate in order to avert it, he caused black and
white sheep to be let loose from the Areopagus,
and wherever they lay down to be offered to the
respective divinities (t£ rpooiiKovri 8t$). 'Oity,
adds Diogenes, tri axil yvy tariy tuptly Kara, roin
Mjfiovs r&y 'A0. fktltovs atmyvfiovt. On which
Neander remarks that on this or similar occasions
altars might be dedicated to an Unknown God,
since they knew not what God was offended and
required to be propitiated. J. J. S. P.
* If the import of the inscription on the Athen-
ian altar (hryy><p fay) was simply that the wor-
shippers knew not any longer to what particular
heathen god the altars were originally dedicatod, it
is not easy to see what proper point of connection
the apuetle could have found for his remark (Acts
xvii. 23) with such a relic of sheer idolatry. In
that case their ignorance related merely to the
identity of the god whom they should conciliate.
and implied no recognition of any power additional
to that of their heathen deities. A more satisfac
tory view would seem to be that these altars had
their origin in the feeling of uncertainty, which was
inherent after all in the minds of tie heathen,
whether their acknowledgment of the superior power*
was sufficiently full and comprehensive; in then
distinct consciousness of the limitation and imper
lection of their religious views, and their consequent
desire to avoid the anger of any still unacknowl-
edged god who might be unknown to them. That
no deity might punish them for neglecting his wor
ship, or remain uninvoked in asking for blessings,
they not only erected altars to all the gods named
or known among them, but distrustful still lest
they might not comprehend fully the extent of their
subjection and dependence, they erected them also to
any other god or power that might exist, although
as yet unrepealed to them. It is not to be objected
thit this explanation ascribes too much discernment
to 'be heathen. (See Psalm six. 1-4. and Bom.
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78
AL-TASCH1TH
. 18-91.; Not to insist on other proofs furnished
»y confession of the heathen themselves, such ex-
nrearioni as the comprehensive address, — At o de-
mon qincquitl in ado regit (Horat. Epod. v. 1);
the ofUused formula in the prayers of the Greeks
and Romans, Si deo, » dta ; and the superstitious
dread, which they manifested in so man; ways, of
omitting an; deity in their invocations, prove the
existence of the feeling to which reference has been
made. For ample proof of this more enlightened
consciousness among the heathen, see especially
Planner, Syttema Theologia Genttiit Pttriorii (Cap.
ii. and viii.). Out of this feeling, therefore, these
altars ma; have sprung, because the supposition is
so entirely consistent with the genius of polytheistic
heathenism; because the many-sided religiousness
of the Athenians would be so apt to exhibit itself
in some such demonstration; and especially be-
cause Paul could then appeal with so much effect
to such an avowal of the insufficiency of heathen-
ism, and to such a testimony so borne, indirect,
yet significant, to the existence of the one true
God. Under these circumstances an allusion to
one of these altars by the apostle would be equiv-
alent to his saving to the Athenians thus: — " You
are correct in acknowledging a divine «H«t«n»» be-
yond any which the ordinary rites of your worship
recognize; there is such an existence. You are
correct in confessing that this Being is unknown to
you; you have no just conceptions of his nature
and perfections." He could add then with truth,
Or oh .... KtrrayyiXKw fyxiV, Whom, theie-
fore, not knowing (where ayroovvrti points back
evidently to aVyyeWrraOt ye uxrihiji, this one I an-
nounce to you.
The modem Greeks point out some niches in the
rocks at Phaleron as remains of the sanctuary and
altar of the " Unknown God " ; but these, though
ancient, cannot be shown to have any claim to this
distinction. It may be added that if the so-called
Bijfia at Athens, which is in sight (torn the Are-
opagus, be in tact not the famous platform from
which the orators spoke, but a fko/uij, an altar of
sacrifice, as many archaeologists now maintain," it
then was unquestionably one of the objects of re-
ligious veneration (tA o-cjStUr/wrra) which Paul so
carefully scrutinised (byoBmpiy) as he wandered
through the city. H.
AL-TAS'CHITH (iTTttfi? bs, Al Taeh-
chith), found in the introductory verse to the four
following Psalms: — lvii., lviii., lix., lxxv. liter-
ally rendered, the import of the words is " destroy
not"; and hence some Jewish commentators, in-
cluding Rashi O'ttf'-I) and Kimchi (p Y"l), have
regarded HntTPI •$$ as a compendium of the
argument treated in the above-mentioned Psalms.
Modem expositors, however, have generally adopted
the view of Aben-Ezra ( Comment, on Psalm lvii.),
agreeably to which " Al Tashcheth " is the begin-
ning of some song or poem to the tune of which
those psalms were to be chanted. D. W. M.
a * The question b argued with that result by 15.
Junius In his Altisdu Saufitn (Ootungen, 1862). He
bad excavations made, under bis personal supervision,
around the "bona of the Pnyx," as It has bam
thought to be, and concludes that It must have been
sot the bema " but an altar sacred to Jupiter, and, as
Indioated Ly the style of the work, dating from the
■erttett Athenian antiquity ."' It would be prematura
AMALEKITES
AXUSH (g'ilbtt [pert, wild place, Funt
or turba hommum, Ges.], Sun. tC'br* : Ai\oh
[Vat. AlAcip:] Abu), one of the stations of the Is-
raelites on their journey to Sinai, the last befors
Rephidim (Num. xxxiii. 13, 14). No trace of it
has yet been found. In the Seder Olam (Kitto,
Cye. a. v.) it is ctated to have been 8 miles from
Rephidim. G.
AI/VAH ("V?5 [reickedneu, Hos. x. 9]
r«Xd : Alva), a duke of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 40)
written Aliah (^P 1 ?? [Rom. r«Xn8d; Vat Alex.
r»Xn; Comp. Aid! 'AAovd:]) in 1 Chr. i. 51.
•The "duke" in this and other passages is
from the Vulg. "dux " ; in the Sept rry<n<i>r- Al-
vah is the name of a place as well as of a chief, like
the other associated names in the above passage.
See Tuch, Utter die Genesis, p. 498. U.
AI/VAN C\f?V [tall, thick, Ges.]: r«Ad> :
[Alex. r»Aar:] Ahxm), a Horite, son of Shobal
(Gen. xxxvi. 23), written Alian O^V ['A*.<ir;
Vat. XoAeuii Alex. toAsyi; Comp. '\Aow(y:
^oan])in 1 Chr. i. 40.
ATKAD (l^P? [perh.oa»t,starJbn]: 'A/u^A;
[AM. Alex. '\ftaS; Comp. 'A/uutS:] Amaad), an
unknown place in Asher between Alammelech and
Misheal (Josh. xix. 28 only).'
AMADATHA (Esth. xvi. 10, 17); and
AMADATHUS (Esth. xii. 6). [Hahmeu-
ATHA.]
A-MAL, (^S}? [labor, sorrow]: 'A/idA;
[Vat. M. A/iaa, H. AnAa.:] Amal), name of a
man (1 Chr. vii. 35) [who is unknown except as
one of the descendants of Ashur, the son of Jacob,
and as one of the heads of his tribe.]
AM'ALEK (p^fi?: 'A/uM}« : Amaleck,
[Amalec]), son of FJiphaz by his concubine Tim-
nah, grandson of Esau, and one of the chieftains
("dukes" A. V.) of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 12, 16; 1
Chr. i. 36). His mother came of the Horite race,
whose territory the descendants of Esau had seized ,
and, although Amalek himself is represented as of
equal rank with the other sons of Eliphaz, yet his
posterity appear to have shared the fate of the Horite
population, a " remnant " only being mentioned a*
existing in Edom in the time of Hezekiah, when
the; were dispersed by a band of the tribe of
Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 43). W. L. B.
AMALEKITES (C-pb^J : 'A^HKlro.;
[Vat -««-:] Amaledta), a nomadic tribe, which
occupied the peninsula of Sinai and the wilderness
intervening between the southern hill-ranges of Pal-
estine and the border of Egypt (Num. xiii. 29 ; 1
Sam. xv. 7, xxvii. 8). Arabian historians represent
them as originally dwelling on the shores of the
Persian Gulf, whence they were pressed westward by
the growth of the Assyrian empire, and spread over
a portion of Arabia at a period antecedent to its
to adopt this conclusion at present. Such Greek sr-
chssologiats at Athens as Raugabes and such Hellenists
as Flnlay (as the writer hsa learned by correspondence
stul adhere to the old opinion. H
b • Knobel (Jiuuo, p. 463) thinks that Haifa, ths
claimant for so many biblical places (see AcBsura
may be the present sits. Ketl (Jena. p. 146) rrfutn
U.
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AM AM
jeeupation by the descendants of Joktan. This
loeoant of ttjir origin harmonizes with Gen xiv. 7,
where the " country " (" princes '' according to the
reading adopted by the LXX.) of the Amalekites
ii mentioned several generations before the birth
of the Fdomite Amalek: it throws light on the
traces of a permanent occupation of central Pales-
tine in their passage westward, as indicated by the
names Amalek and Mount of the Amalekites (Judg.
v. 14, xii. 15) : and it accounts for the silence of
Scripture as to any relationship between the Am-
alekites on the one hand, and the Edomites or the
Israelites on the other. That a mixture of the two
former races occurred at a later period, would in
this case be the only inference from Gen. xxxvi.
16, though many writers hare considered that pas-
sage to refer to the origin of the whole nation, ex-
plaining Gen. xir. 7 as a case of proleptit. The
physical character of the district which the Amal-
ekites occupied [Arabia], necessitated a nomadic
life, which they adopted to its fullest extent, taking
their families with them, even on their military
expeditions (Judg. vl. 5). Their wealth consisted
in flocks and herds. Mention is made of a "town"
(1 Sam. xr. 5), and Josephus gives an exaggerated
account of the capture of several towns by Saul
(Ant. vi. 7, § 9); but the towns could have been
little more than stations or nomadic enclosures.
The kings or chieftains were perhaps distinguished
by the hereditary title Agag (Num. xxiv. 7; 1
Sam. xv. 8). Two important routes led through
the Amalekite district, namely, from Palestine to
Egypt by the Isthmm of Suez, and to southern
Asia and Africa by the iElanitic arm of the Ked
Sea. It has been conjectured that the expedition
of the four kings (Gen. xiv.) had for its object the
opening of the latter route; and it is in connection
with the former that the Amalekites first came in
contact with the Israelites, whose progress they at-
tempted to stop, adopting a guerilla style of war-
fare (Deut. xxv. 18), but were signally defeated at
Kkphidim (Ex. xvii.). Ill union with the Ca-
naanites they again attacked the Israelites on the
borders of Palestine, and defeated them near Hor-
mah (Num. xiv. 46). Thenceforward we hear of
them only as a secondary power, at one time in
league with the Moabites (Judg. iii. 13), when they
were defeated by Ehud near Jericho; at another
time in league with the Midianites (Judg. vi. 3)
when they penetrated into the plain of Esdraelon,
and were defeated by Gideon. Saul undertook an
expedition against them, overrunning their whole
district " from Havilah to Shur," and inflicting an
immense loss upon them (1 Sam. xv.). Then-
power was thenceforth broken, and they degenerated
into a horde of banditti, whose style of warfare
is well expressed in the Hebrew term TT73
(Geeen. /.ex.) frequently applied to them in the
description of their contests with David in the
neighborhood of Ziklag, when their destruction
was completed (1 Sam. xxvii., xxx.; comp. Num.
txrv. 90). W. L. B.
AMAM (a»S [fatheringvlace] : %4,,; [Aid.
Uomp. 'AftifUl Amass), a city in the south of
Jodah, named with Shema and Moladab (el-Milk)
in Josh. xr. 98 only. In the Alex. LXX. the name
is joined to the preceding — oVwmiiuIm- Nothing
s known of H. G.
iViH CAjasVi [m ToMt, Vat ASou; Sin.
A MART AH
79
Nateg:] Amm). Hamax (Too. xit. 10; Esth
x. 7, xii 6, xiii. 3, 12, x v. 17, xvi. 10, 17).
AM ANA (nj£M [perennial]), apparent!}
a mountain in or near Lebanon, — " from the head
of Amana " (Cant. iv. 8). It is commonly assumed
that this is the mountain in which the river Abana
(9 K. v. 12; Keri, Targum Jonathan, and margin
of A. V. "Amana") has its source, but in the
absence of further research in the Lebanon this is
mere assumption. The LXX. translate iarb apyrjs
witrrsm. G.
* If Amana and Abana be the same (Abana),
and consequently the name of a river, the moun-
tain so called, as the etymology shows (see above),
must have taken its name from the stream; and
further, if this river be the Barada, which has its
sources in a part of Anti-Lebanon near Herman,
that part of Anti-Lebanon near Hermon must be
the part that was anciently called Amana. Sec
BibL Sacra, vi. 371 ; and Handb. for Syria, U.
568. There is no proof that Amana still exists as
the n mie of any part of this range." If, as above
suggested, the name of the mountain was derived
from the river, and not the leverse, it is less sur-
prising that the name of the region should fade
away as in the lapse of time Amana, the river-name,
gave place to Barada. H.
amariah (h;->ch and in;->Dy : -a^
apla and [Alex.] 'Afutplas : Amaria* ; whom God
promised, Sim., Gesen., «. q. &ti<ppatrrut)-
Father of Ahitub, according to 1 Chr. vi 7, 59,
and son of Meraioth, in the line of the high-priests.
In Josephus's Hist (Ant. viii 1, § 3) be is trans-
formed into 'tuxxpcuoi.
3. The high-priest in the reign of Jehoshaphat
(2 Chr. xix. 11). He was the son of Azariah, and
the fifth high-priest who succeeded Zadok (1 Chr.
vi. 11). Nothing is known of him beyond bis
name, but from the way in which Jehoshaphat
mentions him he seems to have seconded that pious
king in his endeavors to work a reformation in Is-
rael and Judah (see 9 Chr. xvii. xix.). Josephus,
who calls him 'Kpaalar rb* Upia, " Amaziah the
priest," unaccountably says of him that he was of
the tribe of Judah, as well as Zebadiah, as the
text now stands. But if tKaripavs is struck out.
this absurd statement will disappear (Ant. ix. 1,
$ 1). It is not easy to recognize him in the won-
derfully corrupt 'list of high-priests given in the
Ant. x. 8, § 6. But he seems to be concealed un-
der the strange form AHIAPAM02, Axioramus
The syllable AH is corrupted from A3, the termi-
nation of the preceding name, Azarias, which has
accidentally adhered to the beginning of Amariah,
as the final 3 has to the very same name in the
text of Nicephorus (ap. Seld. tie Suceeu. p. 103),
producing the form Za/iopfai. The remaining
'Ii£iKU40t is not far removed from 'Apaplas. The
successor of Amariah in the high-priesthood must
have been Jehoiada. In Josephus viSeos , which is
a corruption of 'IvSsai, follows Axioramus. There
is not tiie slightest support in the sacred history
for the names Ahitub snd Zadok, who are made to
follow Amariah in the genealogy, 1 Chr. vi. 11, 19.
3. [In 1 Chr. xxiv. 93, Rom. Aid. 'AiiolUt-j
The head of a Levitical house of the Kohathites in
the time of David (1 Chr. xxiii. 19, xxiv. 93).
4. pAjisyfos, -fa; in 9 Chr., Vat. Alex. Mapias :
a • Dr. HoMnson's remark (Hi. 4471 Is understood Is
be an ratmnea bom Oant. iv. 8. II
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80
AM ARIAS
Anuria*, -io.] The head of one of the twenty-fan
tourses of priests, which iu named after turn, in
the time of David, of Hezekiah, and of Nehemiah
(1 Chr. xxiv. 14; 2 Chr. xzxi. 15; Neh. x. 3, xii.
2, 13). In the first passage the name U written
^gK, Jpaner, but it aeemi to be the same name.
Another form of the name is "^CN, Imri (1
Chr. ix. 4), a man of Judah, of the aona of Bani.
Of the aame family we find,
6. [In Neh., iaftapla, Vat. -ptf, in Err., Rom.'
'Aftaptla, Vat. Mafia; Alex. FA. Comp. Aid.
'Aftaplas '■ Amaria.] Amariah in the time of Ezra
(Ear. x. 42; Neh. li. 4).
0. ['Apopias, Alex, -nasi Aid. 'Aftaplas.]
An ancestor of Zephaniah the prophet (Zeph. i. 1 ).
A. C. H.
7. CXauapia [Vat. -pti-].) A descendant of
Pharez, the ton of Judah (Neh. xi. 4). Probably
, the same as Imm in 1 Chr. ix. 4. W. A. \V.
AMAKI'AS {'AfutpUt; [Vat. ApapStuis:]
Ameri, Amelias). An aiuah 1 (1 Eadr. viii. 2; 2
Emir. L 8). W. A. W.
AM'ASA (HETJ3?, a burden: 'Afumrat,
[etc. ; Vat. Alex. Aiuaaati, etc. :] Amatn). X. Son
of Ithra or Jether, by Abigail, David's sinter (2 Sam.
xvii. 25). He joined Absalom in his rel«llion, and
was by him appointed commander-in-chief in the
place of Joab, by whom he was totally defeated in
the forest of Ephraim (2 Sam. xviii. 6). When
Joab incurred the displeasure of David for killing
Absalom, David forgave the treason of Amasa, rec-
ognized him as his nephew, and appointed him Juab's
successor (xix. 13). Joab afterwards, when they
were both in pursuit of the rebel Sheba, pretended
to salute Amasa, and stabbed him with his sword
(xx. 10), which he held concealed in his left hand.
Whether Amasa be identical with "WpJ? who is
mentioned among David's commanders (1 Chr. xii.
18), is uncertain (Ewald, Gesch. Israel, ii. 544).
2. [A/uurlasi Vat. Afuurtias.] A prince of
Ephraim, son of Hadlai, in the reign of Ahaz (2
Chr. xxviii. 12). K. W. B.
AMA'HAI [8 syl.] Ott^?, in pause "(^J?
[burdensome]: 'A/ucai, 'A/laBl; [Vat. Apuaatt,
A/uiBtias ;] Alex. Alios in 1 Chr. vi. 25 : Amasal).
1. A Kohathite, father of Mahath and ancestor of
Samuel and Ethan the singer (1 Chr. vi. 25, 35).
3. ('Aiuural; FA. Afuurt) Chief of the cap-
tains (LXX. "thirty") of Judah aud Beujainin,
who deserted to Duvid while an outlaw at Ziklag
(1 Chr. xii. 18). Whether he was the same as
Amasa, David's nephew, is uncertain.
3. CApoo-at; FA. Apatrc) Oue of the priorte
who blew trumpets before the Ark, when l.inid
brought it from the house of Obed -edom (1 1 hr.
it. 21).
4. ('Aiuurl; [Vat. Mao*i.]) Another Kohath-
ite, father of another Mahath, in the reign of Heze-
k'ah (2 Chr. xxix. 12), unless the name is that of a
family. W. A. W.
AMA'SHAI [3 syL] CDtfOS ■ 'A^iarls;
[Vat. -trciaO Alex. A/wo*a? : Amassai). Son of
\xareel, a priest in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. xi.
13) ; apparently the same as Maasiai (1 Chr. ix.
12). TT»e name is properly " Amashsai."
W. A. W.
AMASIAH (n;ipn J? [whom Jehiwah •ears] :
AMAZTAW
Apmrtas; [Vat Moovuu;] Alex. Mao-oifes: Ama
sias). Son of Ziohri, and captain of 200,000 war
riora of Judah, in the reign of Jeboshaphat (2 Chr.
xvii. 16). W. A. W.
A'MATH. [Hamath.]
AM'ATHEIS [3syL] ('AuaBlas; [Vat J>a*
fit; Aid. Alex. 'EjiofMs; Wechel 'AiioBtif.
Emeus), 1 Esdr. ix. 28. [Athlai.]
AM'ATHIS (in some copies Amaihas)
"the land OF " (i, 'Apathis x<*>°)i * district
to the north of Palestine, in which Jonathan Macca-
buus met the forces of Demetrius (1 Mace. xii. 26).
From the context it is evidently Hamath. G.
AMAZIAH (n;?PS or in^KS, strength
of Jehovah: 'Ajievvlas [Vat -est-], 'Auavias-
Amasias), son of Joaab, and eighth king of Judai.
succeeded to the throne at the age of* 25, on the mur-
der of his father, and punished the murderers; spar-
ing, however, their children, in accordance with
Deut xxiv. 16, as the 2d book of Kings (xiv. 6/
expressly informs us, thereby implying that the pre-
cept had not been generally observed. In order to
restore his kingdom to the greatness of Jehoaha-
phat's days, he made war on the Edomites, defeated
them in the valley of Salt, south of the Dead Sea
(the scene of a great victory in David's time, 2 Sam.
viii. 13; 1 Chr. xviii. 12; Ps. Ix. title), and took
their capital, Selab or Petra, to which be gave the
name of Jokteel, i. e. praim'unt Vet (Geseniu. in
voce), which was also borne by one of his own Jew-
ish cities (Josh. xv. 38). We read in 2 Chr. xxv.
12-14, that the victorious Jews threw 10,000
Edomites from the cliffs, and that Amaziah per-
formed religious ceremonies in honor of the gods
of the country ; an exception to the general charac-
ter of his reign (cf. 2 K. xiv. 3, with 2 Chr. xxv.
2). In consequence of this he was overtaken by
misfortune. Having already oflended the Hebrews
of the northern kingdom by sending back, iu obedi-
ence to a prophet's direction, some mercenary
troops whom he had hired from it, he had the fool-
ish arrogance to challenge Joash king of Israel to
battle, despising probably a sovereign whose strength
bad been exhausted by Syrian wars, and who had
not yet made himself respected by the great suc-
cesses recorded in 2 K. xiii. 25. But Judah was
completely defeated, and Amaziah himself was
taken prisoner, and conveyed by Joash to Jerusa-
lem, which, according to Josephus (Ant. ix. 9, 3),
opened its gates to the conqueror under a threat
that otherwise he would put Amaziah to death.
We do not know the historian's authority for this
statement, but it explains the fact that the city
was taken apparently without resistance (2 K. xiv.
13). A portion of the wall of Jerusalem on the
side towards the Israelitish frontier was bioken
down, and treasures and hostages were carried oft'
to Samaria. Amaziah lived 15 years after the
death of Joash; and in the 29th year of his reigr
was murdered by conspirators at Lachish, whither
he had retired for safety from Jerusalem. The
chronicler seems to regard this as a punishment for
his idolatry in Edom, though his language is not
very clear on the point (2 Chr. xxv. 27 ) ; and doubt-
less it is very probable that the conspiracy was s
consequence of the low state to which Judah must
have been reduced in the latter part of his reign
after the Edomitlsh war and humiliation iuflicter
by Joash king of Israel. His reign lasted from h
c. 837 to 809. (Clinton, Fasti UeUenki, i 820.
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AMBASSADOR
8 ['Anurias.] Priest of the golden calf at
Bethel, who endeavored to drive the prophet Amoa
from Israel into Judah, and complained of him to
king Jeroboam II. (Am. vii. 10).
3. ['Afuurla, Vat. -o*«io.] A demandant of
Simeon (1 Chr. It. 34).
4. ['A/tearta, Tat. -o*«a , Alex. Macro-ia ;
Comp. Aid. A/uurla.] A Levite (1 Chr. vi. 45).
G. E. L. C.
AMBASSADOR. Sometimes 1*5 and
sometimes TJS/? U thus rendered, and the oc-
currence of both terms in the parallel clauses of
Pidt. xiii. 17 seems to show that they approximate
to synonyms. The office, like its designation, was
not definite nor permanent, but pro re natih merely.
The precept given Deut. xx. 10, seems to imply
some such agency; rather, however, that of a mere
nuncio, often bearing a letter (2 K. v. 5, xix. 14)
than of a legate empowered to beat. The inviola-
bility of such an officer's person may perhaps be in-
ferred from the only recorded infraction of it being
followed with unusual severities towards the van-
quished, probably designed as a condign chastise-
ment of that offense (2 Sam. x. 2-6; cf. xii. 26-
31). The earliest examples of ambassadors em-
ployed occur in the cases of Edom, Moab, and the
Amorites (Num. xx. 14, xxi. 21; Judg. xi. 17-19),
afterwards in that of the fraudulent Gibeonites
(Josh. ix. 4, Ac.), and in the instances uf civil strife
mentioned Judg. xi. 12, and xx. 12. (See Guine-
as de Hep. Hear. ii. 20, with notes by .1. Nico-
kuis. Ugol. iii. 771-4.) They are mentioned
more frequently during and after the contact of the
great adjacent monarchies of Syria, Babylon, Ac.,
with those of Judah and Israel, e. y. in the inva-
sion of Sennacherib. They were usually men of
high rank ; as in that case the chief captain, the
chief cupbearer, and chief of the eunuchs were
deputed, and were met by delegates of similar dig-
nity from Hezekiah (2 K. xvilt. 17, 18; see also
Is. xxx. 4). Ambassadors are found to have been
employed, not only on occasions of hostile challenge
or insolent menace (2 K. xiv. 8; 1 K. xx. 2, 6),
but of friendly compliment, of request for alliance
or other aid, of submissive deprecation, and of curi-
ous inquiry (2 K. xiv. 8, xvi. 7, xviii. 14; 2 Chr.
xxxii. 31). The dispatch of ambassadors with ur-
gent haste is introduced as a token of national gran-
deur in the obscure prophecy Is. xviii. 2. H. H.
AMBER (baTO chathmal; TT^&TTl,
thashm-dih : fj\ticrpor: elect/rum) occurs only hi
Ex. i. 4, 27, viii. 2. In the first passage the
prophet compares it with the brightness ji which
he beheld the heavenly apparition who gave him
the divine commands. In the second, " the glory
of the God of Israel" is represented as having,
" from the appearance of his loins even downward,
fire; and from his loins even upward as the appear-
ance of brightness, as the color of amber." It is
by no means a matter of certainty, notwithstand-
ing Bochart's dissertation and the conclusion he
somes to (ffieroz. iii. 876, ed. Rosenmiill.), that
the Hebrew word chaehmal denotes a metal, and
jot the (mail resin called amber, although perhaps
the probabilities are more in favor of the metal.
Dr. Harris (Not. Bin. Bib. art. " Amber " ) asserts
that the translators of the A. V. could oot mean
amber, "for that being a bituminous substance,
nerorom dim as soon as it feels the fire, and soon
dissolves and consumes." But this is founded un
a misconstruction of the words of the prophet, whe
does not say that what he saw was amber, but of
the color of amber (Pict. Bib. note on Ez. viii. S).
The context cf the passages referred to above is
clearly as much in favor of amber as of metal.
Neither do the LXX. and Vulg. afford any certain
clew to identification, for the word electron was
used by the Greeks to express both amber and a
certain metal, composed of gold and silver, and held
in very high estimation by the ancients (Plln. //.
N. xxxiii. 4). It is a carious fact, that in the con-
text of all the passages where mention of electron
is made in the works of Greek authors (Horn, see
below; Hes. Be. Here. 142; Soph. Antig. 1038;
Aristoph. Eq. 632; Ac.), no evidence is afforded to
help us to determine what the electron was. In
the Odyssey (iv. 73) it is mentioned as enriching
Menelaus's palace, together with copper, gold, sil -
ver, and ivory. In Od. xv. 460, xviii. 296, a neck
lace of gold is said to be fitted with electron.
Pliny, in the chapter quoted above, understands
the electron in Menelaus's palace to be the melnt.
But with respect to the golden necklace, it is worthy
of note that amber necklaces have been long used,
as they were deemed an amulet against throat dis-
eases. Beads of amber are frequently found in
British barrows with entire necklaces (Fosbr. An-
tiq. i. 289). Theophrastus (ix. 18, § 2; and Fr.
ii. 29, ed. Schneider), it is certain, uses the term
electron to denote amber, for he speaks of its at-
tracting properties. On the other hand, that elec-
tron was understood by the Greeks to denote a
metal composed of one part of silver to every four
of gold, we have the testimony of Pliny to show;
but whether the early Greeks intended the metal or
the amber, or sometimes one and sometimes the
other, it is impossible to determine with certainty.
Passow believes that the metal was always denoted
by electron in the writings of Homer and Hesi.d,
and that amber was not known till its introduction
by the Phoenicians ; to which circumstance, as he
thinks, Herodotus (iii. 116, who seems to speak of
the resin, and not the metal) refers. Others again,
with Buttmann (ifythol ii. 337 ), maintain that the
electron denoted amber, and they very reasonably
refer to the ancient myth of the origin of amber.
Pliny (H. N. xxxvii. cap. 2) ridicules the Greek
writers for their credulity in the fabulous origin of
this substance; and especially finds fault with
Sophocles, who, in some lost play, appears to have
believed in it.
From these considerations it will be seen that it
is not possible to identify the chathmal by the help
of the I. XX., or to say whether we are to under-
stand the metal or the fossil resin by the word.
There is, however, one reason to be adduced in
favor of the cluuhmal denoting the metal rather
than the resin, and this is to be sought in the ety-
mology of the Hebrew name, which, according to
Gesenius, seems to be compounded of two words
which together = polished copper. Bochart ( Hit-
rot, iii. 885) conjectures that chathmal is com-
pounded of two Chaldee words meaning cojtper —
gold-ore, to which he refers the aurichakum. Rut
aurichaieum is in all probability only the Latin
form of the Greek orichalcon (mountain copper).
(See Smith's LaU-Engl Diet. s. v. "Orichslcum.")
hudorus, however (Orig. xvi. 19), sanctions the
etymology which Bochart adopts. But the electron,
according to Pliny, Pausaniaa (v. 12, § 6), and the
numerous authorities quoted by Bochart, was com-
posed of gold and silver, not of gold and oqsr*-
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82 AMKDATHA
The Hebrew word may denote either the metal
electron or amber ; but it mint (till be left as a
question which of the two cnbstancei is realty in-
tended. W. H.
• AMEDATHA, Beth. in. 1, A. V. ed. 1611,
for Haxmbdatha. A.
A-MEN (JCtf), literally, « firm, true ;" and,
used u a substantive, "that which it true,"
" truth " (I*, lxr. 16) ; a word need in strong as-
severations, fixing as it were the stamp of truth
upon the assertion which it accompanied, and mak-
ing it binding as an oath (comp. Num. v. 22).
In the LXX. of 1 Chr. xvi. 36, Nell. v. 13, viii. 6,
the word appears in the form 'A/x^r, which is used
throughout the X. T. In other passages the Heb.
is rendered by yirotro, except in Is. lxr. 16. The
Vulgate adopts the Hebrew word in all cases ex-
cept in the Psalms, where it is translated fiat. In
Deut xxvii. 16-26, the people were to say " Amen,"
as the Levites pronounced each of the curses upon
Mount Ebal, signifying by this their assent to the
conditions under which the curses would be in-
licted. In accordance with this usage we find
that, among the Rabbins, " Amen " involves the
ideas of swearing, acceptance, and truthfulness.
The first two are illustrated by the passages already
quoted; the last by 1 K. i. 36; John iii. 8, 5, 11
(A. V. " verily "), in which the assertions are made
with the solemnity of an oath, and then strength-
ened by the repetition of "Amen." "Amen"
was the proper response of the person to whom an
oath was administered (Neh. v. 13, viii. 6; 1 Chr.
xvi. 36 ; Jer. xi. 6, marg.) ; and the Deity, to whom
appeal is made on such occasions, is called "the
God of Amen" (Is. Ixv. 16), as being a witness to
the sincerity of the implied compact With a sim-
ilar significance Christ is called " the Amen, the
faithful and true witness" (Rev. iii. 14; comp.
John i. 14, xiv. 6; 3 Cor. i. 90). It is matter of
tradition that in the Temple the " Amen " was
not uttered by the people, but that, instead, at the
conclusion of the priest's prayers, they responded,
" Bleated be the name of the glory of his kingdom
for ever and ever." Of this a trace is supposed to
remain in the concluding sentence of the Lord's
Prayer (comp. Rom. xi. 36). But in the syna-
gogues and private houses it was customary for the
people or members of the family who were present
to say " Amen " to the prayers which were offered
by the minister or the master of the house, and
the custom remained in the early Christian church
(Matt. vi. 18; 1 Cor. xiv. 16). And not only pub-
He prayers, but those offered in private, and doioi-
ogiet, were appropriately concluded with " Amen "
(Rom. ix. 5, xi. 86, xv. 33, xvi. 27; 2 Cor. xiii. 14
113), Ac). W. A. W.
* The ' Aidjr of the received text at the end of
most of the books of the N. T., is probably genuine
only in Rom., Gal, Heb. (?), 9 Pet. (?), and
Jude. A.
AMETHYST (n^V^ achUmih: «>*■
Suotoj: ameihyttui). Mention is made of this
precious stone, which formed the third in the third
row of the high-priest's breastplate, in Ex. xxviii.
19, xxxix. 12, " And the third row a ligure, an
agate, and an amethyst." It occurs also in the N.
T. (Rev. xxi. 90) as the twelfth stone which gar-
. ushed the foundations of the wall of the heavenly
'. Jerusalem. Commentators generally are agreed
; that the ametkutt is the stone indicated by the
AMMAH
Hebrew word, an opinion which it sbuiilantry sarp
ported by the ancient versions. The Targmn of
Jerusalem indeed reads emaragdm (tmaragdut)
those of Jonathan and Onkelos have two words
which signify "cslf's-eye" (ocaJut vituli), which
Braunius (ofe VeztxX Sacerd. Heb. ii. 711) conject-
ures may be identical with the Beti ocuiu of the
Assyrians (Plin. H. If. xxxvii. 10), the Cafe eye
Chalcedony, according to AJasson and Desfontainea ;
but as Braunius has o bs e rved , the word acblaman
according to the best and most ancient authorities
signifies amtihutL
Modern mineralogists by the term amethyst usu-
ally understand the amethystine variety of quarts,
which is crystalline and highly transparent: it is
sometimes called Rote quartz, and contains alumina
and oxide of manganese. There is, however, an-
other mineral to which the name of Oriental ame-
thynt is usually applied, and which is far more val-
uable than the quartz kind. This is a crystalline
variety of Corundum, being found mere especially
in the E. and W. Indies. It is extremely hard and
bright, and generally of a purple color, which, how-
ever, it may readily be made to lose by subjecting
it to fire. In all probability the common Ametkp-
tme quartz is the mineral denoted by ackldmih ,-
for Pliny speaks of the amethyst being easily cut
(tcalpturie facUit, B. If. xxxvii 9), whereas the
Oriental amethyzt is inferior only to the diamond m
hardness, and is moreover a comparatively rare gem.
The Greek word amethuttm, the origin of the
English amethytt, is usually derived from &, " not,"
and fitSim, " to be intoxicated," this stone having
been believed to have the power of dispelling drunk-
enness in those who wore it. (Dionys. Perieg.
1122; AntkoL PalaL 9, 752; Martini, Excurt. 168.)
Pliny, however (H. N. xxxvii. 9), says, '• The name
which these stones have is to be traced to their pe-
culiar tint, which, after approximating to the oolor
of wine shades off into a violet." Theophrastns
also alludes to its wine-like color.' W. H.
A"MI (""C^ [orenifect, FiirstJ: , Hit«t: Ami),
name of one of "Solomon's servants" (Ear. ii. 67),
called Amon (p£? pHi<i>; Vat. Alex. FA
Huetu; Comp. 'ApoV: Amon]) in Neh. vii. 69
Ami is probably a corrupted form of Amon.
AMIN'ADAB ('A/juraSdfi: Ammadab). Am-
minadab 1 (Matt i. 4; Luke iii- 83).
W. A. W.
AMITTAI [8syL] ("PICK [true, J o*Vwl):
'Aiioflf; [Vat Sin.^«:] Amathi), father of the
prophet Jonah (2 K. xiv. 25; Jon. i. 1).
• AMIZ'ABAD, 1 Chr. xxvii. 6. So the A
V. ed. 1611, etc. following the Vulgate, the Gene-
van version, and the Bishops' Bible, for the correct
form Ammuabad. A.
AM'MAH, the hill of (HS N np23 [motter
cubit; but here, according to Fttrst, aqueduct*, site)
an Aramaean and Talmudic usage] : b 0ew>bt ' Au
air; [Alex. Comp. 'Kfuti; Aid. 'EiytdV:] colBi
aqua thtctit), a hill " facing " Giah by the way of
the wilderness of Gibeon, named as the point U
which Joab's pursuit of Abner after the death of
Asahel extended (2 Sam. ii. 34). Josephus (Ant
vii. 1, § 3) roVot T«», 6k 'kupirar Kakoooi (comp
SohmM.1
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AMMEDATHA
AMMI8HADDAI
w
rarg. Jon. SntStf ). Both Symnuchua (ram,),
ind Theodotion \t8payay6s), agree with the Vul-
gate in an allusion to aome watercourse here. Can
this point to the " excavated fountain," " under the
high rook," described as near Gibeon (EUtb) by
Kobineon fi. 466)? G.
•AMMEDATHA, Esth. iii. It, A V. ed.
1611, for Hammkdatha. A
AMTtfl OS"?: Aaifipou: jwpuAa mem), i. e.,
aa explained in the margin of the A. V., "my
people " ; a figurative name applied to the kingdom
of Israel in token of God's reconciliation with them,
and their position as " sons of the living God," in
contrast with the equally significant name Lo-am-
mi, given by the prophet Hosea to bis second son
by Gomer, the daughter of Diblaim (Hos. ii. 1).
In the same manner Riihamah contrasts with Lo-
Ruhamah. W. A. W.
AMTWXDOI, in aome copies [c. g. ed. 1611]
Ammid'ioi ("Ap/uSm or 'A/ipfSioi), named in 1
Esdr. r. 30 among those who came up from Baby-
lon with ZorobabeL The three names Pira, Cha-
dias, and A are inserted between Beeroth and
Ramah, without any corresponding words in the
parallel lists of Ezra or Nehemiah.
* Fritzache (in foe.) identifies 'A/ipiSioi with the
Inhabitants of Humtah, Josh. xv. 64. There ap-
pears to be no authority for the form 'A/j^uJoi.
AM'MIEX (^S? I people of God]:
Ajut}a; [Vat A/i«n)A.:] Ammiel). 1. The spy
selected by Hoses from the tribe of Dan (Num.
nil. 18).
S. (Alex. A/utip, Vulg. Ammihel in 9 Sam.
xviL 97; [Vat. in 9 Sam. ix., Afianp, AptiqA.].)
The lather of Machir of Lodebar (2 Sam. ix. 4, 6,
xvii. 37).
3. The frther of Bathshua, or Bathsheba, the
wife of David (1 Chr. iii. 6), called Eliam in 2
Sam. xi. 3; the Hebrew letters, which are the same
in the two names, being transposed. He was the
son of Ahithophel, David's prime minister.
4. [Vat. Apt irjA.] The sixth son of Obed-edom
(1 Chr. xxvi. fi), and one of the doorkeepers of the
Temple. W. A. W.
AMMT/HCD (-niTa» [people of Judak]:
'tiuoia in Num., 'A/uovt [Vat Apuoutit] in 1
Chr.: Ammiud). L An Ephrainute, father of
Hishama, the chief of the tribe at the time of the
Exodus (Num. i. 10, ii. 18, vii. 48, 63, x. 29), and
through him ancestor of Joshua (1 Chr. vii. 26).
8. (ttfuoiS; Alex. EpiovS.) A Simeonite,
lather of ShemueL chief of the tribe at the time of
the division of Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 90).
3. flauiovo'; [Vat BtvuuiftovS;] Alex. Apr
tw3.) The father of Petlahel, chief of the tribe
of Naphtali at the same time (Num. xxxiv. 98).
A (-BirPISTJ, Keri TVT«35: 'fyuit.)
Acunihod, or "Ammichur," as the written text
Sas it, was the lather of Talmai, king of Geshur
|S Sam. xUL 37).
5. (2<uuotit; [Vat Xaumov or -or;] Alex,
kiuout.) A descendant of Pharex, son o* Judah
1 Chr. ix. 4). W. A W.
AMMIN'ADAB (aTya? ' Aiura&faB
[Vat -fuir-] : Aimaadab ; one of the people, i. e.
koaily, of the p'vtce (famuhu prindpu), Geaan.;
man of generosity, Fliret, who ascribes to D"£
the sense of "homo" as its primitive m ea n i n g.
The passages, Pa. ex. 3, Cant vL 19, margin, seem
however rather to suggest the sense my people u
willing). L Son of Ram or Aram, and father of
Nahshon, or Naaaaon (as it is written, Matt L 4;
Luke iii. 38), who was the prince of the tribe of
Judah, at the first numbering of Israel in the second
year of the Exodus (Num. i. 7, ii. 3; Ruth iv. 19,
90; 1 Chr. ii. 10). We gather hence that Am-
minadab died in Egypt before the Exodus, which ac-
cords with the mention of him in Ex. vi. 23, where
we read that " Aaron took him Elisheba daughter
of Amminadab, sister of Nahshon, to wife, and she
bare him Nadab and Abihu, Eleazar and Ithamar."
This also indicates that Amminadab must have
lived in the time of the most grievous oppression
of the Israelites in Egypt He is the fourth gen-
eration after Judah the patriarch of his tribe, and
one of the ancestors of J sacs Christ. Nothing
more is recorded of him ; but the marriage of his
daughter to Aaron may be marked as the earliest
instance of alliance between the royal fine of Judah
and the priestly line of Aaron. And the name of
bis grandson Nadab may be noted as probably given
in honor of Ammi-uadab his grandfather.
2. The chief of the 112 sons of Uzziel, a junior
Levitlcal house of the family of the Kohathites
(Ex. vi. 18), in the days of David, whom that king
sent for, together with Uriel, Asaiah, Joel, Shem-
aiah, and Eliel, other chief fathers of Levities!
houses, and Zadok and Abiathar the priests, to
bring the ark of God to Jerusalem (1 Chr. xv. 10-
12), to the tent which he had pitched for it The
passage last quoted is instructive as to the mode of
naming the houses; for besides the sons of Kohath,
190, at v. 6, we have the sons of Elizaphan, 900,
at v. 8, of Hebron, 80, at v. 9, and of Uzziel, 119,
at v. 10, all of them Kohathites (Num. iii. 27, 30).
3. [Alex. Itnroop.] At 1 Chr. vi. 29 (7, Heb.
B.) Izhar, the son of Kohath, and father of Korah,
is called Amminadab, and the Vatican LXX. has
the same reading. (The Alexandrine has Izhar.)
But it is probably only a clerical error.
4. In Cant vi. 19 it is uncertain whether we
ought to read 3 , 7? , '??i Amminadib, with the
A. V., or 2**72 ""J?"?! my wiBmg people, aa in
the margin. If Amminadib is a proper name, it
is thought to be either the name of some one famous
for his swift chariots, .""VQ"3""l"?i or that then is
an allusion to Abinadab, and to the new cart on
which they made to ride OD'Sn;) the ark of
God (9 Sam. vi. 3). But this iaat, though per-
haps intended by the LXX. version of Cant, which
hat 'KfuvaSdff, is scarcely probable. In vii, 9 (I
A. V.) the LXX. also render a v "T3*ri3, «oh!
prince's daughter," by eAyartp Natifi, and hi the
Cod. Alex, eiyartp 'AfuraXifi. A C. H.
AMMIN'ADIB (Cant vi. 19). [Ammina-
dab 4.]
AMMI8HADDAI [4 syL] CTC**?;
[people of the Almighty]: 'Kpuratati [Vat
-Msi-i exc. in Num. x. 25;] Alex. AfwraSat, exc.
Num. ii. 26, Jaiuaabai, and Num x. 95, Muroocu:
AmUaddai, AmmuaddaX). The father of Ahieznr,
chief of the tribe of Dan at the time of the Exodus
(Num 19 'I. 96, vii. 66, 71, x. 26). His name
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84
AMMIZABAD
■ one of the few which we find at this period com-
pounded with the ancient name of God, Shaddai;
Zuriahaddai, and possibly Shedeur, an the only
Other instances, and both belong to thia early time.
W. A. W.
AMMIZ'ABAD (T^B? [people of the
Giver, i. e. God: Rom. Aid.] Zafiii; [Vat.
AmfaCttS; Alex. A/uoafa0; Comp. 'A/MifajSdA:]
Amizabad). The son of Benaiah, who apparently
acted as his father's lieutenant, and commanded
the third division of David's army, which was on
duty for the third month (1 Chr. xxVii. 6). [Am-
izabad.] W. A. W.
AMTKON, AMTMONITK8, CHIL-
DREN of AMMON" Y«£V (only twice),
■oHay, caiap: yyz? »33: 'i^to, v-
tuunrai, LXX. in Pent.; elsewhere 'AuuSr, viol
'Afifi&v, Joseph. ' Aftfuwirat '■ Ammon[Ammm-
tin], Vulg.), a people descended from Ben-Ammi,
the ton of Lot by bis younger daughter (Gen. xix.
38; comp. Ps. Ixxxiii. 7, 8), as Moab was by the
elder; and dating from the destruction of Sodom.
The near relation between the two peoples indi-
cated in the story of their origin continued through-
out their existence: from their earliest mention
(Deut. ii.) to their disappearance from the biblical
history (Jud. v. 2), the brother-tribes are named
together (comp. Judg. x. 10; 2 Chr. xx. 1; Zeph.
ii. 8, Ac.). Indeed, so close was their union, and
so near their identity, that each would appear to be
occasionally spoken of under the name of the other.
Thus the " land of the children of Ammon " is said
to hare been given to the '* children of Lot,'* i. e.
to both Ammon and Moab (Deut. ii. 19). They
are both said to have hired Balaam to curse Israel
(Deut. xxiii. 4), whereas the detailed narrative of
that event omits all mention of Ammon (Num.
xxii., xxiii.). In the answer of Jephthah to the
king of Ammon the allusions are continually to
Moab (Judg. xi. 15, 18, 25), while Chemosh, the
peculiar deity of Moab (Num. xxi. 29), is called
••thy god" (24). The land from Arnon to Jab-
bok, which the king of Ammon calls " my land "
(13), is elsewhere distinctly suited to have once be-
longed to a " king of Moab " (Num. xxi. 26).
Unlike Moab the precise position of the territory
of the Ammonites is not ascertainable. In the ear-
liest mention of them (Deut. ii. 20) they are said
to have destroyed those Kephaim, whom they called
the Zamxummim, and to have dwelt in their place,
Jabbok being their border * (Num. xxi. 24; Deut.
Ui. 16, ii. 37). " Land " or "country " is, how-
ever, but rarely ascribed to them, nor is there any
reference to those habits and circumstances of civ-
ilization — the " plentiful fields," the " bay," the
" summer-fruits," Uw '• vineyards," the " presses,"
and the " songs of the grape-treaders " — which so
constantly recur in the allusions to Moab (Is. xv.,
xvi.; Jer. xlviii.); but on the contrary we find
everywhere traces of the fierce habits of marauders
In their incursions — thrusting out the right eyes
of whole cities (1 Sam. xi. 2), ripping up the
women with child (Am. i. 13), and displaying a
very high degree of crafty cruelty (Jer. xli. 6, 7;
« Tbe expression most commonly employed for this
aatloo l» "Bene-Ammon"; nut In frequency comes
• R Aimuool " or " Ammonira " ; and least often " Am-
• Bon." The translator* of tbe Auth. Version have, as
Swusl, wfixctad these minute dlfhrencss, ani bars
AMMON
Jud. vii. 11, 12) to their enemies, as well as a aus-
picious discourtesy to their allies, which on one
occasion (2 Sam. x. 1-5) brought all but extermi-
nation on the tribe (xii. 31). Nor is the contrast
less observable between tbe one city of Ammon, the
fortified hold of Rabbah (2 Sam. xi. 1; Ez. xxv. 5:
Am. I 13), and the " streets," the •' house-tops,"
and the "high-places," of the numerous and bus;
towns of tbe rich plains of Moab (Jer. xlviii. ; b
XT., xvi.). Taking the above into account it is
hard to avoid the conclusion that, while Moab was
the settled and civilized half of the nation of Lot.
the Bene-Ammon formed its predatory and Bedouin
section. A remarkable confirmation of this opin-
ion occurs in the fact that the special deity of the
tribe was worshipped, not in a bouse or on a high
place, but in a booth or tent designated by the very
word which most keenly expressed to the Israelite*
the contrast between a nomadic and a settled life
(Am. v. 26 ; Acts vii. 43) [Succora]. (See Stan-
ley, App. § 89.)
On tbe west of Jordan they never obtained a
footing. Among the confusions of the times of the
Judges we find them twice passing over; once with
Moab and Amalek seizing Jericho, the "city of
palm-trees " (Judg. iii. 13), and a second time '• to
fight against Judah and Benjamin, and the house
of Epbraim;" but they quickly returned to the
freer pastures of Gilead, leaving but one trace of
their presence in the name of Chephar ha-Ammo-
nai, •' Tbe hamlet of the Ammonites " (Josh, xviii.
24), situated in the portion of Benjamin somewhere
at tbe head of the passes which lead up from the
Jordan-valley, and form the natural access to tbe
table-land of the west country.
The hatred in which tbe Ammonites were held
by Israel, and which possibly was connected with
the story of their incestuous origin, is stated to
have arisen partly from their opposition, or, rather,
their want of assistance (Deut. xxiii. 4), to the Is-
raelites on their approach to Canaan. But it evi-
dently sprang mainly from their share in the affair
of Balaam (Deut. xxiii. 4; Neh. xiii. 1). At the
period of Israel's first approach to the south of Pal-
estine the feeling towards Ammon is one of regard.
The command is then " distress not the Moabitee
distress not the children of Ammon, nor
meddle with them " (Deut. ii. 9, 19; and comp
37); and it is only from the subsequent transaction
that we can account for the fact that Edom, who
had also refused passage through his land but had
taken no part with Balaam, is punished with the
ban of exclusion from the congregation for three
generations, while Moab and Ammon is to be kept
out for ten generations (Dent xxiii. 3), a sentence
which acquires peculiar significance from iU being
the same pronounced on " bastards " in the preced-
ing verse, from its collocation amongst those pro-
nounced in reference to the most loathsome physi-
cal deformities, and also from the emphatic recapit-
ulation (ver. 6), " thou shalt not seek their peace of
their prosperity all thy days forever."
But whatever its origin it is certain that the an-
imosity continued in force to the latest date. Sub-
dued by Jephthah (Judg. xi. 83) and scattered
with great slaughter by Saul (1 Sam. xi. 31) —
and that not once only, for he "vexed" then;
employed the three terms, Children of Ammon, Am
momtes, Ammon, uidiaorimlnately.
* Jossphus says In two places (Ant. 1 11, $ 6, saw
«t 6, S 8), that Moab and Ammon wen In Cole-Si ris
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AMMON
whithersoever he turned" (xiv. 47} — they en-
joyed under his successor a short respite, pnbably
:he result of the connection of Moab with band
(I Sam. xxii. 8) and David's town, ISethlehem —
where the memory of Ruth must have lieen still
fresh. But this was soon brought to a close by the
■luuneful treatment to which their king subjected
the friendly messengers of David (2 Sam. x. 1 ; 1
Chr. xix. 1 ), and for which he destroyed their city
and inflicted on them the severest blows (2 Sam.
xii.: 1 Chr. xx.). [Kabbah.]
In the days of Jehoshaphat they made an incur-
sion into Judah with the Moabitcs and the Maon-
ites," but were signally repulsed, and so many killed
that three days were occupied in spoiling the
bodies (2 Chr. xx. 1-25). In Uzziih's reign they
made incursions and committed atrocities in Gilead
(Am. i. 13); Jotham had wars with them, and ex-
acted from them a heavy tribute of " silver (comp.
"jewels,'' 2 Chr. xx. 25), wheat, and barley" (2
Chr. xxvii. 5). In the time of Jeremiah we find
them in possession of the cities of (lad from which
the Jews had been removed by Tiglath-l'ileser (Jer.
xlix. I -6); and other incursions are elsewhere al-
luded to (Zeph. ii. 8, 9). At the time of the cap-
tivity many Jews took refuge among the Amnion- 1
ites from the Assyrians (Jer. xl. 1 1 ), but no better
feeling appears to have arisen, and on the return
from Babylon, Tobiah the Ammonite and Saubal-
Lit a Moabite (of Cboronaim, Jer. xlix.), were
foremost among the opponents of Nehemiah's
restoration.
Amongst the wives of Solomon's harem are in-
cluded Ammonite women (1 K. xi. 1), one of
whom, Naamah, was the mother of Rehoboam (1
K. xiv. 31 ; 2 Chr. xii. 13), and henceforward traces
of the presence of Ammonite women in Judah are
not wanting (2 Chr. xxiv. 26; Neh. xiii. 23; Kzr.
ix. 1; see Geiger, Urschrift, Ac., pp. 47, 49, 2'J9).
The last appearances of the Ammonites in the
biblical narrative are in the books of Judith (v., vi.,
rii.) and of the Maccabees (1 Mace. v. 6, 30-41),
and it has been already remarked that their chief
characteristics — close alliance with Moab, hatred
of Israel and cunning cruelty — are maintained to
the end. By Justin Martyr (DitiL c. Tngili.) they
are spoken of as still aumerous (vvv tro\v 7r\rr-
8oj); but, notwithstanding this they do not appear
again.
The tribe was governed by a king (Judg. xi. 12,
tic.; I Sam. xii. 12; 2 Sam. x. 1; Jer. xl. 14) and
by " princes," , ~K7 (2 Sam. x. 3; 1 Chr. xix. 3).
It has been conjectured that Nahash (1 Sam. xi. 1;
2 Sara. ^. 2) was the official title of the king, as
Pharaoh was of the Egyptian mouarchs; but this
Is without any clear foundation.
The divinity of the tribe was Molech, generally
named in the 0. T. under the altered form of Mil
torn — ' the abomination of the children of Am
mon ; " and occasionally as Malcham. In more
^.han one passage under the word rendered " their
ting " in the A. V., an allusion is intended to this
dol. [Moi.kch.]
The Ammonite names preserved in the sacred
'ext are as follow. It is open to inquiry whether
these words have reached us in their original form
'icertainly those in Greek have not), or whether
AMOMUM
85
they have been altered in transference to the lie-
brew records.
Achior, 'Ax«ip, ( l ua8 ' "" 1f * T^i broth** of
light, Jud. v. 6, &c.
Baalis, ,1 ??2, joyful, Jer. xl. 14.
Ilaaun, ^H, pitiable, 2 Sam. x. 1, 4c.
Molech, TT^b, king.
Naamah, HOV^i pleasant, 1 K. xiv. 21, Ac.
Xachash, tiTO, serpent, 1 Sam. xi. 1, &c
Shobi, ^37, return, 2 Sam. xvii. 27.
Timotheus, Tt/iiSeos, 1 Mace. v. 6, &c.
T.bijah, n»2'ltt, good, Neh. ii. 10, Ac.
Zelek, p^S, icarfi 2 Sam. xxiii. 37.
The name Zamzummim, applied by the Ammon-
ites to the Kephaim whom they dispossessed, should
not be omitted. G.
AMTKONITESS (.TObSrT: VA^mu
in 1 K., if Ajuun-iris, 2 Chr. xii. 13, t A/jLfiar-
Itvs, 2 Chr. xxiv. 26; Alex. Auayirts in 1 K. ;
[Vat. n AfiifiavtiTis, o A/j-fiaverrns'-] Ammanitis).
A woman of Ammonite race. Such were Naamah,
the mother of Keholioam, one of Solmnou's foreign
wives (1 K. xiv. 21, 31: 2 Chr. xii. 13), and Shi-
meath, whose son Zahad or Jozachar was one of
the murderers of king Joash (2 Chr. xxiv. 26).
For allusions to these mixed marriages see 1 K. xi.
1, and Neh. xiii. 25. In the Hebrew the word has
always the definite article, and therefore in all
cases should lie rendered '
the Ammonitess.'
W. A.
\V.
■ There can be no doubt that instead of " Amu. :n-
tos ! Ja 2 Chr. xx. 1, and xxri. 8, we should read,
rttb the VXX., "Meonites" or < Mehunim." Hie
■moos 8* tale will be given under Mihchx.
AM^NON 013ES, once fO^ [faithful]:
'Auviif, [Alex, sometimes A/i/iav:] Amnon). L
I'Udest son of David by Aliinoam the Jezreelitess,
born in Hebron while his father's royalty was only
acknowledged in Judah. He dishonored his half-
sister Tamar, and was in consequence murdered by
her brother (2 Sam. xiii. 1-29). [Absai-oji.]
[See also 2 Sam. iii. 2, xiii. 32, 33, 39 ; 1 Chr. iii
2. Son of Shimon (1 Chr. iv. 20). G. E. L. C.
ATtfOK (plOS [deep or incomprehensible] ■
'A/i4k; [Vat. om.; Comp. 'A/wiic] Amoc). A
priest, whose family returned with Zerubbabel, and
were represented by Ebcr in the days of Joiakim
(Neh. xii. 7, 20). W. A. W.
•AMOMUM (&uw/ioy- amomum). In the
description of the merchandise of Babylon (Rome)
in Rev. xviii. 13, the best critical editions read
Kivydfioffiov k a\ a u a- /i n v, " cinnamon and
amomum," for the Kivdfuofwv of the received text.
Under the name Huaifnov or amomum Dioscorides
and Pliny describe an aromatic plant growing in
India, Armenia, Media, and Pontus, which modern
botanists have found it difficult to identify with any
known species. (See Dioscor. i. 14; Plin. //. N.
xii. 13, xiii. 1, 2, xvi. 32; Theophr. /list. Plant.
ix. 7; Fr. iv. 32.) Fee {Flore de Virgile, pp. 16,
17) supposes it to be the Amomum rncemosum,
Lam., Am. enrdttmomum, Lin.; BUlerbeck (Flora
Classica, p. 2) makes it the Amomum grana Par-
adisi; Sprengel (Hist. Rei Herb. i. 140 ft"., 947
f.), F-ias, ard others identify it with the Cisms
Compere the sobriquet of " U> BalerX "
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86
AMON
afiffmo* of Linnaeus. See alio Sahnasms, Bomtm.
flji latr. c. 91; Pirn. £xere. i. 284 <E From
the trait of the amoiiwn a precious oil or balsam
was obtained, which waa used in funeral ritei (Pen.
Ui. 104; Ovid. Pont L 9, 51 ; see also Tritt. iii.
3, 89, where we hare amomi /mint), ai d especially
u a perfume for the hair (Ovid. Htr. xxi. 166;
-ucan, x. 164 ff.; Mart. v. 64, 3, viii. 77, 3; Sil.
tal. xi. 403). See Wetatein's note on Rev. xviii.
(3. A.
AlIONO'lEN: 'Awuti-; [Sin. 1 in Nah.,
Ap/u»rj). 1. An Egyptian divinity, wboae name
Mean in that of I'lC^ rfe (Nah. iii. 8), or Thebes,
also called r^3 [No]. It haa been supposed that
Amon U mentioned in Jer. xlvi. 25, but the A. V.
U moat probtMy correct in rendrring S3^1 1^-*"'
" the multitude of No," as in the parallel paaaage,
Kz. xxx. 15, where the equivalent "i^ttn ii em-
ployed. Comp. also Ex. xxx. 4, 10, for the use of
the latter word with reference to Egypt. These
eases, or at least the two former, seem therefore to
be instances of paronomasia (comp. Is. xxx. 7, Ixv.
11, 12). The Greeks called this divinity *A«u»k,
whence the Latin Amnion and Hammon ; but their
writers give the Egyptian pronunciation as 'Aji-
povv (Herod, ii. 42), 'Apovr (I'lut. dr. lnd. tt Ottr.
9), or 'Afi&r (Iambi, de Mytt. viii. 3). The an-
cient Egyptian name is Amen, which must signify
" the hidden," from the verb amen, " to enwrap,
eonceal " (Champollion, lHctiinmnirt Egi/ptirn. p.
197), Copt. <J.ULOrtl. This interpretation
agrees with that given by Plutarch, on the authority
of a supposition of Manetho. (MariSiis /iir o
2f fitrvim)t to KticpvpLntroti dttrai itol tV KoHfir
vwb rairTrS StiKovaiai ttji cWktjj, de lid. el
Oar. I. c.) Amen was one or the eight gods of
the first order, and chief of the triad of Thebes.
He waa worshipped at that city as Amen-Ra, or
' Amen the sun," represented as a man wearing a
The g">d Amon. (Wilkinson.?
tup wi Ji two high plumes, and Amen-Ra ka mut-ef,
■' Amen-Ra, who is both male and female," repre-
iented as the generative principle. In the latter
farm he is accompanied by the figures of trees or
sther vegetable products, like the '< grove* " inen-
ioind in the Bible [Egypt], and is thus c mnected
AMOKITE
with Baal. In the Great Oasis, and the famous onr
named after him, he was worshipped in the form of
the ram-headed god Num, and called either Amen,
Amen-Ra, or Amen-Num, and thus the Greeks
came to suppose him to be always ram-headed
whereas this was the proper characteristic of Num
(WiUinson, Modern Eyypt and Thibet, vol. ii.
pp. 367, 375). The worship of Amen spread from
the Oasss along the north coast of Africa, and even
penetrated into Greece. The Greeks identified
Amen with Zeus, and he was therefore called Zeus
Amnion and Jupiter Ammon. R. S. P.
A'MON O'lDN [mu&We, or arehilect] .
Afuii, Kings [Jer., and so Laebm., Tiach., Treg.,
in Matt.] ; 'A/uic, Chr., [Zeph., where Sin. reads
Amimr; Vat.' in 1 Chr. Aurar, Vat. in 2 Chr.
Afuts; Alex. A/i/utr in 1 K., elsewhere Aium:]
Joseph. "Ajuwoj: Amon). 1. Ring of Judan, son
and successor of Hanasseh. The name may mean
tldtlful in kit art, or child (verbal from ]OS, to
tnirar ). Yet it sounds Egyptian, as if connected
with the Theban god, and possibly may have been
given by Hanasseh to his son in an idolatrous spirit.
Following his father's example, Amon devoted him-
self wholly to the service of false gods, but was killed
in a conspiracy after a reign of two years. Prob-
ably by insolence or tyranny he had alienated his
own servants, and fell a victim to their hostility, for
the people avenged him by putting all the conspir-
ators to death, and secured tie succession to his too
•losiah. To Anion's reign we must refer the terrible
picture which the prophet Zephaniah gives of the
moral and religious state of Jerusalem: idolatry
supported by priests and prophets (i. 4, iii. 4), the
poor ruthlessly oppressed (iii. 3), and shameless in-
difference to evil (iii. 11). According to Clinton
(F. If. i. 328), the date of his accession is B. c
642; of his death, r». c. 640 (2 K. xxi. 19; 2 Chr.
xxxiii. 20). [Occurs 2 K. xxi 18-25; 1 Chr. iii.
14; 2 Chr. xxxiii. 20-25; Jer. i. 2, xxv. 3; Zeph.
i. 1; Matt. i. 10.] G. E. L. C.
2. (]'£$», I'lCH: 2,^,, 'E^p: Alex, a?
/iar, 2fpfMM>; [Aid. 'Afip&r, 'Epp^p; Comp.
'Apu&y, 'A/ip<£r:] Amon). Prince or governor of
Samaria in the reign of Ahab (1 K. xxii. 26; 2
Chr. xviii. 25). What was the precise nature of
his office is not known. Perhaps the prophet Mi-
eaiah was intrusted to his care as captain of the
citadel. The Vat. MS. of the LXX. has to.
fiwriKta rqt vikttn in 1 K., but tpxoma in 1
Chr. Josrphus (Ant. viii. 15, § 4) calls him 'Ar-
ifun W. A. W.
3. See Ami.
AM'ORITR, THE AM'ORITES ?1Q&
N 1CMTI (always in the singular), accurately "the
Emorite " — the dwellers on the summits — moun-
taineers: 'Aitofktuoi. Amorrhcd), one of the chief
nations who possessed the land of Canaan before its
conquest by the Israelites.
In the genealogical table of Gen. x. " the Amo
rite " is given as the fourth son of Canaan, with
"Zidon, Heth [Hittite], the Jebusite," 4c The
interpretation of the name as " mountaineers " c
" highlanders " — due to Simonia (see his Onomat-
tieon), though commonly ascribed to EwaW — is
quite in accordance with the notices of the text
which, except in a few instances, speak of the Am
orites as dwelling on the elevated portions of ths
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AMORITE
wnntry. In this raped they are contrasted with
the Canaanites, who were the dwellen in the low-
Smds; end the two thai formed the main broad
divisions of the Holy Land. "The Hittite, and
the Jebusite, and the Amorite, dwell in the moun-
tain [of Judah and Ephraim], and the Canaanite
dwells by the aea [the lowlands of Philistia and
Sharon] and by the 'side' of Jordan" [in the
Talley of the Arabah], — was the report of the
first Israelites who entered the country (Num. xiii.
99; and see Josh. ». 1, x. 6, li 3; Dent. i. 7, 90;
"Mountain of the A.," ver. 44). This we shall find
borne out by other notices. In the very earliest
times (Gen. xiv. 7) they are occupying the barren
heights west of the Dead Sea, at the place which
afterward* bore the name of En-gedi; hills in whose
f astn e s se s , the "rocks of the wild goats," David
afterwards took refuge from the pursuit of Saul (1
Sam. xziii. 39; xxir. 2). [Hazkzon-Tamab].
From this pr.int they stretched west to Hebron,
where Abrun was then dwelling under the " oak-
grove" of the three brothers, Aner, Kshcoi, and
Mamre (Gen. xiv. 13; eomp. xiii. 18). From this,
their ancient seat, they may hare crossed the valley
of the Jordan, tempted by the high table-lands on
the east, for there we next meet them at the date
of the invasion of the country. Sibon, their then
king, had taken the rich pasture-land south of the
Jabbok, and had driven the Moabites, its former
possessors, across the wide chasm of the Arnon
(Num. xxi. 36; 13), which thenceforward formed
the boundary between the two hostile peoples
(Num. xxi. 13). The Israelites apparently ap-
proached from the south-east, keeping "on the
other side " (that is, on the east) of the upper part
of the Arnon, which there bends southwards, so as
to form the eastern boundary of the country of
Moab. Their request to pass through his land to
the fords of Jordan was refused by Sihon (Num.
xxi. SI; Deut. ii. 36); he "went out" against
them (xxL 33; ii. 33), was killed with his sons and
bis people (ii. 33), and his land, cattle, and cities
taken possession of by Israel (xxi. 34, 25, 81, ii.
34-6). This rich tract, bounded by the Jabbok on
the north, the Arnon on the south, Jordan on the
west, and " the wilderness " on the east (Judg. xi.
U, 33) — in the words of Josephus " a land lying
etwean three rivers after the manner of an island "
(AM. iv. 5, § 2) — was, perhaps, in the most special
sense the "land of the Amorites " (Num. xxi. 31;
Josh. xu. 2, 8, xiii. 9; Judg. xi. 31, 23); but their
possessions are distinctly stated to have extended
to the very feet of Hermon (Deut iii. 8, iv. 48),
embracing "all Gilead and all Bashan" (iii. 10),
with the Jordan valley on the east of the river (iv.
48), and forming together the land of the " two
kings of the Amorites," Sihon and Og (Deut. xxxi.
4; Josh, ii. 10, ix. 10, xxhr. 19).
After the passage of the Jordan we again meet
with Amorites disputing with Joshua the conquest
of the west country. But although the name
generally denotes the mountain tribes of the centre
of the country, yet this definition is not always
strictly m ai nt a in ed, varying probably with the au-
thor of the particular part of the history, and the
time at which it was written. Nor ought we to ex-
pect that the Israelites could have possessed very ac-
curate knowledge of a set of small tribes whom they
were called upon to exterminate — with whom they
were forbidden to hold any intercourse — and, more-
»ver, of whose general similarity to each other »4
tave convincing proof in the confusion in question.
AMOS
87
Some of these differences are as follows: — Ht>
bron is "Amorite" in Gen. xiii. 18, xiv. 13,
though "Hittite" in xxiii. and "Canaanite" in
Judg. i. 10. The '• Hivites " of Gen. xxxhr. 9, are
Amorites " in xiviii. 32; and so also in Josh. ix.
7, xi. 19, as compared with 2 Sam. xxi. 9. Jeru-
salem is " Amorite " in Josh. x. 5, 6, a but in xv.
63, xviii. 38; Judg. i. 31, xix. 11; 3 Sam. v. 6,
4c, it is " Jebusite." The "Canaanites" of Num.
xiv. 46 (eomp. Judg. 1. 17), are "Amorites" in
Deut. i. 44. Jarmuth, larliish, and Egkm, were
in the low country of the Skefdah (Josh. xv. 85,
"\ but in Josh. x. 5, 6, they are " Amorites that
dwell in the mountains; " and it would appear as
if the " Amorites " who forced the Danites into the
mountain (Judg. i. 84, 35) must have themselves
remained on the plain.
Notwithstanding these few di ffer e n ces, however,
from a comparison of the passages previously quoted
it appears plain that " Amorite" was a local term,
and not the name of a distinct tribe. This is con-
firmed by the following facta. (1.) The wide area
over which the name was spread. (3.) The want
of connection between those on the east and those
on the west of Jordan — which is only once hinted
at (Josh. ii. 10). («.) The existence of kings like
Sihon and Og, whose territories wen separate and
independent, but who are yet called " the two kings
of the Amorites," a state of things quite at vari-
ance with the habits of Semitic tribes. (4.) Be-
yond the three confederates of Abram, and then
two kings, no individual Amorites appear in the
history (unless Araunah or Oman the Jebusite be
one). (5.) There are no traces of any peculiar gov-
ernment, worship, or customs, different from those
of the other " nations of Canaan."
One word of the " Amorite " language has sur
vived — the name Senir (not " Shenir " ) for Mount
Hermon (Deut. iii. 9); but may not this be the
Canaanite name as opposed to the Phoenician
(Sirion) on the one side snd the Hebrew on the
other?
All mountaineers are warlike; and, from the
three confederate brothers who at a moment's no-
tice accompanied "Abram the Hebrew" in his
pursuit of the five kings, down to those who, not
d epres s e d by the slaughter Inflicted by Joshua and
the terror of the name of Israel, persisted in driv-
ing the children of Dan into the mountain, the
Amorites fully maintained this character.
After the conquest of Canaan nothing is heard
in the Bible of the Amorites, except the occasional
mention of their name in the usual formula for
designating the early inhabitants of the country
G.
A/MOS (3'lBV, a burden: 'A^iV Amt»\
a native of Tekoah in Judah, about six miles 8.
of Bethlehem, originally a shepherd and dresser of
sycamore-trees, was called by God's Spirit to be a
prophet, although not trained in any of the regular
prophetic schools (1. 1, vii. 14, 15). He travelled
from Judah into the northern kingdom of Israel or
Ephraim. and there exercised his ministry, appar-
ently not for any long time. His date cannot be
later than the 15th year of Uzxiah's reign (h. c.
808, according to Clinton. F. H. i. 825); for he
tells us that he prophesied " in the reigns of Usziah
king <f Judah, and Jeroboam the son of Joaaa
ling of Israel, i«o yean before the earthquake-"
a The LXX. has hswyaw TaJsswWas
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88
AMOS
Thk earthquake (tin mentioned Zech. xJv. 5) een-
oot have oc cur re d titer the 17th year of UtzUh,
vice Jeroboam II. died in the 15th of that king'*
reign, which therefore ii the latest year fulfilling
the three chronological indications furnished by
the prophet himself. But his ministry probably
took plaice at an earlier period of Jeroboam's reign,
perhaps about the middle of it; for on the one hand
Amos speaks of the conquests of this warlike king
u completed (vi. 13, cf. 2 K. xir. 25), on the
other the Assyrians, who towards the end of his
reign were approaching Palestine (Hoe. x. 6, xi.
5), do not seem as yet to have caused any alarm in
the country. Amos predicts indeed that Israel and
other neighboring nations will be punished by cer-
tain wild conquerors from the North (i. 5, v. 27,
vi. 14), but does not name them, as if they were
still unknown or unheeded. In this prophet's time
Israel was at the height of power, wealth, and
security, but infected by the crimes to which such
a state is liable. The poor were oppressed (viii. 4),
lb* ordinances of religion thought burdensome
(viii. 5), and idleness, luxury, and extravagance
were general (iii. 15). The source of these evils
was idolatry, of course that of the golden calves,
not of Baal, since Jehu's dynasty occupied the
throne, though it seems probable from 2 K. xiii. 6,
which passage must refer to Jeroboam's reign
[Bkmiauat* III.], that the rites even of Astarte
were tolerated in Samaria, though not encouraged.
Calf-worship was specially practiced at Bethel, where
was a principal temple and summer palace for the
king (vii. 13; cf. iii. 15), also at Gilgat, Dan, and
Beersbeba in Judah (iv. 4, v. 5, viii. 14), and was
offensively united with the true worship of the Lord
(v. 14, 21-23; cf. 2 K. xvii. 33). Amos went to
rebuke this at Bethel itself, but was compelled to
return to Judah by the high-priest Amaxiah, who
procured from Jeroboam an order for his expulsion
ftcm the northern kingdom."
The book of the prophecies of Amos seems di-
i*ided into four principal portions closely connected
together. (1) Krom i. I to ii. 3 he denounces the
sins of the nations bordering on Israel and Judah,
as a preparation for (2), in which, from U. 4 to vi.
14, he describes the state of those two kingdoms,
especially the former. This is followed by (3), vii.
1-ix. 10, in which, after reflecting on the previous
prophecy, he relates his visit to Bethel, and sketches
the impending punishment of Israel which be pre-
dicted to Amaxiah. After this, in (4), be rises to
i loftier and more evangelical strain, looking for-
ward to the time when the hope of the Messiah's
Kingdom will be fulfilled, and His people forgiven
and established in the enjoyment of God's blessings
to all eternity. The chief peculiarity of the style
consists in the numlier of allusions to natural ob-
jects and agricultural occupations, as might be
<xpected from the earlv life of the author. See 1.
3, ii. 13, iii. 4, 5, iv. i, 7, !), v. 8, 19, vi. 12, vii. 1, is.
3, 9, 13, 14. The book presupposes a popular ac-
quaintance with the Pentateuch (see Hengstenberg,
BeitrSge air Kinltitung in* AUe T filament, i.
83-125), and implies that the ceremopies of religion,
except where corrupted by Jeroboam I., were in
ircordancc with the law of Hoses. The references
/> it in the New Testament are two: v. 25, 26, 27
n 'Tow* was a later Jewish tradition, says Stanley,
" that he was beaten and wounded by the Indignant
aJsrerehy of Bethel and carried back half dead to his
satin place— the att* which such a rough, plain-spoken
AMPHIPOLI8
is quoted by St. Stephen in Acta vii. 43, and ix. II
by St- James in Acts xv. 18. Aa the book is eri-
dently not a series of detached prophecies, but log-
ically and artistically connected in its several parts,
it was probably written by Amos as we now have
it after his return to Tekoah from hi* mission U
Bethel. (See Ewald, P -ophcten da Allen Bmtdet,
i. 84 ff.) G. E. L. a
* Among the later commentators on Amos may
be mentioned J. A. Iheiner, Klein. Prcpheten,
1828; Hitxig, Kltm. Piqpk.erkUrt,im,3eAvA.
1863; Maurer, Com, Gram. But OH. in Prop*
Minora, 1840; Ewald, Prop*, d. Allen Bunda.
1840; Umbrdt, Pratt Com, iber die Praph, TV.
i., 1844; Henderson, Minor Prophet*, Lond. 1845,
Amer. ed. 1860; Baur, Dtr Proph, Amot erkl&rt,
1847; and Pusey, Minor Prophet*, 1861. Then
is a rapid but graphic sketch of the contents of the
prophecy, as well as of the career of the prophet,
by Stanley (Jewuh Church, ii. 396 ff. Amer. ed.).
For a list of the older writers and their character-
istics, the reader is referred to Baur's EMeittmg
to his commentary named above (pp. 149-162).
H.
2. CApaff : Amot.) Son of Naum, in the gen-
ealogy of Jesus Christ (Luke iii. 25). W.A.W.
ATWOZ (V'l~y : 'KpAs :Amot), father of the
prophet Isaiah (9 K. six. 2, 90, xx. 1 ; 2 Chr. xxvi.
22, xxxii. 90, 32; b. i. 1, ii. 1, xiii. 1, xx. 3
[xxxvii. 2, 21, xxxviii. 1.]
AMPHIP'OLISfApd>rroAis: Amphyolii), a
city of Macedonia, through which Paul and Silas
passed in their way from Philippi to Thessalonica
(Acts xvii. 1). It was distant 33 Roman miles from
Philippi (Itin. Anion, p. 320). It was called Am-
phipolis, because the river Strymon flowed almost
round the town (Thuc. iv. 102). It stood upon an
eminence on the left or eastern bank of this river,
just below its egress from the lake Cercinitis, and
at the distance of about three miles from the sea.
It was a colony of the Athenians, and waa memor-
able in the Peloponnesian war for the battle fought
under its walls, in which both Hraaidas and Cleon
were killed (Thuc. v. 6-1 1 ). Its site is now occu-
pied by a village called Neokhdrio, in Turkish Jeni-
Keui. or " New-Town."
• The reader will notice from the wood-cut (taken
from Cousinfry) the singular position of this apos-
tolic place. Ntolchdrio is the modern Greek N««-
Xtbpiov. Though the name is changed, the identi-
fication is undoubted, since the position answers so
perfectly to the ancient name and to the notices
of ancient writers (^w* ifup&ripa wepipVitorror to»
XrpvpdW, Thuc. iv. 102). CousinCry inserts a
plan of the ruins still found on the spot in his
Voyage dan* Macedoine (i. 134), among which are
parts of the city wall, symbolic figures, inscriptions,
tumuli, Ac See also Leake's Northern Greece, iii.
181 ff. At the point here where Paul crossed the
Strymon on his mission of philanthropy (^ AiAar-
t/pcewla. rov cttrfipos qu£r Otov, Tit. iii. 4), Xerxes,
on his invasion of Greece, " offered a sacrifice of
white bones to the river, and buried alive nine
youths and maidens." See Herod, vii. 113, 114
and Rawlinson's note there. It was not till after
the great sacrifice on Golgotha that human aacri-
preaeher would naturally Invite ; and it would almost
seem as if faint allusions to It transpire in mors tha.'
one place in the N. T." (eomp. Beb. x< 86; Hatf an
86). See Jiwiat Church, II. 400, Ana ed. H
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AMPLIAS
AMULETS
89
Amphipoti?.
ices ceased generally, even among the Gieeks mid
Romans. See I .asaulx's interesting monograph en-
titled Sulctto/iJ'cr der Grieclien u. Romer «. ihr
Verhattniss zu dem Einem auf Golgotha (tr. in the
Biiil. Sacra, i. 368-408). For the classical interest
of Amphipolis, the reader is referred to Grote's
History of Greece, vi. 625 ff., and Arnolds 7'Aw-
tyil'ules, ii. (at the end). [Apollonia.] H.
AM'PLIAS ('A/iirAfat, [I-ichm. inarg. Sin.
AKG, 'ApTtkiaTof. Ampliatiuf]), a Christian at
Rome [whom Paul salutes and terms his " beloved
ill the Ix>rd "] (Rom. xvi. 8).
AMTtAM (CTpV [people of the exalted, i.
e. God]: 'Ap&pdp, ['Appip; Vat. in Ex. vi. 2(1,
ApHpav'.] Antrum). 1. A Levite, father of Moses,
Aaron, and Miriam (Ex. vi. 18, 20; Num. iii. 19.
[xxvi. 58, 59; 1 Chr. vi. 2, 3, 18, xxiii. 12, 13,
xxiv. 20]). R. W. B.
2. Cl^On: 'E M epci»; Alex. Apata ; [Aid.
'Apatdp; Corap. 'AjuaSdV:] Humram.) Properly
Hamran or ( 'hamran ; son of Dishon and descend-
ant of Orl (1 Chr. i. 41). In Gen. xxxvi. 2« he
is called Hkmdan, and this is the reading in 1
Chr. in many of Kenuicott's MSS.
3. (□-J^V: 'Appip; [Vat. Apapu;] Alex.
hpfSpap'- Arnram.) One of the sons of Bani, in
the time of Ezra, who had married a foreign wife
(Eur. x. 34). Called Omakkxs in 1 Esdr. ix. 31.
AM'RAMITES, THE 0^-pV : ,', A M -
m(u, o 'ApPpip; Alex, o Ap.$paap, o Appapi:
Amramita). A branch of the great Kohathite
family of the tribe of Levi (Num. iii. 27; 1 Chr.
xxvi. 23); descended from Amran., the father of
Moses. W. A. V.
AM'KAPHEL (^^ES : A pap<pdK: 4m-
•vphet), perhaps a Hamite king of Shinar or Baby-
onia, who joined the victorious incursion of the
Qunite Chedorlaomer against the kings of Sodom .
ind Gomorrah and the cities of the plain (Gen. .
dr. 1.9). The meaning of the name is uncertain; ,
some have connected it with the Sanskrit aiimra-
pain, "the guardian of the immortals." (Conip.
Uawlinson's Herodotus, i. 146.)
S. L.
AMULETS were ornaments, gems, scrolls,
Ac, worn as preservatives against the power of en-
chantments, and generally inscribed with mystic
forms or characters. The "ear-rings" in Gen.
xxxv. 4 (D N p*3 : eYu'na: inaures) were obvi-
ously connected with idolatrous worship, and were
probably amulets taken from the bodies of the slain
Shechemites. They are subsequently mentioned
among the spoils of Midian (Judg. viii. 21), and
jierhaps their objectionable character was the reason
why Gideon asked for them. Again, in Hos. ii.
13, "decking herself with ear-rings" is mentioned
as one of the signs of the "days of Baalim."
Hence in Chaldee an ear-ring is called Stt ,, ^w.
But amulets were more often worn round the
neck, like the golden bulla or leather lonim of the
Roman boys. Sometimes they were precious stones,
sup|>osed to be endowed with peculiar virtues. In
the " Mirror of stones " the strangest properties are
attributed to the amethyst, Klnoeetus, Alectoria,
Ceraunium, &c. ; and Pliny, talking of succina, says
" Infantibus alligari amuleti ratione prodest "
(xxxvii. 12, s. 37). They were generally suspended
as the centre-piece of a necklace, and among the
Egytians often consisted of the emblems of va»
rious deities, or the symbol of truth and justice
("Thmei"). A gem of this kind, formed of sap-
phires, was worn by the chief judge of x^gypt (Diod.
i. 48, 75), and a similar one is represented as worn
by the youthful deity Harpovratcs (Wilkinson, An.
Egypt, iii. 364). The Arabs hang round theii
children's necks the figure of an open hand ; a cus-
tom which, according to Shaw, arises from the un-
luckiness of the number 5. This principle is often
found in the use of amulets. Thus the basilisk is
constantly ensrraved on the tauamanic scanboi of
Egypt, and according to Jahn (^4rcA. BibL § 131.
Engl, tr.), the - ,f "nH of It. Hi. 91, wen «n»
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90
AMULETS
■ra of serpents carried in the hand " (mora prob-
»bly worn in the ears) " by Hebrew women." The*
word is derived from tPrO, tibilatit, and means
both " enchantments " (of. Is. iii. 3), and the mag-
ical gems and formularies used to avert them (Gesso.
«. r.)- It is doubtful whether the LXX. intends
repiStyia as a translation of this word ; " pro voce
wepiS, nihil est in textu Hebraieo" (Schleusner's
Thtmui-us). For a like reason the phallus was
among the sacred emblems of the Vestals (Did. of
Ant., art. '• Fascinum ")•
'Hie commonest amulets were sacred words (the
tetragranininton, Ac.) or sentences, written in a pe-
culiar manner, or inscribed in some cabalistic figure
like the shield of David, called also Solomon's Seal.
Another form of this figure is the pratanele (or
pentack, r. Scott's •da/tyuory), which '• coi.nistn of
three triangles intersected, and made of five lines,
which may be so set forth with the body of man as
to touch and point out the places where our Saviour
was wounded " (Sir Thos. Brown's Vulg. Error*,
i. 10). Under this head fall the 'EdxVio ypdfiftara
(Acts xix. 19), and in later times the Abraxic gems
of the Basilidians; and the use of the word " Ab-
racadabra," recommended by the physician Serenus
Samonicus as a cure of the hemitritieus. The same
physician prescribes for quartan ague
" Mkodjjo niados quartum suppone timeoti."
Charms "consisting of words written on folds
of papyrus tightly rolled up and sewed in linen,"
have been found at Thebes (Wilkinson, I. c), and
our English translators possibly intended something
of the kind when they rendered the curious phrase
(in Is. iii.) B?9?n "fia by "tablets." It was
the danger of idolatrous practices arising from a
'I
1© : i\y r G>&$-**\
Amulet Modem Bjyptum. (From Lane's Modem
Egyptians.)
knowledge of this custom that probably induced
the sanction of the use of phylacteries (Deut. vi.
8: xL 18, rV1~rjV'). The modern Arabs use
scraps of the Koran (which they call "telesmes "
or " alakakirs ") in the same way.
A very large class of amulets depended for then-
value on their being constructed under certain as-
tronomical conditions. Their most general use was
to avert ill-luck, Ac., especially to nullify the effect
of the /xpSaXftbt $a\rKat>ot, a belief in which is
found among all nations. The Jews were partic-
ularly addicted to them, and the only restriction
placed by the Kabbis on their use was, that none
tut approved amulets («'. e. such as were known to
nave cured three persons) were to be worn on the
Sabbath (Mghtfbot's Bar. Btbr. in Matt xxiv. 24).
It was thought that they kept off the evil spirits
vho caused disease. Some animal substances were
xmsidered to possess such properties, as we see from
Ibblt. Puny (xxviii. 47) mentions a fox's tongue
Mm on an amulet as a charm against blear eyes,
AX AH
and says (xxx. 15) " Scarabeorum annua alligats
amuleti naturam obtinent; " perhaps an Egyptian
fancy. In the same way one of the Roman em-
perors wore a seal-akin as a charm against thunder
Among plants, the white bryony and the Hypericon,
or Fuga Dtemcnam, are mentioned as useful (Sit
T. Brown, Vulg. Error*, i. 10. He attributes the
whole doctrine of amulets to the devil, but still
throws out a hint that they may work by "im-
ponderous and invisible emissions ")■
Amulets are still conuuun. On the Hod. Egyp-
tian " Hegab " see Lane, Hod. Egypt, c. 11, and
on the African "pieces of medicine," a belief in
which constitutes half the religion of the Africans,
see Livingstone's Travels, p. 285, tt patrim.
[Tebaphim; Tausman.] F. W. F.
AM'ZI ("irtiy lUrong]: 'AfMTtrla; [Vat.
-ovi-] Alex. Maf<ra-ia: Amatol). L A Levite of
the family of Herari, and ancestor of Ethan the
minstrel (1 Cbr. vi. 46).
8. ('A/uurl [Vat. -v«i] : Attm.) A priest, whose
descendant Adaiah with his brethren did the ser-
vice for the Temple in the time of Kehemiah (Neb.
xi. 13). W. A. W.
ATSAB (3^? [grapt-town, Gesen.] : 'AxoJ3«W,
'Arif, Alex. Atw/3: [Anab]), a town in the
mountains of Judah (Josh. xv. 60), named, with
Debir and Hebron, as once belonging to the Ana-
kim (Josh. xi. SI). It has retained its ancient
name ['Anib], and lies among the hills about 10
miles S. S. W. of Hebron, close to Sboco and
Eshtemoa (Rob. i. 494). The conjecture of Eus.
and Jerome (Onom. Anob, Anab) is evidently inad-
missible. G.
AN'AEL CAvo^x). The brother of Tobit
(Tob. L 21).
ATSAH (H33? [perb. antuxrmg, 1. e. a re-
qwt] ; 'a«[; [Gen. xxxvi. 24, Alex. Omsi 1 Chr. i.
40, 41, Rom. SvydV, Alex. Hvoui, Ana'-] Ana), the
sou of Zibeon, the son of Seir, the Horite (Gen.
xxxii. 20. 24), and father of Aholibamah, one of the
wives of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 2, 14). We are no doubt
thus to understand the text with Winer, Heng-
stenberg, Tuch, Knobel, and many others, though
the Hebrew reads " Aholibamah, daughter of Anah,
daughter of Zibeon (pSay-Tia nSV-nS);"
nor is there any necessity to correct the reading In
accordance with the Sam., which has ]2 instead
of the second ilS ; it is better to refer the second
Ha to Aholibamah instead of to its immediate
antecedent Anah. The word is thus used in the
wider sense of descendant (here granddaughter), as
it is apparently again in this chapter, v. 39. We
may further conclude with Hengstenberg (PttU. ii.
280; Eng. transl. ii. 229) that the Anah mentioned
amongst the sons of Seir in v. 20 in connection
with Zibeon, is the same person as is here rcferrwi
to, and is therefore the grandson of Sen*. The in-
tention of the genealogy plainly is not so much to
give the lineal descent of the Seirites as to enum-
erate those descendants who, being heads of tribes,
came into connection with the Edomites. It wo-ild
thus appear that Anah, from whom Esau's wife
sprang, was the head of a tribe independent of hii
father, and ranking on an equality wit*- that tribe.
Several difficulties occur in regard to the race <uw
name of Anah Br his dement from Seir he is
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ANAHARATH
Horitc [which see] (Gen. xxxvi. 30), whilst in r. i
he is called a Hivite, and again in the narrative
(Gen. xxvi. 34) he is called lieeri the Hittite.
Hengstenberg's explanation of the first of these
difficulties is far-fetched ; and it is more probable
that the word Hivite O'l.nn) is a mistake of tran-
scribers for Horite O^nn). With regard to the
identification of Anah the Horite with Beeri the
Hittite, see Beehi. F. W. G.
♦In Gen. xxxvi. 24 (A. V.), we .read: " This
was that Anah that found the mules in the wilder-
ness, as he fed the asses of Zibeon his father."
The word D'O* is here rendered mules, according
to the Jewish explanation (Targ. of Jonathan, the
Talmud, Saadias, Rabbinic commentators), followed
in Luther's and other modern versions. With this
rendering of 2" , Q^, the statement is altogether in-
significant, unless SVO is taken (as by the Tal-
mudist) in the sense of invent, as in Luther's ver-
sion; meaning that Anah found out the way of
producing mules, by coupling animals of different
species. But this sense the Hebrew word will not
bear. The explanation is evidently drawn from the
connection merely, without any support from ety-
mology. Equally baseless is the interpretation in
the Targ. of Onkelos, and the Samaritan Codex,
taking U'LjJ in the sense of giant* (as if =
CraS, Deut. ii. 11).
Another and probably older exegetical tradition,
transmitted through Jerome and the Vulgate, ren-
ders 2 s p* by icarm springs (Vulgate aquas cali-
dns). This has the support of etymology (Gesenius,
Thes., CV), as well as of the ancient tradition,
and is corroborated by the frequent occurrence of
warm springs in the region referred to, as observed
both bv ancient writers and by modern travellers."
T. J. C.
ANAHA'RATH (n^TOS [hollow way or
pass, Fiirst]: 'Araxfo^fli [Alex. Appavtf: Ana-
karath]). a place within the border of lasachar,
named with Shichon and Kabbith (Josh. xix. lfl).
Nothing is yet known of it. G.
* Some think it may be the present Araneh, near
the foot of Gillioa, about 2 miles east of Jenin (En-
Itannim). See Zeller's Bibl. Worlerb. p. 60, 2te
Aufl. Robinson mentions the place twice (ii. 316,
319), but does not suggest the identification. H.
ANA'IAH [3 syL] (PPJV : 'Amvlas; [Vat.
M- Avovia:! Ania). 1. Probably a priest; one
of those who stood on Ezra's right hand as he read
the Law to the people (Neh. viii. 4). He is called
Amaxias in 1 Esdr. ix. 43.
2. ('Arafo: [Vat. Aeaeaia; Aid. 'AKovfoO
Anajn.) One of the "heads" ci the people, who
igned the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 22).
w. A. w.
ATiAK.. [Anakjm.]
ANAKIM (a"|73V : ■ E « uc f M , [Vat -„, M ,
■id so Alex, in Dent. :] Enactm), a race of giants (so
ANAMMELECH
91
« • It may hare been from the discovery of these
firings as tlengetenberg suggests, that Anah received
the other name which he bore, namely, Bust, ■■ of
HUs," «- '■ » maa concerned with them. 8» ado
I (ftwofeue*, 1. 100). H.
called either from their stature (longicolli,', Gesen.),
or their strength (Kiirst), (the root p27 being
identical with our word neck), descendants of Arl.a
(J jsh. xv. 13, xxi. 11), dwelling in the southern part
of Canaan, and particularly at Hebron, which from
their progenitor received the name of 373~1S i"Vir?i
city of Arba. Besides the general designation An-
akim, tlief are variously called P3V ^Z!2, sons of
Anak (Num. xhi. 33), ^3Vn *3TyrJ, descendants
of Anak (Num. xiii. 22), and D'fMJ *2$, sons
of Anakim [LXX. m'ol ■yiyimuiv] (Deut. i. 28).
These designations serve to show that we must re-
gard Anak as the name of the race rather thin that
of an individual, and this is confirmed by what la
said of Arba, their progenitor, that he "was a
great man among the Anakim " (Josh. xiv. 15).
The race appears to have been divided into three
tribes or families, bearing the names Sheshai, Ahi-
man, and Tain mi. Though the warlike appearance
of the Anakim had struck the Israelites with ter-
ror in the time of Moses (Num. xiii. 28; Deut. ix.
2), they were nevertheless dispossessed by Joshua,
and utterly driven from the land, except a small
remnant that found refuge in the Philistine cities,
Gaza, Gath, and Ashdod (Josh. xi. 21). 'Then-
chief city, Hebron, became the possession of Caleb,
who is said to have driven out from it the three
sons of Anak mentioned above, that is, the three
families or tribes of the Anakim (Josh. xv. 14,
Judg. i. 20). After this time they vanish from
history." F. W. G.
AN'AMIM (a" 1 !??? : Mnpm^l [Alex, in
Gen. AiyeyufTtci/u, in 1 Chr. Ara,ui<au: Comp. in
1 Chr. AiVoui'u; 7 MSS. 'Ayo/il/iO Anamim), a
Mizraite people or tribe, respecting the settlements
of which nothing certain is known (Gen. x. 13; I
Chr. i. 11). Judging from the position of the
other Mizraite peoples, as far as it has been deter-
mined, this one probably occupied some part of
Egypt, or of the adjoining region of Africa, or pos-
sibly of the south-west of Palestine. No name
bearing any strong resemblance to Anamim hai
been pointed out in the geographical lists of the
Egyptian monuments, or in classical or modern
geography. [The name may be Egyptian and refer
to the region of the tribe. Gcs., Fiirst.] K. S. P.
ANAM'MELECH [/7e6reio Anammelech]
OH ??3S : 'AnwteAf'x : [Alex, hfunufhtx; Aid.
'Kvtixthix '1 An/imelech), one of the idols wor-
shipped by the colonists introduced into Samaria
from Sepharvaim (2 K. xvii. 31 ). He was wor-
shipped with rites resembling those of Moloch,
children being burnt in his honor, and is the com-
panion-god to AnuAMMKLECii. As Adrammelech
is the male power of the sun, so Anammelech it
the female power of the sun (Rawlinson's Hervdo-
tus, i. 611). The etymology of the word is un
certain. Rawlinson connects it with the name
Anutiit. Gesenius derives the name from words
meaning idol and king, but Reland ( d* vet. ting.
Pers. ix.) deduces the first part of it from the
Persian word for grief. Winer advocates a deriva-
tion connecting the idol with the constellation Ce-
b • The A. V. adds J to this name, adkd thus nudul
it (Anakhns) doubly plural, as In the ease of Kmim,
Cherubim, aoif similar term*. EL
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92
ANAN
pheus, some of the ■tan in which are called by the
Arab* " the ahepherd and the sheep."
G. E. L. C.
AlfAN (]3y [o cloud]: H»a>, Alex.
[Comp.] 'H»aV: ^nan). 1. One of the "heads"
of the people, who signed the covenant with Nehe-
mlah (Neh. x. 26).
2. ('AydV; Alex. Ay ray- Anani.) Hanan 4
(1 Eedr. v. 30; comn. Ezr. it 46). W. A. W.
ANA'NI ("93,*? [Jehovah protects]: 'Awfe-i
[Vat Mavci;j a^x. Avon: Anani). The sev-
enth son of Elioeuai, descended through Zerub-
babel from the line royal of Judah (1 Cbr. iii. 24).
W. A. W.
ANANI'AH (rrjay [whom Jehovah pro-
tect*]: 'Araria'- Ananias). Probably a priest;
wcestor of Azariah, who assisted in rebuilding tbe
city wall after the return from Babylon (Neh. iii.
23). W. A. W.
ANANI'AH (r^?35 [whom Jehovah pro-
iiclt]), a place, named between Nob and Hazor, in
which the Benjamites lived after their return from
captivity (Neh. xi. 32). The LXX. [in most MSS.]
omit* all mention of this and the accompanying
names [but Comp. has 'Aria, and FA* Aroma].
6.
ANANI' AS (~;???, or f"P33n [Jehovah
it gracious] : 'Aravlai). L A high-priest in Acta
xxUi. 2 ft*, xxiv. 1, [before wbom Paul attempted
to defend himself, in the Jewish Council at Jerusa-
lem, but was silenced with a blow on the mouth
for asserting that he had always " lived in all good
conscience before God." See, in regard to that
incident, Paul]. He was the sou of Nebedsus
(Joseph. AnL xx. S, § 2), succeeded Joseph son of
Camydus (Ant. xx. 1, § 3, 5, § 2), and preceded
Iamael son of Phabi (AnL xx. 8, §§ 8, 11). He
was nominated to the office by Herod king of Chal-
cis, in A. D. 48 (Ant. xx. 5, § 2); and in A. D. 52
sent to Rome by the prefect Ummidius Quadratus
to answer before tbe Emperor Claudius a charge of
oppression brought by the Samaritans (AnL xx. 6,
§ 2). He appears, however, not to have lost his
office, but to have resumed it on his return. This
has been doubted ; but Wieseler ( ChronoL d. Apos-
tol ZeiUdttrs, p. 76, note) has shown that it was
to in all probability, seeing that the procurator Cu-
mulus, who went to Rome with him as his adver-
sary, was unsuccessful, and was condemned to ban-
ishment. He was deposed from his office shortly
before Felix left the province (AnL xx. 8, § 8; but
still had great power, which he used violently and
lawlessly (AnL xx. 9, § 2). He was at last ataas-
linated by the Sicarii (B. J. ii. 17, § 9) at the be-
ginning of the last Jewish war.
2. A disciple at Jerusalem, husband of Sapphira
(Ajta v. 1 ff.). Having sold his goods for the
eneflt of tbe church, he kept back a part of the
,irioe, bringing to the apostles the remainder, as if
it were the whole, his wife also being privy to the
scheme. St. Peter, being enabled by the power of
the Spirit to see through the fraud, denounced him
as having lied to the Holy Ghost, i. e. having at-
tempted to pass upon the Spirit resident in the
ipostlx an act of deliberate deceit. On hearing
this, Ananias fell down and expired. That this
Incident was no mere physical eonsequenee of St.
Peter's severity of tone, as some of the German
nttera hare maintained, distinctly appears by the
ANATHEMA
direct sentence of a similar death pronooued by
the same apostle upon his wife Sapphira a few hoars
after. [Sapphika.] It is of course possible thai
Ananias's death may have been an act of divins
justice unlooked for by the apostle, as there is no
mention of such an intended result in his speech ;
but in the case of the wife, such an idea is out of
the question. Niemeyer ( Charakteristik der Bibel
i. 574) has well stated the case as regards the blame
which some have endeavored to cast on St. Peter
in this matter, when he says that not man, but
God, is thus animadverted on. Tbe apostle is but
the organ and announcer of the divine justice,
which wss pleased by this act of deserved severity
to protect tbe morality of the infant church, and
strengthen its power for good.
3. A Jewish disciple at Damascus (Acts ix. 10
ff.), of high repute, "a devout man according to
the law, having a good report of all the Jews which
dwelt there" (Acts xxii. 12). Being ordered by
the Lord in a vision, he sought out Saul during the
period of blindness and dejection which followed his
conversion, and announced to him his future com-
mission as a preacher of the Gospel, conveying to
him at the same time, by the laying on of his
hands, the restoration of sight, and commanding
him to arise, and be baptized, and wash away his
sins, calling on the name of the Lord. Tradition
makes him to have been afterwards bishop of
Damascus, and to have died by martyrdom ( Men-
clog. Orascorum, I. 79 f.). " H. A.
ANANIAS CArrfo; [Vat Arrcu;] Alex. Ar-
riat;] Aid. 'Arvwlas'-] Ananias). L The sons of
Ananias to the number of 101 (Vulg. 130) enu-
merated in 1 Esdr. v. 16 as having returned with
Zorobabd. No such name exists in the parallel
lists of Ezra and Nehemiah.
2. ('Arm-las'- om. in Vulg.) Hanani 3 (1
Esdr. ix. 21 ; oomp. Ear. x. 20).
3. (Ananias.) Hanajniah 9 (1 Esdr. ix. 29;
comp. Ezr. x. 88).
4. (Ananias.) Axaiah 1 (1 Esdr. ix. 43;
comp. Neh. viii. 4).
6. ['Avavlas; Vat. Arvua] Hanam 5 (1
Esdr. ix. 48; comp. Neh. viii. 7).
6. Father of Azarias, whose name was assumed
by the angel Raphael (Tob. v. 12, 13). In the
LXX. be appears to be the eldest brother of Tobit.
7. (Jamnor.) Ancestor of Judith (Jud. viii. 1).
The Cod. Sin. [with Alex.] gives Araruu, though
the Vat. MS. omits the name.
8. ('Aroriot: Ananias.) Shadrach (Song of
•I Ch. 66; 1 Mace ii. 59). [Haxakiau 7.]
■VT. AW.
ANAN1EL OArorriJA; AnaHst n forefather
of Tobias (Tob. i 1).
A'NATH {."135 [aw-*-, i. e. to prayer]:
Aivrfxi 'Awlfl; [Vat. L«u«X; Aratfcr; Alex. Arat,
Kt vat):] Anath), lather of Shamgar (Judg. iii. 31,
v.6).
AN ATH'EMA (irdBtna, in LXX., the equiv
alent for D"">P, a thing or person devoted: in JS.
T. generally translated accursed. The more usual
form is IwAthma (lurarUhuu), with the sense of an
offering suspended in a temple (Luke xxi. 5; !
Mace. ix. 16). The Alexandrine writers preferred
the short penultimate in this and other kindred
words (e. g. cVfttaio, ovrStua); but occasi on al ly
both forms occur in the MSS., as in Jed. xri 19
l2Maocxiii. 16; Iukexxi.5: no dlitinchv 'Jer*
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ANATHEMA
fore existed originally in the meanings >f the words,
as has been supposed by many early writers. The
Hebrew D~?n is derived from a verb signifying
primarily to ihut up, and hence to (1) rontecrate or
devoir, and (2) exterminate. Any object so de-
voted to the Ixird was irredeemable : if an inanimate
object, it was to be given to the priests (Num.
xviii. 14); if a living creature or even a man, it
was to be slain (Lev. xxvii. 28, S9)j hence the
idea of extermination as connected with devoting.
Generally speaking, a vow of this description was
taken only with respect to the idolatrous nations
who were marked out for destruction by the special
decree of Jehovah, as in Num. xxi. 2 ; Josh. vi. 17 ;
but occasionally the vow was made indefinitely, and
involved the death of the innocent, as is illustrated
in the cases of Jephthah's daughter (Judg. xi.
31), and Jonathan 1 Sam. xiv. 24) who was only
saved by the interposition of the people. The
breach of such a vow on the part of any one di-
rectly or indirectly participating in it was punished
with death (Josh. vii. 25)- In addition to these
cases of spontaneous devotion on the part of indi-
viduals, the word D^TI is frequently applied to the
extermination of idolatrous nations : in such cases
the idea of a vow appears to be dropped, and the
word assumes a purely secondary sense (^o\o8pevtu,
I.W.I: or, if the original meaning is still to he
retained, it may be in the sense of Jehovah (Is.
xxxiv. 2) sliutting up, i. e. placing under a ban,
and so necessitating the destruction of them, in
order to prevent all contact. The extermination
being the result of a positive command (Ex. xxii.
20), the idea of a vow is excluded, although doubt-
less the instances already referred to (Num. xxi. 2;
Josh. vi. 17) show how a vow was occasionally
superadded to the command. It may be further
noticed that the degree to which the work of de-
struction was carried out, varied. Thus it applied
to the destruction of (1) men alone (Deut. xx. 13);
(2) men, women, and children (Dent. ii. 31); (3)
virgins excepted (Num. xxxi. 17; Judg. xxi. 11);
(4) all living creatures (l)eut. xx. 1G; 1 Sam. xv.
3); the spoil in the former cases was reserved for
the use of the army (Deut. ii. 35, xx. 14; Josh,
xxii. 8), instead of being given over to the priest-
hood, as was the case in the recorded vow of Joshua
(Josh. vi. III.) Occasionally the town itself was
utterly destroyed, the site rendered desolate (Josh.
vi. 26), and the name Hormah ('AyiSe/xa, LXX.)
applied to it (Num. xxi. 3).
We pass on to the Rabbinical sense of Q"^rT
as referring to excommunication, premising that an
approximation to that sense is found in Ezr. x. 8.
where forfeiture of goods is coupled with separation
from the congregation. Three degrees of excom-
munication are enumerated (1) * 1"T ), Involving va-
rious restrictions in civil and ecclesiastical matters
for the space of 30 days : to this it is supposed that
the terms a<popi(,ttv (Luke vi. 22) and Ajrocruva-
yuryos (John fab 22) refer. (2) 0~)H, a more pub-
te and formal sentence, accompanied with curses
tad involving severer restrictions for an indefinite
ANATHOTH
93
" There are some variations in the orthography
if this name, both in Hebrew and the A. V., which
nun be noticed. 1 . Hebrew : In 1 K. ii. 26, and Jei .
axil. 9, it Is nfW, and similarly in 2 Sam. xalll.
period. (3) SHOtT, rarely, if ever, used — eo»n-
plete and irrevocable excommunication. E3~]n
was occasionally used in a generic sense for any of
the three (Carpzov. Apjxir. p. 557). Some expos-
itors refer the terms iyeiStfcti/ xal itcH&Wfii' (Luke
vi. 22) to the second species, but a comparison of
John ix. 22 with 34 shows that sV-fjaA \tu< is synon-
ymous with an nTuvcLywyin 1 ttotuv, and there ap-
pears no reason for supposing the latter to be of a
severe character.
The word aviBefta frequently occurs in St. Paul's
writing [five times], and many expositors have re-
garded his use of it as a technical term for judicial
excommunication. That the word was so used in
the early Church, there can be no doubt (Bingham,
Anth/. xvi. 2, § 16); but an examination of the
passages in which it occurs shows tiiat, like the
cognate word avaBeuarlfa (Matt. xxvi. 74; Mark
xiv. 71 ; Acts xxiii. 12, 21), it had acquired a more
general sense as expressive either of strong feeling
(Rom. ix. 3; cf. Ex. xxxii. 32), or of dislike and
condemnation (1 Cor. xii. 3, xvi. 22; Gal. i. 8, 9)
W. L. B.
AN'ATHOTH (."OTlJJj [see Mm]: 'Av
aSiiB: Anathotli). 1. Son of Becher, a son of
Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 8), probably the founder of
the place of the same name.
2. One of the heads of the people, who signed
the covenant in the time of Nelicmiah (Neh. x. 19) ;
unless, as is not unlikely, the name stands for " the
men of Anathoth " enumerated in Neh. vii. 27
W. A. W.
AN'ATHOTH (."Tin;]?, « possibly =
echoes [or inclinations, declivity, Dietr.] ; plur. of
■^3?> by which name the place is called in the
Talmud, Jama, p. 10: 'Ava$t&d~- Anathoth), a city
of Beiuamin, omitted from the list in Josh, xviii.,
but a priests' city ; with "suburbs" (Josh. xxi. 18;
1 Chr. vi. 60 (45)). Hither, to his "fields," Abi-
athar was banished by Solomon after the failure of
his attempt to put Adonijah on the throne (1 K.
ii. 26). This was the native place of Abiezer, one
of David's 30 captains (2 Sara, xxiii. 27 ; 1 Chr.
xi. 28, xxvii. 12), and of Jehu, another of the
mighty men (1 Chr. xii. 3); and here, "of the
priests that were in Anathoth," Jeremiah was bom
(Jcr. i. 1; xi. 21, 23; xxix. 27; xxxii. 7, 8, 9).
The "men " (*tT3S not \33. as in most of the
other cases; corap. however, Netophah, Michmash,
Ac.) of Anathotli returned from the captivity with
Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 23; Neh. vii. 27; 1 Esdr. v.
18.)
Anathoth lay on or near the great road from the
north to Jerusalem (Is. x. 30); by Eusebius it In
placed at three miles from the city ({Mom.), and
by Jerome (turris Awithoth) at the same distance
contra septentrionem Jerusalem {ad Jerem. cap. i.).
The traditional site at Knriet tUEnab does not ful-
fill these conditions, being 10 miles distant from the
city, and nearer W, thai N. But the real position
has no doubt been a. x>vered by Robinson at
'Andta, on a broad riage 1 hour N.N.E. from
Jerusalem. The cultivation of the priest* survives
27, '"llp^n. 2. English: Anethothlte, 2 Sam
xxiii. 27; Anetothite, 1 Chr. xxvii. 12; Antothitt-, 1
Chr. xi. 28, xii. 8. "Jeremiah of A.," Itr xxii T
should be. "J. the AnathottUte."
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u
ANCHOR
in tilled Adds of grain, with figs ud olivet. There
►re the remains of walla and atrong foundations,
and the quarries still supply Jerusalem with build-
ing stone (Rob. i. 437, 488). G.
* The present An&ta is a little hamlet of 12 or
IS houses, where, as of old on roofs of this humble
class, the grass still grows on the house-tops; the
striking image of the Hebrew writers (Ps. cxxix.
6, 7, and Is. xxrrii. 37) of man's immaturity and
frailty. The 100 1/auter in Beaser's Bibl WSrtb.
p. 61, should certainly be 100 inhabitants (or less),
and not " houses." It is worth remarking, too, that
porta of the Dead Sea and its dismal scenery are
distinctly visible from this ancient home of the
puisne, heart-burdened Jeremiah. Dr. Wilson
{Lamb of the Bible, i. 483) represents Anita as
within sight from the Mount of Olives. H.
ANCHOR. [Ship.]
ANDREW, St. CA»ojw'a»: Andre-u; the
name Andreas occurs in Greek writers ; e. g. Athen.
Tii. 312, and zr. 675; it is found in Dion Cass.
Ixriii. 32, as the name of a Cyrenian Jew, in the
reign of Trajan), one among the first called of the
Apostles of our Lord (John i. 40, 41; Matt iv.
18); brother (whether elder or younger is uncer-
tain) of Simon Peter (ibid.). He was of Beth-
aaida, and had been a disciple of John the Baptist
On hearing Jesus a second time designated by him
as the I -amb of God, he left his former master, and
iu company with another of John's disciples at-
tached himself to our Lord. By his means his
brother Simon was brought to Jesus (John i. 41 ).
The apparent discrepancy in Matt. iv. 18 ff. Mark
iii. 16 ff., where the two appear to have been called
together, is no real one, St. John relating the first
introduction of the brothers to Jesus, the other
Evangelists their formal call to follow Him in his
ministry. In toe catalogue of the Apostles, An-
drew appears, in Matt. x. 2, Luke vi. 14, second,
next after his brother Peter; but in Mark iii. 16,
Acts i. 13, fourth, next after the three, Peter,
James, and John, and in company with Philip.
And this appears to have been his real place of dig-
nity among the apostles; for in Mark xiii. 3, we
find I'eter, James, John, and Andrew, inquiring
privately of our Lord about His coming; and in
John xii. 22, when certain Greeks wished for an
interview with Jesus, they applied through Andrew,
who consulted Philip, and in company with him
made the request known to our Lord. This last
circumstance, conjoined with the Greek character
of both their names, may perhaps point to some
slight shade of Hellenistic connection on the part
jf the two apostles; though it is extremely improb-
able that any of the Twelve were Hellenists in the
rper sense. On the occasion of the fire thousand
the wilderness wanting nourishment, it is An-
drew who points out the little lad with the five
barley loaves and the two fishes. Scripture relates
nothing of him beyond these scattered notices.
Except in the catalogue (i. 13), his name does not
Xcur once in the Acts. The traditions about him
are various Eusebius (iii. 1) makes him preach
in Scythia; Jerome (Ep. 148, ad Marc.) and The-
« * It Is evident from Mark i. 29 that Andrew as well
» Peter lived at Capernaum at the tune of Christ's
sealing the mother-in-law of the latter. At that time
{according to the best scheme of harmony) a year or
nore had elapsed since Jeeus had called the brothers
to be bis disciples at Bethany beyond the Jordan (John
I. 28, 41 ff.). It b to be Inferred that, during this ln-
ANDRONICUS
odoret (ad PtaJbn. cxvi.), in Achaia (Greece); Nl
cephorus (ii. 89), in Asia Minor and Thrace. He it
said to have been crucified at Paine in Achaia, or.
a ena decuaata (X); but this is doubted by Lip-
sins (de Cruet, i. 7), and Sagittarius (de Crudati-
but Martyrum, viii. 12). Eusebius (//. £. iii. 25;
speaks of an apocryphal Acts of Andrew; and
Epiphanius (/far. xlvi. 1) states that the Encra-
tites accounted it among their principal Scriptures;
and (briii. 2) he says the same of the Origeniani.
(See Fabric. Cod. Apoer. i. 456 ff. [Tiachendorf,
Acta Apost. Apoc p. xl. ff., 105 ff.] Menolog. Grot-
cor. i. 221 f. ; Perion. ViL ApottcL L 82 ff.)
H. A.
ANDRONI'CUS ('Ar*p«Woi ["son of vic-
tory]). \. An officer left as viceroy (StaSexi/ifros,
2 Mace. iv. 81) in Antioch by Antiochus Epiphanea
during his absence (B. c. 171). Menelaus availed
himself of the opportunity to secure his good offices
by offering him some golden vessels which he had
taken from the temple. When Onias (Onias in.)
was certainly assured that the sacrilege had been
committed, be sharply reproved Menelaus for the
crime, having previously taken refuge in the sanc-
tuary of Apollo and Artemis at Daphne. At the
instigation of Menelaus, Andronicus induced Onias
to leave the sanctuary and immediately put him to
death in prison (aWxAf urer, 2 Mace. Iv. 34?).
This murder excited general indignation ; and on
the return of Antiochus, Andronicus was publicly
degraded and executed (2 Mace. iv. 30-38). Jose-
phus places the death of Onias before the high-
priesthood of Jason (Ant. xii. 6, 1,) and omits all
mention of Andronicus ; but there is not sufficient
reason to doubt the truthfulness of the narrative,
as Wemsdorf has done (De fide libr. Mace.
pp. 90 f.)
2. Another officer of Antiochus Eplphanes who
was left by him on Garizim (it Tap. 2 Mace v.
23), probably in occupation of the temple there.
As the name was common, it seems unreasonable to
identify this general with the former one, and so to
introduce a contradiction into the history (Wems-
dorf, I c; Ewald, Uetch.d. Volktt ltr iv. 335 n.;
conrp. Grimm, 2 Mace. iv. 38). B. P. W.
ANDRONI'CUS ('ArSooWos: Andromau),
a Christian at Rome, saluted by St Paul (Rom.
xvi. 7), together with Junias. The two are called
by him his relations (ovyytrits) and fellow-cap-
tives, and of note among the apostles, using that
term probably in the wider sense ;* and he de
scribes them as having been converted to Christ
before himself. According to Hippolytus he waa
bishop of Pannonia; according to Dorotheas, of
Spain. " H. A.
* Luke, as the companion of Paul's life for so
many years, exmld hardly fail to have met with An-
dronicus and Junias (rather than Junia) in his
travels, and, according to his habit (Luke i. 1),
could have learnt much from them as personal wit-
nesses, concerning the earlier events of Christianity,
before Paul himself had been brought into the
ranks of Christ's followers. As regards the means
terval, they had removed to the neighboring Capernaum
from Bethsatila, their original home (John 1. 44). H.
e 'The sense may be (as Meyer, PhlllppI, De Wetta
Stuart, prefer) that the two were so famous (jirwsui
as to have become well known among the apostles. I
Is uncertain when or where they shared Paul's cap
tMty. B
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ANEM
(thus illustrated) of the early Christiana for obtain-
ing and diffusing such knowledge among themselves
lee Tholuck's itriking remarks in his (jlaubtou)iUg.
kdt de» emng. Gesch., p. 149 ff. H.
A'NEM {SZV [two fou-Uaint] : t))v AMi ,
Alex. Aran: (/lnem]), a city of Issachar, with
"suburbs," belonging to the Gershonites, 1 Oir
ri. 7.3 (Heb. 58). It is omitted in the lists in Josh.
xix. and xxi., and instead of it we find En-gannim.
Possibly the one is a contraction of the other, as
KarUn of Kirjathaim. G.
ATfER (•>}'} [perh.= "TO, boy, Ges.]: f,
'Avip; [Vat. A/tap; Aid. Alex. "EWjp; Comp.
'Arfjp'-] Aner), a city of Manasseh west of Jor-
dan, with "suburbs" given to the Kohathites (1
Chr. vi. 70 (55)). By comparison with the parallel
list in Josh. xxi. 25, it would appear to be a cor-
ruption of Taanach ("133 for ""[3j7i~l).
• Kaumer distinguishes Aner from Taanach,
regarding the former merely as omitted in Josh,
xxi. 25 (Palasdna, p. 120, 4te Aufl.). H.
A'NIOIt ("l.?V [perh. boy]: AwdV; [Comp. in
Gen. xiv. 24, 'Ar4p.] Aner), one of the three He-
bronite chiefs who aided Abraham in the pursuit
after the four invading kings (Gen. xiv. 13, 24).
R. W. B.
AN'ETHOTHITE, THE OnriaVH: i
'AfwSi'ttjs [Vat. -flei-] ; Alex, o Aya9u>Btrn)f- de
Anntlutlh.) An inhabitant of Anathoth of the tribe
r>f Benjamin (2 Sam. xxiii. 27). Galled also An-
etothite and Antotiiitk. W. A. W.
AlfETOTHITE, THE (\Tn??n : [Vat.
om.] o M 'AvaBiO: AnaUiothites). An inhab-
itant of Anathoth (I Chr. xxvii. 12). Called also
Awillill III I ■ and Antotiiitk. W. A. W.
ANGAREU'O ('Ayyapeva: Angaria, Vulg.,
Matt v. 41, Mark xv. 21), simply translated
" compel " in the A. V., is a word of Persian, or
rather of Tatar, origin, signifying to compel to
serve as an fiyyapoy or mounted courier. The
words ttnknric or anghirii, in Tatar, mean com-
puLsory work without pay. Herodotus (viii. 98)
describes the system of the ayyaptia- He says
that the Persians, in order to make all haste in
carrying messages, have relays of men and horses
kfcitiiMi.il at intervals, who hand the despatch from
one to another without interruption cither from
weather or darkness, in the same way as the Greeks
in their Kauxatntyopia- This horse-post the Per-
sians called to iiinftnr In order to effect the
object, license was given to the couriers by the gov-
rament to press into the service men, horses, and
i •en vessels- Hence the word came to signify
" press," and ayyaptia is explained by Suidas
o-n^ocria Kal avayxata Sov\eia, and ayyapevetr-
6ai, lis (poprnylai/ iyioSai- Persian supremacy
Introduced the practice and the name into Paies-
:me; and Lightfoot says the Talmudists used to
'all any oppressive service W^?13^ Among tn©
ttroposaU ma<le by Demetrius Soter to Jonathan
the high-priest, one was ^ ayyapt varihv. ra t&v
'Iot-ScoW ujro(vyta- The system was also adopted
by the Unmans, and thus the word •'angario"
«me into use in later Latin. Iliny alludes to the
•notice, " festinationem tabeU&rii diplomats ad-
jaii." Sir J. Chardln and other travellers make
ae ntl o t of it. The iyyapoi were also called io~
ANGELS i»ft
rivSai- (Liddejl and Scott, and Stephens', ana
Scheller, Lex. s. w.; Xen. Cyrop. viii. 0, §§ 17,
18; Athen. iii. 94, 122; .Esch. Ag. 282, Pert.
217 (Dind.); Esth. viii. 14; Joseph. A. J. xiii. 2,
§ 3; Pliny, Ep. x. 14, 121, 122; Lightfoot, On
Afatt. v. 41 ; Chardin, Travel*, p. >57 ; Plut. De
Alex. Mag. p. 32B.) H. W. P.
ANGELS (CSS^?? : „! SyyeAoi; often witl
the addition of rPiT, or DTlbs. In latet
books the word D'Si'lf?, ol fi-yioi, is used as an
equivalent term). By the word "angels" (». e.
" messengers " of God) we ordinarily understand a
race of spiritual beings, of a nature exalted fai
above that of man, although infinitely removed
from that of God, whose office is " to do Him ser-
vice in heaven, and by His appointment to succor
and defend men on earth." The object of the
present article is threefold: 1st, to refer to any
other Scriptural uses of this and similar words;
2dly, to notice the revelations of the nature of
these spiritual beings given in Scripture ; and 3rdly,
to derive from the same source a brief description
of their office towards man. It is to lie noticed
that its scope is purely Biblical, and that, in con-
sequence, it does not enter into any extra-Scriptu-
ral speculations on this mysterious subject.
I. In the first place, there are many passages
in which the expression the "angel of God," "the
angel of Jehovah," is certainly used for a manifes-
tation of God himself. This is especially the case
in the earlier books of the Old Testament, and may
be seen at once, by a comparison of Gen. xxii. 1 1
with 12, and of Ex. iii. 2 with 6, and 14; where
He, who is called the " angel of God " in one verse,
is called "God," and even "Jehovah" in those which
follow, and accepts the worship due to God alone.
(Contrast Uev. xix. 10, xxi. 9.) See also Gen. rvi.
7, 13, xxxi. 11, 13, xlviii. 15, 16; Nmn. xxii. 22,
32, 35, and comp. Is. lxiii. 9 with Ex. xxiii. 14,
&c, &c. The same expression (it seems) is used
by St. Paul, in speaking to heathens. See Acta
xxvii. 23 comp. with xxiii. 11.
It is to be observed also, that, side by side with
these expressions, we read of God's being manifested
in the form of mm ,■ as to Abraham at Mamre
(Gen. xviii. 2, 22 comp. xix. 1), to Jacob at Penuel
(Gen. xxxii. 24, 30), to Joshua at Gilgal (Josh, v
13, 15), Ac. It is hardly to be doubted, that both
sets of passages refer to the same kind of manifes-
tation of the Divine Presence.
This being the case, since we know that " no
man hath seen God " (the lather) "at any time,"
and that " the only-begotten Son, which is in the
bosom of the Father, He hath revealed Him"
(John i. 18), the inevitable inference is that by the
" Angel of the I^ord " in such passages is meant
He, who is from the beginning the " Word," t. e.
the Manifestcr or Rcvealer of God. These appear-
ances are evidently " foreahadowings of the Incar-
nation." By these (that is) God the Son mani-
fested Himself from time to time in that human
nature, which He united to the Godhead forever
in the Virgin's womb.
This conclusion is corroborated by the fact, that
the phrases used as equivalent to the word " Angels "
in Scripture, viz. the " sons of God," or even in
poetry, the "gods" (Elohim), the "holy ones,"
die., are names, whicl .. their full and proper aaoM
are applicable only to the Ixird Jesus Christ. Ai
He is « the Son of God," r> ibo is lie «*« « Angel '"
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96
ANGELS
or " messenger " of the Lord. Accordingly it is
lv His incarnation that all angelic ministration is
distinctly referred, as to a central truth, by which
alone its nature and meaning can be understood.
(See John i. 51, comparing it with Gen. xxviii. 1 1-
17, and especially with v. 13.)
Besides this, which is the highest application of
the word "angel," we find the phrase used of any
messengers of God, such as the prophets (Is. xlii.
19; Hag. i. 13; Hal. ill. 1), the priests (Mai. ii.
7), and the rulers of the Christian churches (Rot.
i. 80); much as, even more remarkably, the word
" Elohim " is applied, in Ps. Ixxxii. G. to those who
judge in God's name.
These usages of the word are not only interesting
in themselves, but will serve to throw light on the
nature and the method of the ministration of thuse
whom we more especially term " the angels."
II. In passing on to consider what is revealed
in Scripture as to the angelic nature, we are led at
once to notice, that the Bible deals with this and
with kindred subjects exclusively in their practical
bearings, only so far (that is) as they conduce to
our knowledge of God and of ourselves, and more
particularly as they are connected with the one
great subject of all Scripture, the Incarnation of
the Son of God. little therefore is said of the na-
ture of angels as distinct from their office.
They are termed " spirits " (as e. y. in Heb. i.
14), although this word is applied more commonly,
not so much to themselves, as to their power dwelling
in man (e. o. 1 Sam. xviii. 10; Matt. viii. 16, Ac.,
Ac.). The word is the same as that used of the
soul of man, when separate from the body (e. rj.
Matt. xiv. 2;i; Luke xxiv. 37, 39; 1 Pet iii. 19);
but, since it properly expresses only that supersen-
suous and rational element of man's nature, which
is in him the image of God (see John iv. 24), and
by which he has communion with God (Rom. viii.
16); and since also we are told that there is a
" spiritual body," as well as a " natural (itrvxiitoV)
body " (1 Cor. xv. 44), it does not assert that the
angelic native is incorporeal. The contrary seems
expressly implied by the words in which our l/wd
declares that, after the Resurrection, men shall be
" like the angels " (lairrytKoi) (Luke xx. 36) ; be-
cause (as is elsewhere said, Phil. iii. 21) their
bodies, as well as their spirits, shall have been
made entirely like His. It may also be noticed
that the glorious appearance ascribed to the angels
in Scripture (as in Dan. x. 6) is the same as that
which shone out in our Lord's transfiguration, and
in which St. John saw Him clothed in heaven (Rev.
i. 14-16); and moreover, that, whenever angels
have been made manifest to man, it has always
jeen in human form (as e. g. in Gen. xviii., xix. ;
Luke xxiv. 4; Acts i. 10, Ac., Ac.). The very fact
that the titles " sons of God " (Job. i. 6, xxxviii. 7 ;
Dan. iii. 25 coinp. with 28"), and "gods" (Ps.
riii. 5: xcvii. 7), applied to them, are also given to
nen (see Luke iii. 38 ; Ps. 'xxxii. 6, and comp. our
word's application of this last passage in John x.
14-37), points in the same way to a difference only
of degree, and an identity of kind, between the
human and the angelic nature.
The angels arc therefore revealed to us as beings,
ANGELS
such as man might be and will be when me point
of sin and death is removed, partaking in theii
measure of the attributes of God, — Truth, Purity
and Love, — because always beholding His fact
(Matt, xviii. 10), and therefore being " made like
Him " (1 John Ul. 2). This, of course, implies
flnlteneaa, and therefore (in the strict sense) "im-
perfection " of nature, and constant progress, both
moral and intellectual, through all eternity. Such
imperfection, contrasted with the infinity of God,
is expressly ascribed to them in Job iv. 18; Matt
xxiv. 36; 1 Pet. i. 12; and it is this which emphat-
ically points them out to us as creatures, fellow-
servants of man, and therefore incapable of usurp-
ing the place of gods.
This flniteness of nature implies capacity of
temptation (see Butler's Anal, part i. ch. 5); and
accordingly we hear of "fallen angels." Of the
nature of their temptation and the circumstances
of their fall, we know absolutely nothing. All
that is certain is, that they " left their first estate "
(tV sovran' ifxh') \ and that they are now " an-
gels of the devil" (Matt. xxv. 41; Rev. xii. 7, 9),
partaking therefore of the falsehood, uncleanness,
and hatred which are his peculiar characteristics
(John viii. 44). All that can be conjectured must
be based on the analogy of man's own temptation
and fall.
On the other hand, the title especially assigned
to the angels of God, that of the " holy ones " (see
e. g. Dan. iv. 13, 23, viii. 13; Matt. xxv. 31), is
precisely the one which is given to those men who
are renewed in Christ's image, but which belongs
to them in actuality and in perfection only here-
after. (Comp. Heb. ii. 10, v. 9, xii. 23.) Its use
evidently implies that the angelic probation is over,
and their crown of gkiry won.
Thus much, then, is revealed of the angelic na-
ture as may make it to us an ideal of human good-
ness (Matt. vi. 10), or beacon of warning as to the
tendency of sin. It is obvious to remark, that in
sucb revelation is found a partial satisfaction of
that craving for the knowledge of creatures, higher
than ourselves and yet fellow-servants with us of
God, which in its diseased form becomes Poly-
theism." Its full satisfaction is to be sought in
the Incarnation alone, and It is to lie noticed, that
after the Hevelation of God in the flesh, the angelic
ministrations recorded are indeed fewer, but the
references to the angels are far more frequent — as
though the danger of polytheistic idolatry had,
comparatively speaking, passed away.
III. The most important subject, and that on
which we have the fullest revelation, is the office
of the angels.
Of their office in heaven, we have, of course,
only vague prophetic glimpses (as in 1 K. xxii. 19 ;
Is. vi. 1-3; Dan.vii. 9, 10; Rev. v. 11, Ac.), which
show us nothing but a never-ceasing adoration,
proceeding from the vision of God, through the
" perfect love, which casteth out fear."
Their office towards man is far more fully de-
scribed to us. They are represented as being, in
the widest sense, agents of God's Providence, nat-
ural and supernatural, to the body and to the souL
Thus the operations of nature are spoken of as
» Gen. vi. 2. to omitted here and below, as being
a controverted Damage ; although many MSS. of the
LXX. have oi iyyt\oi Instead of o< vioi here.
s The Inordinate subjectivity of German plilloftophy
m into Fubjsvt <Kra, '. jr., Winer's Rta'wi. of course.
hasten* to the conclusion that the belief to angels If
a mere consequence of this craving, never (It would
seem) no entering Into the analog- of God's provt
deuce as to suppose It possible that this inward erav
log should correspond to some outward reality.
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ANGELS
under angelic guidance fulfilling the will of God.
Not only is this the case in poetical passages, such
as Ps. civ. 4 (commented upon in Heb. i. 7), where
the powers of air and fire are referred to them, but
tn the simplest prose history, as where the pesti-
'ences which slew the firstl>orn (Ex. xii. 38; Heb.
a. 28), the disobedient people in the wilderness (1
<'or. x. 10), the Israelites in the days of Uavid (2
Sam. xxiv. 16; 1 Chr. xxi. 10), and the army of
Sennacherib (2 K. xix. 35), as also the plague
which cut off Herod (Acts xii. 23) are plainly
i*I>oken of as the work of the M Angel of the Lord."
Nor can the mysterious declarations of the Apoc-
alypse, by far the most numerous of all, be resolved
by honsst interpretation iuto mere poetical imagery.
(See especially Rev. viii. and ix.) It is evident
tliat angelic agency, like that of man, does not ex-
clude the action of secondary, or (what are called)
•' natural " causes, or interfere with the directness
and universality of the Providence of God. The
personifications of poetry and legends of my-
thology are obscure witnesses of its truth, which,
however, can rest only on the revelations of Script-
ure itself.
More particularly, however, angels are spoken of
:«« ministers of what is commonly called the "su-
pernatural," or perhaps more correctly, the "spir-
itual " l*rovidence of God; as agents in the great
scheme of the spiritual redemption aud sanctifica-
tion of man, of which the Bible is the record. The
representations of them are different in different
books of Scripture, in the Old Testament and in
the New: but the reasons of the differences are to
be found in the differences of scope attributable to
the books themselves. As different parts of God's
Providence are brought out, so also arise different
views of His angelic ministers.
In the Book of Job, which deals with " Natural
Religion,*' they are spoken of but vaguely, as sur-
rounding God's throne above, and rejoicing in the
completion of His creative work (Job i. 0, ii. 1,
xxxviii. 7). No direct and visible appearance to
man is even hinted at.
In the book of Genesis, there is no notice of an-
gelic appearance till after the call of Abraham.
Th en, as the book is the history of the chosen fam-
ily so the angels mingle with and watch over its
family life, entertained by Abraham and by Lot
(Gen. xviii., xix.), guiding Abraham's servant to
1'adan-Aram (xii v. 7, 40), seen by the fugitive
Jarob at Itethel (xxvii. 12), and welcoming his
return at Mahanaim (xxxii. 1). Their ministry
hallows domestic life, in its trials and its blessings
alike, a-.d is closer, more familiar, and less awful
than in after times. (Contrast Gen. xviii. with
Jmlg. \t 21, 22, xiii. 10, 22.)
In the subsequent history, that of a chosen nn-
b*'»t, the angels are represented more as ministers
»f wrath and mercy, messengers of a King, rather
thi n common children of the One Father. It is,
moreover, to be observed, that the records of their
appearance belong especially to two periods, that
Of the Judges and that of the Captivity, which were
transition periods in Israelitish history, the former
one destitute of direct revelation or onjphetic guid- 1
.HiM.\ the Latter one of special triaj and unusual
xwtact with heathenism. During the Uvea of
ANGELS
97
•- The ooticn of special guardian angels, watching
•nr individuals, is consistent with this passage, but
not Mu mitrUj deduced from it. The belief of It
the early Christians to shown by Act* xU. 16.
7
Moses and Joshua there is no record of the appeal
ance of created angels, and only obscure reference
to angels at all. In the I took of Judges angels ap-
licar at once to rebuke idolatry (ii. 1-4), to call
Gideon (vi. 11, Ac.), and consecrate Samson (xiii.
3, Ac.) to the work of deliverance.
The prophetic office begins with Samuel, and
immediately angelic guidance is withheld, except
when needed by the prophets themselves (1 K. xix.
5; 2 K. vi. 17). During the prophetic and kingly
period, angels are spoken of only (as noticed above)
as ministers of God in the ojierations of nature.
But in the captivity, when the Jews were in the
presence of foreign nations, each claiming its tute-
lary deity, then to the prophets Daniel and Zech-
ariah angols are revealed in a fresh light, as watch-
ing, not only over Jerusalem, but also over heathen
kingdoms, under the Providence, and to work out
the designs, of the I/>rd. (See Zech. passim, and
Dan. iv. 13, 23, x. 10, 13, 2:), 21, Ac.) In the
whole period, they, as truly as the prophets and
kings themselves, are seen as God's ministers,
watching over the national life of the subjects of
the Great King.
The Incarnation marks a new epoch of angelic
ministration. "The Angel of Jehovah," the Lord
of all created angels, having now descended from
heaven to earth, it was natural that llis servants
should continue to do Him service fhere. Whether
to predict and glorify His birth iUelf (Matt. i. 20;
Luke i. ii.) to mhugter to Him after His tempta-
tion and agony (Matt. iv. 11; Luke xxii- -13), or to
declare His resurrection and triumphant ascension
(Matt, xxviii. 2; John xx. 12; Acts i. 10, 11) —
they seem now to be indeed " ascending and de-
scending on the Son of Man," almost as though
transferring to earth the ministrations of heaven.
It is clearly seen, that whatever was done by them
for men in earlier days, was but typical of and
flowing from their service to Him. (See 1*8. xei.
11, comp. Matt. iv. 6.)
The New Testament is the history of the Cltureh
of Cliritl, every member of which is united to
Him. Accordingly, the angels are revealed now as
" ministering spirits " to each individiuil memifer
of Christ for his spiritual guidance and aid (Heb.
i. 14). 'Hie records of their visible appearance are
but unfrequent (Acts v. 19, viii. 20, x. 3, xii. 7,
xxvii. 23); but their presence and their aid are re-
ferred to familiarly, almost as things of course, ever
after the Incarnation. They are spoken of as watch-
ing over Christ's little ones (Matt, xviii. 10)," as
rejoicing over a penitent sinner (Luke xv. 10), as
present in the worship of Christians (1 Cor. xi
10)," and (perhaps) bringing their prayers before
God (Hev. viii. 3, 4), and as bearing the souls of
the redeemed into Paradise (Luke xvi. 22). In one
word, they are Christ's ministers of grace now, as
they shall be of judgment hereafter (Matt. xiii. 39,
41, 49, xvi. 27, xxiv. 31, Ac.). By what method
they act we cannot know of ourselves, nor are we
told, perhaps lest we should worship them, instead
of Him, whose servants they are (see Col. ii. 18;
Kev. xxii. 9); but of course their agency, like that
of human ministers, depends for its efficacy on the
aid of the Holy Spirit.
Such is the action of God's angels on earth, as
disclosed to us in the various stages of Revelation ;
o The difficult)- or the passage has led to its being
questioned, but the wording of the original and the
of toe N. T. seem almost decisive on the point
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38 ANGELS
that of the nil angels may be better spoken of
elsewhere [Satan] : here it is enough to say that
It b the direct opposite of their true original office,
but permitted under God's overruling providence
|o go until the judgment day.
That there are degrees of the angelic nature,
fallen and unfaHen, and special titles and agencies
belonging to each, is clearly declared by St. Paul
(Eph. i. 21; Rom. viii. 38), but what their general
nature is, it is needless for us to know, and there-
fore useless to speculate. For what little is known
of this special nature see Cherubim, Seraphim,
Michael, Gabriel. A. D.
* On angels the most exhaustive work is Ode,
Jac, Commentarius de Angelis, Traj. ad Rben.
1739, a large quarto rolume of more than 1100
pages. See, further, Kritik uber die Lehre ton den
Engebi, in Henke's Magazin, 1795, ill. 300-355,
and 1796, vi. 15-2-177; Beck, C. D., Commentarii
kistorici, etc Lips. 1801, pp. 303-343; Schmidt,
F., Oistoria Dogm. de Angelis tutelaribus, in Ill-
gen's Denkschrift, u. s. w. No. 2, Leipz. 1817,
(Valuable) ; Gramberg, Grundzuye einer Engellthre
de* Allen Test, in Winer's Zeuschr. f. toss. TheoL,
1827, ii. 157-310; De Wette, Bibl Dogmatic, 3e
Aufl.,' 1831, pp. 80 ff., 143 ff., 313 ff., 235 if.;
Schulthess, Engelaelt, u. s. w. Zurich, 1833; Von
COln, Bibl TheoL, 1836, i. 187 IT., 410 ff., ii. 66
ff., 322 ff.; Twesten, Dogmata, 1837, ii. 305-383,
trans, in Bibl Sacra, i. 768-793, and ii. 108-140;
Bretschneider, Dogmatik, 4e Aufl., 1838, i. 727-
794; Mayer, Lewis, Scriptural Idea of Angels, in
Amer. Bibl Repot. Oct. 1838, xii. 356-388 ; Stuart,
Sketches of Angetology m the Old and New Test.,
in Robinson's BibL Sacra, 1843, pp. 88-154,
abridged in his Comm. on the Apocalypse, ii. 397-
409; Timpson, The Angels of God, their Nature,
Character, Hanks, etc., 2d ed., Lond. 1847;
Whately, Scripture Revelations concerning Good
and Evil Angels, new ed., Lond. 1851, reprinted
Phils. 1856 ; Rawson, James, Nature and Ministry
of the Holy Angels, N. Y. 1858; Schmid, C. F.,
Bibl. Theol. des N. T., 2e Aufl. 1859, pp. 41, 272,
413, 576; Haae, Erang.-prot. Dogmatik, 5e Aufl.,
1860, pp. 166-187, and Bi hmer in Herzog's Real-
Encykl iv. 18-32.
For the Jewish notions, see Eisennienger, Ent-
deckles Judenthum, ii. 370-468; Allen, Modem
Judaism, 2d ed., Lond. 1830, pp. 149-172; Gfrii-
rer, Jahrh. d. Heils, 1838, i. 352-424; Nicolas,
Doctrines reKgieuses des Juift, tie., Paris, 1860,
pp. 216-265, and Kohut, Veber die jOdische An-
gelologie u. Dammologie m ihrer Abhangiijkeit
com Parsitmus, Leipz. 1866, in the AbhandU. f.
d. Kunde d. Morgenl. Bd. iv. Nr. 3.
For the opinions of the Christian fathers, see
Suicer, Thes. art. 5yy<Aoi; Petavius, Theol
Dogm., Antv. 1700, fbl., iii. 1-116; Cudworth's
Intel System, ch. v. sect. iii. (vol. iii. pp. 346-381
of Harrison's ed.), with Mosheim's notes; and
Kcil, Opuscula, ii. 531-618.
On their representation in Christian art, see
Piper, Mythol u. Symbolik der Christl Kmst,
1847-51; Menzd, Christl SymboUk, 1854, art
Engelt and Mrs. Jameson, Sacred and Legendary
Art, 3d ed., Lond. 1857, i. 41-131.
On the " Angel of Jehovah," see J. P. Smith's
Scripture Testimony to the Messiah, 6th ed., Kdin.
« From «, not, and rutim, to emjuer. It should be
»teJ mat WcseorUes nets <Mmrrw tot aut, and not
ANISE
1869, i. 396 ff.; Hengstenberg's CA wto&yj, I 1«
ff (Keith's trans.); Noyes, G. R. in the Christ
Examiner for May and July 1836, xx. 207-840
329-342 (in opposition to Hengstenberg); Kurtr.
Der Engeldes Herrn, in Tholuck's Anzeiger, 1846
Not. 11-14, reproduced essentially in his Gesch.
des Alien Bundts, i. 144-159; Trip, C. J., Dit
Theophanien in den Geschichtsb. des A. T., Leiden,
1858, a prize essay.
On the literature of the whole subject, one ma)
consult Bretschneider, System. Entwtckehmg, n. *
w. 4e Aufl., 1841, §§ 81, 82, and Grease's BibU
otheca magica et pneumatica, I Apt. 1843.
A. and IT.
ANGLING. [Fishing.]
ANI'AM (ay3h? [sighing of the people]
'Arid*; [Vat. AAJoAsip;] Alex. Aviaut: Aniam)
A Manassite, son of Shemidsh (1 Chr. vii. 19).
W. A. W.
ATJIM (QXiy [fountains]-. A i<rd>; [Alex.
Avci/i; Comp. 'Ayfp:] Atom), a city in the moun-
tains of Judah. named with Eshtemoh (Es-Semueh;
and Goshen (Josh. xv. 50;. Eusebius and Jerome
(Onom. 'Ayovj/i, Anim) mention a place of this
name in Daroma, 9 miles south of Hebron (comp
also Anea, s- v. Anab). G.
• Anim is a contraction for D" , ?^5, and might
be the plural form of Ayin (which see) ; but the
{act that Ayin was "toward the coast of Edon.
southward" (Josh. xv. 31, 32) while Anim was in
the mountain district (Josh. xv. 48, 50) indicates
that they were different places. Dr. Wilson insists
on the difference, And would identify Anim with the
present Ghuwein (which though singular in Arabic
may by a frequent permutation stand for a Hebrew
plural) near Anab and Semu'a, and therefore in the
territory of Judah (Wilson's Lands of the Bible,
i. 354). Dr. Robinson adopts this suggestion in
the second edition of his Bibl Res. (ii. 204),
though be had previously declared himself for the
other view. See also Raumer, Polastina, p. 171
(4tb ed.). H.
ANISE (ftVjjfW: anethum). This word occurs
only in Matt, xxiii. 23, " Woe unto you, scribes and
Pharisees, hypocrites ! for ye pay tithe of mint and
anise and cummin." It is by no means a matta
of certainty whether the anise (Pimpinelln ani-
sum, Lin.), or the dill (Anethum grareolens) is
here intended, though the probability is certainly
more in favor of the latter plant. Both the dill
and the anise belong to the natural order Umbel*
lifera, and are much alike in external character;
the seeds of both, moreover, are and have been long
employed in medicine and cookery, as condiments
and carminatives. Celsius (Hierob. i. 494, ff.)
quotes several passages from ancient writers to show
that the dill was commonly so used. Pliny uses th
term anisum, to express the PimpineUa anisum, an L
anethum to represent the common dill He enu
merates as many as sixty-one remedies [diseases ?
that the anisum is al'le to cure, and says tha*
on this account it is sometimes called anicetum.
The best anise, he adds, comes from Crete; anr
next to it that of Egypt is preferred (Plin. H. N.
xx. 17). Fontil (Descript. Plant, p. 154) includes
the anise ( Tanuvn, Arabic' 1 ) in the Materia Medics
.. y * « v anisum, v. Ool. Arab Lex. a. v°
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ANKLET
if Egyi J. Dr. Boyle U decidedly In favor of the
iffla being the proper translation, and says that
the ane/Jium * ia more especially a genua of Eastern
cultivation than the other plant The strangest
argument in favor of the dill, is the fact that the
Talmuds (Tract. Maateroth, c W. § 5) use the word
ihab&th to express the dill, " The seeds, the leaves,
and the stem of dill are, according to Rabbi
Eliezer, subject to tithe;" and in connection with
this it should be stated, that ForskaJ several times
alludes to the Anet/utm gractdtnt as growing both
in a cultivated and a wild state in Egypt, and he
oaea the Arabic name for this plant, which is iden-
tical with the Hebrew word, namely, Sjotbet, or
Schibt {Ducr. Plead. 65, 109).
Celsius remarks upon the difference of opirlon
AHjCLBT
99
amongst the old authors who hare noticed this
plant, some maintaining that it has an agreeable
taste and odor, others quite the opposite; the so-
lution of the difficulty ia clearly that the matter is
simply one of opinion.
There is another plant very dissimilar in external
character to the two named above, the leaves and
capsules of which are powerfully carminative. This
is the amteed-tret (JIUcium amtatum), which be-
longs to the natural order Magnotiacta. In China
this is frequently used for seasoning dishes, Ac.;
but the species of this genus are not natives of the
Bible lands, and must not be confused with the
umbeUtfonm plants notieed in this article.
W. H.
ANKLET (npumAiStt, iAsi wtprftft,
am. Alex.). This word only occurs In It. ill. 18,
D"P?5 (and as a proper name, Josh, xfitt. It);
i such ornaments are included in HTUV^!,
Num. xxxt. 60, which word etymologicaLy would
mean rather an anklet than a bracelet. Indeed,
the same word is used in Is. iii. 20 (without the
\leph prosthetic) for the " stepping-chains worn by
Mental women, fastened to the ankle-band of each
leg, so that they were forced to walk elegantly with
short steps " (Gesen. i. v.). They were as com-
mon as bracelets and armlets, and made of much
the ssawennteriala; the pleasant jingling ind Unk-
ing which they made as they knocked against each
rther, was no doubt one of the reasons why they
■ere admired (Is. iii. 16, 18, " the bravery of their
• Dill, so called from tin old Noise word, the
•SOS's lullaby, to dill — to $ootlu. Hence the name
if the carminative plant, the dUlmf or iMilnf krr*
>m Weogw. Dirt. Bitf . Bitmil >.
Common Dili. [Aiuthum pavtoltm.)
tinkling ornaments "). To increase this \
sound pebbles were sometimes enclosed in them
(Calroet, s. v. PerucelU and BtlU). The Arable
name " khulkhal " seems to be onomatoponn, and
Une ( Mod. tlgypL App. A.) qnotee from a song, in
allusion to the pleasure caused by their sound, "the
ringing of thine anklets has deprived me of rea-
son." Hence Mohammed forbade them in public
" let tbem not make a noise with their feet, that
their ornament* which they hide may [thereby] be
discovered" (Kornn, xxiv. 31, quoted by Lane).
No doubt Tertullian discountenances them for sim-
ilar reasons : " Nescio an cms de periacelio in ner-
vum se patiatur arotari. . . . Pedes doml flgite et
plus quam in auro phteebunt " (Dt eOLftrnm. II
M).
They were sometimes of great value. Lane
. aaks of them (although they are getting uncom-
mon) as >< made of soUd gold or silver " (Mod.
» eVaSor: wai to bm fcfr.fca vk» h- ^w a t fa ew
(Rim. Mat. •» OaWbiw).
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100
ANNA
Egypt L c); bnt he says that the poorer village
jhttdren wear them of iron. For their uae among
the ancient Egyptian* see Wilkinson, Ui. 374, and
among the ancient Greeki and Romans, Diet, of
Ant. art " Periacetta." They do not, we believe,
occur in the Nineveh sculptures.
Livingstone writes of the favorite wife of an
African chief, "she wore a profusion of iron rings
on her ankles, to which were attached little pieces
of sheet iron to enable her to make a tinkling as
she walked in her mincing African style " (p. 273).
On the weight and inconvenience of the copper rings
worn by the chiefs themselves, and the odd walk it
causes them to adopt, see id p. 276. F. W. F.
AN'NA (njn [grace or prayer]: 'Arm:
Anna). The name occurs in Punic aa the sister
of Dido. 1. The mother of Samuel (1 Sam. i. 2
A*.). [Hannah.]
2. The wife of Tobit (Tob. i. 9 «.).
3. The wife of Raguel (Tob. vii. 2 ff.).»
4. A "prophetess" in Jerusalem at the time
of our Lord's birth (Luke ii. 36). I). F. W.
AN'NAAS (SoraW; [Vat. fepa; AM.
'Amis-] Anaas), 1 Esdr. v. 23. [Senaah.]
AN'NAS ("Aran, in Josephus "Ararat), a
Jewish high-priest. He was son of one Seth, and
was appointed high-priest iu his 37th year (A. D.
7), after the battle of Actium, by Quirinus, the
imperial governor of Syria (Joseph. Ant. xviii. 2, §
1 ) ; but was obliged to give way to IsmaeL son of
Phabi, by Valerius Gratua, procurator of Judaea,
at the beginning of the reign of Tiberius, A. D.
14 (ib. xviii. 2, § 2). But soon Ismacl was suc-
ceeded by Eleazar, son of Annas; then followed,
after one year, Simon, son of Camithus, and then,
after another year (about A. D. 25), Joseph Caia-
phas, son-in-law of Annas (John xviii. 13 ; Joseph.
Lc). He remained till the passover, A. D. 37, and
is mentioned in Luke iii. 2, as officiating high-priest,
hut after Annas, who seems to have retained the
title, and somewhat also of the power of that office.
Our Lord's first bearing (John xviii. 13) was before
Annas, who then sent him bound to Caiaphas. In
Acts iv. 6, he is plainly called the high-priest, and
Caiaphas merely named with others of his family.
It is no easy matter to give an account of the
seemingly capricious applications of this title. Wi-
ner supposes that Amu» retained it from his former
enjoyment of the office; but to this idea St. Luke's
expressions seem opposed, in which he clearly ap-
pears as bearing the hiyh-priest's dignity at the
time then present in each case. Wieseler, in his
Chronology, and more recently in an article in
Herzog's SeaUjLncythjmiir, maintains that the
two, Annas and Caiaphas, were together at the
head of the Jewish people, the latter as actual high-
priest, the former as president of the Sanhedrim
[N^DTj)); and so also Selden, De Synedriu ttpra-
fectttrit jttridicu rtterum Ebrmorvm, ii. 655: ex-
.-ept that this latter supposes Caiaphas to have been
the second prefect of the Sanhedrim. Some again
suppose that \nnas held the office of ] 3D, or sub-
stitute of the high-priest, mentioned by the later
ralmudists. He lived to old age, having had Ave
tons high-priests (Joseph. Ant xx. 9, $ 1).
H.A.
AN'NASCAraV; [AId.]Ak«.'A»ra.: iv**).
• • liars the I\X. has'KIro, and the A, T. Kdsa.
A.
ANOINT
A corruption of Habzh (1 Esdr. ix. 82; eotnp. Fa
x. 31). W. A. W.
ANNUTJ8 CAwwot; Alex. AmtMt
Amml, 1 Esdr. viii. 48. Probably a corruption ol
the Hebrew VIS (A. T. "with him") of Ear
viii. 19. The translator may have read T3S.
W. A. W.
ANOINT (ntPp: ^plm: mgo). Anointing
in Holy Scripture Is either (I.) Material, with oil
[Oil], or (II.) Spiritual, with the Hcly Ghost.
1. Material. — 1. Ordinary. Anointing the
body or head with oil was a common practice with
the Jews, as with other Oriental nations (Drat.
xxviB. 40; Kuth Ui. 3; Mic. vi. 15). Abstinence
from it was a sign of mourning (2 Sam. xiv. 2;
Dan. x. 8; Matt. vi. 17). Anointing the head with
oil or ointment seems also to have been a mark of
respect sometimes paid by a host to his guests
(Luke vii. 46 and Pa xxiii. 5), and was the ancient
Egyptian custom at feasts. Observe, however,
that in Ps. xxiii. the Hebrew Is TOB?"?, "thou
hast made fat;" I.XX., i\iraras{ Vulg., im-
pinywuti; and in Ijike vii. aXeiQv is used as it is
in the similar passages (John xi. 2, xii. 3). The
word " anoint " (*\tl$u) also occurs in the sense
of preparing a body with spices and unguents fU
burial (Mark xvi. 1. Also xiv. 8, /uipl(a). From
the custom of discontinuing the use of oil in times
of sorrow or disaster, to be anointed with oil comei
to signify metaphorically, to be in the enjoyment
of success or prosperity (Ps. xcii- 10; conip. Eecl.
ix. 8).
2. Official. Anointing with oil was a rite of
inauguration into each of the three typical offices
of the Jewish commonwealth, whose tenants, as
anointed, were types of the Anointed One (rPH^p,
Xpurris). ("■) Prophet* were occasionally anointed
to their office (1 K. xis. 16), and are called mea-
siahs, or anointed (1 Chr. xvi. 22; Ps. cv. 15).
(o.) Prieitt, at the first institution of the Levities]
priesthood, were all anointed to their offices, the
sons of Aaron as well as Aaron himself (Ex. xl
15; Num. iii. 3); but afterwards anointing seems
not to have been repeated at the consecration of
ordinary priests, but to have been especially reserved
for the high-priest (Ex. xxix. 29 ; Lev. xvi. 32) ; so
that " the priest that is anointed " (Lev. iv. 3) is
generally thought to mean the high-priest, and is
rendered by the LXX. t ipxupfv* ° xiXfuritirn
(rPtr^n in'srt). See also w. 6, 16, and c.
vi. 22 (vi. 15, Heb.). (c.) Kinyt. The Jews were
familiar with the idea of making a king by anoint-
ing, before the establishment of their own mon-
archy (Judg. ix. 8, 15). Anointing was the
principal and divinely-appointed ceremony in ths
inauguration of their own kings (1 Sam. ix. 16, x.
1; 1 K. i. 34, 89); indeed, so preeminently did
it belong to the kingly office, that "the Lord's
anointed " was a common designation of the theo-
cratic king (1 Sam. xii. 3, 5; 2 Sam. i. 14, 16)
The rite was sometimes performed more than once
David was thrice anointed to be king: first, pri-
vately by Samuel, before the death of Saul by waj
of conferring on him a right to the throne (1 Sam.
xvi. 1, 13); again over Judah at Hebron (2 Sam.
ii. 4), and finally over the whole nation (2 Sam
r. 3). After the separation into two kingdoms
the kings both of Judah and of Israel seem stil
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/> have been anointed (9 K. fat. 3, jd. IS). So
Me as the time of the Captivity the king if called
"the anointed of the Lord " (Pa. lxxxix. 38, 61;
Lam. i». 90). Some persona, however, think that,
after Darid, subsequent kings were not anointed
except when, as in the cases of Solomon, Joaah,
and Jehu, the right of succession was disputed or
transferred (Jahn, ArchaoL Bibl. § 223). Beside
Jewish kings, we read that Hazael was to be
anointed king over Syria (1 K. rii. 16). Cyrus
also ia called the Lord's anointed, as haring been
raised by God to the throne for the special purpose
of delivering the Jews out of captivity (Is. xlv. 1).
(<f) Inanimate objects also were anointed with oil in
token of their being set apart for religious service.
TTius Jacob anointed a pillar at Bethel (Gen. xxxi.
13) ; and at the introduction of the Mosaic econ-
omy, the tabernacle and all its furniture were con-
secrated by anointing (Ex. xxx. 26-28). The
expression " anoint the shield " (Is. xxi. 6)
(tVoi/tdVar* Ovptois, LXX.; arripitt dupam,
Vulg. ) refers to the custom of rubbing oil into the
hide, which, stretched upon a frame, formed the
shield, in order to make it supple and fit for use.
3. Ecclesiastical. Anointing with oil in the
tame of the Lord ia prescribed by St. James to be
used together with prayer, by the elders of the
church, for the recovery of the sick aAshjouTU
(James v. 14). Analogous to this is the anointing
with oil practiced by the twelve (Mark vi. 13), and
our Lord's anointing the eyes of a blind man with
clay made from saliva, in restoring him miracu-
lously to sight {Mxfurt, John ix. 6, 11).
II. Spiritcal. — 1. In the 0. T. a Deliverer is
promised under the title of Messiah, or Anointed
•(Ps. «. 2; Dan. ix. 26, 28); and the nature of his
anointing is described to be spiritual, with the Holy
Ghost (Is. lxi. 1; see Luke iv. 18). As anointing
with oil betokened prosperity, and produced a cheer-
ful aspect (Ps. civ. 16), so this spiritual unction ia
figuratively described as anointing " with the oil of
gladness" (Ps. xlv. 7; Heb. 1. 9). In the N. T.
Jesus of Nazareth ia shown to be the Messiah, or
Christ, or Anointed of the Old Testament (John
i. 41; Acts ix. 22, xvii. 2, 3, xvili. 6, 28); and
the historical fact of his being anointed with the
Holy Ghost is recorded and asserted (John i. 32,
33; Acts iv. 27, x. 38). 9. Spiritual anointing
with the Holy Ghost is conferred also upon Chris-
tians by God (9 Cor. i. 21), and they are described
as having an miction U^a) from the Holy One,
by which they know all things (1 John ii. 20, 27).
To anoint the eyes with eye-salve ia used figuratively
to denote the process of obtaining spiritual percep-
tion (Rev. ili. 18). T. T. P.
ATIOS ('Arm: Jonas), 1 Esdr. ix. 34.
.Vabiah.]
AST
101
ANT ('"l!?93, nemiiih: utpprit formkmt,
This insect is mentioned twice in the 0. T. ; it
Prov. vi. 6, " Go to the ant, thou sluggard con-
sider her ways and be wise;" hi Prov. xxx. 25.
" The ants are a people not strong, yet they pre-
pare their meat in the summer." In the former
of these passages the dUiycnce of this insect ia in-
stanced by the wise man as an example worthy of
I imitation; in the second passage the ant's wisdom
is especially alluded to, for these insects, " though
they be little on the earth, are exceeding wise.'
It is well known that the ancient Greeks and Ko
mans believed that the ant stored up food, which it
collected in the summer, ready for the winter's con-
sumption. Bochart (llicroz. iii. 478) has cited
numerous passages from Greek and Latin writers,
as well as from Arabian naturalists and Jewish
rabbis, in support of this opinion. Such wisdom
was this little insect believed to possess, that, in
order to prevent the corn which it had stored from
ger min at ing , it took care to bite off the head of
each grain ; accordingly some have sought for the
derivation of the Hebrew word for ant, nemdidi,"
in this supposed fact. Nor is the belief in the
ant's biting off the head of the grains unsupported
by some modern writers Addison, in the Guar-
dian (No. 166, 157), inserts the following letter "of
undoubted credit and authority," which was first
published by the French Academy: "The corn
which is laid up by ants would shoot under
ground if these insects did not take care to prevent
it. They therefore bite off all the germs before
they lay it up, and therefore the com that has lain
in their cells will produce nothing. Any one may
make the experiment, and even see that there is no
germ in their corn." N. I'luche, too [Mature
DispL i. 128), says of these insects, " Their next
passion is to amass a store of corn or other grain
that will keep, and lest the humidity of the cells
should make the com shoot up, we are told for a
certainty that they gnaw off the buds which grow
at the point of the grain."
It ia difficult to see how this opinion originated,
for it is entirely without foundation. Equally er-
roneous appears to be the notion that ascribes to
the ant provident foresight in laying up a store of
corn for the winter's use; 6 though it is an easy
matter to trace it to its source. No recorded species
of ant is known to store up food of any kind for
provision in the cold seasons, and certainly not
grains of corn, which ants do not use for food.
The European speck's of ants are all dormant in
the winter, and consequently require no food; and
although it is well still to bear in mind the careful
language of the authors of Introduction to £■*>
mohgy (ii. 48), who say, "till the manners of exotic
<• Iram 703, atseisnu (Simon. La. Htb. ed.
ft/bur). The derivation of the word la uncertain. Qe-
■trios Is Inrlinad to derive it from the Arabic A ,*\
'eoaseendlt, pee. proraptando, arboram." TkL Got.
*n». La. s. v. T. conj. " mott Inter ssss psrmistiqu*
mMttJsnniearumreptantiummor*." lurst says, ll fot-
Stu pottos dlmlnutlvum est n. 33, ansa ;")}, t
rt 7"33, tfcut n»Q3, ad bastJolam pusDjam slgnm-
vttbmfoetameea* potest." Cf. Mlcbaalti, Sap. Lex.
Mb. ii. 1844, and RoaenmuU. not. ad Bochart, 111. 480.
m Ii uot probable mat ths name ntmalah (from boj,
" to cut ") was given to the ant from Its extreme ten-
uity at the Junction of the thorax and abdomen ? If
the term insect Is applicable to any one living creatun
mora than to another, it certainly Is to the ant. Itema-
lak la the exact equivalent to inject. [Since the above
was written it has been found that Pukhurst — t. v.
"7J3 (Iv.)— gives a similar derivation.]
* "Parvula (nam exemplo est) magnl formica laborif
Ore trahit quodcunque potent, atque addlt acervt
Quern strait, baud Ignara ao non lncauta ra>
turl." Hot. Sal. L 1, 88.
Ct also Ovid, Mel. vH- 624; Vlrg. Gmt. I. 186, M>
I, 409 pii„. xi. 80; JOIao, H A. II. 26, vl. 48, fco
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102
ANT
and an mote accurately explored, It would be rash
to affirm that no ant* have magazines of provis-
ions; for although during the cold of our winters
in this country they remain in a state of torpidity,
and bare no need of food, yet in warmer regions
daring the rainy seasons, when they are probably
confined to their nests, a store of provisions may be
nec es s a ry for them," — yet the observations of
modern naturalists who have paid considerable at-
tention to this disputed point, seem slmost con-
clusive that ants do not lay up food for future con-
sumption. It is true that Col. Sykes has a paper,
voL li. of Trcauactiont ofEntomoL Soc. p. 103, on a
species of Indian ant which he calls Atta proadent,
so called from the fact of his having found a large
store of grass-seeds in its nest; but the amount of
that gentleman's observations merely goes to show
that this ant carries seeds underground, and brings
them again to the surface after they have got wet
during the monsoons, apparently to dry." " There
is not," writes Mr. F. Smith, the author of the
Catalogue of the Formiada in the British Museum,
in a letter to the author of this article, " any evi-
dence of the seeds having been stored for food ; "
be observes, Catalog** of Formiada (1868), p. 180,
that the processkraary ant of Brazil ((Ecodoma
ccphaloUt) carries immense quantities of portions
of leaves into its underground nests, and that it
was supposed that these leaves were for food ; but
that Mr. Bates quite satisfied himself that the leaves
were for the purpose of lining the channels of the
nest, and not for food. Ants are carnivorous in
their habits of living, and although they are fond
of saccharine matter, there is no evidence at all to
prove that any portion of plants ever forms an article
of their diet The fact is, that ants seem to de-
light in running away with almost any thing they
find, — small portions of sticks, leaves, little stones,
— as any one can testify who has cared to watch
the habits of this insect. This will explain the
erroneous opinion which the ancients held with
respect to that part of the economy of the ant now
under consideration ; nor is it, we think, necessary
to conclude that the error originated in observers
mi«taHng the cocoons for grains of corn, to which
they bear much resemblance. It is scarcely cred-
ible that Aristotle, Virgil, Horace, Ac., who all
speak of this insect storing up graintof corn, should
have been so far misled, or have been such bad
observers, as to have taken the cocoons for grains.
Ants do carry off grains of corn, just as they carry
off other things — not, however, as was stated, for
food, but for their nests. "They are great rob-
bers," says Dr. Thomson {Land and Book, p. 337),
" and plunder by night as well as by day, and the
fanner must keep a sharp eye to his floor, or they
will abstract a large quantity of grain in a single
night."
It is right to state that a well-known entomol-
ogist, the Bev. F. W. Hope, in a paper " On some
doubts respecting the economy of Ants" (TVans.
Enlom. Soc. 11. 811), Is of opinion that CoL Sykes's
observations do tend to show that there are species
sf exotic ants which store up food for winter con-
sumption; but it must be remembered that Mr.
Bates's investigations are subsequent to the publi-
jation of that paper.
* further point in the examination of this sub-
* This fact corroborates what the ancients have
srlttsn on this particular point, who have record*!
xtat the ant brines up to dry in the sun the corn,
ANTICHRIST
Jeet remains to be considered, which is this: Does
Scripture assert that any species of ant stores up
food for future use? It cannot, we think, be main-
tained that the words of Solomon, in the only tw«
passages where mention of this insect is made, nee-
manly teach this doctrine; but at the same time
it must be allowed, that the language used, ana
more especially the context of the passage in Prov.
xxx. 26, do seem to imply that such an opinion was
held with respect to the economy of this insect.
There are four things which are Ittie upon the
earth, but they are exceeding wise; the ants are s
people not strong, yet they prepare their meat ir
the summer." In what particular, it may bt
asked, are these insects so especially noted for theii
wisdom, unless some allusion is made to their sop-
posed provident foresight in " preparing their meat
in the summer." If the expression here used
merely has reference to the fact that ante are able
to provide themselves with food, how is their wis-
dom herein more excellent than the countless host
of other minute insects whose natural instinct
prompts them to do the same? If this question
is fairly weighed in connection with the acknowl-
edged fact, that from very early times the ancients
attributed storing habits to the ant, it will appeal
at least probable that the language of Solomon im-
plies a similar belief; and if such was the general
opinion, is it a matter of surprise that the wist
man should select the ant as an instance whereon
he might ground a lesson of prudence and fore-
thought?
The teaching of the Bible is accommodated tc
the knowledge snd opinions of those to whom iti
language is addressed, and the observations of nat-
uralists, which, as far as they go, do certainly tend
to disprove the sasertion that ants store up food foi
future use, are no more an argument against th<
truth of the Word of God than are the ascertained
laws of astronomical science, or the facts in the
mysteries of life which the anatomist or physiolo-
gist has revealed.
The Arabians held the wisdom of the ant in such
estimation, that they used to place one of these in-
sects in the hands of a newly-born infant, repeat-
ing these words, " May the boy turn out clever and
skillful." Hence in Arabic, with the noun nem-
leh, "an ant," is connected the adjective nemiL
"quick," "clever" (Bochart, Hitroz. lii. 494).
The Talniudists, too, attributed great wisdom to
this insect. It was, say they, from beholding tht
wonderful ways of the ant that the following ex
pression originated: " Thy justice, God, readier
to the heavens " (0>%dm, 63).* Ants live togetba
in societies, having " no guide, overseer, or ruler.'
See LatreUle's Histoirt Naturtlh da Fourmit
Paris, 1802; Huber's Trait* da Mauri det F
Indig.l EncycL Brit. 8th ed. art. "Ant;" Kirbj
and Spenee, Introd. to Enlom. Ants belong to tht
family Formicida, and order ffymenoptera. Then
is not in the British Museum a single specimen uf
an ant from Palestine. W. H.
ANTICHRIST (i irrtxpurros)- The word
Antichrist is used by St. John in his first and
second Epistles, and by him alone. Elsewhere it
does not occur in Scripture. Nevertheless, by an
fcc, which bad baooms wet. See Instances In Be
chart, Bt 490.
b Our BngUih word ant appeals to ba an abbraV
atlon of the form tmmtt (8ax. mrnnut).
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ANTICHRIST
Umost universal consent, the term naa been applied
to the Man of Sin of whom St Paul tpealu in the
Second Epistle to the Thessaloniani, to the Little
Horn and to the fierce-countenanced King of whom
Daniel propheaiea, and to the two Beasts of the
Apocalypse, aa well as to the bin Christs whoae
appearance our Lord predicts in his prophetic dis-
course on the Mount of Olives. Before we can
arrive at any clear and intelligent view of what
Scripture teaches us on the subject of Antichrist,
we must decide whether this extension of the term
is properly made; whether the characteristics of
the Antichrist are those alone with which St. John
makes us acquainted in his Epistles, or whether it
is his portrait which is drawn, darker, fuller, and
larger, in some or all of the other passages to which
we have referred.
(A.) The following are the passages in Scripture
which ought to be carefully compared for the elu-
cidation of our subject: — I. Matt. xxiv. 3-31. II.
1 John ii. 18-33; iv. 1-3; 2 John 6, 7. III. 2
Theas. ii. 1-12; 1 Tim. iv. 1-3; 2 Tun. iil 1-fi.
IV. Dan. viii. 8-25; xi. 36-39. V. Dan. vii. 7-
27. VI. Rev. xiii. 1-8; xvii. 1-18- VII. Rev.
xiii. 11-18; xix. 11-21. The first contains the
account of the false Christs and false prophets pre-
dicted by our Lord ; the second, of the Antichrist
aa depicted by St. John; the third, of the Adver-
sary of God aa portrayed by St. Paul; the fourth
and fifth, of the fierce-countenanced King and of
the Little Horn foretold by Daniel; the sixth and
the seventh, of the Beast and the False Prophet of
the Revelation.
I. The False Christs and False Prophets of
MntL xxiv. — The purpose of our Lord in his pro-
phetic discourse on the Mount of Olives was at
once to predict to his disciples the events which
would take place before the capture of Jerusalem,
and those which would precede the final destruction
of the world, of which the fall of Jerusalem was
the type and symbol. Accordingly, his teaching
on the point before us amounts to this, that (1 ) in
the latter days of Jerusalem there should be sore
distress, and that in the midst of it there should
arise impostors who would claim to be the promised
Messiah, and would lead away many of their coun-
trymen after them ; and that (2) in the last days
of the world there should be a great tribulation
and persecution of the saints, and that there should
arise at the same time false Christs and false proph-
ets, with an unparalleled power of leading astray.
In type, therefore, our Lord predicted the rise of
the several impostors who excited the fanaticism of
the Jews before their (all. In antitype He predicted
the future rise of impostors in the last days, who
should beguile all but the elect into the belief of
their being God's prophets or even his Christs.
We find no direct reference here to the Antichrist.
Our Lord is not speaking of any one individual
'or polity), but rather of those forerunners of the
Intichrist who are his servants and actuated by his
spirit. They are if ci/Sox/uirroi, and can deceive
almost the elect, but they are not i arrlxpurros ;
they are ituSowpo^rjreu, and can show great signs
and wonders, but they are not 6 tytvtowpoffmi.
Rev. xvL 13). However valuable, therefore, the
trophecy on Mount Olivet is, aa helping us U pict-
ure to ourselves the events of the hist days, iv don
not elucidate for us the characteristics of the Auti-
jhrict, «ud must not be allowed to mislead us as
Bough it gave information which it does not pn—
•as to give.
ANTICHRIST
108
H. The Antichrist of St. John's Epistles. —
The first teaching with regard to the Antichrist
sod to the antagonist of God (whether these art
the same or different we leave aa yet uncertain)
waa oraL "Ye have htt/rd that the Antichrist
cometh," says St John (1 Ep. ii. 18); and again,
« This la that spirit of Antichrist whereof ye nave
heard that it should come " (1 Ep. iv. 3). Simi-
larly St. Paul, "Remember ye not, that when I
was yet with you /told you these things " (2 Theas.
ii. 5) ? We must not therefore look for a full state-
ment of the "doctrine of the Antichrist" in the
Apostolic Epistles, but rather for allusions to some-
thing already known. The whole of the teaching
of St. John's Epistle with regard to the Antichrist
himself seems to be confined to the words twice re-
peated, " Te have heard that the Antichrist shall
come." The verb tpxtrai here employed has a
special reference, as used in Scripture, to the first
and second advents of our Lord. Those whom St.
John waa addressing had been taught that, as
Christ was to come (foxtrot), so the Antichrist was
to come likewise. The rest of the passage in St
John appears to be rather a practical application of
the doctrine of the Antichrist than a formal state-
ment of it He warns his readers that the spirit
of the Antichrist could exist even then, though the
coming of the Antichrist himself was future, and
that all who denied the Messiahship and Sonahip
of Jesus were Antichrists^ aa being types of the
final Antichrist who was to come. The teaching
of St John's Epistles therefore amounts to this,
that in type, Cerinthus, Basilides, Simon Magus,
and those Gnostics who denied Christ's Sonahip,
and all subsequent heretics who should deny it,
were Antichrists, as being wanting in that divine
principle of love which with him is the essence of
Christianity ; and he points on to the final appear-
ance of the Antichrist that was " to come " in the
last times, according as they had been orally taught,
who would be the antitype of these his forerunners
and servants.
III. The Adversary of God of Su Pauls Epis-
tles. — St Paul does not employ the term Anti-
christ, but there can be no hesitation in identifying
his Adversary (t hvriictlutvot) of God with the
Antichrist who was "to come." Like St John,
he refers to his oral teaching on the subject, but as
the Thessalonians appeared to have forgotten it,
and to have been misled by some passages in hla
previous Epistle to them, he recapitulates what he
had taught them. Like St John, he tells them
that the spirit of Antichrist or Antichriatianisni,
called by him "the mystery of iniquity," was
already working; but Antichrist himself he char-
acterizes as " the Man of Sin," "the Son of Per-
dition," " the Adversary to all that is called God,"
" the one who lifts himself above all objects of wor-
ship; " and assures them that he should not be
revealed in person until some present obstacle to
his appearance should have been taken away, and
until the predicted awoaraaia should have oc-
curred.
From St John and St Paul together we learn
(1) that the Antichrist should come; (2) that he
should not come until a certain obstacle to his
coming was removed; (3) nor till the time of, or
rather till after the time of the ixmrraola; (4«
that hi* characteristics would be (a) open oppo-
sition to God and religion, (0) a chum to the in-
comnranicible attribute, of God, (y) iniquity, sin,
and lawlessness, (3) a power of working lyiug mfa
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104
ANTICHRIST
seisa, («) marvellous capacity of beguiling souk;
(5) that be would be actuated by Satan; (6) that
lib spirit was already at work manifesting itself
partially, incompletely, and typically, in the teach-
ers of infidelity and immorality already abounding
In the Church.
IV. Tlitferce-axmlttumced King of Daniel —
This passage is universally acknowledged to be pri-
marily applicable to Antiochus Epiphanes. Anti-
ochus Epiphanes is recognized as the chief proto-
type of the Antichrist. The prophecy may there-
fore be regarded as descriptive of the Antichrist.
The point is fairly argued by St. Jerome*: —
"Down to this point (Dan. zi. 21) the historical
order is preserved, and there is no difference be-
tween Porphyry and our own interpreters. But
all that follows down to the end of the book he
applies personally to Antiochus Epiphanes, brother
of Seleucus, and son of Antiochus the Great; for,
after Seleucus, he reigned eleven years in Syria,
and possessed Judaea; and in his reign there oc-
curred the persecution about the Law of God, and
the wars of the Maccabees. But our people con-
sider all these things to be spoken of Antichrist,
who is to come in the last time. .... It ia the
custom of Holy Scripture to anticipate in types
the reality of things to come. For in the same
way our Lord and Saviour is spoken of in the 72d
Psalm, which is entitled a Psalm of Solomon, and
yet all that is there said cannot be applied to Sol-
omon. But in part, and as in a shadow and image
of the truth, these things are foretold of Solomon,
to be more perfectly fulfilled in our Lord and Sa-
viour. As, then, in Solomon and other saints the
Saviour has types of His coming, so Antichrist is
rightly believed to have for his type that wicked
king Antiochus, who persecuted the saints and de-
filed the Temple." (S. Hieron. Op. torn. i. p. 523,
Col. Agr. 1616; torn. iii. p. 1127, Paris, 1704).
V. The LUUe Horn of Daniel. — Hitherto we
have I een dealing with a person, not a kingdom or
a polity. This is evident from St. John's words,
and still more evident from the Epistle to the Thes-
sakmians. The words used by St. Paul could not
well have been more emphatic, had he studiously
made use of them in order to exclude the idea of a
polity. « The Man of Sin," " the Son of Perdi-
tion," " the one who opposeth himself to God," " the
one who ezalteth himself above God," "the one
who represents himself as God," " the wicked one
who was to come with Satanic power and lying
wonders: " if words have a meaning, these words
designate an individual. But when we come to
Daniel's prophecy of the Little Horn this is all
changed. We there read of four beasts, which
are explained as four kings, by which expression is
meant four kingdoms or empires. These kingdoms
represented by the four beasts are undoubtedly the
Assyrian empire, the Persian empire, the Grecian
empire, and the Roman empire. The Roman Em-
pire is described as breaking up into ten kingdoms,
amongst which there grows up another kingdom
which gets the mastery over nearly a third of them
(three out of ten). This kingdom, or polity, is
he little horn of the fourth beast, before which
three of the first ten bornB are plucked up. If the
bur "kings" (vii. 17) represented by the four
•easts sre really empires, if the ten " kings " (vii.
H) are monarchies or nationalities, then the other
' kins " who rises after them is, in like manner,
■nt an individual but a polity. It follows that the
Uttla Horn " of Daniel cannot be identified with
ANTICHRIST
the Antichrist of St Joan sod St. Paid. Tot
former is a polity, the latter is an individual.
VI. The Apocalyptic Beatt of St. John. —A
further consequence follows. For the Beast < f tbi
Apocalypse is clearly identical with the Little Hon
of Daniel The Beast whose power is absorbed
into the Little Horn has ten horns (Dan. rii. 7i
and rises from the sea (Dan. vii. 3): the Apoca-
lyptic Beast has ten horns (Rev. xiii. 1 ) and rises
from the sea (ibid.). The Little Horn has a mouth
speaking great things (Dan. vii. 8, 11, 20); the
Apocalyptic Beast has a mouth speaking great
things (Rev. xiii. 5). The Little Horn makes war
with the saints, and prevails (Dan. vii. 21): the
Apocalyptic Beast makes war with the saints, and
overcomes them (Kev. xiii. 7). The Little Horn
speaks great words against the Most High (Dan.
vii. 25): the Apocalyptic Beast opens his mouth
in blasphemy against God (Rev. xiii. 6). The
Little Horn wears out the saints of the Most High
(Dan. vii. 25) : the woman who rides on, i. e. d ! .
recta, the Apocalyptic Beast, is drunken with the
blood of saints (Rev. xvii. 6). The persecution of
the Little Horn is to last a time and times and a
dividing of times, i. e. three and a half times
(Dan. vii. 25) : power is given to the Apocalyptic
Beast for forty-two months, i. e. three and a half
times (Rev xiii. 5). These and other parallelisms
cannot be accidental. Whatever was meant by
Daniel's Little Horn must be abo meant by St.
John's Beast. Therefore St. John's Beast is not
the Antichrist. It is not an individual like the
Antichrist of St- John's and St. Paul's Epistles,
but a polity like the little Horn of Daniel.
But, though not identical, it is quite evident,
and it has been always recognized, that the Anti-
christ of the Epistles and the Beast of the Apoca-
lypse have some relation to each other. What is
this relation? and in what relation to both does
the second Apocalyptic Beast or False Prophet
stand V To answer this question we must examine
the imagery of the Apocalypse. Shortly stated,
it is, so far as concerns our present purpose, as
follows. The church is represented (Rev. xii.) as
a woman bringing forth children to Christ, perse-
cuted by Satan, and compelled to fly from him into
the wilderness, where she remains for 1260 days,
or three and a half times. Satan, being unable to
destroy the woman, sets himself to make war with
her seed (xii. 17). At this time the Beast arises
from the sea, and Satan gives to him his power,
and bis seat, and great authority. The length of
time during which the Beast prevails is three and
a half times, the same period as that during which
the suffering* of the woman last. During a cer-
tain part of this three and a half times the Beast
takes upon its back, as its guide and rider, a har-
lot, by whom, as it is explained, is figured " that
great city which reigneth over the kings of the
earth" (Rev. xvii. 18) from her seven hills (xvii.
9). After a time Babylon the harlot-rider falls
(eh. xriii.), but the Beast on whom she bad ridden
still survives, and is finally destroyed at the glori-
ous coming of Christ (xix. 20).
Can we harmonize this picture with the predic-
tion of St. Paul, always recollecting that his Mas
of Sin is an individual, and that the Apocalyptic
Beast is a polity ?
As we have here reached that which coustitutet
the great difficulty in mastering the oonceptim o.
the Antichrist as revealed by the inspired writes
we shall now turn from the text <if Scripture U
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ANTICHRIST
.he comments of annotators and esiivUta to see
trhat assistance we can derive iron. them. We
ihall then resume the consideration of the Script-
ural passages at the point at which we now leave
them. We shall classify the opinions which have
been held on the Antichrist according as he is re-
garded as an individual, or os a polity, or as a
principle. The individualists, again, must be sub-
divided, according as they represent him as one to
come or as one already come. We have, therefore,
four classes of writers on the Antichrist: — (1)
those who regard him as an individual yet future ;
(2) those who regard him as a polity now present;
(3) those who regard him as an individual already
past away; (4) those who consider that nothing is
meant beyond antichristian and lawless principle,
not embodied either in an individual or in a special
polity.
1. The first opinion held in the Church was
that the Antichrist was a real person who would
appear in the world when the time of his appear-
ance was come. The only point on which any
question arose was, whether lie should be a man
armed with satanic powers or Satan himself. That
he would be a man armed with satanic powers is
the opinion of Justin Martyr, a. d. 103 {Dial.
371, 20, 21, Thirlbii, 1722); of Irenreus, A. D.
1+0 (Op. v. 25, 437, Grabii, 1702); of Tertul-
lian, A. D. 150 (De Res. Cam. c. 24; ApoL c.
32); of Origen, A. I). 184 (Op. i. 6G7, Delarue,
1733); of his contemporary, Uippolytus (De Anti-
christo, 57, Fabricii, Hamburgi, 1710); of Cyprian,
A. D. 250 (Ep. 58; Op. 120, Oxon. 1682); of
Victorinu8, A. D. 270 (Bibl. Pair. Magna, iii. p.
136, Col. Agrip. 1618); of Lactantius, A. D. 300
(Did. lint. vii. 17) of Cyril of Jerusalem, A. D.
315 (Catech. xv. 4); of Jerome, A. D. 330 (Op. iv.
pars i. 20!), t'arisiis, 1693); of Chrysostom, A. D.
347 (Comm. in II. Tkess.); of Hilary of 1'oictiers
a. d. 350 (Comm. in Halt.); of Augustine, A. D.
354 (De Civit. Dei, xx. 19); of Ambrose, A. D.
380 (Comm. in Luc.).<* The authors of the Sibyl-
line Oracles, A. D. 150, and of the Apostolical Con-
stitutions, Celsus (see Orig. c. Celt. lib. vi.), Eph-
rein Syrus, a. d. 370, Theodoret, a. D. 430, and a
few other writers seem to have regarded the Anti-
christ as the Devil himself rather than as his min-
ister or an emanation from him. But they may,
perhaps, have meant no more than to express the
identity of his character and his power with that
of Satan. Each of the writers to whom we have
referred gives his own judgment with respect to
some particulars which may lie expected in the An-
tichrist, whilst they all agree in representing him
M a person about to come shortly before the glori-
ous and final appearance of Christ, and to be de-
stroyed by His presence. Justin Martyr speaks of
him as the man of the apostasy, acd dwells chiefly
>n the persecutions which he would cause. Iremeus
describes hira as summing up the apostasy in him-
self; as having his seat at Jerusalem ; as identical
with the Apocalyptic Beast (c. 28), as foreshad-
jwed by the unjust judge; as being the man who
should come in his own name: " and as belonging
o the tribe of Dan (c. 30). Tertullian identifies
lira with the Beast, and supposes him to be about
a) arise on the fall of the Roman Empire (De Res.
ANTICHRIST
105
Cam. c. 25). Origen describes bim in Eastern
phrase as the child of the Devil and the counterpart
of Christ. Hippolytus understands the Uoinan em-
pire to be represented by the Apocalyptic Beast
and the Antichrist by the False Prophet who would
restore the wounded Beast by his craft and by the
wisdom of his laws. Cyprian sees him typified in
Antiochus Epiphanes (Exhort, ad Mart. c. 11).
Victorinus, with several others — misunderstanding
St Paul's expression that the mystery of iniquity
was in his day working — supposes that the Anti-
christ will be a revivified hero ; lactantius that he
will be a king of Syria, born of an evil spirit ; Cyril
that he will be a magician, who by his arts will get
the mastery of the Roman empire. Jerome de-
scrilies him as the son of the Devil sitting in the
Church as though he were the Son of God ; Chrys-
ostom as Ai'TiPeo's tii sitting in the Temple of
God, that is, in all the churches, not merely in the
Temple at Jerusalem : St. Augustine as the adver-
sary holding power for three and a half years —
the Beast, perhaps, representing Satan's empire.
The primitive belief may be summed up in the
words of St. Jerome. In his Commentary on
Daniel he writes — " I^et us say that which all
ecclesiastical writers have handed down, viz., that
at the end of the world, when the Roman empire
is to be destroyed, there will be ten kings who will
divide the Roman world amongst them ; and there
will arise an eleventh little king, who will subdue
three of the ten kings, that is, the king of Egypt,
of Africa, and of Ethiopia, as we shall hereafter
show. And on these having been slain, the seven
other kings will also submit. ' And behold,' he
says, ' in the ram were the eyes of a man.' This
is that we may not suppose him to be a devil or a
demon, as some have thought, but a man in whom
Satan will dwell utterly and bodily. ' And a mouth
speaking great tilings,' for he is ' the man of sin,
the son of perdition, who sitteth in the temple
of God, making himself as God ' " (Op. vol. iv. p.
511, Col. Agrip. 1616). In his Comment, on l>an.
xi., and in his reply to Algasia's eleventh question,
he works out the same view in greater detail. The
same line of interpretation continued. Andreas of
Caesarea, a. i>. 550, explains him to lie a king act-
uated by Satan, who will reunite the old Roman
empire and reign at Jerusalem ( In Apoc. c. xiii. ) ;
Aretas, A. D. 660, as a king of the Romans who
will reign over the Saracens in Bagdad ( /n Apoc.
c. xiii.); John Damascene, A. i>. 800 [fl. 730],
repeats the primitive lielief (Orth. F'ui. 1. iv. c. 26).
A<1<", A. D. U50 [980], says that a Frank king will
reunite the Roman empire, and that he will abdicate
on Mount Olivet, and that, on the dissolution of his
kingdom, the Antichrist will be revealed. The
same writer supposes that he will be bom in- Baby-
lon, that he will lie educated at Bethsaida and Cho-
i-.i/.in. and that he will proclaim himself the Son
of God at Jerusalem ( Tract, in Antichr. apod Au-
gust. Opera, torn. ix. p. 454, Paris, 1637). The-
ophylact, A. D. 1070, speaks of him as a man who
will carry Satan about with him. Albert the Great,
Cardinal Hut'i, and Alexander de Hales repeat the
received tradition in the thirteenth century. Sc
also Thomas Aquinas, A. n. 1260, who recurs to
the tradition with regard to the birth of Antichrist
• *Tue dads ben given In connection with th«|"wi» Um-ysostom, and Augustine, thejr denote tot
juim of many of the Christian Git hers are likely to , supposed time of their birth; in the case of the others
■Mu d the reader. In the case of Jnetto Martyr, mentioned above and below, they mpreeent the tun*
Ternxlnao, Origen, Cyril of Jerusalem. Je- 1 when they Jtouruhtd. *
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106
ANTICHRIST
it Babylon, laying that he will be instructed in |
the Magian philosophy, and that his doctrine and
miracles will be a parody of (hose of the Lamb.
The received opL-Jon of the twelfth century is
brought before us in a striking and dramatic man-
ner at the interview between King Richard I. and
the Abbot Joachim at Messina, as the king was on
his way to the Holy Land. " I thought," said the
king, " that Antichrist would be born in Antioch
or in Babylon, and of the tribe of Dan : and would
reign in the temple of the Lord in Jerusalem ; and
would walk in that land in which Christ walked ;
and would reign in it for three years and a half;
and would dispute against EUjah and Knoch, and
would kill them; and would afterwards die; and
that after his death God would give sixty days of
repentance, in which those might repent which
should have erred from the way of truth, and hare
been seduced bv the preaching of Antichrist and
his false prophets." This seems to have been the
view defended by the archbishops of 1'ouen and
Auzerre and by the bishop of Bayonne, who were
present at the interview ; but it was not Joachim's
opiniou. lie maintained the seven heads of the
Beast to be Herod, Nero, Constantius, Mohammed,
Mekcmut, who were past; Sabdin, who was then
living; and Antichrist, who was shortly to come,
being already born in the city of Rome, and about
to be derated to the Apostolic See (Roger de "love-
den in Kielutrd /., anno 1190). a In his own won
on the Apocalypse Joachim speaks of the second
Apocalyptic beast as lieing governed by "some
great prelate who will be like Simon Magus, and as
it were universal pontiff throughout the world, and
be that very Antichrist of whom St. Paul speaks.''
These are very noticeable words. Gregory I. had
long since (A. i>. 590) declared that any man who
held even the shadow of the power which the popes
of Rome soon after his time arrogated to themselves,
would be the precursor of Antichrist. Arnulphus
bishop of Orleans (or perhaps Uerbert), in an invec-
tive against John XV. at the Council of Kbeims, a.
n. 991, had declared that if the Roman pontiff was
destitute of charity and puffed up with knowledge,
he was Antichrist — if destitute both of charity aud
of knowledge, that be was a lifeless stone (Mansi,
torn. ix. p. 139, Ven. 1774); but Joachim is the
first to suggest, not that such aud such a pontiff
was Antichrist, but that the Antichrist would be a
Ctnremli* Ptmtiftx, and that be would occupy
the Apostolic See. Still, however, we haw no hint
of an order or succession of men being the Anti-
christ. It is an actual, living, individual man that
Joachim contemplates.
The master had said that a Tope would be the
Antichrist; his followers began to whisper that it
was At Pope- Amalric, professor of logic and
theology at Paris at the end of the 12th century,
appears to haw been the first to have put forth the
idea. It was taken up by three different classes :
by the moralists, who were scandalised at the laxity
of the Papal Court; by the Imperialists, in then-
temporal struggle with the Papacy; and, perhaps
independently, by the Waldenses and their followers
in their spiritual struggle. Of the first class we
<■ The BollandJrts reject the story of this Interview
m an tnnmttoo. It has aha bssn suggested (an
«. Stuart) that Joachim's works have beao toter-
• " K assar mot avis*, out rsnra V Antentst,
(bassos son email, ni a son feat, ai a son alt:
ANTICHRIST
may find examples in the Franciscan enthusiast*
Peter John of Olivi, Telespborua, Ubertinus, and
John of Paris, who saw a mystic Antichrist at
Rome, and looked forward to a real Antichrist in
the future; and again in such men as GrosuSte
whom we find asking, as in despair, whether the
name of Antichrist has not been earned by the
Pope (Matt. Par. in An. 1233, p. 875, 1640). Of
the second class we may take Eberhard archbishop
of Salzburg as a specimen, who denounces HOoV
brand as "having, in the name of religion, bud
the foundation of the kingdom of Antichrist 170
years before his time." He can even name the
ten horns. They are the " Turks, Greeks, Egyp-
tians, Africans, Spaniards, French, English, Ger-
mans, Sicilians, and Italians, who now occupy the
provinces of Rome; and a little born has grown
up with eyes and mouth, speaking great things,
which is reducing three of these kingdoms — i. r.
Sicily, Italy, and Germany — to subserviency, is
persecuting the people of Christ and the saints of
God with intolerable opposition, is conro-inding
things human and divine, and attempting things
unutterable, execrable" (Aventinus, Aimal Bat-
oram, p 651, lips. 1710). The Waldenses eagerly
grasped at the same notion, and from that time it
has never been lost sight of. Thus we slide from
the individualist view, which was held unanimously
in the Church for upwards of a thousand years, to
the notion of a polity, or a succession of rulers of
a polity, that polity being the Church of Rome.
The hitherto received opinion now vanishes, and
does not appear again until the excesses and ex-
travagances of the new opinion produced a reaction
against itself.
2. The Waldenses also at first regarded the
Antichrist as an individual The " Noble Lesson,"
written in the 12th century, teaches the expecta-
tion of a future and personal Antichrist;" but the
Waldensian treatise of Antichrist in the 14th cent-
ury identifies Antichrist. Babylon, the Fourth
Beast, the Harlot, and the Man of Sin, with the
system '£ Popery. WicklifStrs and Haxsites held
the same language. Lord Cobham declared at his
trial that the Pope was Antichrist's head (Bede's
U'orH, p. 38, Cambridge, 1849). Walter Brute,
brought before the Bishop's Court at Hereford at
the end of the 14th century, pronounced the Anti-
christ to be " the high Bishop of Rome calling him-
self God's sen-ant and Christ's chief vicar in this
world" (Foxe, iii. 131, Lond. 1844). Thus we
reach the Reformation. Walter Brute (A. i>
1393), Bullinger (1504). Chytneus (1571), Aretii*
(1573), Foxe (1586), Napier (1593), Mede (1632;
Jurieu (1685), Bp. Newton (1750), Cunninghame
(1813). Fader, (1814). Woodnouse (1828), Ha-
bersbon (1843). identify the False Prophet, or
Second Apocalyptic Beast, with Antichrist and with
the Papacy; Martorat (a. p. 1574), King James I.
(1603), Daubuz (1720), Galloway (1802), the
Fust Apocalrptic Beast; Brightman (A. D. 1600)
Parens (1615), Viu-inga (1705), Gill (1776).
Bachmair (1778), Fraser (1795), Croly (1828)
Fran (1837), Elliott (IBM), both the Beasts
That the Pope and his system are Antichrist, was
Car, sagont I'eacripcnra. son an kit mod Intexnrt ;
Car Antexrist son tult aquuh qua eonbastan a Xrist'
La NoHa Lryrzon, 1. 457. Sas Baynouard'a Own
da Points Origin*' ts drs Troubadour*, IL 100; Apt
UL to toL HL of Elliott's Bora Apocalyptic*, Loss
1846; HaUam-i Lit. Europe, i. 28 (note), Load. 186*
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ANTICHRIST
taught by Luther, Calvin, Zwingli, Melancthon, ■
Bucer, Beza, Calixtus, Bengel, Michaelis, aud by '
Umost all Protestant writers on the Continent. |
Xor was there any hesitation on the part of Eng-
lish theologians to seize the same weapon of offense. I
Bp. Bale (a. u. HUD, like Luther, Bucer, and
Melanethon, pronounces the Pope in Europe and
Mohammed in Africa to be Antichrist. The Pope
is Antichrist, say Cranmer ( Works, vol. ii. p. 46,
Camb. 1844), Latimer (Work*, vol. i. p. 149,
Camb. 1844), Ridley (Works, p. 53, Camb. 1841),
Hooper (Works, vol. ii. p. 44, Camb. 1852),
Hutchinson ( Works, p. 304, Camb. 1842), Tyn-
dale ( Works, vol. i. p. 147, Camb. 1848), Sandys
( Works, p. 11, Camb. 1841), Philpot ( Works, p.
152, Camb. 1842), Jewell ( Works, vol. i. p. 109,
Camb. 1845), Rogers ( Works, p. 182, Camb. 1854),
I'ulke ( Works, vol. ii. p. 269, Camb. 1848), Brad-
ford ( Works, p. 435, Camb. 1848). Nor is the
opinion confined to these 16th century divines,
who may be supposed to have been specially in-
censed against Popery. King James held it (ApoL
pro Juram. Fhiel. London, 1609), as strongly as
Queen Elizabeth (see Jewell, Letter to Bulling. May
22, 1559, Zurich Letters, First Series, p. 33,
Camb. 1842); and the theologians of the 17th
century did not repudiate it, though they Less and
less dwelt upon it as their struggle came to be with
Puritanism in place of Popery. Bp. Andrewes
maintains it as a probable conclusion from the
Epistle to the Thessalonians (Jiesp. ad Gellann. p.
304, Oxon. 1851); but he carefully explains that
King James, whom he was defending, had expressed
his private opinion, not the belief of the Church,
on the subject (ibid. p. 23). Bramhall introduces
limitations and distinctions ( Works, iii. 520, Oxf.
1345); significantly suggests tliat there are marks
of Antichrist which apply to the General Assembly
of the Kirk of Scotland :is much as to the Pope or
to the Turk (ib. iii. 287); and declines to make the
Church of England responsible for what individual
preachers or writers had said on the subject in
moments of exasperation (id. ii. 582). From this
time forward the Papal-Antichrist theory is not to
be found in any theologians of name in the Eng-
lish Church, nor indeed in the sixteenth century
does it seem to have taken root in England. Hard
names were bandied al>out, aud the hardest of all
being Antichrist, it was not neglected. Rut the
idea of the Pope being the Antichrist was not the
idea of the English Reformation, nor was it ever
applied to the Pope in his Patriarchal or Archi-
episcopal, but solely in his distinctively Papal char-
acter. But the more that the sober and learned
divines of the seventeenth century gave up this
application of the term, the more violently it was
insisted upon by men of little charity and con-
tracted views. A string of writers followed each
Jther in succession, who added nothing to the inter-
pretation of prophecy, but found each the creation
of his own brain in the sacred book of the Rev-
elation, grouping history in any arbitrary nunner
that they chose around the central figure of the
Papal Antichrist.
3. A reaction followed. Some returned to the
indent idea of a future individual Antichrist, as
LuMui/n or Benezra (a. t>. 1810), Burgh, Samuel
Maitl.md. Newman ( Tracts for the Times, N^,
i3), Charles Maitland (Prophetic Interpretation),
jiism pr e fer re d looking upon him a* long past,
md fixed upon one or another persecutor or heresi-
ircn as I be nun in whom tie predictions as to
ANTICHRIST
107
Antichrist found their fulfillment. There, seems tc
be no trace of this idea for more than 1600 yean
in the Church. Hut it has been token up by two
opposite classes of expounders, by Romanists who
were anxious to avert the application of the Apoc-
alyptic prophecies from the Papacy, and by others,
who were disposed, not indeed to deny the pro
phetic import of the Apocalypse, but to confine the
seer's ken within the closest and narrowest limiU
that were possible. Alcasar, a Spanish Jesir.t.
taking a hint from Victorinus, seems to have bueu
the first (a. d. 1604) to have suggested that the
Apocalyptic prophecies did not extend further than
to the overthrow of Paganism by Constantino
This view, with variations by Grotius, is taken up
and expounded by Bossuet, Calmet, De Sacy, Kich-
horn, Hug, Herder, Ewald, Moses Stuart, David-
son. The general view of the school is that the
A()ocalypse describes the triumph of Christianity
over Judaism in the first, and over Heathenism in
the third century. Mariana sees Antichrist in
Nero; Bossuet in Diocletian and in Julhm; Gro-
tius in Caligula; Wetstein in Titus; Hammond in
Simon Magus ( Works, vol. iii. p. 020, Lond. 1631);
Whitby in the Jews (Coram, vol. ii. p. 431, Lond.
1760); Le Clerc in Simon, son of Giora, a leader
of the rebel Jews; Schijttgen in the Pharisees;
X(sseltand Krause in the Jewish zealots; Harduin
in the High Priest Ananias; F. D. Maurice in
Vitellius (On the Apocalypse, Camb. 1860).
4. 'The same spirit that refuses to regard Satan
as an individual, naturally looks upon the Anti-
christ as an evil principle not embodied either in a
person or in a polity. Thus Koppe, Storr, Nitzsch,
Pelt. (See Alford, Gk. Test. iii. 69.)
We do not gain much by a review of the opin-
ions of the commentators. In the case of prophecy,
partially at least unfulfilled, little is to be expected.
Of the four opinions which we have exhibited, the
Lost is in accordance neither with St. Paul nor St.
John, for St. Paul describes the Adversary as being
distinctly a man; St. John speaks of the coming
of Antichrist in terms similar to those used for the
coming of Christ, and describes Antiehristianism
as to rov (urixpiffToi/, thereby showing that Anti-
ehristianism is Antiehristianism because it is the
spirit of the concrete Antichrist. The third opin-
ion is plainly refuted by the fact that the persona
fixed upon as the Antichrist have severally passed
away, but Christ's glorious presence, which is im-
mediately to succeed the Antichrist, has not yet
been vouchsafed. The majority of those who
maintain the second opinion are shown to be in
the wrong because they represent as a polity what
St. Paul distinctly describes as a man. The ma-
jority of those who hold the first opinion are in
like manner shown to be in the wrong, because the)
represent as an individual what the Apocalypse de-
monstrably pictures as a polity. We are unable
to follow any one interpreter or any one school of
interpreters- The opinions of the two last schools,
we are able to see, are wholly false. The two first
appear to contain the truth between them, but sc
divided as to be untrue in the mouth of almost any
individual expositor who has entered into details.
We return to Scripture.
St. Paul says that there are two tilings which
are tc precede the Day of Christ, the aa-ooTotrfo
and the revelation of the Adversary, but he (km
not say that these two things are con temporal) .
On the contrary, though he dots not directly ex-
press it, he implies that there was to be a suecessi*
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108
ANTICHRIST
if event*. Bint, it would seem, an unnamed and
to na unknown obstacle baa to be removed : tben
wag to follow the " Apostasy ; " after this, the Ad-
versary was to arias, and then was to come his de-
struction. We need hardly say that the word
" apostasy," as ordinarily used, does not give the
exact meaning of A iarooraalct. The A. V. has
most correctly rendered the original by "falling
wray," having only failed of entire exactness by
omitting to give the value of the article." An
open and unblushing denial and rejection of all be-
lief, which is implied in our " apostasy," is not im-
plied in ivaarcuria. It means one of two things:
(1) Political defection (Gen. xiv. 4; 3 Ohr. xiii. 6;
Act* v. 37); (3) Religious defection (Acts xxi. 31;,
1 Tim. iv. 1; Heb. lit. 13). The first is the com-
mon classical use of the word. The second is more
usual in the N. T. Cyril of Jerusalem seems to
understand the word rightly when he says in ref-
erence to this passage : Nvv 8} iariy f) aroarcuria-
aWorvrow y&p ol ArOpwrai tt)j ipdrjs rfarcwf
. . . ixi<m\aat/ y&p of &v$poxoi a>b tt)» AAij-
8ttas . . . Atrrri rolyvy itrrXv t) ixoirrcurla • <tal
f»«XAf i vpaaSoKwytiai i (xfyos (St Cyril. Catec/i.
xv. 9, Op. p. 328, Paris, 1720). And St. Am-
brose, " A vera religione plerique lapsi errore descis-
cent" (Comm. in Luc. xx. 30). This "falling
away " implies persons who fall away, the krmrra-
trta consists of as-oVrarai. Supposing the exist-
ence of an organized religious body, some of whom
should fall away from the true faith, the persons so
falling away would be awoVroroi, though still
formally ucsevered from the religious body to which
they belonged, and the religious body itself, while
from one side and in respect to its faithful members
it would retain it* character and name as a relig-
ous body, might yet from another side and in
respect to its other members be designated an
oWoorawfa. It is such a corrupted religious body
as this that St. Paul seems to mean by the Awoa-
raaia which he foretells in the Epistle to the Thee
salonians. In the Epistles to Timothy he describes
this religious defection by some of its peculiar
characteristics. These are, seducing spirits, doc-
trines of demons, hypocritical lying, a seared con-
science, a forbidding of marriage and of meats, a
form of godliness without the power thereof (1
Tim. iv. 1; 2 Tim. iii. 6). It has been usual,
we have seen, to identify the Beast of the Apoo-
nlypse with St. Paul's Han of Sin. It is impos-
sible, as we have said, to do so. But it is possible,
and more than possible, to identify the Beast and
the airooTwrfa. Can we find any thing which
will serve as the antitype of both ? In order to be
the antitype of St. John's Beast it must be a
polity, arising, not immediately, but shortly, after
the dissolution of the Roman Empire, gaining
great influence in the world, and getting the mas-
tery over a certain number of those nationalities
which like itself grew out of that empire (Dan. vii.
•4). It must last three and a half times, t. e.
nearly twice as long as the empire of Assyria, or
Persia, or Grecia, to which only two times seem to
ANTICHRIST
be allotted (Dan. vii. 12). It must buumaenM
against God, i. e . it must arrogate to itself or claim
for creatures the honor due to God alone. 6 It
must be an object of wonder and worship to the
world (Rev. xiii. 6). It must put forward unblush-
ing claims in behalf of itself, and be full of its
own perfections (Rev. xiii. 5). At a certain period
in it* history it must put itself under the guid-
ance of Rome (Rev. xviii. 8), and remain ridden
by her until the destruction of the latter (Her
xviii. 2); it* own existence being still prolonged
until the coming of Christ in glory (Rev. xix. 20).
To satisfy the requirements of St- Paul's descrip-
tion, its essential features must be a railing away
from the true faith (2 Thcss. ii. 3; 1 Tim. iv. 1),
and it must be further characterized by the specific
qualities already transcribed from the Epistles to
Timothy.
The antitype may be found in the corrupted
Church of Christ, in so far as it was corrupted.
The same Ludy, in so far as it maintained the faith
and love, was the bride and the spouse, and, in so
far as it " fell away " from God, was the iwoo-
Tavfa, just as Jerusalem of old was at once Sion
the beloved city and Sodom the bloody city — the
Church of God and the Synagogue of Satan. Ac-
cording to this view, the three and a half times of
the Beast's continuance (Rev. xiii. 5), and of the
Bride's suffering in the wilderness (Rev. xii. C),
would necessarily be conterminous, for the perse-
cuted and the persecutors would be the faithful and
the unfaithful members of the same body. These
times would have commenced when the Church
lapsed from her purity and from her first love into
unfaithfulness to God, exhibited especially in idol-
atry and creature-worship. It is of the nature of
a religious defection to grow up by degrees. We
should not therefore be able to lay the finger on
any special moment at which it commenced. St.
Cyril of Jerusalem considered that it was already
existing in his time. "Note," he says, "is the
kroaraaia, for men have fallen away (aWo-rno-ay)
from tbe right faith. This then is the inroaraaia,
and we must begin to look out for the enemy ; already
he has begun to send bis forerunners, that the prey
may be ready for him at his coming " ( Catech. xv.
9). It was at the Second Council of Nice that the
Church formally committed itself for the first time
(a. d. 787) by the voice of a General Council to
false doctrine and idolatrous practice. Tbe after
acquiescence in the Hildebrandine theory of the
Papal supremacy would be typified by the Beast
taking the woman who represents the seven-hilled
city on its back as its guide and director. From
the twelfth to the sixteenth century, and partially
to the present day, this Hildebrandine idea has
reigned over and ha* been the governing spirit of
the Corrupted Church. The fall of Babylon, t. e.
of Rome, would be as yet future, as well as the still
subsequent destruction of the Corrupted Church,
on the day of the coming of Christ. The period of
the three and a half times would continue down to
the final moment that this destruction takes place.
o for the force of tbe article, an Bp. Mlddleton in
K. <«*. Art. p. 882, Camb. 1888).
6 The word " blasphemy " has come to bear a seo-
uidary meaning, which it does not bear in Scripture.
Sohleusner (in voc.) rightly explains it, Dieere et/acere
ptSnu majfUas Dti violator. The Jews accused our
bard of blasphemy because He claimed divine power
md the dlvhM attributes (Matt. tx. 2, xxvi. 64 ; John
x. 88). There was nothing in our Lord's words which
tbe most bitter malignity could have called blasphe-
mous in the later sense which the word has come tf
bear. It Is of course In the Scriptural, not in tht
modem, sense that St. John attributes blasphemy tt
the Beast. (See Wordsworth, On the Apocttlypm, *
528.)
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ANTICHRIST
VH. The Apocalyptic False PfOphet. -There
■ a second Apocalyptic Beast : the Beast from the
Earth (Rev. xiii. 11), or the False Prophet (Rev.
six. 20). Can we identify this Beast either with
Ihe individual Antichrist of the Epistles or with
the corrupt polity of the Apocalypse ? We were
compelled to regard the First Beast as a polity by
its being identical with that which clearly is a pol-
ity, the Little Horn of Daniel. There is no such
necessity here, and there is no reason for regarding
the Second Beast as a polity, beyond the fact of its
being described under a similar figure to that by
which a polity had been just previously described.
This presumption is more than counterbalanced by
the individuuiizing title of the False Prophet which
be bears (Kev. xvi. 13, xi\. 20). His character-
istics are — (1) "doing great wonders, so that he
maketh fire to come down from heaven on the
earth in the sight of men " (Rev. xiii. 13). This
power of miracle-working, we should note, is not
attributed by St. John to the First Beast ; but it is
one of the chief signs of St. Paul's Adversary,
"whose coming is with all power and signs and
lying wonders'' (2 Thess. ii. 9). (2) "He de-
ceiveth them that dwell on the earth by the means
of those miracles which he had power to do in the
light of the Beast" (Rev. xiii. 14). " He wrought
miracles with which he deceived them that received
the mark of the Beast and worshipped l he image
•i the Beast" (Rev. xlx. 20). In like manner, no
special power of beguiling is attributed to the First
Beast; but the Adversary is possessed of "all de-
leivobleness of unrighteousness in them that perish
because they received not the love of the truth that
they might be saved" (2 Thess. ii. 10). (3) He
has horns like a lamb, i. e. he bears an outward
resemblance to the Messiah (Rev. xiii. 11); and the
Adversary sits in the temple of God showing him-
self that he is God (2 Thess. ii. 4). (4) His title
is The False Prophet, o Vcv$oicpo<pJiTris (Rev. xvi.
13, xix. 20); and our Lord, whom Antichrist
counterfeits, is emphatically 6 Upoipi)T-ns, The
b(vhQirpo<pT)Tcu. of Matt. xxiv. 24 are the forerun-
ners of <J Wtv&oirpo<f>7}TTi$) as John the Baptist of
the True IVophet. On the whole, it would seem
that if t lit.- Antichrist appears at all in the Book of
the Revelation it is by this Second Beast or the
False Prophet that he is represented. If this be
so, it follows that he is an individual person who
will at some future time arise, who will ally himself
with the Corrupted Church, represent himself as
her minister and vindicator (Rev. xiii. 12), compel
men by violence to pay reverence to her (xiii. 14),
breathe a new life into her decaying frame by his
an of the secular arm in her behalf (xiii. 15), for-
bidding civil rights to those who renounce her au-
thority and reject her symbols (xiii. 17 ), and putting
them to death by the sword (xiii. 15), while per-
Lonally he is an atheistical blasphemer (1 John ii.
22) and sums up in himself the evil spirit of un-
belief which has been working in the world from
St. Paul's days to his (2 Thess. ii. 7). That it is
possible for a professed unbeJibver and atheist to
nake himself the champion of a corrupt system of
■eligion, and to become on political grounds as
riolent a persecutor in its behalf as • most
knatical bigot could be, has oeen proved by events
*hich have already occurred, and which might
train occur on a more gigantic and terrible scale.
Ine Antichrist would thus combine the forces, gen-
Tally and happily anttgonistic, of infi^lity and
tapentitkm In this would consist the special
ANTICHRIST 10?
ho.ror of the reign of the Antichrist Hence also
the special sufferings of the faithful ielievers until
Christ himself once again appeared to vindicate the
cause of truth and liberty and religion.
The sum of Scripture teaching with regard to
the Antichrist, then, appears to be as follows. Al-
ready in the times of the Apostles there was the
mystery of iniquity, the spirit of Antichrist, ai
work. It embodied itself in various shapes — in the
Gnostic heretics of St. John's days, in the Jewish
impostors who preceded the fall of Jerusalem, in
all hcresiarchs and unbelievers, especially those
whose heresies had a tendency to deny the incar-
nation of Christ, and in the great persecutors who
from time to time afflicted the Church. But tins
Antichristian spirit was then, and is still, diffused
It had not, and it has not yet, gathered itself into
the one person in whom it will be one day com-
pletely and fully manifested. There was something
which prevented the open manifestation of the
Antichrist in the Apostles' days which they spoke
of by word of mouth, but were unwilling to name
in letters. What this otwtacle was, or is, we can-
not now know. The general opinion of the early
writers and fathers is that it was the power of
secular law existing in the Roman Empire. The
Roman Empire fell, and upon its fall, and in con-
sequence of its fall, there arose a secularization and
corruption of the Church, which would not have
been so secularized and corrupted had it been kept
in check by the jealousy of the imperial power.
The secularization and corruption increasing, the
Church, which from one point of view and in re-
spect to some of its members was considered as the
Church of Christ, from another point of view and
in respect to others of its members, came to be
regarded as no better than an iLKocraaia. Time
passing on, the corrupt element, getting still more
the mastery, took the Papacy on its back and gave
itself up to I".' directed from Rome. So far we
speak of the past. It would appear further that
there is to l>e evolved from the womb of the Cor-
rupt Church, whether after or before the fall of
Rome does not appear, an individual Auticlirist,
who, being himself a scoffer and contemner of all
religion, will yet act as the patron and defender of
the Corrupt Church, and compel' meu to submit to
her sway by the force of the secular arm and by
means of bloody persecutions. He will unite the
old foes su|>erstition and unbelief in a combined
attack on liljerty and religion. He will have,
finally, a power of performing lying miracles and
beguiling souls, being the embodiment of Satanic
as distinct from brutal wickedness. How long his
power will last we are wholly ignorant, as the three
and a half times do not refer to his reign (as it
usually imagined), but to the continuance of Um
an -htt atria. We only know that his continuance
will l>e short. At hist he will be destroyed to-
gether with the Corrupt Church, in so far as it is
corrupt, at the glorious appearance of Christ, which
will usher in the millennial triumph of the faithful
and hitherto persecuted members of the Church.
(B.) There are points which require further elu-
cidation : —
1. The meaning of the name Antichrist. Mr.
Greswell atgues at some length that the only cor-
rect reading of the word is Counterfeit-Christ or
Pi-v-Christo^ and denies that the idea of Adversary
to Christ is involved in the word. Mr. GresweU't
authority U great; but he has been in this case too
hasty In drawing his conclusion from the instances
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no
ANTICHRIST
which be has cited. It is true that " 4W is not
«ynon) mom with xard ," but it U impossible to re-
list the evidence which any Greek lexicon supplies
that the word M, both in composition and by
itself, will bear the sense of " opponent to." It is
probable that both senses are combined in the word
Antichrist, as in the word Antipope, which is very
exact in its resemblance, but the primary notion
which it conveys would seem rather to be that of
antagonism than rivalry. See Greswell, Exposition
of the Parable*, vol. i. p. 872 ff.; Wordsworth,
On Ae Apocalypte, p. 512.
2. The meaning of T o xaWyor. What is that
thing which witbholdeth (2 Thess. ii. 6)? and
why is it apparently described in the following verse
as a person (& Karix"') '■ There is a remarkable
unanimity among the early Christian writers on
this point. They explain the obstacle, known to
the Thessalonians but unknown to us, to be the
Roman Empire. Thus Tertullian, De Reeur. Cam.,
c. 24, and ApoL, c. 32; St Chrysostom and The-
ophylact on 2 Thess. ii. ; Hippolytus, De Antichritto,
c. 49; St. Jerome on Dan. vii. ; St. Augustine,
De Cm. Dei, xx. 19; St. Cyril of Jerusalem,
Catech. xv. 6 (see Dr. H. More's Works, bk. ii. c.
19, p. 690; Made, bk. iii. ch. xiii. p. 656; Alford,
Gk. Te*L iii. 57; Wordsworth, On the Apocalypse,
p. 520). Theodoret and Theodore of Mopsuestia
hold it to be the determination of God. Theo-
doret' s view is embraced by Pelt; the Patristic in-
terpretation is accepted by Wordsworth. EUicott
and Alford so far modify the Patristic interpreta-
tion as to explain the obstacle to be the restraining
power of human law (rb Karix°») wielded by the
Empire of Rome (t mr^w) when Tertullian
wrote, but now by the several governments of the
civilized world. The explanation of Theodoret is
untenable on account of St Paul's further words,
"until he be taken out of the way," which are
ipplied by him to the obstacle. The modification
of EUicott and Alford is necessary if we suppose
the iroaraata to be an infidel apostasy still future,
for the Roman Empire is gone, and this apostasy is
not come, nor is the Wicked One revealed. There
is much to be said for the Patristic interpretation
in its plainest acceptation. How should the idea
of the Roman Empire being the obstacle to the
revelation of Antichrist have originated? There
was nothing to lead the early Christian writers to
such a belief. They regarded the Roman Empire
as idolatrous and abominable, and would have been
more disposed to consider it as the precursor than
as the obstacle to the Wicked One. Whatever the
obstacle was, St Paul says that he told the Thessa-
lonians what it was. Those to whom he had
preached knew, and every time that his Epistle was
publicly read (1 Them, v 27), questions would have
been asked by those who did not know, and thus
the recollection must b\ve been kept up. It is very
difficult to see whence the tradition could have
arisen except from St. Paul's own teaching. It
may be asked, Why then did be not express it in
writing as well as by word of mouth? St. Je-
rome's answer is sufficient : " If be had openly and
unreservedly said, ' Antichrist will not come unless
•he Roman Empire be first destroyed,' the infant
Dhurcb would have been exposed in consequence
o persecution " (ad Algr j. Qu. xi. vol. iv. p. 209,
"aria, 1706). Remigiiw gives the same reason,
' He spoke obscurely for tear a Roman should per-
ups read the Epistle, and raise a persecution
•gainst him and the other < Christians, for they held
ANTICHRIST
that they were to rule forever in the world ' (Bs»
Pair. Max. viii. 1018; see Wordsworth, On At
Apocalypte, p. 343). It would appear then that
the obstacle urns probably the Roman Empire, and
on its being taken out of the way there did occur
the " falling away." Zion the beloved city became
Sodom the bloody city — still Zion though Sodom,
still Sodom though Zion. According to the view
given above, this would be the description of the
Church in her present estate, and this will con-
tinue to be our estate, until the time, times and
half time, during which the evil element is allowed
to remain within her, shall have come to their eLd.
3. What it At Apocn/iff>tic Babyhmt There
is not a doubt that by Babylon is figured Rome.
The "seven mountains on which the woman sit-
teth" (Rev. xvii. 9), and the plain declaration,
" the woman which thou sawest is that great city
which reigneth " (i. e. in St. John's days) " over
the kings of the earth " (Rev. xvii. 18), are too
strong evidence to be gainsaid. There is no com-
mentator of note, ancient or modern, Romanist or
Protestant, who does not acknowledge so much.
But what Rome is it that is thus figured ? There
are four chief opinions: (1) Rome Pagan; (2)
Rome Papal; (3) Rome having hereafter be-»me
infidel; (4) Rome as a type of the world. That
it is old Pagan Rome is the view ably contended
for by Bossuet and held in general by the prateritt
school of interpreters. That it is Rome Papal was
held by the Protestants of the sixteenth century,
and by those who preceded and have followed them
in their line of interpretation. That it is Rome
having lapsed into infidelity is the view of many of
the futw-ittt. That it is Rome as the type of the
world is suggested or maintained by Tichonius, Pri-
masius, Aretas, Albert the Great, and in our own
days by Dr. Arnold (On At Interpretation of
Prophecy) and Dr. Newman ( Tract* for Ae Time*,
No. 83). That the harlot-woman must lie an un-
faithful Church is argued convincingly by Words-
worth (On Ae Apocalypte, p. 376), and no less
decisively by Isaac Williams ( The Apocalypte, p.
335). A close consideration of the language and
import of St. John's prophecy appears, as Mr.
Williams says, to leave no room for doubt on this
point. If this be so, the conclusion seems almost
necessarily to follow that the unfaithful Church
spoken of is, as Dr. Wordsworth argues, the Church
of Rome. And this appears to be the case. The
Babylon of the Apocalypse is probably the Church
of Rome which gradually raised and seated herself
on the back of the Corrupted Church — the Har-
lot-rider on the Beast. A very noticeable conclu-
sion follows from hence, which has been little
marked by many who have been most anxious to
identify Babylon and Rome. It is, that it is im-
possible that the Pope or the Papal system can he
Antichrist, for the Harlot who rides on the Beast
and the Antichrist are wholly distinct. After
Babylon is fallen and destroyed (Rev. xviii.) the
Antichrist is still found (Rev. xix.). Indeed there
is hardly a feature in the Papal system which is
similar in its lineaments to the portrait of Anti-
christ as drawn by St John, however closely it may
resemble Babylon.
4. What are tee to understand by Ae tico Wit-
nesses t The usual interpretation given iu tb»
early Church is that they are Enoch and EujaL,
who are to appear in the days of Antichrist, ant
by him to be killed. Victorious substitutes Jere-
miah for Enoch. Joachim would suggest Mosea
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ANTICHRIST
mil Elijah taken figurci t n el \ for some persona, or j
perhaps orders, actuated by their spirit. Huhin |
ijer, Jiale, Chytneus, I'areus, Mede, Vitringa un-
derstand by them the line of Antipapal remon-
it rants, ran takes them to be Huss and Jerome
of Prague; Bossuet, the early Christian martyrs-
Herder and Eichhorn, the chief priest Ananus and
Jesus slain by the Zealots; Moses Stuart, the sick
and old who did not fly from Jerusalem on its cap-
ture by the Romans; Maurice, the priest Jeshua
and the judge Zerubbabel as representing Iaw and
Sacrifice; I^ee understands by them the Law and
the Gospel; Tichonius and IJcde, the two Testa-
nients; others the two Sacraments. All that we
are able to say is this: The time of their witness-
ing is 1260 days, or a time, times, and half a time.
This is the same period as that during which the
avo&Tatria and the power of the Beast continue.
They would seem therefore to represent all those
who in the midst of the faithless are found faithful
throughout this time. Their being described as
"candlesticks" would lead us to regard them per-
haps as Churches. The place of their temporary
death, " the great city, which spiritually is called
Sodom and Egypt, where also our I^ord was cru-
cified," would appear to be Jerusalem, as typifying
the Corrupted Church. The Heart that kills them
is not Antichrist, but the faithless Church.
5. The Nwnbtr of the Btm&t. Nothing what-
ever is known about it. No conjecture that lias
been made is worth mentioning on the ground of
its being likely in any the least degree to approx-
imate to the truth. The usual method of seeking
the solution of the difficulty is to select the name
of an individual and to count the numerical values
of its constituent letters. The extravagant con-
clusions which have been made to result from this
system have naturally brought it into disrepute,
but it is certain that it was much more usual,
at the time that St. John wrote, to make calcula-
tions in this manner than most persons are now
aware. On this principle Mercury or llnuth was
invoked under the name of 1218, Jupiter under
that of 717, the Sun of 608 or XH. Mr. Elliott
motes an enigma from the Sibylline verses in some
*ay expressing the name of God, strikingly illus-
trative of the challenge put forth by St. John, and
{perhaps formed in part on its model :
1 r: .:i - /f ' >","""' < yu) ■ T«TpacTUAAa£6s t'lfLl ' liKi /)(.
Hi Tp€ is ai -pwrat &vo ypdfi-fiaT i\ov<TiV tKaonj,
H Aotrri) Si ra Aoftrd. • teal t\<r\v afyutva. ra nivrt.
Tov Tracrbt S' api&nov iKaTovrdSes eiffi 5i« oktui
Kai t/xis TpitrdeKa&f, truv y iirrd • yvous Si t« «i/ai,
Qvk OfLVlfTOs eaj) 0u'iff trap ifioC ye uo</>(,tj$.
Sibyll. Char. p. 171, Paris, 1599.
luppOMd by Mr. Clarke to be ©«£$ oarr-qp. The
only conjecture with respect to the number of the
Heast, made on this principle, which is worthy of
uicjition is one which dates as early as the time of
Irenxus, and has held its ground down to the time
'f Dean Alford and Canon Wordsworth Irenreus
uggesta, though he does not adopt, the word
AaritKoi. Dr. Wordsworth (I860* thinks it
possible, and Dean Alford (1861) has "the strong-
wt persuasion that no other can be found approach-
ing so near to a complete solutiop " Of ;ther
lunes the chief favorites have been Tf ITS*
ANTICHRIST
111
(Irenaeus), Apvou/xe (Hippolytus), Aa^ire-
tii, Apt* ft os (Tichonius), Veyerjf. iko $
(Rupertus), Kukos 'O 87770$, 'A At? 77s
BAajSfpo?, flaAai Boir/tacoi, 'Ajuvoj
attKos (Arethas), Oii\vio$ (Grotimu. Ma-
opens, 'Awoo"TaTi7J, DlOCMM AciiUaTC*
(IJossuet): l.waiil constructs " the Koniau Ctesar"
in Hebrew, and lienary " tlie CttMf Nero " in the
same language. Any one who wishes to know the
many attempts that have been made to solve the
difficulty — attempts seldom even relieved by in-
genuity — may consult Wollius, Cutmct, Clarke,
Wrangham, Thorn [Thorn ?]." Probably the prin-
ciple on which the explanation goes is false. Men
have looked for Antichrist among their toes, and
have tortured the name of the person fixed upon
into being of the value of 666. Hence hi Li n uj
under the Roman Emperors, Mohammed at the time
of the Saracenic successes, Luther at the Reforma-
tion, Bonaparte at the French Revolution. The
name to be found is not that of Antichrist, but the
name of the Beast, which, as we hlJP" argued, is
not the same as Antichrist. It is prohJJe that a
sounder method of interpretation is adopted by Mr.
Isaac Williams, Dr. Wordsworth, and Air. Maurice.
There is clearly a symbolical meaning in the num-
bers used in the Apocalypse; and they would ex-
plain the three sixes as a threefold declension from
the holiness and perfection symbolized by the num-
ber seven. We will add an ingenious suggestion
by an anonymous writer, and will leave the subject
in the same darkness in which it is probably des-
tined to remain: "At his first appearance," he
writes, "he will be hailed with acclamations and
hosannahs as the redeemer of Israel, another Judas
Maecabteus: and either from the initials of his
name, or from the initial letter of some scriptural
motto adopted by him, an artificial name will be
formed, a cipher of his real name. And that ab-
breviated name or cipher will be ostentatiously dis-
played as their badge, their watchword, their shib-
boleth, their * Maccahi,' by all his adherents.
This artificial name, this mark or symbol of the
real name, will be equal by Geinatria to 66fi
(Jewish Missionary, p. 52, 1848).
(C.) Jewish and Afohammethn traditions re
xptcting Antichrist. The name given by the Jews
to Antichrist is (0*1 ;^pHS) Armillus. There are
several Rabbinical books in which 1 circumstantial
account is given of him, such as iie " Book of
Zerubbabel," and others printed at Constantinople.
Buxtorf gives an abridgment of their contents in
his Lexicon, under the head " Armillus," and in
the fiftieth chapter of his Syrtayot/a Judtiica
(p. 717). The name is derived from Isaiah xi. 4,
where the Targum gives " By the word of his
mouth the wicked Armillus shall die," for "with
the breath of his lips shall he slay the wicked."
Then will, say the Jews, be twelve [ten] signs 0!
the coming of the Messiah: — 1. The appearance
of three apostate kings who have fallen away from
the faith, but in the sight of men appear to be
worshippers of the true God. 2. A terrible heat of
the sun. 3. A dew of blood (Joel . 30), 4. A
healing dew for the pious. 5. A darkness will be
cast cpon the sun (Joel ii. 31) for thirty days (Is
xxiv. 22). 6. God will give universal power U
« • Dr. Darli Tbom, of Liverpool, Is the author of a ; 398), which may wel» be regarded as a curiosity of Irt
•oris entitled « The Number and Name* of the Apoca- \ erature. a
Tptte Beasts, Part I." (Lond. 1848, 8vo, pp. xuix.. |
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112
ANTICHRIST
the Romans for nine month*, during which time
the Roman chieftain will afflict the Israelites; at
the end of the nine months God will nice up the
Messiah Hen-Joseph, that U, the Meaaiah of the
tribe of Joseph, named Nehemiah, who will defeat
the Roman chieftain and slay him. 7. Then there
will ariae Armillua, whom the Gentiles or Cnris-
tiant call Antichrist. He will be bom of a marble
statue in one of the churches in Rome. He will
fro to the Romans and will profess himself to be
their Messiah and their God. At once the Romans
will believe in him and accept him for their king,
and will love him and cling to him. Having made
the whole world subject to him, he will say to the
Iduinjeans (i. e. Christians), " Bring me the law
which I have given you." They will bring it with
tneir book of prayers; and he will accept it us his
jwn, and will exhort them to persevere in their
lielief of him. Then he will send to Nehemiah, <uid
command the Jewish I.aw to be brought him, and
proof to be given from it that he is God. Nehe-
miah will go before him, guarded by 30,000 war-
riors of the tribe of Ephraim, and will read, " I am
the Lord thy God : thou shalt have none other gods
but me." Armillua will say that there are no such
words in the Law, and will command the Jews to
confess him to be God as the other nations had con-
fessed him. But Nehemiah will give orders to his
followers to seize and bind him. Then Armillus
in rage and fury will gather all his people in a deep
valley to fight with Israel, and in that battle the
Messiah Ben-Joseph will fell, and the angels will
bear away his body and carry him to the resting-
place of the Patriarchs. Then the Jews will be
cast out by all nations, and suffer afflictions such
as have not been from the beginning of the world,
and the residue of them will fly into the desert, and
will remain there forty and five days, during which
time all the Israelites who are not worthy to see
the Redemption shall die. 8. Then the great angel
Michael will rise and blow three mighty blasts of a
trumpet. At the first blast there shall appear the
true Messiah Ben-David and the prophet Elijah,
and they will manifest themselves to the Jews in
the desert, and all the Jews throughout the v»rld
shall hear the sound of the trump, and those that
have been carried captive into Assyria shall be
gathered together; and with great gladness they
shall come to Jerusalem. Then Armillus will raise
a great army of Christians and lead them to Jeru-
salem to conquer the new king. But God shall say
to Messiah, " Sit thou on my right hand," and to
the Israelites, " Stand still and see what God will
work for you to-day." Then God wiU pour down
sulphur and fire from heaven (Ez. xxxviii. 33), and
*he impious Armillus shall die, and the impious
Idumaeans (i. <-. Christians), who have destroyed the
house of our God and have led us away into cap-
tivity, shall perish in misery, and the Jews shall
avenge themselves upon them, as it is written:
" The bouse of Jacob shall be a fire, and the house
of Joseph a Same, and the house of Esau (i. e. the
Christians) for stubble, and they shaU kindle in
them and devour them: there shall not be any re.
maining of the house of Esau, for the Lord hath
spoken it" (Obad. 18.) 9. On the second blast of
he trumpet the tombs shall be opened, and Messiah
Hen-David shall raise Messiah Ben-Joseph from the
dead. 10. The ten tribes shall be led to Paradise,
utd shall celebrate the wedding-feast of the Messiah.
\rd the Messiah shall choose a bride amongst the
surest of the daughters of Israel, and children and
ANTICHBIST
children's children shall he boru to him, and ther
he shall die like other men, and his sons shall reign
over Israel after him, as U is written, " He shall
prolong his days" (Is. liii. 10), which Rambaxc
explains to mean " He shall live long, but he too
shall die in great glory, and his son shall reign it
his stead, and his son's sons in succession " (Bux-
torfii Synayoga Judaica, p. 717, Basil. 1661 [and
Eisenmenger, Knldecktf Judtnthtm, ii. 698-717]).
The Mohammedan traditions are an adaptation
of Christian prophecy and Jewish legend without
any originality or any beauty of their own. They
too have their signs which are to precede the final
consummation. They are divided into the greater
and leaser signs. Of the greater signs the first is
the rising of the sun from the west (cf. Matt. xxiv.
3!)). The next is the appearance of a Beast from
the earth, sixty cubits high, bearing the "taff of
Moses, and the seal of Solomon, with which be wu
inscribe the word " Believer" on the face of the
faithful, and " Unbeliever " on all who have not
accepted lulamism (comp. Rev. xUL). The third
sign is the capture of Constantinople, while the
spoil of which is being divided, news will come of
the appearance of Antichrist (Al Dajjal), and every
man will return to his own home. Antichrist will
be blind of one eye and deaf of one ear, and will
have the name of Unbeliever written on his forehead
(Kev. xiii.). It is be that the Jews call Messiah
Ben-David, and say that he wiU come in the last
times and reign over sea and land, and restore to
them the kingdom. He will continue forty days,
one of these days being equal to a year, another to
a month, another to a week, the rest being days of
ordinary length. He will devastate all other places,
but wiU not be allowed to enter Mecca and Medina,
which wiU be guarded by angels. lastly, be will
be killed by Jesus at the gate of Lud. For when
news is received of the appearance of Antichrist,
Jesus will come down to earth, alighting on the
white tower at the east of Damascus, and wiU slay
him : Jesus wiU then embrace the Mohammedan re-
ligion, marry a wife, and leave children after him,
having reigned in perfect peace and security, after
the death of Antichrist, for forty years. (See Po-
cocke, Porta Motu, p. 358, Oxon. 1655; and Sale,
Koran, Preliminary DUcoune.)
literature. — On the subject of the Antichrist
and of the Apocalyptic visions the following is a
condensed list of the writers most deserving of at-
tention: — S. Cyril of Jerusalem, Catech. xv. 890,
Paris, 1790. S. Jerome, fcxplan. in Daniel, v. 617,
Veron. 1734. These two writers are expounders
of the Patristic view. Andreas, Comm. in Apoe.
Bibl. Patr. Max. v. 590. Aretas, Comm. in Apox
BibL Patr. Max. ix. 741. Abbas Joachim (founder
of the Antipapal school), J-.rj). Apoc. Venet. 1519.
ltibeira (founder of the later school of Futurists),
Comm. in Apoc. Salam. 1591. Alcasar (founder
of the Pneterist school), VetHgatio Arcani Setuut
in Apoc. Antv. 1614. Parens, Comm. in Apoc.
Heidelb. 1618. Cornelius a I-apide, Comm. in
Apoc. Antv. 1697. Mede, Clavit Apocnlypt. Can-
tab. 1632. Bossuet, V Apocalypte, avec me Expli-
cation, tEuvres, vol. xxiii. Vitringa, Anacrisu
Apocalxgn. Amst. 1719. Daubuz, Ciinm. on Rev
Lond. 1730. Hug, KinUitung in die Sckriflen da
Neuen Tett. Stuttg. 1831. Bengel, ErklSrte Of
enbarung Johatmu, Stuttg. 1834. Herder, Johan.
nit Of enbarung, Werke, xil. Stuttg. 1897. Kieh-
horn, Comm. tn Apoc. Getting. 1791. Ewald
Comm. m Apoc. Lips. 1838. Locke, VoUtUbtdigi
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ANTIOCH
Emlettung in die OJI'enbarung und die apocatypt.
Uttratui; Comm. iv., Bum, 1832, [2c Aufl. 1852.]
Tracts for the Times, v. No. 8 ; 1, l.oiid. 183!).
Lireswell, Exposition of .he Parables, vol. i. Oxf.
1834. Moses Stuart, Comm on the Apor. [Ando-
»er, 1845, ifpr.] 1/linb. 1847. Wordsworth, CM
the Apocalypse Load. 184!' ; and Ok. Test. Lond.
1860. Elliott Norm ApocalyjAtae, Lond. 1851.
Clissold Apocalyptical Interpretation (Swedenbor-
;ian), Lond. 1845. C. Maitland, Prophetic Inter-
pretation, Lmd. 1849. Williams, The Apocalypse,
Lond. 1852. AJford, Ok. Test. (Proley. in Tlitss.
et in Apoc.), Lond. 185tj and 18U1. Kllicott,
Comm. in Thess. Lond. 1858. 1". II.
* ()n this important topic the reader may con-
jidt also the following writers: Corrodi, Krit.Oesch.
des Chiliasmus, ii. 400-444, 1'rankf. u. I>eipz. 1781 ;
Neander, Pflanzung, u. s. w. i. 340, ii. 030, 040,
4te Aufl. llainb. 1847, or pp. 200, 366, 372 of K.
G. Kobinson's revised ed. of Ryland's trans., N. Y.
1865 ; also his Uer erste Brief Johannis, on ch. ii. 18,
22, 23, iv. 1-3, trans, by Mrs. Conant, N. V. 1852;
Dtistcrdieck, Johan. Brief e, i. 308-332, Giitt. 1852;
Maurice, Unity if the If, T., Camb. 1854, pp.
600-614; Lange in Ilerzog's HeaLEncyklopiidie, i.
37 1 ; Lechler, Dot npost. u. d. nachnpost. ZeiUtUer,
2e Aufl. Stuttg. 1857, pp. 132 ff., 227 If., 207;
Kwuld, Sendschreiben des Apostels Paidns, pp. 25-
31, Gott. 1857; Liineroami on 2 Thess. ii. 1-12,
and Huther on 1 John ii. 18, in Meyer's Komm.
iiber das N. T. ; Jowett, lCxcursus on " The Man
of Sin," in his Epistles of St. Paul, i. 178-104,
2d ed., l.'nj.l. 1850; Uoehmer, Ed., Zur Lehre vom
Antichrist, nach ScJineckenburger, in Jahrb. f.
ileulsche TheoL, 1859, iv. 403-467; Noyes, G. K.,
The Apocalypse analyzed ami explained, in the
Christian Examiner for Mav, I860, lxviii. 325-357 ;
Meek, KinL in das N. 7'., r pp. 015-618, and I'oc-
lesungen uber die Ajtokdypse, Berl. 1862; Ewidd,
Die Johan. Scliriften iibersezl u. erkUirt, Bd. ii.,
(jCtt. 1862; Volkmar, Comm. zur OJfenbarung
Johannes, Zurich, 1862. H. and A
ANTIOCH CA^rioxf(o). 1. In Syhia. The
: ij>it-d of tlie Creek kings of S\ ria, and afterwards
ihe residence of the Koman governors of the prov-
ince which liore the same name. This metropolis
was situated where the chain of lj I anon, rumiing
northwards, and the chain of Taurus, running east-
wants, are brought to an abrupt meeting. Here
the Orontes breaks through the mountains; and
Antioch was placed at a bend of the river, partly
.•ii an island, partly on the level which forms the
left bank, and partly on the steep and craggy as-
cent of Mount Silpius, which rose abruptly on the
south. In the immediate neighborhood was Daphne,
the celebrated sanctuary of Apollo (2 Mace. iv. 33);
whence the city was sometimes called Antioch uy
Da punk, to distinguish it from other cities of the
same name.
No city, after Jerusalem, is so intimately con-
nected with the history of the apostolic church.
Certain points of close association between these
two cities, as regards the progress of Christianity,
may lie noticed in the first place. One of the seven
deacons or almoners appointed at Jerusalem, was
Nicolas, a proselyte of Antioch (Acts vi. 5). The
Christians, who were dispersed from Jerusalem at
the death of Stephen, preached the gospel at An-
AXTIOCH
113
tioch (ibid. xi. 19). It was from Jerusalem thai
Agabus and the other prophets, who foretold the
famine, came to Aiitiocb (ibid. xi. 27, 28): and
liarnabas and Saul were consequently sent on a
mission of charity from the latter city to the former
(ibid, xi. 30, \ii. 25). It was from Jerusalem again
that the Judaizers came, who disturbed the church
at Antioch (ibid. xv. 1); and it was at Antioc*
that St. Paul rebuked St. Peter for conduct into
which he had been l>etrayed through the influence
of emissaries from Jenisalem (Gal. ii. 11, 12).
The chief interest of Antioch, however, is con-
nected with the progress of Christianity among the
heathen. Here the first Gentile church was
founded (Acts xi. 20, 21); here the disciples of
Jesus Christ were first called Christians (xi. 26):
here St. Paul exercised (so far as is distinctly re-
corded) his first systematic ministerial work (xi
22-2iJ; see xiv. 26-28; also xv. 35 and xviii. 23)-
hence he started at the beginning of his first mis
sionary journey (xiii. 1-3), and hither he returned
(xiv. 26). So again after the apostolic council (the
decrees of which were si»ecially addressed to the
Gentile converts at Antioch, xv. 23), he Itegan and
ended his second missionary journey at this place
txv. 36, xviii. 22). This too was the starting-point
of the third missionary journey (xviii. 23), which
was brought to a termination by the imprisonment
at Jerusalem and ( asarea." Though St. Paid was
never again, so far as we know, at Antioch, it did
not cease to lie an buportftfit centre for Christian
progress; hut it does not belong to this place to
trace its history as a patriarchate, and its connec-
tion with Ignatius, Chrysostom, and other eminent
names.
Antioch was founded in the year 300 b. c, by
Seleucus Nicator, with circumstances of consider-
able display, which were afterwards embellished by
fable. The situation was well chosen, both for mil-
itary and commercial purposes, .lews were settled
there from the first in large numl>ers, were governed
by theii own ethnarch, and allowed to have the
Bame political privileges with the Greeks (Joseph.
Art, xii. 3, § 1 ; e. Ap. ii. 4). Antioch grew under
the successive Seleucid kings, till it became a city
of great extent and of remarkable beauty. Some
of the most magnificent buildings were on the
island. One feature,' which seems to have been
characteristic of the great Syrian cities — a vast
street with colonnades, intersecting the whole from
end to end — was added by Antioehus Kpiphanes.
Some lively notices of the Antioch of this period,
and of its relation to Jewish history, are supplied
by the books of Maccabees. (See especially 1 Mace
Ui. 37, xi. 13; 2 Mace. iv. 7-0, v. 21, xi. 36.)
It is the Antioch of the Roman period with
which we are concerned in the N. T. By Pompcy
it had l>een made a free city, and such it continued
till the time of Antoninus Pius. The early Emper
ors raised there some large and important struct-
ures, such as aqueducts, amphitheatres, and baths
Herod the Great contributed a road and a colon
nade (Joseph. Ant. xvi. 5, § 3; B. J., i. 21, § 11;
Here should be mentioned that the citizens of An
tioch under the Kmpire were noted for scurrilous
nit and the invention ot nicknames. This perhaps
was the origin of the name by which the disciples
of Jesus Christ are designated, and which was
a • It illustrates signally the contrasts of history,
that the Antioch of the N. T. from which the first
to the heathen were sect forth, la Itself
now one of the foreign fields to which niisstonartoi an
sent by the jhurches of America. aft
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ANTIOCH
ANTIOCH
probably given by Romans to the despised sect,
tnd not by Christians to themselves.
The great authority for all that is known of
ancient Antioch is C. 0. MuUer's Anliifuitalet
Antiiicliena (Gctt. 1839). Modern Anlnkin is a
shrunken and miserable place. Some of the walls,
shattered by earthquakes, have a striking appear-
ance on the crags of Mount Silpius. ITiey are de-
scribed in Chesney's account of the Ev/ih inlet Ex-
pedition, where also U given a view of a gateway
which still bears the name of St Paul. One error,
however, should be pointed out, which has found
lu way into these volumes from Calniet, namely,
Jerome's erroneous identification of Antioch with
the Riblah of the Old Testament.
Oats of St. Paul, Antioch.
S. Antioch in Pisidia (Acta xiii. 14, zir. 19,
U: 9 Tim iii. II). The position of this town is
clearly pointed out by Strabo in the following
words (iii. 577): — "In the district of Phrygia
called Paroreia, there is a certain mountain-ridge,
stretching from E. to W. On each side there is a
large plain below this ridge; and it has two cities
in it* neighborhood: Philomelium on the north,
and on the other side Antioch, called Antioch near
Pisidia. The former lies entirely in the plain ; the
latter (which has a Roman colony) is on a height."
The relations of distance also between Antioch and
other towns are known by the Peutingerian table.
Its site, however, has only recently been ascertained.
It was formerly supposed to be Ak~ther y which is
now known to be Philomelium on the north side of
the ridge. Even Winer (1847) gives this view,
the difficulties of which were seen by I-eake, and
previously by Mannert. Mr. Arundell, the British
chaplain at Smyrna, undertook a journey in 1838
| for the express purpose of identifying the Pisidian
Antioch, and he was perfectly successful (Arundell'f
Asia Miiun; ch. xii., xiii., xiv.). The ruins are
very considerable. This discovery was fully con-
finned by Mr Hamilton {Ret. in Asia Minor, vol.
I. ch. 27). Antioch corresponds to Yalubalek,
which is distant from Ak-fher six hours over the
mountains.
This city, like the Syrian Antioch, wis found.nl
by Seleucus Nicator. Under the Romans it became
a colonia, and was also called Caesarea, as we learn
from Pliny (v. 24). The former fact is confirmed
by the Ijitin inscriptions and other features of the
coins of the place; the latter by inscriptions dis-
covered on the spot by Mr. Hamilton.
The occasion on which St. Paul visited the city
for the first time (Acts xiii. 14) was very interest-
ing and important. His preaching in the syna-
gogue led to the reception of the gospel by a great
number of the Gentiles: and this resulted in
violent persecution on the part of the Jews, wht
first, usine the influence of some of the wealth]
female residents, drove him from Antioch to Ion
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ANTIOCHIA
sium (ib. 50, 51), and subsequently followixi jim
tven to I.ystra (Acts xiv. 19). St. Paul, on hi»
eturn from Lystra, revisited Antioch for the pur-
pose of strengthening the minds of the disciples
(ib. 21). These events happened when !:e was on
his first missionary journey, in company with Bar-
nabas. He proliably visited Antioch again at the
beginning of his second journey, when Silas was
bis associate, and Timotheus, who was a native of
this neighborhood, had just been added to the
party. The allusion in 2 Tim. iii. 11 shows that
Timotheus was well acquainted with the sufferings
which the apostle had undergone during his first
visit to the Pisidian Antioch. [Piikygia; Pi-
sidia.] J- S. H.
ANTIOCHI'A fAmtVaai [FA.] Alex.
AjtioX'O exc - '" ^ Mace. iv. 33: Antiochia).
Antioch 1 (1 Mace. iv. 35, vi. 63; 2 Mace. iv.
33, v. 21). W. A. W.
ANTIO'CHIANS ('A*tiox«« : Antiocheni).
Partisans of Antiochus Epiphanes, including Jason
uid the Helleuizing faction (2 Mace. iv. 9, 19). In
the latter passages the Vulgate has vims ptccatoit*.
\V. A. W.
ANTI'OCHIS ('Avrloxif- AntioehU). The
roncubine of Antiochus Epiphanes (2 Mace. iv. 30).
W. A. W.
ANTI'OCHUS ('Akti'oxos; Alex. Avrifia-
vos in 1 Mace. xii. 10: Anlioclim). Father of
Xumenius, one of the ambassadors from Jonathan
to the Romans (1 Mace. xii. 10, xiv. 22).
W. A. W.
ANTI'OCHUS II. ('A^ti'oyos, 'be irilh-
ttander), king of Syria, sumar-.ed the. Cud (0e<iy),
" in the first instance by the Milesians, liecause he
overthrew their tyrant Timarchus " (App. Syr.
651, succeeded his father Antiochus (2wr^p, <*«
Savior) in B. C. 261. During the earlier part of
his reign he was engaged in a fierce war with Ptol-
emteus Philadelphia, king of Egypt (totis riribus
ilimicant, Hieron. ml Dm. xi. 6), in the course of
which l'arthia and Bactria revolted and became in-
dependent kingdoms. At length (B. c. 250) peace
was made, and the two monarebs "joined thetn-
ANTIOCHUS III.
115
of forces " against Ptol. Philopator the sen of Ever-
getes, and "one of them " (Antiochus) threatened
to overthrow the power of Egypt (Dan. xi. 9, 10;
Hieron. i c). »• R W.
ANTI'OCHUS III., surnamed the Great
fLtyas), succeeded his brother Seleucus Keraunos,
who was assassinated after a short reign in B. c.
223. He prosecuted the war against ltol. Plulo-
pator with vigor, and at first with success. In
b. c. 218 he drove the Egyptian forces to Sidon,
conquered Samaria and Gilead, and wintered at
Ptolemais, but was defeated next year at h'aphia,
near Gaza (b. c. 217), with immense loss, and in
consequence made a peace with Ptolemy, in which
he ceded to him the disputed provinces of Code-
Syria, Phoenicia and Palestine (Dan. xi. 11, 12;
1'olyb. v. 40 If., 53 ft'.). During the next thirteen
years Antiochus was engaged in strengthening his
position in Asia Minor, and on the frontiers of
l'arthia, and by his successes gained his surname of
the Ureal. At the end of this time, B. c. 205,
Ptolenueus Philopator died, and left his kingdom
to his son Ptol. Epiphanes, who was only five years
old. Antiochus availed himself of the opportunity
which was offered by the weakness of a minority
and the unpopularity of the regent, to unite with
Philip III. of Macedon for the purpose of conquer-
ing and dividing the Egyptian dominions. The
Jews, who had been exasperated by the conduct of
ltol. Philopator both in Palestine and Egypt,
openly espoused his cause, under the influence of
a short-sighted policy ("the factions among thy
people shall rise," i. e. against Ptolemy : Dan. xi. 14.)
Antiochus succeeded in occupying the three dis-
puted provinces, but was recalled to Asia by a war
which broke out with Attalus, king of Pergamos;
and his ally Philip was himself embroiled with the
Romans. In consequence of this diversion Ptol-
emy, by the aid of Seopas, again made himself
master of Jerusalem (Joseph. Ant. xii. 3, 3) and
recovered the territory which he had lost (Hieron.
ad Din. xi. 14). In b. c. 198 Antiochus reap-
peared in the field and gained a decisive victory
" near the sources of the Jordan " (Joseph. Ant.
xii. 3, 3; Hieron. I. c. ubi Pantos nunc condita
est); and afterwards captured Seopas and the rem-
aelves together" (Dan. xi. 0), and Ptolemy ("the | nan t of his forces who had taken refuge in Sidon
king of the south ") gave his daughter Berenice in
marriage to Antiochus ("the king of the north")
who set aside his former wife, Ijwdice, to receive
her. After some time, on the death of Ptolemy
(Dan. xi. 15). The Jews, who had suffered se-
verely during the struggle (Joseph. I. c), welcomed
Antiochus as their deliverer, and " he stood in the
glorious land which by his hand was to be con-
(b. c. 247), Antiochus recalled Ijiodice and bar sumed" (Dan. xi. 18). His further designs against
children Seleucus and Antiochus to court. Thus J F-gypt were frustrated by the intervention of the
Berenice was "not able to retain her power;" and i |{ ( ,maiis; and his daughter Cleopatra (Polyb.
Laodice, in jealous fear lest she might a second time xxv iii. 17), whom be gave in marriage to PtoL
lose her ascendency, poisoned Antiochus (him '• that j Epiphanes, with the Phoenician provinces for hei
supported her," i. e. Berenice), and caused Berenice dower (Joseph. Ant. xii. 4, 1), favored the interests
and her infant son to be put to death, B. c. 246 1 f Der husband rather than those of her frtthei
(Dan. xi. 6; Hieron. ad Dm. 1. c. ; App. Syr. 65).
After the death of Antiochus, Ptolenueus Ever-
i'.'tr*. the brother of Berenice (" out of a branch of
Scrroot"), who succeeded his father Ptol. Phila-
lejrhus, exacted vengeance for his sister's death by
(Dan. xi. 17; Hieron. /. c). From Egypt Anti.
ochus turned again to Asia Minor, and after vari
ous successes in the .^gsean crossed over to (ireece,
and by the advice of Hannibal entered on a war
with Rome. His victorious course was checked
ui invasion of Syria, in which Ijiodice was killed, [ a j Thermopybe (b. c. 191), and after subsequent
her son Seleucus CaUinicus driven for a time from reverses he was finally defeated at Magnesia in
the throne, and the whole country plundered (Dan. | I.ydia, B. c. 190." By the peace which was col-
li. 7-9 ; Hieron. (. c. ; hence his surname " the ken- j c l u ded shortly afterwards (b. c. 188) he was forbid
efactor"). The hostilities thus renewed continued to cede all his possessions "on the Roman side of
tor many years: and on the death of Seleucus i .
D. c. 226, after his "return into his iwn land , . The statement in 1 Mace, viii 6, that Vntlnchui
{••an. xi. 9 1, his sons Alexander 'Seleu'.us) Kerau . was taken prisoner by the Romans, ■ Dot supports*"
WM and Ax tiochus " assembled a great m»'*itade ' try any other testimony.
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116
AXTIOCHU8 IV.
ANTIOCHUS IV.
cut; to Antlochua the price of his office, nip
planted Jason by offerins; the king a larger bribe
and was himself appointed high priest, while Jaaoa
waa obliged to take refuge among the Ammonite*
(2 Mace. iv. 33-26). From these circumstance!
and from the marked honor with which Antioctnu
waa received at Jerusalem very early iu his reign
(c B. c. 173; 2 Mace. iv. 22), it appears that be
found no difficulty in regaining the border prov-
inces which had been given as the dower of his sis-
ter Cleopatra to Ptol. Epiphanes. But his ambition
led him still further, and he undertook four cam
paigns against Egypt, B. c. 171, 170. 169, 168
with greater success than had attended his prede
cesaor, and the complete conquest of the country
was prevented only by the interference of the So-
and gave various immunities to the priests and mans (Dan. xi. 24; 1 Mace. i. 16 ff. ; 2 Mace, v
other inhabitants of Jerusalem. At the same time 11 ff.). The course of Antiochus was everywhere
Mi. Taurus," and to pay in successive) installments
in enormous sum of money to defray the expenses
sf the war (16,000 Euboie talents: App. Syr. 38).
This last condition led to his iipitminious death,
in b. c. 187 he attacked a rich temple of Beius in
Elymais, and was slain by the people who rose in it*
defense (Strab. xvi. 744; Just, xxxii. 9). Thus
u be stumbled and fell, and was not found " (Dan.
xi. 19).
The policy of Antiochus towards the Jews waa
liberal and conciliatory. He not oidy assured to
them perfect freedom and protection in the exercise
of their worship, but according to Josephus {Ant.
xii. 3, 3), in consideration of tAeir great sufferings
and services in his behalf, he made splendid contri-
butions towards the support of the temple ritual,
imitating the example of Alexander and Seleucus.
and appreciating the influence of their fidelity and
unity, he transported two thousand families of Jews
from Mesopotamia to Lydia and Pbrygia, to repress
the tendency to revolt which was manifested in
those provinces (Joseph. Ant. I. c).
Two sons of Antiochus occupied the throne after
him, Seleucus Philopator, his immediate successor,
and Antiochus IV., who gained the kingdom upon
the assassination of his brother. B. F. W.
Tetradraohm (Attic talent) of Antiochus IU.
Obv.: Head of King, to right Rev. : BASIAEOI ANTIoXoY ... .. , ,,,,., .... „ . . ,
In neld, two monograms. Apollo, naked, seated on cortina, f tee ; th J , J, 0, _ °^f .[*?,. ?™ n, ].f t , ??.
marked by the same wild prodigality as had sig-
nalized his occupation of the throne (Dan. L c).
The consequent exhaustion of his treasury, and the
armed conflicts of the rival high priests whom he
had appointed, furnished the occasion for an assault
upon Jerusalem on his return from his second
Egyptian campaign (a. c. 170), which he had prob
ably planned in conjunction with Ptol. Philometoi,
who was at that time in his power (Dan. xi. 26)
The temple was plundered, a terrible massacre took
place, and a Phrygian governor was left with
Menelaus in charge of the city (2 Mace. v.
1-22; 1 Mace. i. 20-28). Two years after-
wards, at the close of the fourth Egyptian
expedition (Polyb- xxix. 1, 11; App. Syr.
66 ; cf. Dan. xi. 29, 30), Antiochus detached
a force under Apollonius to occupy Jerusa-
lem and fortify it, and at this time he availed
himself of the assistance of the ancestral en.
emies of the Jews (1 Mace. iv. 61, v. 3 ff. ;
Dan. xi. 41). The decrees then followed
which have rendered his name infamous.
The Temple was desecrated, and the obser-
vance of the law was forbidden. " On the
to left.
ANTI'OOHUS IV. BPIPH'ANBS CEa-i-
a^arris, '*« lUiutrium, also called Bio's, and in
mockery irtfiay^s, the frantic: Atlien. x. 438;
i'olyb. xxri. 10) was the youngest son of Antiochus
the Great- He was given as a hostage to the Ro-
mans (b. c. 188) after his father's defeat at Mag-
nesia. In B. c. 175 he was released by the inter-
vention of bis brother Seleucus, who substituted
his own sou Demetrius in bis place. Antiochus
was at Athens when Seleucus was assassinated by
Heliodorus- He took advantage of his position,
and. by the assistance of Eumenes and Attalus,
easily expelled Heliodorus who had usurped the
;rown, and himself " obtained the kingdom by flat-
teries" (Dan. xi. 21; cf. Liv. xli. 20), to the ex-
clusion of his nephew Demetrius (Dan. viii. 7).
The accetuinn of Antiochus was immediately fol-
lowed by des|ierate efforts of the Hellenizing party
It Jerusalem to assert their supremacy. Jason
(Jesus: Jos. Ant. xii. 5, 1, see Jason), the brother , the Maccabees in restoring the temple-worship at
rf Onins 111., the high priest, persuaded the king Jerusalem (1 Mace. ri. 1-16; cf. 2 Mace. i. 7-17 '/)
to transfer the high priesthood to him, and at the " He came to his end and there was none to heli
same time bought permission (2 Mace. iv. 9) to him" (Dan. xi. 46). Cf. App. Syr. 45; Liv. xli
aury out his design of habituating the Jews to 24-5, xlli. 6, xliv. 19, xlv. 11-13 ; Joseph. Ant. xii
3reck customs (2 Mace. iv. 7, 20). Three years 6, 8.
afterwards Menelaus, of the tribe of Benjamin I The reign of Antiochus, thus shortly traced, was
'8tMo»), who was commissioned by Jason to I the last great crisis in the history of the Jews bt
the abomination of desolation (». e. an idol
altar: v. 59) on the altar" (1 Mace. i. 54).
Ten days afterwards an offering was made upon it
to .Pi piter Olympius. At Jerusalem all opposition
a|>|ears to have ceased; but Mattathias and his
sons organized a resistance (" holpen with a little
help," Dan. xi. 34), which preserved inviolate the
name and faith of Israel. Meanwhile Antiochus
turned his arms to the East, towards Parthia (Tar.
llitt. v. 8) and Armenia (App. Syr. 46; Diod. ap.
Miiller, Fragm. ii. p. 10; Dan. xi. 40). Hearing
not long afterwards of the riches of a temple of
Nansea ("the desire of women," Dan. xi. 87) in
Elymais, bung with the gifts of Alexander, he re-
solved to plunder it- The attempt was drfeated ;
and though be did not fall like his father in the ad
of sacrilege, the event hastened his death. He re-
tired to Babylon, and thence to Tabse in Persia,
where he died B. c. 164, the victim of superstition,
terror, and remorse (I'olyb. xxxi. 2; Joseph. Ant.
xii. 8, 1 ff.), having first beard of the successes of
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ant.ochxjs rv.
ANTIOCHUS VI.
117
xi. 38 ff. ; Ewald, Gtsch. da VoOcti ttr. !v. 340)
Confronted with such a persecutor the Jew realized
the spiritual power of his faith. The evils of hea-
thendom were seen concentrated In a pemoiial
shape. The outward forms of worship became iu-
fcre the coming of oar Lord. The prominence
which is given to it in the book of Daniel fitly
accords with its typical and representative character
(Dan. vii. 8, 25, riii. 11 ft*.). The conquest of
Alexander had introduced the forces of Greek
thought and life into the Jewish nation,
which was already prepared for their operation
[Ai.kxahdeu]. For mure than a century
and a half these forces bad acted powerfully
both upon the faith and upon the habits of
the people; and the time was come when an
outward struggle alone could decide whether
Judaism was to be merged in a rationalized
Paganism, or to rise not only victorious from
the conflict, but more vigorous and more pure.
There were many symptoms which betokened
!h* approaching struggle. The position which ^.tradnehm (AWc tatant) of Amine
I ud.Ta occupied on the borders of the conflict-
ing empires of Syria and Egypt, exposed obT - : H '» d of Kln *' to "« ht KeT - : BASIABQS ANTI.
equally to the open miseries of war andthe oXoY » EoY BllI*ANoY2 N1KH4»P.V. Jupiter seat*
* to left, holding a Victory. Iu field monogram.
vested with
treacherous favors of rival sovereigns, rendered
its national condition precarious from the first,
though these very circumstances were favorable to
the growth of freedom. The terrible crimes by
which the wan of " the North and South " were
stained, must have alienated the mind of every
faithful Jew from his Grecian lords, even if perse-
cution had not been superadded from Egypt first
and then from Syria. Politically nothing was left
for the people in the reign of Antiochus but inde-
pendence, or the abandonment of every prophetic
hope. Nor was their social position less perilous.
Thr influence of Greek literature, of foreign travel,
of extended commerce, had made itself felt in daily
life At Jerusalem the mass of the inhabitants
seem to have desired to imitate the exercises of the
Greeks ; and a Jewish embassy attended the games
of Hercules at Tyre (2 Mace. iv. 9-20). Even
their religious feelings were yielding; and before
the rising of the Maccabees no opposition was of-
fered to the execution of the king's decrees. Upon
the first attempt of Jason the " priests had no cour-
age to serve at the altar " (2 Mace. iv. 14 ; cf. 1
Mace. i. 43); and this not so much from willful
apostasy, as from a disregard to the vital principles
involved in the conflict. Thus it was necessary that
the final issues of a false Hellenism should be openly
seen, that it might be discarded forever by those
who cherished the ancient faith of Israel.
The conduct of Antiochus was in every way
suited to accomplish this end ; and yet it seems to
have been the result of passionate impulse rather
than of any deep-laid scheme to extirpate a strange
creed. At first he imitated the liberal policy of
bis predecessors; and tbe occasion for bis attacks
was furnished by the Jews themselves. Even the
notives by which he was finally actuated were per-
sonal, or at most only political. Able, energetic,
(Polyb. xxvii. 17) and liberal to profusion, Anti-
ochus was reckless and unscrupulous in the execu
something of a sacramental dignity
Common life was purified and ennobled by heroic
devotion. An independent nation asserted tbe
integrity of its hopes in the face of Egypt, Syria,
and Rome. B. F. W.
ANTI'OCHUS V. EUTATOR (Eirsl-
rvp, of nubU detcenl), succeeded his father Anti-
ochus IV. b. «'. 164, while still a child, under the
guardianship of Lysias (App. Syr. 46; 1 Mace,
iii. '42 f., vi. IT), though Antiochus had assigned
this office to Philip his own foster-brother on his
death-bed (1 Mace. vi. 14 f., 55; 2 Mace. ix. 29).
Shortly after his accession he marched against
Jerusalem with a large army, accompanied by Ly-
sias, to relieve the Syrian garrison, which was hard
pressed by Judas Maccabeus (1 Mace. vi. 19 ff.).
He repulsed Judas at Bethzacharia, and took Beth-
sura ( Hethzur) after a vigorous resistance (1 Mace,
vi. 31-50). But when the Jewish force in the tem-
ple was on the point of yielding, Lysias persuaded
the king to conclude a hasty peace that he might
advance to meet Philip, who had returned from
Persia and made himself master of Antioch (I Mace.
vi. 51 ff. ; Joseph. Ant. xii. 9, 5 f.). Philip was
speedily overpowered (Joseph. /. c.) ; but in the next
year (n. c. 162) Antiochus and Lysias fell into the
bands of Demetrius Soter, tbe son of Seleucus
Philopator, who caused them to he put to death in
revenge for the wrongs which he had himself suf
fered from Antiochus Epiphanes (1 Mace. vii. 2-4;
2 Mace. xiv. I, 2; Joseph. Ant. xii. 10, 1; lM\b
xxxi. 19). B. F. W."
ANTI'OCHUS VI. CKKiitwtpos AXctd.
Spov tov v6&ovi App. Syr. 68; surnamed 0e<Jj
Joseph. Ant. xiii. 7, 1; and twuptudis Aierwrti
on coins), was the son of Alexander Balas and C!r-
opatra (App. Syr. 1. c). After his father's deatb
(146 n. c.) he remained in Arabia; but though
lion of his plans. He had learnt at Rome to court ' still a child (wattlor, App. I. c, mutdptor yt&rt-
powet and to dread it. He gained an empire, and por, 1 Mace. xj. 54), he was soon afterwards brought
te remembered that he had been a hostage, he- forward (c. 145 b. c.) as a claimant to the throne
girdles* himself of the gods of his fathers (Dan. of Syria against Demetrius Nicatnr by Tryphon or
a. 87), he was incapable of appreciating the power Diodotua (1 Mace. xi. 39; App. Syr. 68; Strab.
if religion in others; and like Nero in later times xiv. p. t>68; svi. p. 752), who had been an officer
ae became a type of the enemy of God, not as the j of his father. Tryphon succeeded in gaining An-
Koman emperor by the perpetration of unnatural j tioch (i Mace xi. 56); and afterwards the greater
Times, but by the disregard of every higher feel- j part of Syria submitted to the young Antiochus.
jig. " lie magnified himself above all." The real [ Jonathan, who was confirmed by him in the high
ieity whom he recognized was the homan war-god, j priesthood (I Mace. xi. 57) and invested with the
*id fortresses were his most sacred temples (Dan. j government of Judssa, contributed greatly to hir
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118
ANTIOCHUS VII
TMadnehm (Attic talent) of Antiochus VI.
ANTIPATRIS
defcaUd by Phraortes IX iAnuei Til.).
and fell in the battle c b. v. 137-6 (Jo-
seph. L c; Just, xxxri., xxxviii. 10; App.
Syr. 68, tirrtirtr cavroV. For the yen
of bis death cf. Niebuhr, KL Schrtfl. i
261 fc; Clinton, F. H. ii. 332 ff.).
B.F. W.
ANTIPAS ('Arrfnr: AiUjpas).
A martyr at I'ergamos, and, aeecrding k
tradition, bishop of that place (Rev. ii.
13). He is said to hare suffered martyr-
dom in the reign of Domitian by being
cast into a burning brazen bull (MemoL
Or. iii. 51). His day in the Greek cri-
•Jbr. : dart'of King, radiate, to right Iter. : BASIAEOS AN- "*' b AprU "' W " ** W '
TIoXoY ETJ[I«ANo]Y2 AIoNYSoY. In Held, TPY* (Try- ANTIPAS. [HkBOD.]
phon;, aod date SEP (169 Si. Seleocld.).
success [Alexander Balas], occupying Ascalon
■nd Gaza, and reducing the country as tar as Da-
mascus (1 Mace xi. 60-2). He afterwards defeated
the troops of Demetrius at Haxor (1 Mace. xi. 67 )
near Cadesh (v. 73); and repulsed a second attempt
which he made to regain Palestine (1 Mace. xii.
21 ff.). Trypbon having now gained the supreme
power in the name of Antiochus, no longer con-
cealed his design of usurping the crown. As a
first step he took Jonathan by treachery and put
him to death, b. c. 143 (1 Mace. xii. 40 ff); and
afterwards murdered the young king, and ascended
the throne (1 Mace. xiii. 31 ; J( sepb. AM. xiii. 5,
6; App. Syr. 68. IJvy (f-'/nt. 55) says incorrectly
decern aimot admodum linbtm .... Diod. ap.
Miiller, Fraym. ii. 19. Just, xixvi. 1).
B. F. W-
ANTI'OCHUS VII. 8IDETBS (SiMirwt,
of Hide, in Pamphylia: not from * J**, a hunter:
Plut. Apopkili. p. 34; called also Etae/M);, the
pioai, Joseph. AM. xiii. 8, 2; Kuseh. Chron. Ann.
i. 349), king of Syria, was the second son of De-
metrius I. When his brother, Demetrius Nicator,
was taken prisoner (c. 141 n. c.) by Mithridates I.
(Arsaces VI., 1 Mace. xiv. 1) king of Parthia, he
married his wife Cleopatra (App. Syr. 68; Just.
xxxri. 1), and obtained possession of the throne
(137 B. a), having expelled the usurper Trypbon
(1 Mace. xt. 1 ff; Strab. xiv. p. 668). At first
he made a very advantageous treaty with Simon,
who was now " high-priest and prince of the Jews,"
I ut when he grew independent of his help, he with-
drew the concessions which he had made and de-
frauded the surrender of the fortresses which the
Jews held, or an equivalent in money (1 Mace. xv.
26 ff; Joseph. AM. xiii. 7, 3). As Simon was
unwilling to yield to h j demands, he sent a force
under Cendebseus against him, who occupied a for-
tified position at Cedron ( V 1 Mace. xv. 41 ), near
Azotus, and harassed the surrounding country.
After the defeat of Cendelueus by the sons of Si-
mon and the destruction of his works (1 Mace. xvi.
1-10), Antiochus, who hail returned from the pur-
suit of Tryphon, undertook an expedition against
Judva in person. He laid siege to Jerusalem, but
tccording to Josephus granted honorable terms to
John Hyrcanus (b. c. 133), who had made a vig-
orous resistance (Joseph. AM. xiii. 8; yet comp.
Porphyr. ap Euseb. Chron. Arm. I. 349, murot
Irbu demolitur atque eledurimut ecrttm truddat).
Antkichua next turned his arms apainst the Par-
truant, and Hyrcanus accompanied him in the cam-
aslgn. But, after some successes, lie was entirely
ANTIP'ATER CArrlmpos : A*-
tipater), son of Jason, ambassador from the Jews
to the Lacedaemonians (1 Mace. xii. 16, xiv. 23).
ANTIP'ATRIS ('ArrfiroTpit). Our means
of identifying this town are due, partly to the for-
tunate circumstance that the old Semitic name of
the place has lingered among the present Arabic
population, and partly to a journey specially under-
taken by Dr. Eli Smith, for the purpose of illus-
trating the night march of the soldiers who con-
veyed St Paul from Jerusalem to Cttsarea (Acts
xxiii. 31). Dr. Robinson was of opinion, when
be published his first edition, that the road which
the soldiers took on this occasion led from Jerusa-
lem to Csesarea by the pass of Beth-Uoron, and by
Lydda, or Diospolis. This is the route which was
followed by Cestius Gallus, as mentioned by Jo-
sephus (B. J. ii. 19, § 1); and it appears to be
identical with that given in the Jerusalem Itiner-
ary, according to which Antipatris is 42 miles from
Jerusalem, and 26 from Csesarea. Even on this
supposition it would have been quite possible for
troops leaving Jerusalem on the evening of one
day, to reach Casarea on the next, and to start
thence after a rest, to return to (it is not said that
they arrived at) their quarters at Jerusalem before
nightfall. But the difficulty is entirely removed by
Dr. Smith's discovery of a much shorter road, lead-
ing by Gophna direct to Antipatris. On this route
he met the Roman pavement again and again, and
Indeed says " he does not remember observing any-
where l>efore so extensive remains of a Roman road."
(See Bibl. Sacra, vol. i. pp. 478-498; life and
Eputlet of St. Paul, vol. ii. pp. 330-334, 3d ed.)
It may be difficult to fix the precise spot where
the ancient city stood, but the Arabic name, Kefr-
Saba, determines the general situation. Josephus
tells us that the old name was Capharsaba (Kodrnp-
<ri0a or XafSapCifia), and that Herod, when he re-
built the city, changed it to Antipatris, in honor
of his father Antipater (AM. xiii. 15, § 1, xvi. 5,
§2; B.J.I 21, § 9). The position of Kefr-Saba
is in sufficient harmony with what the Jewish his-
torian says of the position of Antipatris, which he
describes as a well-watered and well-wooded plair.,
near a hilly ridge, and with his notices of a trench
dug from thence for military purposes to the sea
near Joppa, by one of the Asmonean princes (Ant.
xiii. 15, § 1; B. J. i. 4, § 7). At a later perioci
he mentions the place again in connection with a
military movement of Vespasian from Ccsarea to-
wards Jerusalem (B. J. ix. 8, § 1). No remain!
of ancient Antipatris have been found; hat th»
ground has not been fully explored. J S. H.
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ANTONIA
A-NTO'NIA, a fortress built by Herod on the
lite of the more ancient Maris, on the N. \V. of the
Temple, and so named by him after his friend An-
'.onius. [Jerusalem.] The word nowhere occurs
in the liible. [The fortress is referred to, however,
.n AcU xxi. 31 If. J
ANTOTHTJAH (njnrD? [tmsuxr, of
Jthomh\: 'AvaBuii KaX'laBlv, [Vat. AvaBtuB koi
laSeiyi] Alex. Acaftatha: Analholhia). A lien-
jainite, one of the sons of Shashak (1 Chr. viii. '24 ).
W. A. W.
ANTOTHITE, THE frTTOTp : 6 'Ava-
9u0l [Vat. -0« ; Comp. A 'Avadaifl/njs : ] An ./-
Uflhitts, Annlhotiles). A native of Anatiiotii
(1 Chr. li. 28, xU. 3). W. A. W.
A1TUB (3WJ [bound together]: 'Ey<i$ ;
[Vat. ErM;] Alex. E-yew/3; [Coiup. 'Av<i$-]
Anub). Son of Coz, and descendant of Judah,
through Ashur the father of Tekoa (1 Chr. iv. 8).
W. A. \V.
A'NTJS ('Awioifl; [Alex. Avrout ; Aid.
'Amis-] B.tnmu), a Levite (1 Ksdr. ix. 48).
[Ba.n-1.]
APA'ME ('Aint^nj: Apeme), concubine of Da-
rius [and daughter of liartacusj (1 Esdr. iv. 28).
APEI/LES ('ATeAArjj), a Christian saluted
by St. I'aul in Rom. xvi. 10, and honored by the
designation SoKi/tos iv Xpurnp- Origen (m luc)
suggests that he may have been identical with
Apollos; but there seems no ground for supposing
it, and wc learn from Horace (flat i. 5, 100) that
Apella was a common name among the Jews. Tra-
dition makes him bishop of Smyrna, or Heracles
(Fabric. Lux Evangel, p. 110). 11. A.
APES (CSIp, Kbphim: t(07jicoi: Atom)
occur in 1 K. i. 22, ■ once in throe years came the
navy of Tharshish, bringing gold, and silver, ivory,
and apes, and peacocks," and in the parallel pas-
sage of 2 Chr. ix. 21. The Vat. version [edition] of
the LXX. in the first-mentioned passage omits the
words "ivory, and apes, and peacocks," while the
Alex, version [edition] has them ; but both these
versions have the words in the passage of the book
of Chronicles.
Kr some attempts to identify the various kinds
of Quadrumana which were known to the ancients,
see A. A. H. Lichtenstein's work, entitled Gmtiuen-
Uttio pit iloloyica de Su/uttra/n mutquat vtrterUntu
inruiimru.nl formit (I lamb. 1791); and Kd. Tyson's
Homo syfoestru, or the Anitomy of o Plgmie
(Land. I6U0), to which he has added a Philosoph-
ical Essay concerning the Cynocephali, the Satyrs,
and Sphinges of the ancients. Aristotle ( De Anini.
But. ii. 5, ed. Schneider) appears to divide the
Quadrumana order of Mammalia into three trilies,
which he characterizes by the names, wttrpcoi,
K0$oi, and KovoKtcttaKoi. The last-named family
are no doubt identical with the animals that form
the African genus Uyn>*'tphnlus of modem zoi 1-
ogists. The tcTtfloi ArisU>tle distinguishes from the
tLBijkoi, by the fact of the former possessing a tail.
This name, perhaps, may stand for the whole trilie
if tailed monkeys, excludi-ig the Cynocephnli and
he LemurLlte, which latter, since thev belong to
Jie island of Madagascar, were probably wholly
utknown to the ancients.
The -wlBriKoi, therefore, would stand is the ref
wHotative of the tailless apes, such as the Chim-
Al'ES
UJJ
panzee, Ac. Although, however, Aiistotle i>erhapt
used i in'-' terms respectively in .1 definite sense, it
by no means follows that they are so employed hi
other writers. The name h-iO^ko., for instance.
seems to have been sometimes used to denote some
species of Cynocephdus (see a Fragment of Simon-
ides in Schneider's Annot. ml Aritt, Hist. Arum.
iii. 76). The LXX. use of the word was in all
probability used in an extended sense as the repre-
sentative of the Hebrew word AVyVi, to denote any
species of Quadrumanous Mammalia; lichtenstein
conjectures that the Hebrew word represents some
kind of Diana monkeys, perhaps, Cevcopitkectut
fti'itui; but as this species is an inhabitant of
Guinea, and unknown in Eastern Africa, it in not
at all probable that this is the animal denoted.
In the engraving winch represents the Iitho-
strutum Prwnestinum (that curious mosaic pave-
ment found at l'rumeste), in Shaw's Truvtln (ii
2:*4, 8vo ed.), is to be seen the figure of some
animal 1 in a tree, with the word KHinEN over it.
Of this animal Dr. Shaw says (31*2), ■ [1 is »
beautiful little creature, with a shaggy neck like thf
CtUl'tthrix, and shaped exactly like those monkey.,
that are commonly called Marmosets. The KHHTEf
may therefore l>e the Ethiopian monkey, calleil hj
the Hebrews K>>u/>li, and by the Greeks KHflOS,
KH*OS, or KEIfI02, from whence the \Mw
KHIfUN.
Monkey from the Pnencstim* Mosaic.
name Cephus^' This description will l>c found U
apply letter to the figure in the 4to ed. of Dr
Shaw's Travels than to that in the 8vo ed. Per-
haps, as Cot. Hamilton Smith has suggested, the
K ripen of the l'rasnestine mosaic may Ik* the CV#TO*
/ritfiecus gri&ett-riridU) Desmar., which is a native
of Nubia, the country represented in that part of
the mosaic where the figure of the keipen occurs
It cannot represent any species of mrrnusrf, since
the members of that group of Quadrumana are |»e-
culiar to America. In all probability, as ha* been
stated Above, the koph of the Bible is not intende!
to refer to any one particular species of ape."
Solomon was a naturalist, and collected WHLy
thing that was curious and beautiful; and if, it*
Sir K. Tennent has very plausibly argued, the
ancient Tarshish is identical with l't de (lab, or
some seaport of Ceylon, it is not improbable that
the kAphim- which the fleet brought to Solomon
were some of the monkeys from that country, which,
according to Sir E. Tennent, are comprised, with
the exception of the graceful rilawa (Si icncus pi-
Ie<itus), under the Wanderer group of Quadrumana
There can be little doubt but that the kvphun were
brought from the same country which supplied
ivory and peacocks; both of which are common in
- The use of the word apt is generally now under
■tood In a i-ettrlctad mqk to apply to tb* mill**
Quadnnnruus.
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120 AFHARSATHCHITES
Ceylon; >nd Sir E. Tennent baa drawn attention
to the fact that the Tamil names for apex, ivory,
and peacocks are identical with the Hebrew."
Dr. Krapf (Trat. in E. Africa, p. 518), be-
Beving Ophir to be on the E. African coast, thinks
Solomon wished to obtain speciment of the Guresa
iColotmt).
It is very probable that some species of baboons
ire signified by the term Satyrs, which occurs in
the A. V. in the prophet Isaiah. [Satyr.] The
English versions of 1550 and 1574 [Bishops' Bible]
read (is. ziii. 21), where the A. T. has "satyrs shall
dance there," — " apes shall daunce there." The
ancients were no doubt acquainted with many kinds
of Quadrumaua, both of the tailed and tailless lands
(see Plin. viii. c. 19, xi. 44; Mlita. Nat. An. xrii.
85, 39; Stnb. xrii. p. 827; Bochart, Hieroz. ii.
398); cf. Mart. Epig. iv. 12: —
" 81 mlhl cauda font eercopithacus era."
W. H.
APHAK'SATHCHXTES, APHAB/SI-
TE8, APHAlfSACHITES (HJ5TO"!5£,
K , .9"??^. M^D-l^M: •A^yxro»ox««'f 'Afef-
vaun. 'Aipapo-oxoibi ; [Vat. in Ezr. iv., +apt<r-
0aY<uoi, A<ppaxraioi; Ezr. T., \<pap<rcuc'] Aphar-
wthachcri, [Arphatai,] Arphamchai, [Aphar-
tnchai] ), the names of certain tribes, colonies from
which had settled in Samaria under the Assyrian
leader Asnappar (Ezr. iv. 9, v. 6, [vi. 6] ). The first
and but are regarded as the same. Whence these
tribes came is entirely a matter of conjecture; the
initial S is regarded as prosthetic: if this be re-
jected, the remaining portion of the first two names
bears some resemblance (a very distant one, it must
be allowed) to Panetacse, or Paraetaceni, significant
of mountaineers, applied principally to a tribe liv-
ing on the borders of Media and Persia; while the
second has been referred to the Parrhasii, and by
(resenius to the Persse, to which it certainly bears
a much greater affinity, especially in the prolonged
form of the latter name found in Dan. vi. 28
(typi?). The presence of the proper name of
the Persians in Ezr. i. 1, iv. 3, must throw some
doubt upon Gesenius's conjecture; but it is very
possible that the loent name of the tribe may have
undergone alteration, while the official and general
lame was correctly given. \V. L. B.
ATHEK (P?& from a root signifying te-
nacity or firmness, Ges.; 'kqiic- [Aphec]), the
name of several places in Palestine.
1. [Rom. 'OoWk; Vat. om.] A royal city of
the Canaauites, the king of which was killed by
Joshua (Josh. xii. 18). As this is named with
Tappuah and other places in the mountains of
Judith, it is very probably the same as the Aphekah
of Josh. zv. 53.
9. [In .lush, xiii., Vat To«J>«; Aid. Alex. '\<p-
(k£\ Comp. 'K<pfKK<i: Apheca.) A city, appar-
ently in the extreme north of Asher (Josh. xix. 30),
mu which the Canaanites were not ejected (Judg.
3t; though here it is Aphik, p^N). This is
jrobably the same place as the Apbek (Josh, xiii.
I), on the extreme north " border of the .Vmorites,"
• Fpp appears to be a word of foreign origin, allied
jo the 8anskrlt and Malabar kapi, which perhaps =.
wifl. nimkU, wheoce the Oerman afft and the Idx-
APHKREMA
and apparently beyond Sidou, and which is idtoti
fied by Geaenius ( Thes. 140 a) with the Aphaca of
classical times, famous for iu temple of Venus, and
now Afka (Hob. ill. 606 ; Porter, ii. 295-6). Afka
however, lies beyond the ridge of I^banon, on the
north-western slopes of the mountain, and conse-
quently much further up than the other towns of
Asher which have been identified. On the other
hand it is hardly more to the north of the known
limits of the tribe, than Kadesh and other places
named as in Judah were to the south ; and Apbek
may, like many other sanctuaries, have had a rep-
utation at a very early date, sufficient in the days
of Joshua to cause its mention in company with
the other northern sanctuary of Baal-gad.
8. (With the article, pCJfrt), a paw* at which
the Philistines encamped, while the Israelites pitched
in Eben-ezer, before the fatal battle in which the
sons of Eli were killed and the ark taken (1 Sam.
iv. 1). This would be somewhere to the N. W. of,
and at no great distance from, Jerusalem.
4. The scene of another encampment of the
Philistines, before an encounter not less disastrous
than that just named, — the defeat and death of
Said (1 Sam. xxix. 1). By comparison with ver.
11, it seems as if this Apbek were not necessarily
near Sbunem, though on the road thither from the
Philistine district. It is possible that it may be
the same place as the preceding; and if so, the
Philistines were inarching to Jezreel by the present
road along the " backbone " of the country.
5. [In 1 K. 'A<pf(td.] A city on the military
road from Syria to Israel (1 K. xx. 26). It was
tailed (30), and was apparently a common spot for
engagements with Syria (2 K. xiii. 17; with the
article). The use of the word "lltP^en (A. V.
" the plain ") in 1 K. xx. 25, fixes the situation of
A. to have been in the level down-country east of
the Jordan [Mishoh] ; and there, accordingly, it
is now found in Flic, at the head of the Wady FVc,
6 miles east of the Sea of Galilee, the great road
between Damascus, NabiJta, and Jerusalem, still
passing (Kiepert's map, 1857), with all the perma-
nence of the East, through the village, which is
remarkable for the number of inns that it contains
(Hurckh. p. 280). By Josephus (viii. 14, § 4) the
name is given as 'Aapcxd. Eusebius (Onom.
'h<pfK&) says that in his time there was, beyond
Jordan, a mbpn ptyi\i) (Jer. castellum grande)
called Apheca by (wtpl) Ilippes (Jer. Hippos) ; but
he apparently confounds it with 1. Hippos was
one of the towns which formed the Decapolis.
File, or Feik, has been visited by Burckbardt, Seet-
sen, and others (Hitter, Pal pp. 348-353), and is
the only one of the places bearing this name thai
has been identified with certainty. G.
APHE'KAH(nj7?t?:#airow£; [Alex. Aid.
Comp. 'fi<pwti-] Apheca)', a city of Judah, in the
mountains (Josh. xv. 53), probably the some as
Aphek 1.
APHErVEMA ('Apolo^a; [Alex. As>cp«-
pa;] ' /upepfipd, Jos.), one of the three "govern,
inents" (yofuwr) added to Judaea from Samaria
(and Galilee, x. 30) by Demetrius Soter, and con-
firmed by Nicanor ,1 Mare. xi. 34) (see Jos. Ant.
xiii. 4, | 9, and /tdand, p. 178). The word ii
Ush ape, the Initial aspirate being drooond.
Illustrates this derivation by comparing the Utif
amort from Sanskr. term.
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APHEKRA
imitted In the S'ulgate. It ia probaDiy the same
u Uphraim (Ophrah, Taiyibeli).
APHERTiA (' \<t>tj)pA: Eura) one of the
[sons of the] " servants of Solomon " [who returned
with Zerubbabel] (1 Esdr. v. 34). [His name is
not found in the parallel lists of Ezra and Nehe-
miah.]
APHI'AH dTiaJ [re/reded] . A<f>6c ;
[Alex. Atfitx:] Aphia), name of one of the fore-
fathers of rung Saul (1 Sam. ix. 1).
A'PHIK ("''Sy: [Not; Vat. No«; Alex.
Vafeic; Aid. Comp. 'A^f'ic:] Aphec), a city of
Asher from which the Canaanites were not driven
out (Judg. i. 31). Probably the same place as
Al'IIKK 2.
APHTtAH, the house of (t^^S ,T2)
[the /uwii], a place mentioned in Mie. i. 10, and
supposed by some (Winer, 172) to be identical with
Ophrah. But this can hardly be, inasmuch as all
the towns named in the context are in the low
country to the west of Judah, while Ophrah would
appear to lie K. of Bethel [Ophrah]. The LXX.
translate the word i{ oIkou KaT& ye'Aarra [Vulg.
in domo pulvtris], G.
* According to the analogy of other similar com-
pound names the translators of the A. V. might
lia.e written Beth Leaphrah for Aphrah. The *~
here is sign of the genitive. If the name be the
•ame as Ophrah (it may be diflereut as there is
some evidence of an Aphrah aear Jerusalem) it ia
written n^T* m Jlic. i. 10, instead of fTIM,
so as more readily to suggest "153?, dust, in con-
formity with the expression which follows: "In
Ashe" (as we should say in English) "roll thyself in
ashes." See Fusey's Minw PivpheU, ill- 300.
H.
APH'SES (Y'-ZB? [the dorsum]: 'K<p«rh:
[Aid. Alex. 'Aipfatrrj:] Aphtfs), chief of the 18tli
of the 21 courses in the service of the Temple ( I
l.'hr. xxiv. 15).
APOCALYPSE. [Rkvklation.]
APOCRYPHA (B.flA.'o ' \*6ki>v<P*)- The
collection of Books to which this term is popularly
Applied includes the following. The order j;iven
: s that in which they stand in the English version.
I. 1 Esdras.
II. 2 Esdras.
III. Tobit.
IV. Judith.
V. The rest of the chapters of the Book of
Esther, which are found neither in the Hebrew nor
in the Chaldee.
VI. The Wisdom of Solomon.
VII. The Wisdom of Jesus tho Son of Sirach,
'i Ecclesiasticus.
VIII. Baruch.
IX. The Song of the Three Holy Children.
X. The History of Susanna.
XI. The History of the destruction of Be! and
be Dragon.
XII. The I'rayer of Manasseh, king of Juiah.
XIII. 1 Maccabees.
XIV. 2 Maccabees.
The separate books of this collection are treated
■4 in distinct articles. Their relation to the ?anor
ml books of the Old Testament U discussed under
J* low In tho present article it ia proposed to '
APOCRYPHA
121
consider: — I. The meaning and history if tbf
word. [I. The history and character of the eollec
tion an a whole in its relation to Jewish literature.
I. The primary meaning of aTr6tcpv<pos, " hidden,
secret" (in which sense it is used in Hellenistic as
well as classical Greek, cf. Ecclus. xxiii. 19 ; Luke
viii. 17; Col. ii. 3), seems, towards the close of the
2d century, to have been associated with the sig-
nification " spurious," and ultimately to have settled
down into the latter. Tertullian (de Anim. c. 2)
and Clement of Alexandria (Strom, i. 19, G9, iii.
4, 29) apply it to the forged or spurious books
which the heretics of their time circulated as au-
thoritative. The first passage referred to from tho
Stromata, however, may be taken as an instance of
the transition stage of the word. The followers of
Prodicus, a Gnostic teacher, are said there to boast
that they have $tfi\ov$ airoKpvtpovs of Zoroaster.
In Athanasius (Ep. Ftst. vol. ii. p. 38; Synop-
sis Sac. Script, vol. ii. p. 154, ed. Colon. 1686),
Augustine (c. Faust, xi. 2, de Civ. Dei, xv. 23),
Jerome (Ep, ad Lcet'im, and Prat, GaL) the word
is used uniformly with the l>ad meaning which had
l>ecome attached to it. The writers of that period,
however, do not seem to have seen clearly how the
word had acquired this secondary sense ; and hence
we find conjectural explanations of its etymology.
The remark of Athanasius (Synops. S. Script. L c.)
that such books are &iroKpv<p%s /xaWov fj avayvdr
Tew; a;ia is probably meant rather as a play upon
the word than as giving its derivation. Augustine
is more explicit : *' Apocrypha* nuncupantur eo quod
earum occulta origo non claruit patribuj " (de Cir.
Dei, 1. a). " Apocryphi non quod habendi sunt in
aliqua auctoritate secreta sed quia nulla testifica-
tionis luce declarati, de nescio quo secreto, nescio
quorum pnesumtionc prolati sunt " (c. Faust. 1. a).
i^ater conjectures are (1), that given by the trans-
lation of the English Bible (ed. 1539, Pref. to
Apocr.), « because they were wont to be read not
openly and in common, but as it were in secret
and apart;" (2) one, resting on a misapprehension
of the meaning of a passage in Kpiphanius (de
iVrm. ac Pawl. c. 4) that the Ixwks in question
were so called l>ecause, not being in the Jewish
canon, they were excluded fab t?Js Kp\nrrr\s from
the ark in which the true Scriptures were pre-
served; (3) that the word k-n6Kpupa answers to
the Ileh E'T-12., Ubri aOscondUi, by whicii the
later Jews designated those books which, as of
doubtful authority or not tending to edification,
were not read publicly in the synagogues; (4) that
it originates in the Kptnrrd or secret books of the
Greek mysteries. Of these it may be enough to
say, that (1) is, as regards some of the book.? now
bearing the name, at variance with fact; that (2),
as has been said, rests on a mistake; that (3)
wants the support of direct evidence of the use of
aw6Kpvipa as the translation for the Hebrew word,
and tliat (4), though it approximates to what U
probably the true history of the word, is so far only
a conjecture. The data for explaining the transi-
tion from the neutral to the bad meaning, are to be
found, it is believed, in the quotations already given,
and iu the facts connected with the books to which
the epithet was in the first instance applied. The
language of Clement implies that it was not alto-
gether disclaimed by those of whose books he uses
it- That of Athanasius is in the tone of a man
who is convicting bis opponents out of their owr
mouth. Augustine implicitly admits that a "as-
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123,
APOCRYPHA
acta aaKtoritas" lad been chimed for the writing!
to which be ascribes merely in " occulta origo."
AB these beta barmonixe with the belief that the
nee of the word aa applied to special booka origi-
nated in the claim common to nearly all the aecta
thet participated in the Gnostic character, to a
secret eaoteric knowledge depoaited in booka which
were tuadr known only to the initiated. It eeernt
not anL_J j that then ia a refer e n o e in CoL ii. 3
to the pretensions of nch teachers. The books of
oar own Apocrypha bear witness both to the feel-
ing and the way in which it worked. The inspi-
ration of the Pseudo-Esdras (2 Esdr. xiv. 40-47)
leads him to dictate 304 books, of which the TO
last are to be " delivered only to such as are wise
imottg the people." Assuming the far. lect. of
94 in the Arabic and Ethiopian versions to be the
true reading, this indicates the way in which the
secret books, in which was the " spring of under-
standing, the fountain of wisdom, and the stream
of knowledge, ' were set up as of higher value than
'at twenty-four books acknowledged by the Jewish
canon, which were for " the worthy and unworthy
alike." It was almost a matter of course that these
secret book* should be pseudonymous, ascriled to
the great names hi Jewish or heathen history that
had become associated with the reputation of a
mysterious wisdom. So books in the existing Apoc-
rypha bear the names of Solomon, Daniel, Jeremiah,
Ezra. Beyond its limits the creation of spurious
documents took a yet bolder range, and the list
given by Athanasius' 1 (Synopi. S. Script.) shows at
once the variety and extent of the mythical litera-
ture which was palmed off upon the unwary as at
once secret and sacred.
Those whose faith rested on the teaching of the
Christian Church, and who looked to the 0. T.
Scriptures either in the Hebrew or the LXX. col-
lection, were not slow to perceive that these produc-
tions were destitute of all authority. They applied
in scorn what had been used sa a title of honor.
The secret book (libri lecretioret, Orig. Comm. in
if ait. ed. Lomm. iv. p. 237) was rejected as ipu-
rious. The word Apocryphal was degraded to the
position from which it has never since risen. So
far as books like the Testaments of the Twelve
Patriarchs and the Assumption of Moses were con-
cerned, the task of discrimination was comparatively
easy, but it became more difficult when the question
affected the books which were found in the LXX.
translation of the Old Testament and recognized
by the Hellenistic Jews, but were not in the He-
brew text or in the Canon acknowledged by the
Jews of Palestine. The history of this difficulty,
And of the manner in which it affected the recep-
tion of particular books, belongs rather to the sub-
ject of Canon than to that of the present article,
but the following facta may be stated as bearing on
the application of the word. (1.) The teachers of
the Greek and Latin Churches, accustomed to the
Me of the Septuagint or versions resting on the
•sine basis, were naturally led to quote freely and
reverently from all the books which were incorpo-
rated in it. In Clement of Alexandria, Origen,
Athanasius, e. g., we find citations from the books
rf the present Apocrypha, as " Scripture," " divine
Scripture," " prophecy." Tbey are very far from
APOCRYPHA
applying the krm ttimfos to these writings. H
they are conscious of the difference between then
and the other books of the O. T., it is only so far
as to lead them (cf. Athan. Sjaqps. & Say*. I c,
to place the former in the bat of » nannCcyura,
cum\ty6fura, books which were of more use for
the ethical instruction of catechumens than for the
edification of mature Christians. Augustine, in like
manner, applies the word "Apocrypha" only to
the spurious books with false titles which were in
circulation among heretics, admitting the others,
though with some qualifications, under the title of
Canonical (dt doctr. Ckr. ii. 8). (2.) Wherevf r,
on the other hand, any teacher came in contact with
the feeling! that prevailed among the Christians of
Palestine, there the influence of the rigorous limi-
tation of the old Hebrew canon is at once conspic-
uous. This is seen in its bearing on the history
of the Canon in the list given by Melito, bishop of
Sardis (Euseb. ff. K. iv. 26), and obtained by him
from Palestine. Of its eflects on the application
of the word, the writings of Cyril of Jerusalem and
Jerome give abundant instances. The former
(Caltch. iv. 33) gives the canonical list of the
22 books of the O. T. Scriptures, and rejects the
introduction of all " apocryphal " writings. The
latter in his Epistle to Lteta warns the Christian
mother in educating ber daughter against " omnia
apocrypha." The Prologiu Galeatm shows that
he did not shrink from including under that title
the books which formed part of the Septuagint, and
were held in honor in the Alexandrian and ljUin
Churches. In dealing with the several books he
discusses each on its own merits, admiring some,
speaking unhesitatingly of the " dreams," " fables "
of others. (3.) The teaching of Jerome influenced,
though not decidedly, the language of the Western
Church. The old spurious heretical writings, the
"Apocrypha" of Tertullian and Clement, fell more
and more into the background, and were almost
utterly forgotten. The doubtful books of the Old
Testament were used publicly in the service of the
Church, quoted frequently with reverence as Script-
ure, sometimes however with doubts or limitations
as to the authority of individual books according
to the knowledge or critical discernment of this or
that writer (cf. Bp. Cosin's Scliolntlic History of
tht Canon). During this period the term by which
they were commonly described was not "apocry-
phal" but " ecclesiastical." So they had been de-
scribed by Kufinus (Kxpot. in Symb. Apott. p. 26),
who practically recognized the distinction drawn bv
Jerome, though he would not use the more oppro-
brious epithet of books which were held in honor:
" libri qui non canonici sed Ecclesiaatici a majoribus
appellati sunt "...." qua? omnia (the contents
of these books) legi quidem in Ecvlesiis voluerunt
non tamen proferri ad auctoritatem ex his fidei con-
firmandam. CKteras vero scriptures apocryphaa
nomiuarunt quas in Ecclesiis legi noliierunt: " and
this offered a mezzo (ermine between the language
of Jerome and that of Augustine, and as such founi
favor. (4.) It was reserved for the age of the
Reformation to Btamp the word Apocrypha with its
present signification. The two views which hao
hitherto existed together, side by side, concerning
which the Church had pronounced no authoritativt
« Tha books enumerated by Athanasius, besides
trldnsa falsely ascribed to authors of canonical books,
is foptuuuah, Babskknk, Ihektol, and Darnel, Included
'Itar-s vhteh have toe names of Knoeh, of the Patri-
archs, of Zechariah the lather or the Baptist, u»
Prayer of Joseph, the Testament ({taSVl) and A*
sumption of Moses, Abraham. Kldad and Modad, an
Xlijah
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APOOBYPHA
<asMfln, stood out in sharper contrast. The Coon-
til of Trent clused the question which had bees left
open, and deprived its theologians of the liberty
they had hitherto enjoyed — extending the Canon
of Scripture so as to include all the hitherto doubt-
ful or deutero-canonical books, with the exception of
the two books of Eadras and the Prayer uf Manas-
seh, the evidence against which seemed too strong
to be resisted (Sett. IV. ck Can. Script.). In ac-
cordance with this decree, the editions of the Vul-
gate published by authority contained the books
which the Council had pronounced canonical, as
standing on the same footing as those which had
never been questioned, while the three which had
been rejected were printed commonly in smaller type
and stood after the New Testament. The Reform-
ers of Germany and England on the other hand,
influenced in part by the revival of the study of
Hebrew and the consequent recognition of the au-
thority of the Hebrew Canon, and subsequently by
the reaction against this stretch of authority, main-
tained the opinion of Jerome and pushed it to its
legitimate results. The principle which had been
asserted by Carlstadt dogmatically in his " De Ca-
nonicis Scriptoria libellus " (1590) was acted on by
Luther. He spoke of individual books among those
in question with a freedom as great as that of Je-
rome, judging each on hs own merits, praising Tobit
as a " pleasant comedy" and the Prayer of Manas-
sen a* a "good model for penitents," and rejecting
the two books of Esdras as containing worthless
fables. The example of collecting the doubtful
books in a separate group had been set in the Stras-
burg edition of the Septuagint, 1598. in Luther's
complete edition of the German Bible accordingly
(1534) the books (Judith, Wisdom, Tobias, Sirach,
1 and 9 Maccabees, Additions to Esther and Daniel,
and the Prayer of M&nasseh) were grouped together
under the general title of "Apocrypha, i. e. Books
which are not of like worth with Holy Scripture,
yet are good and useful to be read." In the his-
tory of the English Church, Wicliffb showed him-
self in this as in other points the forerunner of the
Reformation, and applied the term Apocrypha to
all but the " twenly-Jvm " Canonical Books of the
Old Testament. Toe judgment of Jerome wag
formally asserted in the sixth Article. The dis-
puted books were collected and described in the
same way in the printed English Bible of 1539
(Cranmer's), and since then there has been no fluc-
tuation as to the application of the word. The
books to which the term is ascribed are in popular
speech not merely apocryphal, but the Apocrypha.
II. Whatever questions may be at issue as to the
authority of these hooks, they have in any case an
Interest of which no controversy can deprive them
as connected with the literature, and therefore with
the history, of the Jews. They represent the period
of transition and decay which followed on the re-
turn from Babylon, when the prophets who were
then the teachers of the people had passed away
and the age of scribes succeeded. Uncertain as
may be the dates of individual books, few, if any,
w be thrown further back than the commence-
ment of the 3d century b. c. The latest, the 2d
Book of Esdras, is probably not later than 31 b.
a, 9 Esdr. viL 98 being a subsequent interpolation.
The alterations of the Jewish character, the differ-
ent phases which Judaism presented in Palestine
and Alexandria, the good and the evil which were
sailed forth by contact with idolatry in Egypt and
if the struggle against it in Syria, all these present
APOCBYPHA
138
themselves to the reader of the Apociypha with
greater or less distinctness. In t!ie midst of the
diversities which we might naturally expect to find
in books written by different authors, in different
countries, and at considerable Intervals of time, it
is possible to discern some characteristics which be-
long to the collection as a whole, and these may be
noticed in the following order.
(1.) The absence of the prophetic dement.
From first to last the books bear testimony to the
assertion of Josephus (c. Ap. i. 8), that the kicpifMn
ttatoxh of prophets had been broken after the close
of the 0. T. canon. No one speaks because the
word of the Lord had come to hiiu. Sometimes
there is a direct confession that the gift of prophecy
had departed (1 Mace. ix. 97), or the utterance of
a hope that it might one day return {ibid. iv. 48
xiv. 41). Sometimes a teacher asserts in words
the perpetuity of the gift (Wisd. vii. 27), and showi
in the act of asserting it how different the illumina-
tion which he had received was from that bestowed
on the prophets of the Canonical Books. When a
writer simulates the prophetic character, he repeat*
with slight modifications the language of the older
prophets, as in Baruch, or makes a mere prediction
the text of a dissertation, as in the Epistle of Jej ■
emy, or plays arbitrarily with combinations of
dreams and symbols, as in 2 Esdras. Strange and
perplexing as the last-named book u, whatever there
is in it of genuine feeling indicates a mind not at
ease with itself, distracted with its own Bufferings
and with the problems of the universe, and it Is
accordingly very far removed from the utterance of
a man who speaks as a messenger from God.
(9.) Connected with this is the almost total dis-
appearance of the power which had shown itself in
the poetry of the Old Testament. The Song of
the Three Children lays claim to the character of a
Psalm, and is probably a translation from some
liturgical hymn; but with this exception the form
of poetry is altogether absent. So far as the writers
have come under the influence of Greek cultivation
they catch the taste for rhetorical ornament which
characterized the literature of Alexandria, fic-
titious speeches become almost indispensable addi
tions to the narrative of a historian, and the story
of a martyr is not complete unless (as in the later
Acta Martyrum of Christian traditions) the sufferer
declaims in set terms against the persecutors.
(Song of the Three Child., 3-22; 2 Mace. vi. vii.)
(3. ) The appearance, as part of tho current lit-
erature of the time, of works of fiction, resting or
purporting to rest on a historical foundation. It
is possible that this development of the national
genius may have been in part the result of the
Captivity. The Jewish exiles brought with them
the reputation of excelling in minstrelsy, and were
called on to sing the " songs of /ion " (Ps. exxxvii.).
The trial of skill between the three young men in
1 Esdr. iii. iv implies a traditional belief that those
who were promoted to places of honor under the
Persian kings were conspicuous for gifts of a some-
what similar character. The transition from this
to the practice of story telling was with the Jews,
as afterwards with the Arabs, easy and natural
enough. The period of the Captivity with its
strange adventures, and the remoteness of the
scenes connected with it, offered • wide and attrac-
tive field to tin imagination of such narrators.
Sometimes, — in Bel and the Dragon, the motive
of such stories would be the love of the marvellous
mingling itself with the feeling of seem with which
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124 APOCRYPHA
the Jew looked on the idolater. In other earn, to
in Tobit and Susanna, the story would gain pop-
ularity from its ethical tendencies. The «itignl»T
variations in the text of the former bock indicate
at once the extent of its circulation and the liberties
taken by successive editors. In the narrative of
Judith, again, there is probably something more
than the interest attaching to the history of the
past, rhere is indeed too little evidence of the
truth of the narrative for us to look on it as his-
tory at all, and it takes its place in the region of
historical romance, written with a political motive.
Under the guise of the old Assyrian enemies of
Israel, the writer is covertly attacking the Syrian
invaders against whom his countrymen were con-
tending, stirring them up by a story of imrgined or
traditional heroism to follow the example cf Judith
as she had followed that of Jael (Ewald, Gttch. It-
rath, vol. iv. p. 541). The development of this form
of literature is of course compatible with a high de-
gree of excellence, but it is true of it at all times, and
was especially true of the literature of the ancient
world, that it belongs rather to its later and feebler
period. It is a special sign of decay in honesty
sod discernment when such writings are passed off
snd accepted as belonging to actual history.
(4.) The free exercise of the imagination within
the domain of history led to the growth of a purely
legendary literature. The full development of this
was indeed reserved for a yet later period. The
books of the Apocrypha occupy a middle place be-
tween those of the Old Testament in their simplic-
ity and truthfulness and the wild extravagances of
the Talmud. As it is, however, we find in them
the germs of some of the fabulous traditions which
were influencing the minds of the Jews at the time
of our Ivord's ministry, and have since in some in-
stances incorporated themselves more or less with
the popular belief of Christendom. So in 2 Mace.
1. ii. we meet with the statements that at the time
of the Captivity the priests had concealed the sacred
fire, and that it was miraculously renewed — that
Jeremiah had gone, accompanied by the tabernacle
and the ark, *' to the mountain where Moses climbed
up to see the heritage of God," and had there con-
cealed them in a cave together with the altar of in-
cense. The apparition of the prophet at the close
of the same book (xv. 15), as giving to Judas Mac-
cabeus the sword with which, as a " gift from
God," he was to " wound the adversaries/' shows
how prominent a place was occupied by Jeremiah
in the traditions and hopes of the people, and pre-
pares us to understand toe rumors which followed
on our Lord's teaching and working that " Jeremias
or one of the prophets " had appeared again (Matt
xvi. 14). So again in 2 Rsdr. xdtL 40-47 we find
the legend of the entire disappearance of the Ten
Tribal which, in spile of direct and indirect testi-
mony on the other side, has given occasion even in
our own time to so many wild conjectures. In ch.
xiv. of the same book we recognize (as has been
pointed out already) the tendency to set a higher
value on books of an esoteric knowledge than on
those in the Hebrew Canon ; but it deserves notice
that this is also another form of the tradition that
Ezra dictated from a supernaturally inspired mem-
ory the Sacred Books which, according to that tra-
dition, had been lost, and tlmt both fid lea are exag-
gerations of the part actually taken by him and hy
" the men of the Great Synagogue " in the work
sf collecting and arranging them. So also the
tbetorical nirrative of the ICxodus in Wisd. rri.-rix.
APOCRYPHA
indicates the existence of a traditional, half-legend-
ary history side by side with the canonical It
would seem, indeed, as if the life of Moses had ap-
peared with many different embellishments. The
form in which that life appears in Josepnus, tht
facts mentioned in St. Stephen's speech and not
found in the Pentateuch, the allusions to Jaunes
and Janibres (2 Tim. iii. 8), to the disputes between
Michael and the Devil (Jude 9), to the " rocl thai
followed " the Israelites (1 Cor. x. 4), all bear te»-
timony to the wide-spread popularity of this srmi-
apocryphal history.
(5.) As the mort marked characteristic of lis
collection as a whole and of the period to which it
belongs, there is the tendency to pass off supposi-
titious books under the cover of illustrious name*.
The books of Esdras, the additions to Daniel, the
letters of Baruch and Jeremiah, and the Wisdom
of Solomon, are obviously of this character. It is
difficult perhaps for us to measure in each instance
the degree in which the writers of such books were
guilty of actual frauds. In a book like the Wisdom
of Solomon, for example, the form may have been
adopted as a means of gaining attention by which
no one was likely to be deceived, and, as such, it
does not go beyond the limits of legitimate person-
ation. Tlie fiction in this case need not diminish
our admiration and reverence for the book any more
than it would destroy the authority of Ecclesiastes
were we to come to the conclusion from internal or
other evidence that it belonged to a later age than
that of Solomon. The habit, however, of writing
books under fictitious names, is, as the later Jewish
history shows, a very dangerous one. The practice
becomes almost a trade. Each such work creates a
new demand, to be met in its turn by a fresh sup-
ply, and thus the prevalence of an apocryphal liter-
ature becomes a sure sign of want of truthfulness
on one side, and want of discernment on the other.
(6. ) The absence of honesty and of the power to
distinguish truth from falsehood, shows itself in a
yet more serious form hi the insertion of formal
documents purporting to be authentic, but in real-
ity failing altogether to establish any claim to that
title. This is obviously the case with the decree
of Artaxerxes in Esth. xvi. The letters with which
2 Mace, opens, from the Jews at Jerusalem, betray
their true character by their historical inaccuracy.
We can hardly accept as genuine the letter in which
the king of the Lacedaemonians (1 Mace. xii. 20,
21) writes to Onias that "the Lacedaanonians and
Jews are brethren, and that they are of the stock
of Abraham." The letters in 2 Mace. ix. and xi.,
on the other hand, might be authentic so far as
their contents go, but the recklessness with which
such documents are inserted as embellishments and
make-weights throws doubt in a greater or less de-
gree on all of them.
(7.) The loss of the simplicity and accuracy
which characterize the history of the O. T. is shown
also in the errors and anachronisms in which these
books abound. Thus, to take a few of the most
striking instances, Hainan is made a Macedonian
and the purpose of his plot is to transfer the king-
dom from the Persians to the Macedonians (Esth
xvi. 10); two contradictory statements are given k
the same book of the death of Antiochus Epiphane*
(2 Mace. i. 15-17, ix. 6-29); Nabuchodonosor is
made to dwell at Nineve as the king of the Assyr-
ians (Judith i. 1 ).
(8.) In their relation to the religious and ethic*
devekement of Judaism daring tie perird wide)
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APOCRYPHA
Hem books embrace, we find (a.) The influences
if the struggle against idolatry under Antiochus, as
■bown partly iu the revival of the old heroic spirit,
wd in the record of the deeds which it called forth,
as in Maccalrees, partly again in the tendency of a
narrative like Judith, and the protests against idol-
worship in Baruch and Wisdom, (b.) The grow-
ing hostility of the Jews towards the Samaritans is
shown by the Confession of the Son of Sirach
(Kecks. 1. 25, 26). (c.) The teaching of Tobit
illustrates the prominence then and afterwards as-
signed to almsgiving among the duties of a holy
life (Tob. iv. 7-11, xii. 9). The classification of
the three elements of such a life — prayer, fasting,
alms — in xii. 8, illustrates the traditional ethical
teaching of the Scribes, which was at once recog-
nized and purified from the errors that had been
euinected with it in the Sermon on the Mount
(Matt. vi. 1-18). ((L) The same book indicates
also the growing belief in the individual guardian-
ship of angels and the germs of a grotesque de-
monology, resting in part on the more mysterious
phenomena ot man's spiritual nature, like the
cases of demoniac possession in the Gospels, but
associating itself only too easily with all the frauds
and superstitions of vagabond exorcists, (e.) The
great Alexandrian book of the collection, the Wis-
dom of Solomon, breathes, as wo might expect, a
strain of higher mood ; and though there is abso-
lutely no ground for the patristic tradition that it
was written by 1'hilo, the conjecture that it might
have been was not without a plausibility which
fiiight well commend itself to men like Basil and
Jerome. The personification of Wisdom as " the
unspotted mirror of the power of God and the im-
kge of his goodness *' (vii. 26) as the universal
teacher of all " holy souls " in u all ages " (vii. 27),
as guiding and ruling God's people, approaches the
teaching of Philo and foreshadows that of St. John
as to the manifestation of the Unseen God through
the medium of the I-ogos and the office of that
divine Word as the light that lighteth every man.
In relation again to the symbolic character of the
Temple as " a resemblance of the holy tabernacle ' '
which God " lias prepared from the beginning " (ix.
8), the language of this book connects itself at once
with that of Philo and with the teaching of St.
Paul or Apollos in the Epistle to the Hebrews.
But that which is the great characteristic of the
book, as of the school from which it emanated, is
the writer's apprehension of God's kingdom and
the blessings connected with it as eternal, and so,
ss independent of men's conceptions of time.
Thus chs. i. ii. contain the strong protest of a
righteous man against the materialism which then
in the form of a sensual selfishness, as afterwards
in the developed system of the Sadducees, was cor-
rupting the old faith of Israel. Against this he
asserts that the *» souls of the righteous are in the
hands of God" (iii. 1); that the blessings which
the popular belief connected with length of days
were not to be measured by the duration of years,
teeing that " wisdom is the gray hair unto men,
fcnd an unspotted life is old age." (J".) In regard
to another truth also, this book was in advance of
the popular belief of the Jews of Palestine. Jn
the miAst of its strong protests against idolatry,
ihere n the fullest recognition of God's universal
kjve (xi. £1-26), of the truth thi*. His power is
but the instrument of His righteousness (xii. 16),
jf the difference between those who are the " tea*
to be Unwed" as "weiring God and deeiroui tc
APOCRYPHA
125
I fiiid Him" (xiii. 6), and the victims of a darka
[ and more debasing idolatry. Here also tbe un-
I known writer of the Wisdom of Solomon seems to
prepare the way for the higher and wider teaching
of the New Testament.
It does not fall within the scope of the present
article to speak of the controversies which have
arisen within the Church of England, or in Luth-
eran or Reformed communities abroad, in connec-
tion with the authority and use of these Books.
Those disputes raise questions of a very grave in-
terest to the student of Ecclesiastical History.
What h:»s been aimed at here is to supply the Bib-
lical student with data which will prepare him to
judge fairly and impartially. E. H. P
• On the Apocrypha in general sec Rainoldt,
John, Censura Librurum V. T. adv. Pontijiciot,
2 vol. Oppenh. lull, 4to, learned, but prolix and
discursive; Eichhorn, Einl. in die apokr. Schriflen
(/>.< A. T., I.cipz. 1795; the Einleitungen of Ber-
tholdt, De Wette, Scholz (Cath.), and Keil; Welt*
(Cath.), Einl. in d. deuteroknnon. Backer des A.
T., Ereib. 1844 (Bd. iv. of Herbst's Einl.); Pal-
frey, Led. on Hie Jewish Scriptures, Bost. 1838-
52, vol. iv. ; Davidson, Introd. to Oie Old Test. f
Lond. 1863, iii. 340-467; and Volkmar, Handb. <i
Einl. in die A/iokryphen, Theil i. Abth. i. Judith.
1800; Abth. ii. Dot rierte Buck Esra, 1863. See
also on tbe separate books the valuable articles of
Ginsburg, in the 3d ed. of Kitto's Cyclop, of BibL
Literature.
The relation of the Apoc. Books to the Canon,
and their title to a secondary place in the Bible,
have been warmly discussed of late in Germany.
On what has been called the Purist side, see es-
pecially Keerl, Die Ajjokryphen des A. T., 1852, a
prize essay, and Die Apokryjthenfrage aufs New
beleuchtel, 1855. See also Stowe, C. E., The Apoc.
Books of the 0. T., and tlie Reasons for their Ex-
clusion from the Canon, in the BibL Sacra for
April, 1854, xi. 278-305, and Homes Intivl. 10th
ed. 1856, i. 469-511. On the other side, see Stier,
Die Ajx)kryphen, 1853; Letztes Wort ubcr die
Apokryphen, 1855, and especially Bleek, Ueber die
Stellung der Apoc. des A. T. im christl. Kanon,
in the Theol. Stud. u. KriU 1853, pp. 267-354.
The most recent separate ed. of the Greek text,
with a selection of various readings, is by H. A.
Apel, Libri V. T. Apoc. Grace, Ups. 1837. This
includes 3d and 4th Maccabees, and is the basis of
Wahl's excellent Claris Librorum V. T. A/>oc
pltilologica. Lips. 1853.
By far the most important exegetical help to tte
study of the Apocrypha is the Kurzgefasstes txegel.
Hanilb. zu den Apokr. des A. T. by O. E. Eritzsche
and C. L. W. Grimm, 6 lieferungen, t^eipz. 1851-
60, which also contains full critical introductions to
the several books. The German translation aod
notes of Hezel, 2 Theile, 1800-02, are not highly
esteemed. There is a more recent German trans-
lation, with notes, by a Jewish Kabbi, M. Gutmann,
Die Ajx>kryphen des A. T., u. s. w. Altona, 1841.
The principal commentary in English is by Richard
Amaid, Lond. 1744-52, fol., 2d ed. 1760, new ed.
by Pitman, Lond. 1822, 4to. It was published as
a continuation of Patrick and l.owth'8 Comm. on
the Old Test., which it usually accompanies, as in
the Philadelphia ed. of 1846. There is a separate
ed. of the common English version by Charles
Wilson, The Books of the Ajtocrypha, with CriL
and Hist. Obeervatkiu prefixed, Edin. 1801. A
good English translation of tbe Apocrypha, wttk
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126 APOLLONIA
mitable Introduction* and note*, is a dSceideratum.
The annotations of Grotius, Drusius, and othcn of
the older commentators will be found in the Critid
8aeri, vol. v. Calmet has also illustrated the Apoc-
ryphal Books in his great Commenlaire Uttered.
On the theology and morality of the Apocrypha,
see Bretachnekkr, Sytt Darttelhmg d. Dogmatic
v. Moral d. apor. Schriften da A. T. Theil i.
Dot/motile, Laps. 1805; Cramer, Butt DartttOmg
d. Moral d. Apobr. det A. T., Leips. 1815; De
Wette, BM. Dogmatic; Von CUln, BM Theob-
gie, Bd. i. ; Nicolas. M., Doctrinet relig. de* Jvift
pendant la deux aecla anterieurt a tire chreU-
taw, Paris, ltkiU. See also Frisch, Vtrgleichung
twitoken dm Idem, nekhe mden Apokr. da A. T.
md d, BeMiftm da N.T.ubcr UnelerUkhieit,
Auferttehmng, Gericht «. Vergeltung herrtchen, in
Etehhorn's AUgem. BM 1792, iv. 653-718, and
Botteher, De Inferit, Dread. 18*6, pp. 248-268.
Hencke (1711), Jenicben (1786), Kuinoel (1794),
and Beckhaus (1808), have collected illustrations
of the phraseology of the N. T. from the Apocry-
pha. A.
APOLLCNIA ('AwoMMrla- [ApoUonia] ), a
city of Macedonia, through which Paul and Silas
passed in their way from Philippi and Amphipolis
to Thesaalonica (Acts xvii. 1). It was in the dis-
trict of Mygdonia (Plin. iv. 10. s. 17), and accord-
ing to the Antonine Itinerary was distant SO Roman
mUes from Amphipolis and 37 Roman miles from
Thessakmica. This city must not be confounded
with the more celebrated ApoUonia in fllyria.
•The distances in the Jtinerarium Antonim
Augusti (ed. Parth. et Pind.) are: " From Philippi
to Amphipolis 32 miles ; from Amphipolis to Apul-
lonia 32 miles; from ApoUonia to Theasalonica 36
miles." Luke's record of Paul's journey through
these places (Acts xvii. 1 ) almost reminds us of a
leaf from a traveller's note-book. Paul spent a
night probably at ApoUonia as well as at Amphip-
olis; for be was hastening to Thessakmica, and
could make the Journey between the places in a
single day. Pliny mentions ApoUonia (Hist. Nat
iv. 10): "regio Mygdonia; subjacent, in qua re-
cedentes a mari ApoUonia, Arethuaa." At tl>e
present day the site has not been ascertained with
lertalnty. There is known to be a little village,
I'ollona, with ruins, just south of Lake Beohii
(Bo'AjBn, jEsch. Pert. 490) which possibly perpet-
uates the ancient name. Both Cousinlry ( Voynet
dam la Macedoine, p. 116) and Leake (Northern
Greece, i. 368) saw the village at a distance, and
incline to place ApoUonia there. Tafel would place
it further to the northwest (see his De \!a MiU
itari Homanornm Egnitin), at Klitali, a post-
station 7 hours from SaloniU, on the road to Con-
stantinople (Murray's Handbook of Greece, p. 432).
The position may be correct enough in either case,
as there is some uncertainty respecting the line of
the Egnatian Way in parts of its course. See Am-
phipous. H.
APOLLCNIUS ('AwaAAoWs : [Apotto-
w'us]), the son of Tbraateus governor of Code-
Syria and Phonier, under Selkucus IV. Philo-
Patob, s. c. 187 ff., a bitter enemy of the Jews
9 Mace. iv. 4), who urged the king, at the insti-
jatioi of Simon the commander (errpemryit) of
tie temple, to plunder the temple at Jerusalem (2
Mace tax. A ff.). The writer of the Declamation
an the Maccabees, printed among the works of Jo-
asphua, relates of ApoDoolus the circumstances
APOLLOS
which are commonly referred to his mileaaij Heft
odorus (De Mace 4; cf. 9 Mace. iii. 7 ff).
S. An officer of Antiochus Epiphanes, governs*
of Samaria (Joseph. Ant. xii. 6, $ 6; 7, $ 1), who led
out a large force against Judas Maccabeus, but was
defeated and slain B. c. 166 (1 Mace. iii. 10-12,
Joseph. Ant. xii. 71). He is probably the same
person who was chief commissioner of the revenue
of Judasa (&?%<•' $opo\oylas, 1 Mace i. 29; e".
2 Mace. v. 24), who spoiled Jerusalem, taking ad-
vantage of the Sabbath (2 Mace. v. 24-26), and
occupied a fortified position there (b. C. 168' (1
Mace i. 80 ff).
3. The son of Menestheus (possibly identical
with the former), an envoy commissioned (b. c
173) by Antiochus Epiphanes to congratulate Ptol -
emssus Phikunetor on his being enthroned (2 Msec
hr. 21). An ambassador of the same name was at
the head of the embassy which Antiochus sent to
Borne (Liv. xlil. «).
4. The son of Getuurus (6 roB rVnwiov, it
seems impossible that this can be da edlen Apott.
Sohn, Luth.), a Syrian general under Antiochus V.
Eupator c B. c 163 (2 Mace. xii. 2).
5. The Daiam (Adoj, Joseph. Ant. xiii 4, § 8,
i. e. one of the Dahas or Dai, a people of Sogdiana),
a governor of Ccele-Syria (to» trro «V1 (.11
Mace x. 69) under Alexander Baku, who embraced
the cause of his rival Demetrius Nicator, and was
appointed by him to a chief command (1 Mace.
L c Kariarno-t, Vulg. conttittdt ducem). If ha
were the same as the ApoUonius wbom Polybius
mentions as foster-brother and confidant of Deme-
trius I. (probably a son of (3) tvoir inrapxirrotp
atcAaWr, HrKtirypov KaDHtrtatiott, Polyb.
xxxi. 21, $ 2), his conduct is easily intelligible.
ApoUonius raised a large force and attacked Jona-
than, the aUy of Alexander, but was entirely de-
feated by him (B. c. 147) near Azotus (1 Mace. x.
70 ff.). Joeephus (Ant xiii. 4, § 3 f.) represents
ApoUonius as the general of Alexander at the time
of his defeat; but this statement, though it has
found advocates (Wemsdorf, dejide Ubr. Mace a.
136, yet doubtfully), appears to be untenable on
internal grounds. Cf. Grimm, 1 Mace. x. 69.
B. F. W.
APOLLOPH'ANES ('AxoXAwpaVijt: 4*»-
lophana), % Syrian, killed by Judas Maccabeus
(2 Msec. x. 37).
APOLXOS CAwoAArff, ». «. 'Ai-oAAtVioi
[belonging to Apollo], as the Codex Bene actuaUy
gives it, or perhaps 'AiroAAooupos \jgijl of Apollo] ),
a Jew from Alexandria, eloquent (\6yios, which
may also mean learned), and mighty in the Script-
ures: one instructed in the way of the Lord
(Christ) according to the imperfect view of the
disciples of John the Baptist (Acts xviii. 25), but
on his coming to Ephesus during a temporary ab-
sence of St. Paul, a. D. 54, more perfectly taught
by Aquila and Priscilla. After this he became a
preacher of the gospel, first in Achaia, and then in
Corinth (Acts xviii. 27, xix. 1), where be watered
that which Paul bad planted (1 Cor. iii. 6). When
the apostle wrote his first Epistle to the Corinthians.
ApoUos was with or near him (1 Cor. xvi. 12),
probably at Ephesus in a. D. 67. We bear of him
then that he was unwilling at that ♦ime to journey
to Corinth, but would do so when be should hart
convenient time. He is mentioned but once mora
in the N. T., in Tit iii. 13, where Titus is desired
to "bring Zenas the lawyer and ApoUos on then
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APOLLYON
ny diUscentlv, that t.-.thiug may be wanting to
them." Aftci this nothing is known of him.
tradition makes him bishop of Csesarea ( ifenolog.
time. ii. b. 17). The exact part which Apollos
took in the missionary work of the apostolic age
•an never be ascertained ; and much fruitless con- 1
jecture has been spent on the subject. After the
sutire amity between St. Paul and him which
appears hi the first Epistle to the Corinthians, it is
hardly possible to imagine any important difference
in the doctrines which they taught. Certainly we
cannot accede to the hypothesis that the ffotpia
against which the apostle so often warns the Cor-
inthians, was a characteristic of the teaching of
s.poUos. Thus much may safely be granted, that
there may have been difference enough in the out-
ward character and expression of the two to attract
the lover of eloquence and philosophy rather to
Apollos, somewhat, perhaps, to the disparagement
of St. Paul.
Much ingenuity has been spent in Germany in
defining the four parties in the church at Corinth,
supposed to be indicated 1 Cor. i. 12; and the
Apollos party has been variously characterized. See
Neander, Pflanz. u. Leitung, p. 378 ff. 4th ed. ;
Conybeare and Howson, Life and Epistles of Si.
Paul, vol. i. p. 526, vol. ii. pp. 6-11, 2d ed.;
Winer refers to Pfizer, Diss, de Apollone doctore.
apottol., Altorf, 1718; Hopf, Comm. de Apolkme
pseuilo-doctore, Hag. 1782; and especially to Hey-
Miaiiii. in the Saxon Exegetische Studien, ii. 213
ft". H. A.
• The conjecture of Luther, that Apollos was the
author of the Epistle to the Hebrews, has been fa-
vored by many eminent scholars, among whom may
be named Osiander, Beausobre, \jt Clerc, Heu-
mann, Ziegler, Semler, Dindorf, Bertholdt, Schott,
Bleek. Norton, r'eilmoser (Cath.), Credner, Lutter-
beck (Cath.), De Wette (without confidence), Tho-
luck, Reuss, Bunsen, Liineraann, and Afford. See
Bleek, Brief an die Hebr. i. 423-430; Norton in
the Christian Examiner for July 1829, vi. 338-
343; and Alford's Prolegomena to the Epistle, ch.
i. sect. i. §§ 180-191. [Hebrews, Epistle to
the.] A.
APOLI/YON ('AiroWtW: ApoUyon), or, as
it is literally in the margin of the A. V. of Rev.
ix. 11, "a destroyer," is the rendering of the He-
brew word Abaddon, " the angel of the bottom-
less pit" The Vulgate adds, " Latine haliens
nomen Eiterminans." The Hebrew term is really
abstract, and signifies "destruction," in which
sense it occurs in Job xxvi. 6, xxviii. 22 ; Prov. xv.
1 1 ; and other passages. The angel ApoUyon is
further described as the king of the locusts which
rose from the smoke of the bottomless pit at the
lounding of the fifth trumpet. From the occur-
rence of the word in Ps. bixxviii. 11, the Rabbins
have made Abaddon the nethermost of the two
regions into which they divided the under world.
But that in Rev. ix. 11 Abaddon is the angel, and
lot the abyss, is perfectly eviden 1 in the Greek.
ITiere is no authority for connecting it with the
destroyer alluded U. in 1 Cor. x. 10 ; and the ex-
planation, quoted by Bcngel, that the name is given
in Hebrew and Greek, to show that the locusts
would be destructive alike to .lew and Gentile, is
hr-fetebed :uid unnecessary. The etymology of
• » for a pwd discussion of this topic, sm a dlsnr-
'.ooo on th» " Mama and (Mat of an Apostle," by
APUSTLK
127
Aamodeus. the king of the demons in Jewish
mythology, seems to point to a connection with
ApoUyon, in his character as " the destroyer,' or
the destroying angel. See also Wisd. xviii. 22. 25.
[Asmode'us.] W. A. W.
APOSTLE (otoVtoAos, one sent forth), the
official name, in the N. T., originally of those
Twelve of the disciples whom Jesus chose, to send
forth first to preach the gospel, and to be with Him
during the course of his ministry on earth. After-
wards it was extended to others who, though nc!
of the numlier of the Twelve, yet wen equal with
them in office and dignity. The word also lppears
to have been used in a non-official sense to desig-
nate a much wider circle of Christian messct.geni
and teachers (see 2 Cor. viii. 23; Phil. u. S»V
It is only of those who were officiaUy designated
Apostles that we treat in this article.™
The original qualification of an apostle, as stated
by St. Peter, on occasion of electing a successor to
the traitor Judas, was, that he should have l>eeii
personally acquainted with the whole ministerial
course of our l>ord, from the baptism of John till
the day when He was taken up into heaven. He
himself describes them as " they that had continued
with Him in his temptations " (Luke xxii. 28). By
this close personal intercourse with Him they were
peculiarly fitted to give testimony to the facta of
redemption ; and we gather from his own words in
John xiv. 26, xv. 26, 27, xvi. 13, that an especial
bestowal of the Spirit's influence was granted
them, by which their memories were quickened,
and their power of reproducing that which they
had heard from Him increased above the ordinary
measure of man. The Apostles were from the
lower ranks of life, simple and uneducated ; some
of them were related to Jesus according in the
flesh; some had previously been disciples of John
the Baptist. Our I/>rd chose them early in his
public career, though it is uncertain precisely at
what time. Some of them had certainly partly
attached themselves to Him before ; but after their
caU as apostles, they appear to have been continu-
ously with Him, or in his service. They seem to
have been aU on an equality, both during and after
the ministry of Christ on earth. We find one
indeed, St. Peter, from fervor of personal charac-
ter, usually prominent among them, and distin-
guished by having the first place assigned him in
founding the Jewish and Gentile churches [Peter] ;
but we never find the slightest trace in Scripture
of any superiority or primacy lieing in consequence
accorded to him. We also find that he and two
others, James and John, the sons of Zebedee, are
admitted to the inner privacy of our Lord's acta
and sufferings on several occasions (Mark v. 37;
Matt. xvii. 1 ff., xxvi. 37); but this is no proof
of superiority in rank or office. Early in our
lord's ministry, He sent them out two and two to
preach repentance, and perform miracles in his
name (Matt, x.; Luke ix.). This their mission
was of the nature of a solemn call to the children
oi israel, to whom it was confined (Matt. x. 5, 6).
There is, however, in his charge to the Apostles on
this occasion, not. a word of their proclaiming his
own mission as the Messiah of the Jewish people.
Their preaching was at this time strictly of a pre-
paratory kind, resembling that of John the Baptist,
the Lord's iV.rerunner.
Prof. Ughtfoot, SI. PamTs B°. f Uu Oalatima, w
89-07 a.
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APOSTLE
The Apostles were earl; warned by their Master
of the solemn nature and the danger of their call-
ing (Matt. z. 17 ). but were not intrusted with any
ssoteric doctrines of which indeed his teaching,
being eminently and entirely practical, did not ad-
mit. They accompanied Him in his journeys of
teaching and to the Jewish feasts, saw his wonder-
ful works, heard his discourse* addressed to the
people (Matt. t. 1 ff., xxiii. 1 ff.; Luke ir. 13 ff.
or those which He held with learned Jews (Matt.
xix. 13 ff. ; I -uke i. 25 ff. ). made inquiries of Him
on religious matters, sometimes concerning his
own sayings, sometime) of a general nature (Matt,
xiii. 10 ff., it. 15 ff, zviii. 1 ff.; Luke nil. 9 ff,
xii. 41, xvii. 5; John ix. 2 ff., xiv. 5, 22 a!.): some-
times they worked miracles (Mark vi. 13; I.uke ix
8), sometimes attempted to do so without success
(Matt. xrti. 16). They recognized their Master as
the Christ of God (Matt. xvi. 16 ; Luke ix. 20),
and ascribed to Him supernatural power (Luke
ix. 54), but in the recognition of the spiritual
teaching and mission of Christ, they made very
slow progress, held back as they were by weakness
of apprehension and by natural prejudices (Matt.
xr. 16, xvi. 22, xvii. 20 f.; Luke ix. 54, xxiv. 25;
John xvi. 12). They were compelled to ask of Him
the explanation of even bis simplest parables (Mark
viii. 14 ff.; Luke xii. 41 ff), and openly confessed
their weakness of faith (Luke xvii. 5). Even at the
removal of our Lord from the earth they were yet
weak in their knowledge (Luke xxiv. 21 ; John xvi.
li), though He had for so long been carefully pre-
paring and instructing them. And when that hap-
pened of which He had so often forewarned them,
— his apprehension by the chief priest* and Phari-
sees. — they all forsook Him and fled (Matt. xxvi.
56, Ac.). They left his burial to one who was not
of their number and to the women, and were only
convinced of his resurrection on the very plainest
proofs furnished by Himself. It was first when
this fact became undeniable that light seems to have
entered their minds, and not even then without his
own special aid, opening their understandings that
they might understand the Scriptures. Even after
that, many of them returned to their common oc-
cupations (John xxi. 3 ff), and it required a new
direction from the Lord u> recall them to their mis-
sion and reunite them in Jerusalem (Acts i. 4).
Before the descent of the Holy Spirit on the Church,
Peter, at least, seems to have been specially inspired
by Him to declare the prophetic sense of Scripture
respecting the traitor Judas, and direct his place to
be filled up. On the Feast of Pentecost, ten days
after our Lord's ascension, the Holy Spirit came
down on the assembled church (Acts ii. 1 ff.); and
from that time the Apostles became altogether dif-
ferent men, giving witness with power of the life
and death and resurrection of Jesus m> he bad de-
clared they should (take xxiv. 48 ; Acts i. 8, 22,
ii. 32, iii. 15 v. 32, xiii. 31). First of all the
mother-church at Jerusalem grew up under then-
bands (Acts iii. -vii.), and their superior dignity and
ower were universally acknowledged by the rulers
and the people (Acts v. 12 ff). F.ven the persecu-
tion which arose about Stephen, and put the first
check on the spread of the Gospel in Judtea, does
not seem to have brought peril to the A postles (Acts
viii. 1). Their first mission out of Jerusalem was
to Samaria (Acta viii. 5 ff 14), where the Lord
himself had, during his ministry, sown the seed
of the Gospel. Here ends, properly speaking (or
■saber pwhapa with the general visitation hinted at
APOTHEC ABIES
in Acts ix. 32), the first period of the Apostles
agency, during which its centre is Jerusalem, an**
the prominent figure is that of St. Peter. Agree-
ally to the promise of our Lord to bim (Matt. xvi.
18), which we conceive it impossible to understand
otherwise than in a personal sense, he among the
twelve foundations (Kev. xxi. 14) was the stone on
whom the Church was first built; and it was his
privilege first to open the aYor* of the kingdom of
heaven to Jews (Acts ii. 14, 42) and to Gentiles
(Acts x. 11). The centre of the second period of
the apostolic agency is Antioch, where a church
soon was built up, consisting of Jews and Gentiles;
and the central figure of this and of the subsequent
period is St. Paul, a convert not originally belong-
ing to the number of the Twelve, but wonderfully
prepared and miraculously won for the high office
[Paul]. This period, whose history (all that we
know of it) is related in Acts xi. 19-30, xiii. 1-5,
was marked by the united working of Paul and the
other apostles, in the coi peration and intercourse
of the two churches of Antioch and Jerusalem.
From this time the third apostolic period opens,
marked by the almost entire disappearance of the
Twelve from the sacred narrative, and the exclusive
agency of St. Paul, the great apostle of the Gen-
tiles. The whole of the remaining narrative of the
Acts is occupied with his missionary journeys;
and when we leave him at Rome, all the Gentile
churches from Jerusalem round about unto fllyrieum
owe to him their foundation, and look to him for
supervision. Of the missionary agency of the rest
of the Twelve, we know absolutely nothing from
the sacred narrative. Some notices we have of
their personal history, which will be found under
their respective names, together with the principal
legends, trustworthy or untrustworthy, which have
come down to us respecting them. See Peter,
James. John especially. As regards the npottoHe
o^fcf , it seems to have been preeminently that of
founding the churches, and upholding them by
supernatural power specially bestowed for that pur-
pose. It ceased, as a matter of course, with its
first holders — all continuation of it, from the very
conditions of its existence (cf. 1 Cor. ix. 1), being
impossible. The MaKowot of the ancient churches
coexisted with, and did not in any sense succeed,
the Apostles; and when it is claimed for bishops or
any church officers that they are tbeir successors,
it can be understood only chronologically, and not
officially.
The work which contains the fullest account of
the agency of the Apostles within the limits of the
N. T. history is Neander's treatise, llnrk. tier
PJUnamg uni Leitung der cwrunVrsVw Kircht
durch die Apoetel, 4th edition, Hamburg, 1847.
More ample, but far less interesting, notices may
be found in Cave's Aniig. Apost., or History of
the Apostles, Lond. 1677. H. A.
* The older works of Benson, Hist, of Ike t'iret
Phnring of the Christian RtUgitm, 2d ed., 8 vol..
Lond. 1766, 4to, and Lardner, Hist, of the Apot-
tU$ and Evangelists, deserve mention here. See
also Stanley, Sermons and h'ttagt on the Apottolit
Age, 2d ed., Oxford, 1852, Renan, /.e» Apitrts,
Paris, 1866, and the literature referred to under
the art. Acts or the Apostles. A
• APOTHECARIES occurs in Neh. iii. I
(A. V.) for DVTjv"2, supposed to mean "pedum
era" or "makers of ointment*" (in the Sept
strangely *Pvx«f/i, ** * r ro P er name), in th»
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APPAIM
craft belonged (^2) Hananinh, one of the builders
of the wall of Jerusalem (Nell. iii. 8), where the
A. V., with a misapprehension of the idiom, ren-
ders " a son of one of the apothecaries." H.
APPAIM (C^3S [the nostrils]: 'Air<paii<;
[Vat. E<p/>aj«;] Alex. AMdl! Apphaim). Son
of V i< lib. and descended from Jerahmeel, the
founder of an important family of the tribe of Ju-
dah (1 Chr. ii. 30, 31). The succession fell to him,
m his elder brother died without issue.
W. A. W.
APPEAL. The principle of appeal was recog-
nized by the Mosaic law in the establishment of a
oentr.il court under the presidency of the judge or
ruler for the time being, before which all cases too
difficult for the local courts were to be tried (l)eut.
xvii. 8-9). Winer, indeed, infers from Josephus
(Ant. iv. 8, § 14, AyairciiireTaaav, sc. of !i/coo-
rai ) that this was not a proper court of appeal, the
local judges and not the litigants being, according
to the above language, the appellants: but these
words, taken in connection with a former passage in
the same chapter (*f tis • ■ • tip& oItIcw Tp<xp4-
pot) may be regarded simply in the light of a gen-
eral direction. According to the above regulation,
the appeal lay in the time of the Judges to the judge
(Judg. iv. 5), and under the monarchy to the king,
who appears to have deputed certain persons to
inquire into the facts of the case, and record his
decision thereon (2 Sam. xv. 3). Jehoshaphat dele-
gated his judicial authority to a court permanently
established for the purpose (2 Chr. xix. 8). These
courts were reestablished by Ezra (Ezr. vii. 25).
After the institution of the Sanhedrim the final
appeal lay to them, and the various stages through
which a case might pass are thus described by the
Talmudists : from the local consistory before which
the cause was first tried, to the consistory that sat
in the neighboring town ; thence to the courts at
Jerusalem, commencing in the court of the 23 that
sat in the gate of Shushan, proceeding to the court
that sat in the gate of Nicauor, and concluding
with the great council of the Sanhedrim that sat in
the room Gazith (Carpzov. A/par. p. 571).
A Koman citizen under the republic had the
right of appealing in criminal cases from the de-
cision of a magistrate to the people; and as the
emperor succeeded to the power of the people, there
was an appeal to him in the last resort. (See Diet,
nf Ant. art. Awellatio).
St. Paul, as a Roman citizen, exercised a right
of appeal from the jurisdiction of the local court at
Jerusalem to the emperor (Acts xxv. 11). But
u no decision had been given, there could be no
»f )eal, properly speaking, in his case: the lan-
guage used (Acts xxv. 9) implies the right on the
part of the accused of electing either to be tried by
the provincial magistrate or by the emperor. Since
the procedure in the Jewish courts at that period
was of a mixed and undefined character, the Roman
and the Jewish authorities coexisting and carrying
on the course of justice between them, Paul availed
himself of his undoubted privilege to be tried by
tb t pure Koman law. W. L. B.
•The appeal of Paul to Caesar (AcU xxv ll)was
APPHIA
129
■- *Ihla Is not strict]; correct. 'Amrta does not
at .or in Acts xxrnl. 16, or elsewhere In tb* N. T. In
U»> pmfls referred to by AJfbrd w ban 'Ajnrfa. fax
Aim fowm). m
•
peculiar as laying claim not to the revision of a
sentence, but to a hearing at Rome before judg-
ment had been rendered elsewhere. The point i*
not without its difficulty, and deserves a more so-
cial notice.
Appeal in Roman law under the emperors (foi
this alone concerns us) proceeded on the principle
that the emperor was the supreme judge, and all
other judges, the provincial magistrates, for in-
stance, his delegates. Such appeal from a decision
in a province, when allowed, was authenticated by
apostoli or /fVerre dimissorice, which contained a
notice of the appeal to the higher court, and were
accompanied by the necessary documents, evidence,
etc. The appeal did not necessarily come before
the emperor in the first instance, but he delegated
the matter to subordinate persons, as to consular
men, to the prefect of the city, and particularly
to the pnefect of the pnetorium. Appeal was al-
lowed in all sorts of cases, when a decision valid
in form had been given by the inferior court.
Where the judgment was furmally invalid, a que-
rela null'Untis was necessary.
The apostle Paul, a Roman citizen, was brought
to trial lefore the procurator of Judnsa on the charge
of having profaned the temple and of having been
" a mover of sedition among all the Jews through-
out the world;" and to these offenses it was
sought to attach political importance (Acts xxv.
8). If he had consented, a trial might have been
held at Jerusalem before the procurator Festus.
Hut Paul, fearing that he would be sacrificed to
the malice of his enemies, if such a trial were held,
made an appeal to the emperor, and Festus, after
consulting with his consilium or asse&sores, allowed
the appeal to take effect, glad, doubtless, to be freed
from the responsibility of either irritating the Jew-
ish leaders by acquitting Paul, or of pronouncing
an innocent man guilty.
The peculiarity of this case consisted in this:
that an appeal was taken before any condemnatory
decision had been made, whereas an appeal implied
a verdict. It is not easy to explain this aspect of
Pauls trial, or to illustrate it by analogous in-
stances. The emperors, however, " were wont, and
sometimes from the best motives, to prevent the
initiation or the continuance of a judicial proceed-
ing " (Geib, Gesch. d. riim. Criininnlprocess, p.
424). And Walter in his Gesch. d. rom. Rtchu,
ii. 347, says that a case was " sometimes sent to
the emperor by the proconsul for bis settlement of
it without a previous verdict," in support of which
he cites Pronto, KpitU ad Marcum, ii. 15, but there
is a mistake in the citation. The emperors' tribuni-
cian power could easily involve such a kind of appeal,
which would be no stranger than to quash proceed-
ings before a verdict (see Geib, as above). For
appeal see the two writers referred to, and Rein in
Pauly's ReaUEncycU s. v. Appellntio.
T. D. W.
APTHIA ('Ainpfa, a Greek form of the I-itiu
Appia, written 'AinrIa, Acts xxviii. 15"), a Christian
woman addressed jointly with Philemon and Ar-
chippus in Philem. 2, apparently a member of the
former's household, seeing that the letter is on a
family matter, and that the church that is in her
house is mentioned next to these two, and not im-
-roliably his wife (Chrys., Theodoret). Nothing
more is said or known of her. b 11. A
I * 8m, man folly, on Philem. Tar. 2, In Behalf's «B
tkm of lamto's OmwuMary (N. Y. 1867). B
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180
APPHTJ8
APTHTJ8 CAt^oBj; [Alex. Zabfout. Sb.i
iawfovi-] Apphut), surname of Jonathan Ham.
bssus (1 Mace li. 6).
AFTII FOTIUM ('Anrlov tioor, Acts
xiviii. 15; wss a very well known station (as we
learn from Hot. 8aL I 5, and Cic ad Att. il. 10)
on the Appian Way, the great road which led from
Rome to the neighborhood of the Bay of Naples.
St. Paul, having landed at Puteoli (ver. 13) on his
arrival from Malta, proceeded under the charge of
the centurion along the Appian War towards Home,
and found at Appii Forum a group of Christiana,
who had gone to meet him. The position of this
place is fixed by the ancient Itineraries at 43 miles
from Rome (/As. Ant. p. 107; Bin. Bier, p. 611).
The Jerusalem Itinerary calls it a mulatto. Horace
describes it as full of taverns and boatmen. This
arose from the circumstance that it waa at the
northern end of a canal which ran parallel with the
road, through a considerable part of the Pomptine
Marshes. There is no difficulty in identifying the
site with some ruins near Treponti ; and in fact
the 43d milestone is preserved there. The name
is probably due to Appius Claudius, who first con-
structed this part of the road; and from a passage
in Suetonius, it would appear that it was connected
in some way with his family, even in the time of
St Paul [Tbbkb Tavebks.] J. S. H.
APPLE-TREE, APPLE (JVSF\ * tap-
ptach: ntjAor; un\ia, Sym. in Cant Till 6:
malum, mahu). Mention of the apple-tree occurs
in the A. V., in the following passages. Cant ii.
3 : " As the apple-tree among the trees of the wood,
so Is my beloved among the sons. I sat down un-
der his shadow with great delight, and his fruit was
sweet to my taste." Cant viii. 6: " I raised thee
up under tie apple-tree: there thy mother brought
thee forth." Joel i. IS, where the apple-tree is
named with the vine, the fig, the pomegranate, and
the palm-trees, as withering under the desolating
■rfffecta of the locust, palmer-worm, &e. The fruit
of this tree is alluded to in Prov. xxv. 11: "A word
fitly spoken is like apples of gold in pictures of sil-
ver." In Cant ii. 5: "Comfort me with apples,
for I am sick of love; " vii. 8, " The smell of thy
rose [shall be] like apples."
It is a difficult matter to say with any degree of
certainty what is the specific tree denoted by the
Hebrew word tapp&ach. The LXX. and Vulg.
afford no due, as the terms ufjAor, malum, have a
wide signification, being used by the Greeks and
Romans to represent almost any kind of tree-fruit ;
at any rate, the use of the word is certainly gen-
eric; - • but Celsius (Hierob. i. 956) asserts that the
quince tree (Pynu cydimia) was very often called
ly the Greek and Roman writers mahu, as being,
from the esteem in wbich it was held (" primaria
roalorum species ") the malm, at nrjKov tear' i£o-
xti*. Some therefore, with Celsius, have endeav-
ored to show that the tapp&ach denotes the quince;
id certainly this opinion has some plausible argu-
uients in its favor. The fragrance of the quince
was held in high esteem by the ancients; and the
fruit " was placed on the heads of those images in
the sleeping apartments which were reckoned among
the household gods " (RosenmuUer, Botany of Bible,
Bib. Cab. p. 314; Toss, On VtrgO. Eclog. ii. 61).
• rasri. a v. n£3, apnea, In allusion to the
ksrramsor tot fruit.
• Bam the act sxun ssid by the term antU0oX«»
APPLE-TREE
The Arabians make especial allusion to tie resUra
Uve properties of this fruit; and Celsius (p. Ml
Quotes Abu'l Fadli in illustration of Cant ii. 5
" Comfort me with apples, for I am sick of love.'
" Its scent," says the Arabic author, " cheers m;
soul, renews my strength, and restores my breath."
Phylarchus (Hutor. lib. vi.), Rabbi Salomon (in
Cant ii. 3), Pliny (H. N. xv. 11), who uses ths
words odoru prattantiwmi, bear similar testimony
to the delicious fragrance of the quince. It is well
known that among the ancients the quince was sa-
cred to the goddess of kne ; whence statues of Venus
sometimes rep res en t her with the fruit of this tret
in her hand, the quince being the ill-fated " apple
of discord " which Paris appropriately enough pre-
sented to that deity.*
Other writers, amongst whom may be mentioned
Dr. Royle, demur to the opinion that the quince is
the fruit here intended, and believe that the citron
(Q'trut medica) has a far better claim to be the
tapp&ach of Scripture. The citron belongs to the
orange family of plants (Aurantiaeta), the fruit of
which tree, together with the lemon ( C. Umonium)
and the lime ( C. Hmetta), is distinguished from the
orange by its oblong form and a protuberance at
the apex. The citron, as its name imports, is a na-
tive of Media (Tbeophrast Plant. Hi*, iv. 4, § 8);
and according to Josephus (Ant. xdii. 13, § 6),
branches of the citron-tree were ordered by law to
be carried by those persons who attended the Feast
of Tabernacles, and to this day the Jews offer cit-
rons at this feast; they must be " without blemish
and the stalk must still adhere to them " (Script'
Herb. p. 109). "The boughs of goodly trees'
(Lev. xxiii. 40) are by several of the Jewish rabbis
understood to be those of this tree (Celsius, Hierob.
i. 251 ) ; and the citron-tree is occasionally repre-
sented on old Samaritan coins. " The rich color,
fragrant odor, and handsome appearance of the tree,
whether in flower or in fruit, are," Dr. Royle asserts,
"particularly suited to the passages of Scripture
mentioned above." Dr. Thomson (Land axd Book,
p. 645), on the other hand, is in favor of the trans-
lation of the A. V., and has little doubt that applet
is the correct rendering of the Hebrew word. He
says, " The whole area (about Askdon) is especially
celebrated for its apples, which are the largest and
best I have ever seen in this country. When I waa
here in June, quite a caravan started for Jerusalem
loaded with them, and they would not have dis-
graced jeven an American orchard. . . .The Arabic
word for apple is almost the same as the Hebrew,
and it is as perfectly definite, to say the least, ss
our English word — as much as the word for grape,
and just ss well understood ; and so is that for cit-
ron : but this is a comparatively rare fruit Citrons
are also very large, weighing several pounds each,
and are so hard and indigestible, that they cannot
be used except when made into preserves. The tret
is small, slender, and must be propped up, or the
fruit will bend it down to the ground. Nobody
ever thinks of sitting under its shadow, for it Is too
small and straggling to make a shade. I cannot
believe, therefore, that it is spoken of in the Canti-
cles. It can scarcely be called a tree at all, much
less would it be singled out as among the choice
trees of the wood. As to the smell and color, all
the demands of the Biblical allusions are fully met
(SrsoJ. ad Artatoph. M*. p. 180; Thaocr. Id. M. 10
t. 83, tto. ; Tlrg. Ett. Hi. 64) wm a token of lore, fw
numerous testimonial see UaMu*. Hutrtb. L SSI.
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APPLE-TREE
by these apple« of Askelon ; and 110 doubt, in an-
sient times and in royal gardens, their cultivation
was In' superior to what it is now, aim the fruit
larger and more fragrant. Let Uippuach therefore
itand for apple, as our translation has it."
Neither the quince nor the citron nor the apple,
however, appears fully to answer to all the script-
ural allusions. The tappuach must denote some
tree which is sweet to the taste, and which pos-
sesses some fragrant and restorative properties, in
or Jer to meet all the demands of the Biblical allu-
sions. Both the quince and the citron may satisfy
the last-named requirement; but it can hardly be
■aid that either of these fruits are sweet to the taste.
Dr. Thomson, in the passage quoted above, says
that the citron is " too straggling to make a shade; "
but in Cant. ii. 3 the tappuach appears to be asso-
ciated with other trees of the wood, and it would
do no violence to the passage to suppose that this
tree was selected from amongst the rest under
which to recline, not on account of any extensive
■hade it afforded, but for the fragrance of its fruit.
The expression " under the shade n by no means
necessarily implies any thing more than " under its
branches." But Dr. Thomson's trees were no doubt
•mall specimens. The citron-tree is very variable
u regards its size. Dr. Kitto (Pict. Bib. on Cant,
ii. 3) says that it "grows to a fine large size, and
affords a pleasant shade; " and Kisso, in his Ifistoire
Naiwelh (Its Oranges, speaks of the citron-tree as
having a magnificent aspect.
The passage in Cant. ii. 3 seems to demand that
the fruit of the tappuach in its unprepared state
was sweet to the taste, whereas the rind only of the
citron is used as a sweetmeat, and the pulp, though
it is less acid than the lemon, is certainly far from
tweet. The same objection would apply to the fruit
of the quince, which is also far from being sweet
to the taste in its uncooked state. The oranyt
would answer all the demands of the Scriptural
passages, and orange-trees are found in Palestine;
but there does not appear sufficient evidence to
show that this tree was known in the earlier times
to the inhabitants of Palestine, the tree having been
in all probability introduced at a later period. As
to the apple-tree being the tap/much, most travel-
lers assert that this fruit is generally of a very in-
ferior quality, and Dr. Thomson does not say that
he tasted the apples of Askelon." Moreover the
apple would hardly merit the character for excellent
fragrance which the tappuach is said to have pos-
teeed. The question of identification, therefore,
must still be left an open one. The citron appears
to have the best claim to represent the tappuach,
but there is no conclusive evidence to establish the
*/mion. As to the Apples of Soimjm, see Vise
)V Sodom.
The expression " ftpp/e of the eye " occurs in
AQUILA
131
a Since the above was written Dr. Hooker has re-
turned from a tour in Palestine, ami remarks in a letter
to the author of thia article — ft I procured a great
many plant*, but veiy little information of service to
too, though I made every inquirr about the subject
•f your notes. You would hardly believe the diffi-
culty in getting reliable information about the simplest
«utyect? ; t. g. three, to all appearance unexceptionable
Knglinh resident authorities, including a consul and a
medical gentleman, assured me that the finest apples
-n Syria grew at Joppa and Askelon. The lact ap-
peared so improbable that, though ooe authority Hd
i them. I could not w i st fi\mt mlliis, Um inquiry,
la gentleuum who bad property then,
Deut. xxxii. 10: Ps. xvii. 8; Prov. vii. 2; Lam. 11
18; Zech. ii. 8. The word is the representative
of an entirely differeiit name from that considered
above: the Hebrew word being foA<5», 6 " little mnn "
— the exact equivalent to the Kuglish pupil, the
Latin pnpilh, the Greek ic6pjj- It is curious to
observe how common the image (" pupil of the
eye") is in the languages of different nations.
Gescnius ( Thts. p. 86) quotes from the Arabic, the
Syriac, the Ethiopic, the Coptic, the Persian, in
all of which tongues an expression similar to the
Knglish "pupil of the eye" is found. It is a pity
that the same figure is not preserved in the A. V.,
which invariably uses the expression ■ apple of the
eye" (in allusion to its shape), instead of giving
the literal translation from the Hebrew. \V. H.
* APPREHEND (as used in Phil. iii. 12, 13,
of the A. V.) meant formerly u to take in the hand,
or by the hand," (a I-atin sense of the word).
Thus Jeremy Taylor (Holy Living, ii. 6) says:
" There is nothing but hath a double handle, or at
least we have two hands to apprehend it." Hence
a more correct rendering now would be : " If that I
may lay hold (ieaTa\df$to) on that (*. e. the victor's
crown, ver. 14) for which also I was laid hold
upon" ( aarsA^ ftay)' "Brethren, I count not
myself to have laid hold," &c. The language U
evidently figurative, derived from the contests of
runners in the stadium. See Gamks. H.
AQ1JILA CActfov. Wolf. Cur*, on Act*,
xviii. 2, believes it to have been Grecised from the
L;it in Aquila, not to have any Hebrew origin, and
to have been adopted as a Liiin name, as Paulus
by Saul ), a Jew whom St. Paul found at Corinth
on his arrival from Athens (Acts xviii. 2). He is
there described as Tlovrucbs t<£ yivti, from the
connection of which description with the fact that
we find more than one Pontius Aquila in the Pon-
tian gens at Home in the days of the Republic (see
Cic. adFam.x. 33; Suet. Cos. 78; Diet, of Bioyr.
art. Aquila and Pontius), it has been imagined
that he may have been a freedman of a Pontius
Aquila, and that his being a Pontian by birth may
have been merely an inference from his name. But
besides that this is a point on which St. Luke could
hardly be ignorant, Aquila, the translator of the
O. T. into Greek, was also a native of Pontus. At
the time when St. Paul met with Aquila at Corinth,
he had fled, with his wife Priscilla, from Rome, i ■
consequence of an order of Claudius commanding
all Jews to leave Rome (Suet. Claud. U — " Judaea*
impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantes Roma ex-
pulit:" see Claudius). He became acquainted
with St. Paul, and they alxide together, and wrought
at their common trade of making the Cilician tent
or hair-cloth [Paul], On the departure of the
apostle from Corinth, a year and six months after,
and knew a little of horticulture, who assured me they
were all Quinces, the apples being abominable."
* In like manner Mr. Tristram says (Land of Israel
p. 604} that he scarcely ever saw the apple-tree in the
Holy Land except on a few high situations in Lebanon
and in the region of Damascus. The question does
not affect at all the accuracy of Scrip* tire, but the
maaning of ITlS-Pl which the A. V. renders "apple."
Mr. Trirtram concludes that it cannot be " the ap>
p.. " that is intended, but is " the apricot." II.
6 ftth& homimattus, ]^n ff6far% homun
cuius ocr—, t. e, pupllls, in qua tsjvqnarn in specoU
hominls tmagunonlam oonsnldmns (flss, 1%*$, i. *.).
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182 AB
Priaeilk and Aquila accompanied him to Ephesus
M hit way to Syria. There they remained ; end
when Apollos came to Ephesus, knowing only the
baptism of John, they took him and taught him
the way of the Lord more perfectly. At what
time they became Christiana is uncertain: had
Aquila lieen converted before Mi first meeting with
St. Paul, the word /io0irH)> would hardly have
been omitted (aee against this view Neander, Pfl.
h. Lett. p. 888 t, and for it Herzog, Encykl. a. v.).
At the time of writing 1 Cor., Aquila and his wife
were still in Ephesus (1 Cor. xvi. 19); but in Rom.
rvi. 8 ff., we find them again at Home, and their
house a place of assembly for the Christians. They
are there described as having endangered their lives
for thai of the apostle. In 2 Tun. iv. 19, they
are saluted as being with Timutbaus, probably at
Ephesus. In both these latter places the form
Prisca and not Priscilla is used.
Nothing further is known of either of them.
The MtnoUig. Gmcorum gives only a vague tradi-
tion that they were beheaded ; and the Martt/roL
Rom. celebrates both on July 8. H. A.
* We must advert here to the question whether
Luke mentions the Nazarite vow (Acts xviii. 18)
trf Aquila or the apostle Paul. The passage, gram-
matically viewed, no doubt should be understood
of Aquila; and so much the more, it is urged, be-
cause Luke places Priscilla's name before Aquila's
at if for the very purpose of showing that Kapiu.-
tros belongs to 'AxuAaj, and not TlavAor- So
Grotius, KuinoeL Wieseler, Meyer, and others.
On the contrary, Neander, Olshausen, Hansen, De
Wette, Winer, Wordsworth, Lechler (Lange's
Bibthetrk, p. 261), with others, refer the vow to
the apostle, and not Aquila. UavKos is the leading
subject, and the reader connects the remark spon-
taneously with him. It is only as an act of re-
flection, on perceiving that 'Aki/Xoj stands nearer,
that the other connection occurs to the mind as a
possible one. The intervening words (zeal abr
aery .... 'Aieikas) may separate Kiipdptyos
and UavKos from each other, because the clause is
to evidently parenthetic, and because l{«V\«i has
a tendency to draw its several subjects towards itself.
That no stress can be laid upon Luke's naming
Priscilla before Aquila, is clear from Rom. xvi. 3
and 2 Tim. iv. 19, where the names follow each
other in the same manner. Some principle of as-
sociation, as possibly that of the relative superiority
if Priscilla, seems to have made it customary to
speak of them in that order. Dr. Howson (lift
and Episdei of St. Paul, 1. 498) maintains that
Aquila assumed the vow; but in his Iltdsean Lect-
nre< (p. 16, note) recedes from that opinion and
ascribes the act to Paul H.
AE OS) tod AB OF MOAB (OHIO -)y,"
Sam. Vert. nimN: [Num. nd. 15] *Hp; [Dent.
,j. 9, 18, Rom. Alex. 'Apotp, Vat. inup; 29,
Rom. Vat 'Apofy, Alex. ApojjA, Comp."A»:] Ar),
toe of the chief places of Moab (Is. xv. 1 ; Num.
txi. 28).* From the Onomasticon (Moab), and
ARAB
from Jerome's Com. on b. xv. 1, it appears that h
that day the place was known as Areopolis « am
Rabbath-Moab, "trf t$t, orandis Moab" (Retand
p. 677; Rob. ii. 166, note).' The site is stil
called Rnbba ; it lies about half-way between Ktrtt
and the ll'arfy Mojtb, 10 or 11 miles from each,
the Roman road passing through it. The remaina
are not so important as might be Imagined (Irbv.
p. 140; Burckh. p. 877; De Saulcy, ii. 44-46, and
map 8).
In the books of Motet Ar appears to be used as s
representative name for the whole nation of Moab ;
see Deut. ii. 9, 18, 29; and also Nam. rri. 16,
where it is coupled with a word rarely if ever used
iu the same manner, i"QTi " f* dwtKng of Ar."
In Num. xxil. 36 the almost identical words "TO
C are rendered "a city of Moab," following tht
Sam. Vers., the LXX., and Vulgate. 6.
* Ritter's view (referred to in the note' 1 ) that Ar
was not the present Rabba, but was situated near
Aroer on the Anion, is held also by Hengstenberg
(Gescli. Biltam, p. 234 0*.), Keil (Pentateuch
iii. 146), and Kurtz (Getch. dti A. Bunda, ii.
448). Among the reasons on which tbey rely for
this opinion, are that Ar formed the northern
boundary of Moab (Num. xxii. 36, oomp. xxl. 16),
whereas Rabba it 3 or 4 hours further south in tht
interior of Moab, and that Ar was in the Wady of
the Anion (Deut. ii. 36; Josh. xiii. 9) whereat
Rabba is not in that valley, but 10 miles or more
distant from it. Burckhardt (Syria, ii. 636) found
" a fine green pasture-land in which is a hill with
important ruins," near the confluence of Wady
JJjum and Wady Mdjib (the Amon) which may
well be supposed to be the site of the ancient Ar.
It it true, the name Areopolis, which was the Greek
name of Ar, was applied also to Rabba ; but then
is no proof that this wit done till after the destruc-
tion of Ar by an earthquake in the 4th century
(Jer. ad J a. xv. 1), and hence the name may have
designated different places at different times. It is
possible, as Ritter argues, that after the overthrow
of Ar, the capital of the region, the name was
transferred to Rabba, which was the next in rank
and became then the seat of the episcopate, which
had previously been at Ar. Dr. Robinson identifies
Ar with Rabba, but without specially noticing the
objections to that view. The argument against
that identification, and for supposing Ar to have
been on the Amon, is well stated in Zeller's BibL
WSrtb. p. 96. Raumer held at first a different
opinion, but changed it in view of Hengstenberg'i
arguments (Paldstina, p. 271, 4te Aufl.). Diet-
rich also agrees with Ritter, and distinguishes At
from the present Rabba in Moab (Htbr. u. Chald.
Handw. p. 680). H.
A'RA.(Vn& [p«™- Son^TNl: 'A^et: An).
One of the sons of Jether, the head of a family of
Asheritet (1 Chr. vU. 88). W. A. W.
A-RAB (3"?^ [ambmh]: Alptp.; [Comp.
o According to Gesenlus (Juma, p. 616), an old,
probably Moabite, term of the word "IV?, a "dtj."
6 Samaritan Codex and Version, "as tar as Moab,"
•lading 11? fcr IV ; and so also LXX. ** M.
e W a have Jerome's testimony that AreopoUs was
I to be quasi *Apnt i&us, " the etty of Arts "
it). This Is a ford Instance of the tandener which
Is noticed by Trench (Bnglitk Pan and front, pp
218, 220) as existing m language, to tamper with On
derivations of words. He gives another example of I
In "Blerosolytta," quari Uptt, "holy."
d Ritter (Syrien, p. 1212. 18) trha hard to mats
out that Areopolis and Ar-Moab were not Identical,
and that the latter was the "city In the mMttof tb
wady " [Aaosm]; but he ttttt to tttabUah his poms.
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ARAWAW
41d.] Alts. Zpt$: Arab), a city of Judah in the
joountainoiu district, probably in the neighborhood
if Hebron. It ia mentioned only ir Josh, xv. 88,
and has not yet been Idontifled. [Antra.]
AK'AJBAH (P^T}V : 'Apafiai [BatBdpafia
in Josh, xviii. 18; see also note a;] camptitria,
ptanitUi), Josh, xviii. 18. Although this word
appears in the Auth. Ten. in its original shape
only in the verse above quoted, yet in the Hebrew
text it ia of frequent occurrence.
1. If the derivation of Gesenius (Tha. p. 1066)
la to be accepted, the fundamental meaning of the
term is "burnt up" or "waste," and thence
"sterile," and in accordance with this idea it is
employed in various poetical parts of Scripture to
sVirignntr generally a barren, uninhabitable district,
— "a desolation, a dry land, and a desert, a land
wherein no man dwelleth, neither doth any son of
man pais thereby" (Jer. ii. 43: see a striking re-
mark in Martineau, p. 395; and amongst other
passages, Joli xxiv. 6, xxxix. 6 ; Is. xxxiii. 9, xxxv.
8. But within this general signification it is plain,
from even a casual examination of the topographical
records in the earlier books of the Bible, that the
word has also a more special and local force. In
these esses it is found with the definite article
(n^VPt, ha-Arabah). "the Arabah," and is also
so mentioned as clearly to refer to some spot or dis-
trict familiar to the then inhabitants of Palestine.
This district — although nowhere expressly so de-
fined in the Bible, and although the peculiar force
of the word " Arabah " appears to have been dis-
regarded by even the earliest commentators and
interpreters of the Sacred Books » — has within our
own times been identified with the deep-sunken
valley or trench which forms the most striking
among the many striking natural features of Pal-
estine, and which extends with great uniformity of
formation from the slopes of Hermon to the FJan-
hUe Gulf of the Red Sea; the most remarkable de-
pression known to exist on the surface of the globe
(Humboldt, Cotmo$, i. 150, ed. Bohn; see also 301).
Through the northern portion of this extraordinary
fissure the Jordan rushes through the lakes of
Huleli and Gennesareth down its tortuous course to
the deep chasm of the Dead Sea. This portion,
ARABAH
188
a The early commentators and translators seem to
jve overlooked or neglected toe tact, that the Jordan
valley and Its continuation south of the Dead Sea bad
s special name attached to them, and to them only.
By Josephns the Jordan valley Is always called the
UymwMar; but he applies the same nam* to the plain
of Esdraelon. Jerome, In the Oasmashem, states
As name by which It was then known was Anion,
sr*-' - (i. 4. channel) ; but he preserves no such distinc-
tion in the Vulgate, and randeri Arabah by planum,
stUludo, campestria, drjtrium, by one or all of which
be translates mducruninatelj Miihor, Bekaa, Mldbar,
thawtla, Jeshimon, equally unmindful of the special
force attaching to several of there words. Even the
accurate Aqnila has tailed In this, and una his favorite
h\ hfirnXf Indiscriminately. The Talmud, If we may
trust the single reference given by Belaud (p. 886),
mantlona the Jordan valley under the name Beksah,
a word at that tune of no special Import. The Samar-
itan Version and the Targums apparently confound all
words for valley, plain, or low country, under the one
arm Mlshor, which ra originally confined strict!) to
in high smooth downs east of Jordan on the upper
tnl [Misaoa].
Ia the LXX we frequently And the words 'ApoBi
about 150 miles in lengtt, is known amongft ths
Arabs by the name of el-Ghor ( y«*JI )> «" »t>
peuation which it has borne certainly since the dayi
of Abutted*.' The southern boundary of the Gbot
has been fixed by Robinson to be the wall of cliffl
which u ousts the valley about 10 miles south of the
Dead See, Down to the foot of them cuffs the
Ghor extends; from their summits, southward to
the Gulf of Akabah, the valley changes its name,
or, it would be more accurate to say, retains its old
name of Wady el-Arabah (jbj*J1 ^gdlj).
Looking to the indications of the Sacred Text
there can be no doubt that in the times of the con-
quest and the monarchy the name " Arabah " was
applied to the valley in the entire length of both its
southern and northern portions. Thus in Deut. i
1, probably, and in Deut. ii. 8, certainly (A. V.
" plain " in both cases), the allusion is to the south-
ern portion, while the other passages in which the
name occurs, point with certainty — now that the
identification has been suggested — to the northern
portion. In Deut. iii. 17, iv. 49; Josh. iii. 16, xi.
2, xii. 3; and 2 K. xiv. 25, both the Dead Sea and
the Sea of Cinneroth (Gennesareth) are named in
close connection with the Arabah. The allusions
in Dent. xi. 30; Josh. viii. 14, xii. 1, xviii 18; 2
Sam. ii. 29, iv. 7; 2 K. xxv. 4; Jer. xxxix. 4, Iii
7, become at once intelligible when the m eani n g of
the Arabah ia known, however puzzling they may
have been to former commentators." In Josh. xi.
16 and xii. 8 the Arabah takes its place with " the
mountain," " the lowland " plains of Philistia and
Esdraelon, " the south " and " the plain " of Ccehv
Syria, as one of the great natural divisions of the
conquered country.
3. But further the word is found in the plural
and without the article (."TO~l5, Arboth), always
in connection with either Jericho or Moab, and
therefore doubtless denoting the portion of the Ara-
bah near Jericho; in the former case on the west,
and in the latter on the east aide of the Jordan ;
the Arboth-Moab being always distinguished from
the Sede-Moab — the bare and burnt-up soil of the
sunken valley, from the cultivated pasture or corn-
fields of the downs on the upper level — with all
and 'KpafiM i but It Is difficult to say whether this
has been done Intelligently, or whether It is an In-
stance of the favorite habit of these translators of
transferring a Hebrew word literally into Greek when
they were unable to comprehend Its force. (Sea some
curious examples of this — to take one book only — in
3K.il. 14, i44~; lit. 4, vuxtfi lT - 89, *>•*; v. IS
(comp. Gen. xxxv. 16), 6fflpa0a ; vl. 8, cAjunrf; Ix. 18,
yap«>, &e. Ac.) In the latter esse it Is evidence of
an equal ignorance to that which has rendered the
Word by &vo?uU, itajf iondpav, and 'Apafiia.
» By Abulfeda and Ibn Haukal the word el-Ghor Is
used to denote the valloy from the lake of Gennesareth
to the Dead Sea (Bitter, Sinai, pp. 1059, 1060). Thus
each word was originally applied to the whole extent,
and each has been since restricted to a portion only
(see Stanley, App. p. 487). The word Qhor Is Inter-
preted by freyuig to mean "locus depress! nr Inter
montsa."
e See the mistakes of Mlchsella, Marius, and others,
who Identified the Arabah with the Bekaa (i. «. the
plain of Ccala-Syria, the modern elSakia), or with
the Mk'ior. the level down « intry en the east if
Jordar 'KaJ, pp. 9)6, 228).
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184 ARABAH
Ike precision which would naturally follow from the
mentis! difference of the two spots. (See Num.
oil. 1, xxri. 3, 63, xxxi. 12, xxxiii. 48, 48, SO,
hxy. 1, xxxri. 13; Deut- xxxiv. 1, 8; Joth. iv.
13, v. 10, xiii. 33; 3 Sam. xv. 88, zrii. 16; 2 K.
txv. 5 ; Jer. mil. 6, lii. 8. )
The word Arabah does not appear in the Bible
until the book of Numbers. In the allusions to the
valley of the Jordan in Gen. xiii. 10, Ac. the curious
term Ciccar is employed. This word and the other
words used in reference to the Jordan valley, as
well as the peculiarities and topography of that
region — in fact of the whole of the Ghor — will
be more appropriately considered under the word
Jordan. At present our attention may be con-
fined to the southern division, to that portion of
this singular valley which has from the most remote
date home, as it still continues to bear, the name
of "Arabah."
A deep interest will always attach to this re-
markable district, from the fact that it must have
been the scene of a large portion of the wanderings
of the children of Israel after their repulse from the
south of the Promised Land. Wherever Kadesh
and Hormah may hereafter be found to lie, we
know with certainty, even in our present state of
ignorance, that they must have been at the north
of the Arabah; and therefore "the way of the Red
Sea," by which they journeyed " from Mount Hot
to compass the land of Edom," after the refusal of
the king of Edom to allow them a passage through
bis country, must have been southwards, down the
Arabah towards the head of the Gulf, till, as is
nearly certain, they turned up one of the wadies on
the left, and so made their way by the back of the
mountain of Seir to the land of Moab on the east
of the Dead Sea.
More accurate information will no doubt be ob-
tained before long of the whole of this interesting
country, but in the mean time as abort a summary
as possible is due of what can be collected from
the reports of the principal travellers who have
visited it.
The direction of the Ghor is nearly due north
and south. The Arabah, however, slightly changes
its direction to about N. N. E. by S. S. W. (Rob.
i. 163, 3). But it preserves the straightness of its
course, and the general character of the region is
not dissimilar from that of the Ghor (Bitter, Sinai,
p. 1132 ; Irby, p. 134) except that the soil is more
sudy, and that from the absence of the central
river and the absolutely desert character of the
Ughland on its western side (owing to which the
jradies bring down no fertilizing streams in sum-
mer, and nothing but raging torrents in winter),
there are very few of those lines and " circles " of
verdure which form so great a relief to the torrid
. lunate of the Ghor.
The whole length of the Arabah proper, from the
cliffs south of the Dead Sea to the head of the Gulf
of Akabah, appears to be rather more than 100
miles (Kiepert's Map, Bob. i.). In breadth it va-
ries. North of Petra, that is, about 70 miles from
(he Gulf of Akabah, it is at its widest, being per-
haps from 14 to 16 miles across; but it contracts
gradually to the south till at the gulf the opening
to the sea is but 4, or, according to some travellers,
I miles wide (Bob. i. 163; Martineau, p. 393).
The mountains which form the walls of this vast
ndley or trench are the legitimate successors of
Jbose which shut in the Ghor, only in every way
pander and more desert-like. On Vie west are the
ARABAH
long horixoutal lines of the limestone langes of tht
Tlh, " always faithful to their tabular outline and
blanched desolation " (Stanley, pp. 7, 84; also MS
Journal; and see Laborde, p. 362), mounting ui
from the valley by huge steps with level barren
tracts on the top of each (Bob. ii. 126), and crowned
by the vast plateau of the "Wilderness of the
Wanderings." This western wail ranges in height
from 1500 to 1800 feet above the floor of the Ara-
bah (Rob. i. 163), and through it break in the
wadies and passes from the desert above — unimpor-
tant towards the south, but further north larger and
of more permanent character. The chief of thaw
wadies is the W. eUemfeh, which emerges about
60 miles from Akabah, and leads its waters, when
any are flowing, into the IF. el-Jab (Rob. ii. ISO,
135), and through it to the marshy ground under
the cliffs south of the Dead Sea.
Two principal passes occur in this range. First,
the very steep and difficult ascent close to the Aka-
bah, by which the road of the Mecca pilgrims be-
tween the Akabah and Suez mounts from the valley
to the level of the plateau of the Tlh. It bean
apparently no other name than en-Nikb, "the
Pass" (Rob. i. 176). The second — et-Sufah—
has a more direct connection with the Bible history,
being probably that at which the Israelites were
repulsed by the Canaanites (Deut. i. 44; Num. xtv.
43-46). It is on the road from Petra to Hebron,
above Ain el- Weibeh, and is not like the farmer, from
the Arabah to the plateau, but from the plateau
itself to a higher level 1000 feet above it. See the
descriptions of Robinson (ii. 178), Lindsay (ii. 46),
Stanley (p. 85).
The eastern wall is formed by the granite and
basaltic (Schubert in Bitter, Sinai, p. 1013) moun-
tains of Edom, which are in every respect a contrast
to the range opposite to them. " At the base are
low hills of limestone and argillaceous rock like
promontories jutting into the sea .... in some
places thickly strewed with blocks of porphyry;
then the lofty masses of dark porphyry constituting
the body of the mountain ; above these, sandstone
broken into irregular ridges and grotesque groups
or cliffs, and further back and higher than all, long
elevated ridges of limestone without precipices"
(Bob. ii. 123, 154; Laborde, pp. 309, 310, 363;
Lord Lindsay, ii. 43), rising to a height of 3000 to
3300 feet, and in Mount Hor reaching an elevation
of not less than 5000 feet (Ritter, Sinai, pp. 1139,
40). Unlike the sterile and desolate ranges of the
Tih, these mountains are covered with vegetation,
in many parts extensively cultivated and yielding
good crops; abounding in "the fatness of the
earth " and the " plenty of corn and wine " which
were promised to the forefather of the Arab race as
a compensation for the loss of his birthright (Bob.
ii. 154; Laborde, pp. 303, 363). In these moun-
tains there is a plateau of great elevation, from
which again rise the mountains — or rather ths
downs (Stanley, p. 87) —of Sherah. Though this
district is now deserted, yet the ruins of towns and
villages with which it abounds show that at ana
time it must have been densely inhabited (Buickh.
pp. 435, 436).
The numerous wadies which at onoe drain and
give access to the interior of these mountains are in
strong contrast with those on the west, partaking
of the fertile character of the mountains from v/hict
they descend. In almost all cases they oontaii
streams which, although in the beat of summet
small and losing themselves in their own beds, w
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ARABAH
n the sand of the Arabah, "in a few paces" jfter
Ihey forsake the ihadow of their native ravines
(Laborde, 141), an yet sufficient to keep alive a I
sertain amount of vegetation, rushes, tamarisks,
palms, and even oleanders, lilies, and anemones,
while they form the resort of the numerous tribes
of the children of Esau, who still "dwell (Stanley,
p. 87, also MS. Journal; Laborde, a. 141; Mart,
p. 398) in Mount Seir, which is Edom" (Gen.
rxxvL 8). The moat important of these wadies are
the Wady Mm (Jetoum of Laborde), and the
Wtiag Abu Kutheibeh. The former enters the
mountains close above the Akabah and leads by the
back of the range to Petra, and thence by Shobek
and Tufileh to the country east of the Dead Sea.
Traces of a Roman road exist along this route (La-
borde, p. 203; Rob. ii. 161); by it Laborde returned
from Petra, and there can be little doubt that it
was the route by which the Israelites took their
leave of the Arabah when they went to " compass
the land of Edom " (Num. xxi. 4). The second,
the W. Abi Kutheibeh, is the most direct access
from the Arabah to Petra, and is that up which
Laborde" and Stanley appear to have gone to the
city. Resides these are Wady Tubal, in which the
traveller from the south gains his first glimpse of
the red sandstone of Edom, and W. Uhirundcl,
not to be confounded with those of the same name
north of l'etra and west of Sinai.*
To l)r. Robinson is due the credit of having first
ascertained the spot which forms at once the south-
ern limit of the Uhor and the northern limit of the
Arabah. This boundary is the line of chalk clifls
which sweep across the valley at about 6 miles be-
low the S. W. corner of the Dead Sea. They are
from 60 to ISO feet in height; the Ghor ends with
the marshy ground at their feet, and level with their
tops the Arabah begins (Rob. ii. 116, 118, 190).
Thus the clifls act as a retaining wall or buttress
supporting the higher level of the Arabah, and the
whole forms what in geological language might be
idled » ufiudt" in the floor of the great valley.
Through this wall breaks in the embouchure of
the great main drain of the Arabah — the Wady
eUab — in itself a very large and deep water-course
which collects and transmits to their outlet at this
point the torrents which the numerous wadies from
both sides of the Arabah pour along it in the win-
ter season (Rob. ii. 118, 120, 125). The furthest
•aint south to which this drainage is known to
teach is the Wady Ghurundel (Rob. ii. 126), which
Cebouches from the eastern mountains about 40
miles from the Akabah and 60 from the clifls just
spoken of. The Waif tl-Jeib also forms the most
nirect road for penetrating into the valley from the
north. On its west bank, and crossed by the road
bom Wadg Alusa (Petra) to Hebron, are the
• Hardly raeognlaable, though doubtless to be re-
sinislsi 1, under lbs Poboudun of Laborde (p. 144), or
(he thou OaeWftf of Lindsay-
s' The various springs occurring botb on the east
sad wast skies of the Arabah an enumerated by Hob-
kasao (HL 184).
* Ths wind m the Banloe arm of the Red Sea is
very violent, constantly blowing down the Arabah
>om the North. Ths navigation of these waters Is
SB that account almost proverbially dangerous and
ttAValt. (See the notice of this to the Win. Rn
ML ehl. p. MS).
d The bass whose hum so charmed him (p. 1017)
ansa) from bis fcsetlpslon have ban In a side wadr,
•mt ha the Arabah Itself.
ARABAH 186
springs of Am eU Weibth, maintained by Robinson
to be Kadash (Rob. ii. 176; but sea Stanley, pp.
03, 95).
Of the substructure of the floor of the Arabah
very little is known. In his progress southward
along the Wady eUeib, which is during part ot
its course over 100 feet in depth, Dr. Robinson
(ii. 119) notes that the sides are " of chalky earth
or marl," but beyond this there is no information.
The surface is dreary and desolate in the extreme.
" A more frightful desert," says Dr. Kobinson (ii.
121) " it had hardly been our lot to behold . . .
loose gravel and stones everywhere furrowed with
the beds of torrents . . . blocks of porphyry
brought down by the torrents among which the
camels picked their, way with great difficulty . . ■
a lone shrub of the ghudah, almost the only trace
of vegetation." This was at the ascent from the
Wady tl-Jeib to the floor of the great valley itself.
Further south, near Ain tU Wtibeh, it is a rolling
gravelly desert with round naked hills of consid-
erable elevation (ii. 173). At Wady Ghunmdet
it is " an expanse of shifting sands, broken by in-
numerable undulations and low bills" (Burckh.
p. 442), and " countersected by a hundred water-
courses" (Stanley, p. 87). The southern portion
has a considerable general slope from east to west
quite apart from the undulations of the surface
(Stanley, p. 85), a slope which extends as far north
as Petra (Schubert, p. 1097). Nor is the heat less
terrible than the desolation, and all travellers, almost
without exception, bear testimony to the difficulties
of journeying in a region where the sirocco appears to
blow almost without intermission (Schub. p. 1016;
Burckh. p. 444; Mart. p. 894; Rob. ii. 123 ).«
However, in spite of this heat and desolation,
there is a certain amount of vegetation, even in
the open Arabah, in the driest parts of the year.
Schubert in March found the Aria (Calligonum
com.), the Anihia variegata, and the Cvloqvinia
(Hitter, p. 1014), also tamarisk-bushes {tar/a) lying
thick in a torrent-bed d (p. 1016) ; and on Stanley's
road " the shrubs at times had almost the appear-
ance of a jungle," though it is true that they were
so thin as to disappear when the " waste of sand "
was overlooked from an elevation (85, and see Rob
i. 163, 176).
It is not surprising that after the discovery by
Burckhardt in 1812* of the prolongation of the
Jordan valley in the Arabah, it should have been
assumed that this had in former times formed the
outlet for the Jordan to the Red Sea./ Lately,
however, the levels of the Jordan and the Dead Sea
have been taken, imperfectly, but still with suffi-
cient accuracy ' to disprove the possibility of such
a theory; and in addition there is the universal
testimony of the Arabs that at least half of the dis-
« See Burckhardt, pp. 441, 442. The sagacity of
Bitter had led him earlier than this to Into Its exist
•nee from the remarks of the andant Mohammedan
historians (Bob. U. 187).
/ This theory appears to have been first announced
by Col. Leake in ths prelacs to Burckbardt's Travail
(aw p. vi.). It wee afterwards espoused and dilated
on amongst others, by Lord Undsay (II. 28), Dean
atlknan (Huf. of Jncs, Allen, p. 241), and Stephens
-jki'</«ui of Trav. U. 41).
a These observations will be stated In detail in the
account </ *&• Jordan. Those of Lynch seem on ths
wr "» the moat reliable: they give as the lewis of
the Sea of Galilee and the Dead Sea below the Ned}
tarreaean respective)* «8 and 1316 i aa*.
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180
AKABATTOSTB
Met drains northward to the Dead Sea — a testi-
mony fully confirmed by all the recorded observa-
tions of the conformation of the ground. A series
of accurate levels from the Akabah to the Dead Sea,
up the Arabah, are necessary before the question
can be set at rest, but in the mean time the follow-
ing may be taken as an approximation to the real
state of the case.
1. The waters of the Red Sea and of the Medi-
terranean are very nearly at one level."
3. The depression of the surface of the Sea of
Galilee is 652 feet, and of the Dead Sea 1316 feet,
below the level of the Mediterranean, and therefore
of the Bed Sea. Therefore the waters of the Jor-
dan can never in historical times have flowed into
the Gulf of Akabah, even if the formation of the
ground between the Dead Sea and the Gulf would
admit of it But,
3. All testimony goes to show that the drainage
of the northern portion of the Arabah is towards
the Dead Sea, and therefore that the land rises
southward from the latter. Also that the south
portion drains to the gulf, and therefore that the
land rises northward from the gulf to some point
between it and the Dead Sea. 6 The watershed is
said by the Arabs to be a long ridge of hills run-
ning across the valley at 2J days, or Bay 40 miles,
from the Akabah (Stanley, p. 85), and it is probable
that this is not far wrong. By M. de Bertou it is
fixed as opposite the entrance to the Wady TaOi,
apparently the same spot G.
ARABATTI'NE (jj , A*-paj3aTT(vri; [Alex.
Sin.i AKpajSamjirn :] Acrabattane), in Idunuea (1
Mace t. 3). [Akbabbui; and see the note to
that article.] G.
ARABIA ('Apafila, Gal. i. 17, iv. 35), a coun-
try known in the 0. T. under two designations : —
1. DTI? Y"3& ** e tatt country (Gen. xxv. 6); or
perhaps Oli?. (Gen. x. 30; Num. xxiii. 7 ; Is. ii.
6); and D^.^S YTM (Gen.xxix. 1); gentn.
D7i?.V).9> torn of At East (Judg. vi. 3 ft;
1 K.'iv. 30; Job i. 3; Is. xi. 14; Jer. xlix. 28;
Ez. xxv. 4). (Translated by the LXX. and in
Tulg., and sometimes transcribed (KcS</i) by the
former.) From these passages it appears that
0"J(7 VTW "^ E7j? \J3 indicate, primarily,
he country east of Palestine, and the tribes de-
fended from Ishmael and from Keturah ; and that
Jts original signification may have become gradu-
ally extended to Arabia and its inhabitants gener-
ally, though without any strict limitation. The
ihird and fourth passages above referred to, as Ge-
senius remarks {Lex. ed. Tregelles, in toe.), relate
to Mesopotamia and Babylonia (comp. fj araroA^,
Matt. ii. 1 If.). Winer considers Kedem, Ac.,
to signify Arabia and the Arabians generally (Real,
uxrrterbucfi, in roc.); but a comparison of the pas-
sages on which his opinion is founded has led us
to consider it doubtful. [Bene-Kedem.] 2.
3"JS (9 Chr. ix. 14) and 3?? (Is. xxi. 13; Jer.
■ 8e> the Report of Mr. Robert Stephenson, and of
*L Bourdalooe, quoted in Allen's Dead Sea.
Schubert's barometrical observations are not very
Intelligible, but they at least show this : at the end
sf the 2d day bis halting-place was 496 ft. above the
watsr of the Gulf; 3d day, 1017 ft. ; 4th day, 2180
t. Than, after leaving Petra, his halting-place ( ? In
ARABIA
xxv. 84; Ez. xxvii. 21); gent n. "O^B (•»• tlk
90; Jer. iii. 2); and ^3")? (Neh. iL 19); pi
D^a")? (2 Chr. xxi. 10, xxB. 1), and D^a^S
(8 Chr. xvil. 11, xxvi. 7). (LXX. 'Apo/Jfo, Ac.
Vuhj. Arabia, Ac.) These seem to have the same
geographical reference as the former names to th«
country and tribes east of me Jordan, and chiefly
north of the Arabian peninsula. In the N. T.
'Apaflta cannot be held to have a more extended
signification thin the Hebrew equivalents in the
O. T.« 2.-V2 (Ex. xii. 38; Neh. xiu. 3) and
3"TO (1 K. x, 16; Jer. xrv. 80, 1. 87; Ee. «xx.
6), rendered in the A. V. " a mixed multitude "
(Ex. xii. 88, here followed by 31), " the mixed
multitude," kings of " Arabia " (so in Vulg., and
in Heb. in corresponding passage in 2 Chr. ix. 14),
and (in the last two instances) " the mingled peo-
ple," have been thought to signify the Arabs.
The people thus named dwelt in the deserts of
Petra. By the Arabs the country is called O^Ls
- -•• I.
iO»&)t (Bilad El- Arab), "the country of the
Arabs," and o**JI S_jy>. (JeseeretEt-'Arab),
" Me peninsula of the Arabs," and the people
la>*£ ('Arab); "Bedawee" in modem Arabic,
and Aarab (■ r'-. <*\ ) in the old language, being
applied to people of the desert, as distinguished
from townspeople. They give no satisfactory deri-
vation of the name 'Arab, that from Yaarub being
puerile. The Hebrew designation, 'Ereb, has been
thought to be from 'Arabah, " a desert," Ac., which,
with the article, is the name of an extensive district
in Arabia Petrsea.
Geographical Divisions. — Arabia was divided,
by the Greeks, into Arabia Felix (r) eftooiuew
'Apaffla), Arabia Deseria (f, tfrtyws 'Apafiia),
(Strab. xvi. p. 767 ; Plin. vi. 28, § 32; Diod. Sic ii.
48 ff.), and Arabia Petran (rj rtrpala 'Apafita,
Pt. t. 17, § 1). The first two divisions were those
of the earlier writers ; the third being introduced by
Ptolemy. According to this geographer's arrange-
ment, they included, within doubtful limits, 1, the
whole peninsula; 2, the Arabian desert north of
the former; and, 3, the desert of Petra, and the
peninsula of Sinai. It will be more convenient in
this article to divide the country, agreeably to the
natural divisions and the native nomenclature, ink.
Arabia Proper, or Jezeeret El-'Arab, containing
the whole peninsula as far as the limits of the north-
ern deserts; Northern Arabia, or El-Bediyeh,
bounded by the peninsula, the Euphrates, Syria,
and the desert of Petra, constituting properly Ara-
bia Deserta, or the great desert of Arabia; and
Western Arabia, the desert of Petra and the pen-
insula of Sinai, or the country that has been called
Arabia Petnea, bounded by Egypt, Palestine,
Northern Arabia, and the Red Sea.
the Arabah) was H7 ft. below the water of the Gulf
(Schutvrt ; Bitter, SVnoi, p. 1097).
c * See In Paul respecting hk Journey to Asaeh
(Gal. i. 17). at
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ARABIA
Arabia /Viper, or the Arabiac peninsula, cou-
nt* of high table-land, declining towards the
north ; its most derated portions being the chain
it mountains running nearly parallel to je Red
Sea, and the territory east of the southern part of
this chain. The high land is encircled from the
'Akabah to the head o f the Persian (T.ilf by a belt
of low littoral country ; on the watt and southwest
the mountains fall abruptly to this low region ; on
the opposite side of the peninsula the fall is gener-
slly gradual. So far as the interior has been ex-
plored, it consists of mountainous and desert tracts,
relieved by large districts under cultivation, well-
peopled, watered by wells and streams, and enjoy-
ing periodical rains. The water-shed, as the con-
formation of the country indicates, stretches from
the high land of the Yemen to the Persian Gulf.
From this descend the torrents that irrigate the
western provinces, while several considerable streams
— there are no navigable rivers — reach the sea in
the opposite direction : two of these traverse 'Oman ;
and another, the principal river of the peninsula,
enters the Persian Gulf ou the coast of El-Bahreyn,
and is known to traverse the inland province called
Yemameh. The geological formation is in part vol-
canic; and the mountains are basalt, schist, granite,
as well as limestone, 4c. ; the volcanic action being
especially observable about El-Medecneh on the
northwest, and in the districts bordering the In-
dian Ocean. The most fertile tracts are those on
the southwest and south. The modern Yemen is
especially productive, and at the same time, from
its mountainous character, picturesque. The set-
tled regions of the interior also appear to be more
fertile than is generally believed to be the case;
and the deserts afford pasturage after the rains.
The principal products of the soil are date-palms,
tamarind-trees, vines, fig-trees, tamarisks, acacias.
the banana, Ac., and a great variety of thorny
shrubs, — which, with others, afford pasture for the
camels, — the chief kinds of pulse and cereals (ex-
cept oats), coffee, spices, drugs, gums and resins,
cotton and sugar. Among the metallic and mineral
products are lead, iron, silver (in small quantities),
sulphur, the emerald, onyx, Ac. The products
mentioned in the Bible as coming from Arabia will
be found described under their respective heads.
They seem to refer, in many instances, to mer-
chandise of Ethiopia and India, carried to Palestine
by Arab and other traders. Gold, however, was
perhaps found in small quantities in the beds of
torrents (oomp. Diod. Sic. ii. 93, iii. 45, 47); and
the spices, incense, and precious stones, brought
from Arabia (1 K. x. 2, 10, 15; 2 Chr. ix. 1, 9,
14; Is. Ix. 6; Jer. vi. 20; Ez. xxvii. 22), probably
were the products of the southern provinces, still
celebrated for spices, frankincense, ambergris, Ac.,
as well as for the onyx and other precious stones.
Among the more remarkable of the wild animals
of Arabia, besides the usual domestic kinds, and of
c arse (be camel and the horse, for both of which
it is famous, are the wild ass, the musk-deer, wild
goat, wild sheep, several varieties of the antelope,
the hare, monkeys (in the south, and especially in
the Yemen); the bear, leopard, wolf, jackal, hyena,
fox; the eagle, vulture, several kinds of hawk, the
pheasant, red-legged partridge (in the peninsula of
Su»ai), sand-grouse (throughout the country), the
utricb (abundantly in Central Arabia, where it is
imrtad by Arab tribes) ; the tortoise, serpents, lo-
susts, Ac lions were formerly numerous, as the
sasaaa of places testify. The sperm-whale ia found
ARABIA 187
off the coasts bordering the Indian Ocean. Greek
and Roman writers (Herod., Agatharch. op. Mullet
Strab., Diod. Sic., Q. Curt., Dion. Perieg., Helio*
jEthiop., and Plin.) mention most of the Biblical
and modern products, and the animals, above enu-
merated, with some others. (See the Dictionary
of Geography.)
Arabia Proper may be subdivided into five prin-
cipal provinces: the Yemen; the districts of Hadra-
mawt, Mahreh, and 'Oman, on the Indian Ocean
and the entrance of the Persian Gulf; El-Bahreyn,
towards the head of the Gulf just named ; the great
central country of Nejd and Yemameh; and the
Hyiiz and Tihameh on the Red Sea. The Arabs
also have five divisions, accenting to the opinion
most worthy of credit (Maratid, ed. JuynboU, in
toe. Hjjaz; amp. Strata), Tihameh, the Hyiiz,
Nejd, El-'Arood (the provinces lying towards the
head of the Persian Gulf, including Yemameh),
and the Yemen (Including 'Oman and the inter-
vening tracts). They have, however, never agreed
either as to the limits or the number of the divis-
ions. It will be necessary to state in some detail
the positions of these provinces, in order to the
right understanding of the identifications of Bib-
lical with Arab names of places and tribes.
The Yemen embraced originally the most fertile
districts of Arabia, and the frankincense and spice
country. Its name, signifying " the right hand "
(and therefore " south," contp. Matt. xii. 42), is sup
posed to have given rise to the appellation tuSaifuer
(Felix), which the Greeks applied to a much more
extensive region. At present, it is bounded by the
Hyaz on the north, and Hadramawt on the east,
with the sea-board of the Red Sea and the Indian
Ocean; but formerly, as Fresnel remarks (amp.
Sale, Prelim. Due.), it appears to have extended at
least so as to include Hadramawt and Mahreh
(Ibn-El-Wardee MS.; Yakoot's Miulitarak, ed.
Wustenfield, and Maratid, patrim). In this wider
acceptation, it embraced the region of the first set-
tlements of the Joktanites. Its modern limits
include, on the north, the district of Khawlan (not,
as Niebuhr supposes, two distinct districts), named
after Khawlan (Kdmoot), the Joktanite (Maratid,
in roc., and Caussin de Perceval, Ktttri tur tHut.
dea Arnbtt atant tlsiamume, i. 113); and that of
Nejran, with the city of that name founded by
NejrAn the Joktanite (Caussin, i. 60, and 113
ff.), which is, according to the soundest opinion,
the Negra of ^Elius Gallus (Strab. xvi. 782; see
Jomard, jUtudet geogr. it hiit. tur tArabie, ap-
pended to Mengin, HitL de tEgypte, Ac, iii.
385-6).
Hadramawt, on the coast east of the Yemen, is
a cultivated tract contiguous to the sandy deserts
called El-Ahkaf, which are said to be the omginnl
•eats of the tribe of 'A'd (Ibn-H-Wardee, and oth
ers). It was celebrated for its frankincense, which
it still exports (El-Idreesee, ed. Jaubert, i. 64), and
formerly it carried on a considerable trade, its prin-
cipal port being Zaffiri, between Mirbi'it and Rat
Siyir, which is now composed of a series of villages
(Fresnel, 4« Leitre, Journ. AriaL iii* Sene, r. 621).
To the east of Hadramawt are the districts of
Shihr, which exported ambergris (Maratid, in voe.),
and Mahreh (so called after a tribe of Kurta'ah
(Id. in noc.), and therefore Joktanite), extending
iron Seyhoot to Karwan (Fresnel, *> Lettrt,
p. 510). 'Oman forma the easternmost corner
of the south coast, lying at the entrance of tin
Persian pulf It present* the same natural t
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138
ARABIA
(eristics a* the preceding district*, being partly
desert with large fertile trwrt* . It abo contains
some considerable lead-mine*.
The highest province on the Persian Gulf is H-
Bahreyc, between 'Oman and the head of the Gulf,
of which the chief town is Hejer (according to some,
the name of the province also) (K&moot, Marasid,
m voce.) It contains the towns (and districts) of
Kateef and H-Ahsa (H-Idreesee, i. 371; Maririd,
in roec. ; Mtuhtarak, in me. H-Ahss ), the latter
not being a province, as has been erroneously sup-
posed. The inhabitants of El-Bahreyn dwelling on
the coast are principally fishermen and pearl-divers.
The district of H-Ahsa abounds in wells, and pos-
sesses excellent pastures, which are frequented by
tribes of other parts.
The great central province of Nejd, and that of
Yemameh, which bounds it on the south, are little
known from the accounts of travellers. Nejd sig-
nifies " high land," and hence its limits are very
doubtfully laid down by the Arabs themselves. It
consists of cultivated table-land, with numerous
wells, and is celebrated for its pastures ; but it is
intersected by extensive deserts. Yemameh appears
to be generally very similar to Nejd. On the south
lies the great desert called Er-Ruba el-Khalee, unin-
habitable in the summer, but yielding pasturage in
the winter after the rains. The camels of the
tribes inhabiting Nejd are highly esteemed in Ara-
bia, and the breed of horses is the most famous in
the world. In this province are said to be remains
of very ancient structures, similar to those east of
the Jordan.
The Hyiiz, and Tihameh (or H-GWr, the " low
land "), are bounded by Nejd, the Yemen, the Red
Sea, and the desert of Petra, the northern limit of
the Hyaz being Eyleh (El-Makreezee's Khitat, in
toe Eyleh). The Hijaz is the holy land of Ara-
bia, its chief cities being Mekkeh and El-Medeeneh ;
and it was also the first seat of the Ishmaelites in
the peninsula. The northern portion is in general
sterile and rocky ; towards the south it gradually
merges into the Yemen, or the district called El-
'Aseer, which is but little noticed by either east-
ern or western geographers (see Jomard, p. 845 ff.).
The province of Tihameh extends between the
mountain-chain of the Hyiiz, and the shore of the
Red Sea; and is sometimes divided into Tihameh
of the Hyaz, and Tihameh of the Yemen. It is a
parched, sandy tract, with little rain, and fewer
pasturages and cultivated portions than the moun-
tainous country.
Northern Arabia, or the Arabian Desert
(jboLJI) is divided by the Arabs (who do
not consider it as strictly belonging to their coun-
try) into Badiyet Egh-Sham, " the Desert of Syria,"
B&diyet El-Jezeereh, " the Desert of Mesopotamia "
(not " of Arabia," as Winer supposes), and
Badiyet H-'lnik, "the Desert of El 'Irak." It U,
w far as it is known to us. a high, undulating,
Nrched plain, of which the Euphrates forms the
natural boundary from the Persian Gulf to the
frontier of Syria, whence it is bounded by the
latter country and the desert of Petra on the north-
west ai.d west, the peninsula of Arabia forming its
southern limit. It has few oases, the water of the
veils is generally either brackish or unpotable, and
t is visited by the sand-wind called Samoom, of
•hieh however the terrors have been much exag-
ABABIA
gerated. The Arabs find pasture fcr their Seeks
and herds after the rains, and in the more depressed
plains; and the desert generally produoes prickrj
shrubs, Ac., on which the camels feed. The in-
habitants were known to the ancients as amir/rcu,
" dwellers in tents," or perhaps so called from then
town al Xrnraf (Strab. xvi. 747, 767; Diod. Sic
ii. 34; Amm. Hare, xxiii. 6; amp. Is. xiii. 20
Jar. xlix. 31; Ezek. xxxviii. 11); and they extended
from Babylonia on the east (comp. Num. xxiii. 7 ;
2 Chr. xxi. 16 ; Is. ii. 6, xiii. 20), to the borders
of Egypt on the west (Strab. xvi. 748; Plin. v.
12; Amm. Marc. xiv. 4, xxii. 15). These tribes,
principally descended from Ishmael and from Ke-
turah, have always led a wandering and pastoral
life. Their predatory habits are several times men-
tioned in the O. T. (2 Chr. xxi. 16 and 17, xxvi.
7 ; Job i. 15 ; Jer. iii. 2). They also conducted a
considerable trade of merchandise of Arabia and
India from the shores of the Persian Gulf (Ezek.
xxvii. 20-24), whence a chain of oases still forms
caravan stations (Burckhardt, Arabia, Appendix
vi.); and they likewise traded from the w e stern
portions of the peninsula. The latter traffic ap-
pears to be frequently mentioned in connection with
Ishmaelites, Keturahites, and other Arabian peoples
(Gen. xxxvii. 25, 28; 1 K. x. 15, 25; 2 Chr. ix.
14, 24; Is. Ix. 6; Jer. vi. 20), and probably con
listed of the products of southern Arabia and of the
opposite shores of Ethiopia; it seems, however, to
have been chiefly in the hands of the inhabitants
of Idumasa; but it is difficult to distinguish be-
tween the references to the latter people and to the
tribes of Northern Arabia in the passages relating
to this traffic. That certain of these tribes brought
tribute to Jehosbaphat appears from 2 Chr. xvii.
11; and elsewhere there are indications of such
tribute (comp. passages referred to above).
Western Arabia includes the peninsula of Sinai
[Sinai], and the desert of Petra, corresponding
generally with the limits of Arabia Petrsea. The
Utter name is probably derived from that of its
chief city, not from its stony character. It was
in the earliest times inhabited by a people whose
genealogy is not mentioned in the Bible, the Ho-
rites or Horim (Gen. xiv. 6, xxxvi. 20, 21; Deut-
ii. 12, 22, xxxvi. 20-22). [Horites.] Its later
inhabitants were in part the same as those of the
preceding division of Arabia, as indeed the bound
ary of the two countries is arbitrary and unsettled ;
but it was mostly peopled by descendants of Esau,
and was generally known as the land of Edom, or
Idumsea [Edom], as well as by its older appella-
tion, the desert of Seir, or Mount Seir [Sum].
The common origin of the Idumseans from Esau
and Ishmael is found in the marriage of the former
with a daughter of the latter (Gen. xxviii. 9, xxxvi.
3). The Nalathseans succeeded to the Idumseans,
and Idunuea is mentioned only as a geographical
designation after the time of Josephus. The Na-
bathteans have always been identified with Nebai-
oth, son of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 18; Is. Ix. 7), until
Quatremere (Memoire tar let Nabalheent) advanced
the theory that they were of another race, and a
people of Mesopotamia. [Nebaioth.] Petra was
in the great route of the western caravan-traffic of
Arabia, and of the merchandise brought up th*
Elanitic Gulf. See preceding section, and Edom
Elath, Eziokgebkr, Ac.
Inhabitants." — The Arabs, like every other an
o In this notion la Included tot history. The sal
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ARABIA
lient nil inn of any celebrity, have tradition repre-
lenting their country as originally inhabited by
races which became extinct at a very remote period.
These were the tribes of 'A'd, Thamood, Umeiyim,
Abeel, Tasm, Jedee3, 'Emleek (Amalek), .'urhum
(the first of this name), and Webori. Some omit
the fourth and the last two, but add Jasim. The
majority of their historians derive these tribes from
Shem ; but some, from Ham, though not through
Cush.° Their earliest traditions that have any ob-
vious relation to the Bible refer the origin of the
existing nation in the first instance to Kahtan,
whom they and most European scholars identify
with Joktan; and secondly to Ishmael, whom they
assert to have married a descendant of Kahtan,
though they only carry up their genealogies to
'Admin (said to be of the 21st generation before
Mohammed). They are silent respecting Cushite
settlements in Arabia; but modern research, we
think, proves that Cushites were among its early
inhabitants. Although Cush in the Bible usually
corresponds to Ethiopia, certain passages seem to
indicate Cushite peoples in Arabia ; and the series
of the sons of Cush should, according to recent
discoveries, be sought for in order along the south-
em coast, exclusive of Sebii (Meroe), occupying
one extreme of their settlements, and Nimrod the
other. The great ruins of Ma-rib or Seba, and of
other places in the Yemen and Hadramiiwt, are not
those of a Semitic people ; and further to the east,
the existing Language of Mahreh, the remnant of
that of the inscriptions found on the ancient re-
mains just mentioned, is in so great a degree appar-
ently African, as to k called by some scholars
Cusliite ; while the settlements of Kaamah and
those of his sons Sheba and Dedan are probably
to be looked for towards the head of the Persian
Gulf, bordered on the north by the descendants of
Keturah, bearing the same names as the two latter.
In Babylonia also independent proofs of this im-
migration of Cushites from Ethiopia have, it is
thought, been lately obtained. The ancient cities
and buildings of southern Arabia, in their archi-
tecture, the inscriptions they contain, and the na-
tive traditions respecting them, are of the utmost
value in aiding a student of this portion of primeval
history. Indeed they are the only important archaic
monuments of the eountry ; and they illustrate
both its earnest people and its greatest kingdoms.
Ma-rib, or Seba 6 (the Mariaba of the Greek geog-
raphers), is one of the most interesting of these
sites. See Michaelis's Questions, No. 94. Ac. in
Niebuhr's Arabia.) It was founded, according to
the general agreement of tradition, by 'Abd-esh-
Shcms Seba, grandson of Yaarub tha Kahtonite
( Miuhtnrak, in toe. ; Abu-1-Fida, Uitt. nnleisl. cd.
Fleischer, p. 114); and the Dyke of El-'Arim,
*hich was situate near the city, and the rupture
of which (a. d. 150-170 according to De Sacy;
120 according to Caussin de Perceval ) formed an
-ra b Arabian history, is generally ascribed to l.nk-
oan the Greater, the 'A'dite, who founded the dy-
materlnls for the latter are meagre, and almost purely
Iraditional. The chronology is founded on geneal-
ogies, and is too intricate and unsettled for discussion
Id this article ; but it U necessary to observe that
'son' sbouM often be read "descendant,'' and that
Im Arabs ascribe great length of lift to the ancient
leopli.
° This enumeration Is from a comparison of Arab
ftWShwft. ObojcId da Perceval has entered into some
•»■* mt CM subject (Suaa, I. 11-86). bat without tat- J
ARABIA 139
nasty of the 2d 'A'd (Ibn-El-Wardee MS.; llama
Ispahanensis, np. Schultens, pp. 24-5; El-Mes-
'oodee, cited by De Sacy, Mem. de tAcad., xlviii
p. 484 ff. ; and Bin Khaldoon in Caussin's Et-
sti, i. 16). 'A'dites (in conjunction with Cushites)
were probably the founders of this and similar
structures, and were succeeded by a predominantly
Joktanite people, the Biblical Sheba, whose name is
preserved in the Arabian Seba, and in the Sabari of
the Greeks. It has been argued (Caussin, Essni, i.
42 ff. ,■ Renan, Langues Semitii{ues, i. 300) that
the 'A'dites were the Cushite Seba; but this hy-
pothesis, which involves the question of the settle-
ments of the eldest son of Cush, and that of the
descent of the 'A'dites, rests solely on the existence
of Cushite settlements in southern Arabia, and of
the name of Seba ( I % w ) in the Yemen (by these
writers inferentially identified with K2D; by the
Arabs, unanimously, with Sebti the Kahtanite, or
S 2V' • the Hebrew shin being, in by far the greater
number of instances, sin in Arabic); and it neces-
sitates the existence of the two Biblical kingdoms
of Seba and Sheba in a circumscribed province of
southern Arabia, a result which we think Ls irrecon-
cilable with a careful comparison of the passages
in the Bible bearing on this subject. [Cush, Skba,
Sheiia.] Neither is there evidence to indicate
the identity of 'A'd and the other extinct tribes
with any Semitic or Hamitic people. They must,
in the present state of knowledge, be classed with
the Kephaim and other jwoples whose genealogies
are not known to us. The only one that can possibly
be identified with a Scriptural name is Amalek,
whose supjtosed descent from the grandson of Esau
seems inconsistent with Gen. xiv. 7 and Num. xxiv.
20. [Amalek.]
The several nations that have inhabited the
country are divided, by the Arabs, into extinct and
existing tribes; and these are again distinguished as
1. El-'Arab el-'A'ribeh (or el-' Area, or
el-'Aribeh), the Pure or Genuine Arabs; 2. El
'Arab el-Muta'arribeh, and 3. El-'Arab el-Mustaa
ribeh, the Insititious, or Naturalized, Arabs. Of
many conflicting opinions respecting these races,
two only are woithy of note. According to the
first of these, El-'Arab el-'A'ribeh denotes the ex-
tinct tribes, with whom some conjoin Kahtan ; while
the other two, as synonymous appellations, belong
to the descendants of Ishmael.c According to the
second, El-'Arab el-'A'ribeh denotes the extinct
trilies; F.I-'Arab el-Muta'arribeh, the unmixed de-
scendants of Kahtan; and El-'Arab el-Mustaaribeh
the descendants of Ishmael, by the daughter of
MudAd the Joktanite. That the descendants of
Joktan occupied the principal portions of the south
and southwest of the peninsula, with colonies In
the interior, is attested by the Arabs and fully con-
firmed by historical and philological researches. It
is also asserted that they have been gradually ab-
isfactorily reconciling contradictory opinions ; and his
Identification? of these with other tribes are purely
hypothetical.
6 8eb.i was UM city of Ma-rib (Mushlarak, in roe.),
or the country in the Yemen of whioh the city was
Ma--lb (Marasirlj in vor..'. See also Siu:h«.
" El-'Arab el-'A'ribeh 'a conventionally ap-iued by
the lexlcograpners to all v^o bpoke pure Arabic beftn
Its corruption txyan.
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ARABIA
ARABIA
■orbed Into the Ishmaelito immigrant*, though not
without leaving (bong traces of their former ex-
istence. Fresnel, however (l« Ltttrt, p 24), says
that they were quite distinct, at least in Moham-
med's time, and it is not unlikely that the lab-
tnaelite element has been exaggerated by Moham-
medan influence.
Respecting the Joktanite settlers we have some
certain evidence. In Genesis (x. 30) it is said,
"and their dwelling was from Mesha, as thou
goest unto Sephar, a mount of the east [Kedem]."
The position of Mesha is very uncertain ; it is most
reasonably supposed to be the western limit of the
first settlers [Mksha]. Sephar is undoubtedly
Dhamri, or Zafari, of the Arabs (probably pro-
nounced, in ancient times, without the final vowel,
as it is at the present day), a name not uncommon
in the peninsula, but especially that of two cele-
brated towns — one being the seaport on the south
coast, near Mirbat; the other, now in ruins, near
San'a, and said to be the ancient residence of the
Himyerite kings (Es-Saghanee, MS. ; Mtuhtarak,
invoc.; Mardtid, ii. ; El-Idreesee, i. 148). Fres-
nel (4* Ltttrt, p. 516 ff.) prefers the seaport, as
the Himyerite capital, and is followed by Jomard
(Etudes, p. 367). He informs us that the inhab-
itants call this town " Isfiir." Considering the
position of the Joktanite races, this is probably
Sephar. It is situate near a thuriferous mountain
(Marutld, in voc.), and exports the best frankin-
cense (Niebnhr, p. 148). Zaftiri, in the Yemen,
however, is also among mountains [Sf.phak]. In
the district indicated above are distinct and un-
doubted traces of the names of the sons of Joktan
mentioned in Genesis, such as Hadramawt for
Hazarmaveth, Azal for Ural, Seba for Sheba, 4c
Their remains are found in the existing inhabitants
of (at least) its eastern portion, and their records
in the numerous Himyerite ruins and inscriptions.
The principal Joktanite kingdom, and the chief
state of ancient Arabia, was that of the Yemen,
founded (according to the Arabs) by Yaarub,. the
sou (or descendant) of Kahtan (Joktan). Its most
ancient capital was probably San'a, formerly called
AzAI (jfjfjOr J')«i >» the Mardtid, m toe.
San'a), after AziU, son of Joktan (Yakoot).
[TJzal.] The other capitals were Ma-rib, or
Seba, and ZafAri. This was the Biblical kingdom
of Sheba. Its rulers, and most of its people, were
descendants of Seba (= Sheba), whence the classical
Siibai (Diod. Sic iii. 38, 46). Among its rulers
was probably the Queen of Sheba who came to
war the wisdom of Solomon (1 K. x. 2). The
Arabs call her Bilkees, a queen of the later Him-
yerite*, and their traditions respecting her are
otherwise not worthy of credit. [Sheba.] The
dominant family was apparently that of Himyer,
son (or descendant) of Seba. A member of this
family founded the more modern kingdom of the
Himyerites. The testimony of the Bible, and of
the classical writers, as well as native tradition,
seems to prove that the latter appellation super-
seded the former only shortly before the Christian
sra: ». e. after the foundation of the later king-
dom. " Himyerite," however, is now very vaguely
used. Himyer, it may be observed, is perhaps
'red" li *i~-j from 8»«a», or -j , — }h and
places in Arabia whose soil Is reddish derive
their names from Aa&r
(/*')> "'
This may identify Himyer (the red nun t) wit!
Ophir, respecting whose settlements, and the posi-
tion of the country called Ophir, the opinion o)
the learned is widely divided [Otiiih]. 'I1k sin>
Uarity of signification with tofnl and iputpti
lends weight to the tradition tBat the I'hauiciam
came from the Erythraean Sea (Herod, vii. 8U)
The maritime nations of the Mediterranean who
had an affinity with the Kgyptians, — such as the
Philistines, and probably the primitive Cretans and
Carians, — appear to have been an oflshuot of an
early immigration from southern Arabia, which
moved northwards, partly through Kgypt [Caph-
tobJ. It is noticeable that the .Shepherd invaders
of Kgypt are said to have been Phoenicians ; but
Manetho, who seems to have held this opinion, also
tells us that some said they were Arabs (Manetho,
ap. Cory, Anc. Fragments, 2d ed., p. 171), and the
hieroglyphic name has been supposed to correspond
to the common appellation of the Arabs, Shasu, the
u camel-riding Shasu " {Select Pi'pyri, pi. liii.), an
identification entirely in accordance with the Egypt-
ian historian's account of their invasion and polity
In the opposite direction, an early Arab domination
of C'lialdant is mentioned by Berosus (Cory, p. 60),
as preceding the Assyrian dynasty. All these indi-
cations, slight as they are, must be borne in mind
in attempting a reconstruction of the history of
southern Arabia. The early kings of the Yemen
mre at continual fend with the descendants of
Kahlan (brother of Himyer) until the fifteenth in
descent (according to the majority of native his-
torians) from Himyer united the kingdom. This
king was the first Tubbaa, a title also distinctive of
his successors, whose dynasty represents the proper
kingdom of Himyer, whence the Homerita (Ptol.
vi. 7; Plin. vi. 28). Their rule probably ex-
tended over the modern Yemen, Hadramawt, and
Mahreb. The fifth Tubbaa, Dhu-1-Adhar, or Zu-1-
Azar, is supposed (Caussin, i. 73) to be the Ila-
sarus of jElius Gallus (n. c. 24). The kingdom
of Himyer lasted until A. D. S25, when it fell
before an Abyssinian invasion. Already, about the
middle of the 4th century, the kings of Arum
appear to have become masters of part of the
Yemen (Caussin, Etvii, i. 114; Zeittchr. dtr
Deuttehen Moryenland. GestUschnJX, vii. 17 ff.,
xi. 338 ff.), adding to their titles the names of
places in Arabia belonging to Himyer. After four
reigns they were succeeded by Himyerite princes,
vassals of Persia, the last of whom submitted to
Mohammed. Kings of Hadramawt (the people of
Hadramawt are the classical C hatramnlUa, Plin.
vi. 28; comp. Adramita) are also enumerated by
the Arabs (Ibn-Khaldoon, ap. Caussin, 1. 136 ff.)
and distinguished from toe descendants of Yaarub,
an indication, as is remarked by Caussin (i c), of
their separate descent from Hazarmaveth [Hazar-
maveth]. The Greek geographers mention a
fourth people in conjunction with the Sahsei, Ho-
merita;, and Chatramotitse, — the Mintm (Strab
xvi. 768; Ptol. v. 7, § 38; Plin. vi. 82; Diod.
Sic iii. 49) who have not been identified with any
Biblical or modern name. Some place them as
high as Mekkeh and derive their naue from Minr.
(the sacred valley N. E. of that city), or from to*
goddess Manah, worshipped in the district betwes
Mekkeh and El-Medeeneh. Fresnel, however, places
them in the Wadu Do'an in Hadramawt, arguing
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ARABIA
hat the Yemen anciently included this tract, that
the Jl i n:t -i were probably the same as tne RhabaL
it* in Khamanitie (Ptol. vi. 7, § 24; atrabo, xvi.
p. 782), and that 'Vafuwaav was a copyist's error
for 'ItpaviTwv.
The other chief Joktanite kingdom was that of
the llij;iz, founded by Jurhum, the brother of
Yaarub, who left the Yemen and settled in the
neighborhood of Mekkeh. The Arab lists of its
kings are inextricably confused ; but the name of
their leader and that of two of his successors was
Mudad (or El-Mudud), who probably represents Al-
modad [Almodad]. Ishmael, according to the
Arabs, married a daughter of the first Mudad,
whence spra..g 'Admin the ancestor of Mohammed.
This kingdom, situate in a less fertile district than
the Vemen, and engaged in conflict with aboriginal
tribes, never attained the importance of that of
the south. It merged, by intermarriage and con-
quest, into the tribes of Ishmael. (Kutb-ed-Deen,
ed. Wiistenfeld, pp. 35 and 3!) ft".; comp. authori-
ties quoted by C'aussiu. ) Fresnel cites an Arab
author who identities Jurhum with Hadoram [Had-
oka.m].
Although these were the principal Joktanite king-
doms, others were founded lieyond the limits of the
peninsula. The most celebrated of these were that
if El-Heereh in Kl-Inik, and that of Ghassan on
the confines of Syria ; both originated by emigrants
after the Flood of El-'Arim. El-Heereh soon be-
came Ishmaelitic ; Ghassan long maintained its
original stock. Among its rulers were many named
El-Harith. Respecting the presumed identity of
some of these with kings called by the Greeks and
Remans Aretas, and with the Aretas mentioned by
St. faul (2 Cor. xi. 32), see Akktas.
The Ishmaelites appear to have entered the
peninsula from the northwest. That tbey have
spread over the whole of it (witli the exception of
one or two districts on the south coast which are
said to he still inhabited by unmixed Joktanite
peoples), and that the modem nation is predom-
inantly Ishmaelite, is asserted by the Arabs. They
do not, however, carry up their genealogies higher
than 'Admin (as we have already said), and they
have lost the names of most of Ishmael's inunediate
and near descendants. Such as have been identified
with existing names will be found under the sev-
eral articles bearing their names. [See also Ha-
garkxks.] They extended northwards from the
Hijaz into the Arabian desert, where they mixed
with Keturahites and other Abrahamic peoples ; and
westwards to Idunuea, where they mixed with
Edoinites, &c. The tribes sprung from Ishmael
liav- always been governed by petty chiefs or heads
pf families (sheykhs and emeers); they have gen-
erally followed a patriarchal life), and have not
originated kingdoms, though they have in some
instances succeeded to those of Joktanites, the
principal one of these being that of El-Heereh.
With reference to the Ishmaelites generally, we
may observe, in continuation of a former remark,
that although their first settlements in the I lijaz,
and their spreading over a great part of the northern
tortious of the peninsula, are sufficiently proved,
where is doubt as to the wide extension given to
.Jiem by Arab tradition. Mohammed derived from
-be Jews whatever tradition he pleased, and silenced
tny contrary, by the Kur-nn or his own dicta, this
•eiiiriouf element, which does not directly affect the
•Tibet of Joktan (whose settlements are otherwise
•nquettionably identified), has a grot, influence
ARABIA
143
over those of Ishiuae!- They therefore cannot bt
certainly proved to have spread over the peninsula,
notwithstanding the almost universal adoption of
then* language (which is generally acknowledged to
have been the Arabic commonly so called), and the
concurrent testimony of the Arabs; but from these
and other considerations it becomes at the same
time highly probable that they now form the pre-
dominant element of the Arab nation.
Of the descendants of Keturah the Arabs say
little. They appear to have settled chiefly north
of the peninsula in Desert Arabia, from Palestine
to the Persian Gulf; and the passages in the Bible
in which mention is made of Dedan (except those
relating to the C'ushite Dedan, Gen. x. 7) rtfer
apparently to the tribe sprung from this race (Is.
xxi. 13 ; Jer- xxv. 23 ; 1 ■./- xxvii. 20), perhaps with
an admixture of the Cushite Dedan, who seems to
have passed up the western shores of the Persian
Gulf. Some traces of Keturahites, indeed, are as-
serted to exist in the south of the peninsula, where
a king of Himyer is said to have been a Midianite
(El-Mes'oodee, ap. Schultens, pp. 158-9), and
where one dialect is said to be of Midian, and an-
other of Jokshan son of Keturah (Muajam); but
these traditions must lie ascribed to the Rabbinical
influence in Arab history. Native writers are al
most wholly silent on this subject ; and the dialects
mentioned above tire not, so far as they are known
to us, of the tribes of Keturah. [Ketukaii, &c. :
In Northern and Western Arabia are oth6
peoples which, from their geographical position anr"
mode of life, are sometimes classed with the
Arabs. Of these are Amalek, the descendants
of Esau, &e.
RtUyvm. — The most ancient idolatry of the
Arabs we must conclude to have been fetichism,
of which there are striking proofs in the sacred
trees and stones of historical times, and in the
worship of the heavenly bodies, or Sabajism. With
the latter were perhaps connected the temples (or
palace-temples) of which there are either remains
or traditions in the Himyerite kingdom; such as
ISeyt Ghumdiin in San'a, and those of Keydiin,
lieynooneh, Ru'eyn, 'Eyneyn, and Kii'un. To the
worship of the heavenly bodies we find allusions in
Job (xxxi. 2G-28) and to the belief in the influence
of the stars to give rain (xxxviii. 31), where the
Pleiades give rain, and Orion withholds it; and
again in Judges (v. 20, 21) where the stars fight
against the host of Sisera. The names of the ob-
jects of the earlier fetichism, the stone-worship,
tree-worship, &c., of various tribes, are too num-
erous to mention. One, that of Mannh, the god-
dess worshipped between Mekkeh and El-Medeeneh
has been compared with Meni (Is. Ixv. 11), which
is rendered in the A. V. "number" [Meni].
Magianism, an importation from (halda-a and
Persia, must be reckoned among the religions of
the pagan Arabs; but it never had very numerous
followers. Christianity was introduced in southern
Arabia towards the close of the 2d century, anil
about a century later it had made great progress.
It nourished chiefly in the Yemen, where many
churches were built (see Philostorg. Hist. Eccltt.
hi.: Sozomen, vi. ; Evagr. vi.). It also rapidly
tdvanced in other portions of Arabia, through the
Kingdom of Heereh and the contiguous countries,
Ghassan, and other part*. The persecutions of the
Christians, and more particularly of those of Nejran
by the Tubbaa Zu-n-Nuwas, brought about the fall
of the Himyerite dynasty by the Invasion of the
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142 AAABIA
Christian ro>» of Abyssinia. Judaiarr ma propa-
gated in Arabia, principally by Karaites, at the
saptivity, but it was introduced before that time.
It became very prevalent in the Yemen, and in the
Hy&s, especially at Kbeybar and El-Medeeneh,
where there are *aid to be stilt tribes of Jewish ex-
traction. In the period immediately preceding the
birth of Mohammed another clan had aprung up,
who, disbelieving the idolatry of the greater num-
ber of their countrymen, and not yet believers in
Judaism, or in the corrupt Christianity with which
alone they were acquainted, looked to a revival of
what they called the " religion of Abraham " (see
Springer's Life of Mohammed, i., Calcutta, 1856).
lie promulgation of the Mohammedan imposture
overthrew paganism, but crushed while it assumed
to lead the movement which had been one of the
erases of its success, and almost wholly superseded
the religious of the Bible in Arabia.
Language. — Arabic, the language of Arabia, is
the most developed and the richest of the Semitic
languages, and the only one of which we have an
extensive literature: it is, therefore, of great im-
portance to the study of Hebrew. Of its early
phases we know nothing; while we have archaic
monuments of the Himyeritic (the ancient language
of southern Arabia), though we cannot fix their
precise ages. Of the existence of Hebrew and
Chaldee (or Aramaic) in the time of Jacob there is
evidence in Gen. (xxxi. 47); and probably Jacob
and Labia understood each other, the one speaking
Hebrew and the other Chaldee. It seems also
(Judg. vii. 9-15) that Gideon, or Phurah, or both,
understood the conversation of the "Midianites,
And the Amalekitos, and all the children of the
But " (D^l|?. \32). It is probable, therefore, that
in the Hti or 18th century b. c. the Semitic lan-
guages differed much less than in after times. But
it appears from 2 K. xviii. 26, that in the 8th
century b. c. only the educated classes among the
Jews understood Aramaic. With these evidences
before us, and making a due distinction between
the archaic and the known phases of the Aramaic
and the Arabic, we think that the Himyeritic is to
be regarded as a sister of the Hebrew, and the
Arabic (commonly so called) as a sister of the He-
brew and the Aramaic, or, in Hi classical phasis,
ss a descendant of a sister of these two, but that
the Himyeritic is mixed with an African language,
and that the other dialects of Arabia are in like
manner, though in a much less degree, mixed with
an African language. The inferred differences be-
tween the older and later phases of the Aramaic,
and 'the presumed difference between those of the
Arabic, are amply confirmed by comparative phi-
o By tola term is to be understood the ancient lan-
guage of southern Arabia generally, not that of the
Himyerites only.
A * On the pretended discovery of a key for reading
the Blmyerttia Inscription! by the English writer, Ber.
Charles Fonter, Professor Salisbury has a decisive ar-
tels in the BitA. Sacra, U. 287-280. H.
e • In 1863 the Trustees of the British Museum pub-
lished a volume entitled " Inscriptions In the Hlmyar-
loo character, discovered chiefly in Southern Arabia,
sod now In the British Museum," with 18 lithographic
plates containing forty-two inscriptions. A description
-f the monuments precedes the plates, but no com-
KMOtary b given, the preparation of that part of the
work having been assigned to Dr. Ernst Ostander, of
ftoppmgen, whose essay on the Himyarluc Antiquities,
%m Sanjaruchen Altmhimukunde, published m 1866
ARABIA
lology. The division of the Ishmaelite langtw
into many dialects is to be attributed chiefly to to*
separation of tribes by uninhabitable tracts of
desert, and the subsequent amalgamation of those
dialects to the pilgrimage and the annual m—tinp
of 'Okas, a fair in which literary contests took
place, and where it was of the first importance that
the contending poets should deliver themselves in a
language perfectly intelligible to the mass of the
people congregated, in order that it might be crit-
ically judged by them ; for many of the m— n»e> of
the Arabs, utterly ignorant of reading and writing,
were of the highest of the authorities consulted ly
the lexicologists when the corruption of the language
had commenced, i. e. when the Arabs, as Mohanv
medans, had begun to spread among foreigners.
Respecting the Himyeritic," until lately little was
known ; but monuments bearing inscriptions in this
language have been discovered in the southern parte
of the peninsula, principally in Hadramawt and
the Yemen, and some of the inscriptions have been
published by Fresnel, Amaud, Weilsted, and Crut-
tenden;<> while Fresnel has found a dialect still
spoken in the district of Mahreh and westwards as
far as Kiabeem, that of the neighborhood of Za-
fiiri and Mirbat being the purest, and called " Ek-
hili;" and this is supposed with reason to be the
modern phasis of the old Himyeritic (4« Lettre).
Fresnel's alphabet has been accepted by the learned.
The dates found in the inscriptions range from 30
(on the dyke of Ma-rib) to 60s at Hisn Gborab,
but what era these represent is uncertain. Ewald
( Ueber die Hmyaritche Sprache, in Heeler's Zdt-
tchrifl, i. 295 ff.) thinks that they are years of
the Kupture of the Dyke, while acknowledging their
apparent high antiquity; but the difficulty of sup-
posing such inscriptions on a ruined dyke, and the
fact that some of them would thus be brought later
than the time of Mohammed, make it probable that
they belong rather to an earlier era, perhaps that
of the Himyerite empire, though what point marks
its commencement is not determined. The Him-
yeritic in its earlier phasis probably represents the
first Semitic language spoken in Arabia-'
The matmer$ and customs of the Arabs'' are of
great value in illustrating the Bible; but supposed
parallels between the patriarclial life of the Script-
ures and the state of the modern Arabs must not
be hastily drawn. It should be remembered that
this people are in a degraded condition ; that they
have been influenced by Jewish contact, especially
by the adoption, by Mohammed, of parts of the
ceremonial law, and of rabbinical observances; and
that they are not of the race of Israel. They must
be regarded, 1st, as Bedawees, or people of the
desert, and idly, as settled tribes or townspeople.
in the Zeitschr. dtr Dtutschtn Morgnt. Gtullsdiaft (x.
17-78) had given evidence of bis peculiar qusllnoa-
lions for the task. The result of Dr. OeUnder'e labors
has lately appeared as a posthumous publication in
the Zeitschr. d. D. M. OcseUsckaft for 1866 and 1866.
xU. 169-298 (with 36 plates), and xx. 206-287, with
the title, Zur kimjarischen Spruck- und Altertkums.
kundt von Dr. Ernst Osiandcr, aus scincm ffaektasst
hmuug. ran Prof. Dr. M. A. Lny. This Is probably
the most important work at present sxistlng on to*
subject A.
rf The Arabs hare Impressed their national obarac
terlstks on every people whom they hare conquered
except the Tartar races. "Arab life" is thwefta
generally understood In a very wide sense. The no*
sm Egyptians are essentially an Arab peopls.
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ARABIA
The Bedawees acknowledge that thej ancient
neeDeoce has greatly declined since the tune of
Mohammed, and there cannot be a doubt that Una
decline had commenced much earlier. Though
each tribe boasts of its unadulterated blood, and
pure language, their learned men candidly admit
the depreciation of national character. Scriptural
customs still found among them must therefore be
generally regarded rather as indications of former
practices, than as being identical with them. Fur-
thermore, the Bible always draws a strong contrast
between the character of the Israelites and that of
the descendants of Ishmael, whom the Bedawees
mostly represent. Yet they are, by comparison
with other nations, an essentially unchangeable
people, retaining a primitive, pastoral life, and many
customs strikingly illustrating the Bible. They
are not as much affected by their religion as might
be supposed. Many tribes disregard religious ob-
servances, and even retain some pagan rites. The
Wahhabees, or modem Arab reformers, found great
difficulty in suppressing by persuasion, and even
by force of arms, such rites ; and where they suc-
ceeded, the suppression was, in most cases, only
temporary. Incest, sacrifices to sacred objects, Ac.,
were among these relics of paganism. (See Burck-
hardt's Notes on the Bedouins and Waliabyt.) The
less changed a tribe, however, the more difficulty is
there in obtaining information respecting it. Such
a one is very jealous of intercourse with strangers
even of its own nation. In southern Arabia, for
instance, is a tribe which will not allow a guest to
stay within its encampments beyond the three days
demanded by the laws of hospitality. This exclusion
undoubtedly tends to preserve the language from
corruption, and the people from foreign influence;
but it probably does not improve the national char-
acter.
To the settled Arabs, these remarks apply with
the difference that the primitive mode of life is in
a great degree lost, and the Jewish practices are
much more observable; while intermixture with
foreigners, especially with Abyssinian and Negro
concubines in the Yemen and the Hijaz, has tended
to destroy their purity of blood. A Bedawee will
scarcely marry out of his tribe, and is not addicted
to concubinage; he considers himself, and is, quite
distinct from a townsman in habits, in mode of
thought, and in national feeling. Again, a distinc-
tion should be made between the people of northern
and those of southern Arabia; the former being
chiefly of Ishmaelite, the latter of Joktanite, de-
iceut, and in other respects than settlement and
jjtermarriage with foreigners, further removed from
the patriarchal character.
Regarded in the light we have indicated, Arab
manners and customs, whether those of the Bed-
twees or of the townspeople, afford valuable help
to the student of the Bible, and testimony to the
truth and rigor of the Scriptural narrative. No
ine can mix with this people without being con-
stantly and forcibly reminded either of the early
patriarchs or of the settled Israelites. We may
nstai n their pastoral life, their hospitality (that
nost remarkable of desert virtues) [Hobpitalitt],
fheir universal respect for age (oomp. Lev. xix. 33),
theu familiar deference (oomp. 3 K. v. 13), their
superstitious regard for the beard. On the signet-
ting, which is worn on the little finger of the right
band, Is usually Inscribed a sentence expressive of
labsmanin to God, or of his perfection, <rc, ex-
plaining Ex. xxdx. 3v, " the engraving of • •ignct.
ARABIA
143
Holiness to the Lord," and the saying of our Lord
(John iii. 33), "He . . . hath set to his seal that
God is true." As a mark of trust, this ring is
given to another person (as in Gen. xli. 43). The
inkhom worn in the girdle is also very anckat (Ez»
ix. 2, 3, 11), as well as the veil. (For these and
many other illustrations, see Lane's Modern Egypt-
ian!, index.) A man has a right to claim his
cousin in marriage, and he relinquishes this right
by taking off his shoe, as the kinsman of Ruth did
to Bow (Ruth iv. 7, 8; see Burckhardt's Note* on
the Bedouins and Wahabyt, i. 113).
References in the Bible to the Arabs themselves
are still more clearly illustrated by the manners of
the modem people in their predatory expeditions,
their mode of warfare, their caravan journeys, ate.
To the interpretation of the book of Job, an inti-
mate knowledge of this people, and their language
and literature, is essential ; for many of the most
obscure passages can only be explained by that
knowledge.
The commerce of Arabia especially connected
with the Bible has been referred to in the sections
on western and northern Arabia, and incidentally
in mentioning the products of the peninsula. Direct
mention of the commerce of the south docs not
appear to be made in the Bible, but it seems to
have passed to Palestine principally through the
northern tribes. Passages relating to the fleets of
Solomon and to the maritime trade, however, bear
on this subject, which is a curious study for the his-
torical inquirer. The Joktanite people of southern
Arabia have always been, in contradistinction to
the Ishmaelite tribes, addicted to a seafaring life.
The latter were caravan-merchants; the former,
the chief traders of the Red Sea, carrying their
commerce to the shores of India, as well as to the
nearer coasts of Africa. Their own writers describe
these voyages — since the Christian era especially,
as we might expect from the modem character of
their literature. (See the curious Account* of India
and China by Two Mohammedan Traveller* of the
9th cent, trans, by Renaudot, and amply illustrated
in Mr. Lane's notes to his translation of the
Thousand and One Nights.) The classical writers
also make frequent mention of the commerce of
southern Arabia. (See the Did. of Gr. and Rom.
Geography.) It was evidently carried to Palestine
by the two great caravan routes from the head of
the Red Sea and from that of the Persian Gulf;
the former especially taking with it African pro-
duce; the latter, Indian. It should be observed
that the wandering propensities of the Arabs, of
whatever descent, do not date from the promulga-
tion of El-Islam. All testimony goes to show that
from the earliest ages the peoples of Arabia formed
colonies in distant lands, and hare not been actuated
only by either the desire of conquest or by religknu
impulse in their foreign expeditions; but rather by
restlessness and commercial activity.
The principal European authorities for the hi*
lory of Arabia are, Schultens' Hist. Imp. Vetus
Joctanidarum, Hard. Gu. 1786, containing ex-
tracts from various Arab authors; and his Monu-
mtnta Vetustiora Arabia. Lug. Bat. 1740; Eich-
hom's Mommenta Antupau. Hut. Arabian, chiefly
extracted from Ibn-Kuteybeh, with his notes, Goth.
1775; Fresnel, Letires sur FHist. da Amies atom
tlslanKtme, published in the Journal Atiatiqut,
1838-oS; Quatremere, Memoire sw let Naba-
theens; Cansstn [de Perceval], Essai star tHitU
de* Amies amnt flslamitme, Paris, 1847-8; to*
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144
ARABIAN
the geography, Niebuhr's Description de I Arable,
Amst. 1774, [a trans, of hi* BeschreUxmg von
Arabien, Kopenh. 1772 ; see alio his Reuebe-
tchreib. nach Arabien, 2 vol. ibid. 1774-78;]
Rurckhardt's Travels in Arabia, load. 1829;
VYellsted, Narrative of a Journey to the
of Nakeb-aUBajar, in Journ. of R. G. 8., vii. .Judah (2 Chr. xvii. 11), but in the reign of his
20; his copy of Inscription, in Journ. of AnaL
Hoc. of Bengal, iii. 1834; and his Journal, Lon-
don, 1838; Cruttenden, Narrative of a Journey
from Mvkhd to San' a ; Jomard, Etude* geogr. ei
*ist. appended to Mengin, Hist, de tllgypte, vol.
iii. Paris, 1839; [Burton, R. F., Pilgrimage to EU
Medinah and Meccah, 3 vol., Land. 1855-86;
Palgrave, W. G., Journey through Central and
Eastern Arabia, 2d ed., 2 vol, Lond. 1865;] and
for Arabia Petnea and Sinai, Robinson's Biblical
Researches; Stanley's Sinai and Palestine ; Tuch's
Essay on the Sinaitic inscriptions, in the Journal
of the German Oriental Soc. xiv. 129 ft". Strabo,
Ptolemy, Diodorus Siculus, Pliny, and the minor
geographer!, should also be consulted. For the
manners and customs of the Arabs, Burckhsrdt's
Notes on the Bedouins and Wahabys, 8vo, 1881;
and for Arab life in its widest sense, Mr. Lane's
Notes on the Thousind and One Nights, ed. 1838;
and his Modern Egyptians, ed. 1842 [new ed.
I860].
The most important native works are, with two
exceptions, still untranslated, and but few of them
are edited. Abu-1-Fida's hist. Anteislamica has
beep edited and translated by Fleischer, Lips. 1831 ;
and El-Idreesee's Geography translated by Janbert,
and published in the RecueU de Voyages et de Me-
moires, by the Geogr. Soc. of Paris, 1836; of those
which have been, or are in course of being edited,
are Yakoot's Homonymous Geographical Diction-
ary, entitled Ei-Mushtaruk Wad" an, wa-LAfuf-
tarak Sak'an, ed. Wiistenfeld, Got. 1845; the
Mardsid eUIUUat, probably an abridgment by
on unknown hand of his larger geogr. diet, called
the Moajam, ed. JuynbolL Lug. Bat. 1852-4; the
Histories of Mekkeh, ed. Wiistenfeld, and now
publishing by the German Oriental Society; and
Ibn-Khaldoon's Prolegomena, ed. Quatremere, i.
[-iii.] Paris, 1858 [in the Notices et Extraits des
Manuscrits, xvi. pt. 1, xvii. pt. 1, xviii. pt. 1;
trans, into French, with notes, by Slane, Parts 1,
2, Paris, 1863-65.] Of those in MS., besides the
indispensable works of the Arab lexicographers, we
would especially mention Ibn-Khaldoon's History
rf the Arabs; the Khareedet el-Ajdtb of Ibn-FJ-
VTardee; the Mir-dt et-Zeman of Ibn-FJ-Ji'«c ;
On Murooj edh-[)hahab of FJ-Mes'oodee; Yakoot's
Movjam el-Balddn ; the Kitiib-eUAghdnee of Kl-
tsfahanee; and the '/M of El-Kurtubee.
E.S. P.
ARA3IAN, THE OS")?!?, Neh. ii. 19,
A. 1: o 'Kpafii [Vat. -£«]: Arabs: "DTP, Is.
vili. 20; Jer. iii. 2: 'Apafits: Arabes); Arabians,
i"n« (n^aiyn, a chr. xva. n ; o^znyn,
V Chr. xxi 16, xxii. 1, xxvi. 7 (Keri); Neh. iv. 7):
ol'Apaffes'- Arabes). The nomadic tribes inhab-
iting the country to the east and south of Palestine,
who in the early times of Hebrew history were
known as lshmaelites and descendants of Keturah.
Their roving pastoral life in the desert is alluded to
to Is. xili. 20; Jer. iii. 2; 2 Mace. xii. 11; their
country is associated with the country of the De-
tank) the travelling merchants (Is. xxi. 18) with
ABAH
Dedan, Tema, and Bus (Jer. xzv. 24,, and wttk
Dedan and Kedar (Ex. xxvii. 91), all of which an
supposed to have occupied the northern part of tin
peninsula later known as Arabia. During the pros-
perous reign of Jehoshaphat, the Arabians, in con-
junction with the Philistines, were tributary to
successor they revolted, ravaged the country, plun-
dered the royal palace, slew all the king's sons with
the exception of the youngest, and carried off the
royal harem (2 Chr. xxi. 16, xxii. 1). The Ara-
bians of Gur-baal were again subdued by Uzxiah
(2 Chr. xxvi. 7). During the Captivity they appear
to have spread over the country of Palestine, for on
the return from Habylon they were among the fore-
most in hindering Nehemiah in his work of resto-
ration, and plotted with the Ammonites and others
for that end (Neh. iv. 7). Geshem, or Gsshmu,
one of the leaders of the opposition, was of this
race (Neh. ii. 19, vii. 1). In later times the Ara-
bians served under Timotbeus in his struggle with
Judas Maccabeus, but were defeated (1 Maoc. v.
39; 2 Mace. xii. 10). The Zabadasans, an Arab
tribe, were routed by Jonathan, the brother and
successor of Judas (1 Mace. xii. 31). The chieftain
or king of the Arabians bore the name of Aretas
as far back as the time of Antiochus Epiphanes
and Jason the high-priest (2 Mace. v. 8 ; comp. 2
Cor. xi. 32). ZabdieL the assassin of Alexander
Balas (1 Mace. xi. 17), and Simalcue, who brought
up Antiochus, the young son of Alexander (1 Mace,
xi. 39), afterwards Antiochus VI., were both Ara-
bians. In the time of the N. T. the term appears
to have been used in the same manner (Acts U. 11).
[Arabia.] W. A W.
• ARABIC LANGUAGE. Besides the
remarks under Akauia, p. 142, see Shuutic
Languages, §§ 20-24.
• ARABIC VERSIONS. [Vemioks,
Akcieht.]
A'RAD ("TIJ [uildau]: 'Opifi; Alex. A/w3;
[Vat. Clpnp; Comp. Aid. 'Apdt:] Arod). A Ben
jamite, son of Berish, who drove out the inhab-
itants of Gath (1 Chr. viii. 16). W. A. W.
A'RAD On? [place of fugitive*, Fiirst].
'Apit: [Arad; exc. in Josh., where we find] 'AoVo;
[vat. AipaS fruriXta KpuB; Comp. 'Apit: Heder]),
a royal city of the Canaanites, named with Herman
and Libnah (Josh. xii. 14). The wilderness of
Judah was to "the south of Arad " (Judg. i. 16).
It is also undoubtedly named in Num. xxi. 1 (comp.
Hormah in ver. 3), and xxxiii. 40, •' the Canaanite
king of Arad," instead of the reading of the A. V.,
" king Arad the Canaanite." (See the translations
of Zunx, De Wette, Ac.) It is mentioned in the
OnomasHeon (s. v. 'Apapta, Arad, 'AS4p, Asasoo
Ttounar) as a city of the Amorites, near the desert
of Kaddes, 4 miles from Malatha (Moladah), and
20 from Hebron This agrees with the conjecture
of Robinson, who identifies it with a hiU, Tei
'Arid, an hour and a half N. E. by E. from Jfift
(Moladah), and 8 hours from Hebron (Rob. ii. 101
201, 202). G.
AR'ADUS ("AjwJot: Aradot), included U
the list of places to which the decree of Lucius tb>
consul, protecting the Jews under Simon the high-
priest, was addressed (1 Mace. xv. 23). The samt
place as Abvad. G.
A / RAH (rn^l [wayfarer] : 'Apu : Are
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A RAM
[ratner, 'Opix'- Arte]), l An Ashcrite, of the
ions of UUa (1 Chr. vii. 39).
2. ([Ezr.] 'Apt,, [Vat. H/kj; Xeh.] 'Hpat,
'Hpi- Arm.) The sons of Arab, returned with
Zerubbabel, in number 775, according to Ezr. ii.
5, but 652 according to Neh. vii. 10. One of his
descendants, Shechaniah, was the father-in-law of
Tobiah the Ammonite (Neh. vi. 18). The name
is written Ares in 1 Esdr. v. 10. W. A. W.
ATIAM (CyS, occasionally with the definite
article DHNH, and once 3?; probably from a
root signifying height, and which is also the base
of " Kamah" (Geseuius, p. 151; Stanley, p. 12D),
the name by which the Hebrews designated, gen-
erally, the country lying to the northeast of Pal-
estine;" the great mass of that high table-land
which, rising with sudden abruptness from the Jor-
dan and the very margin of the lake of Gennesareth,
stretches, at an elevation of no less than 2900 feet
above the level of the sea, to the banks of the
Euphrates itself, contrasting strongly with the low
land bordering on the Mediterranean, the '• land of
Canaan, 1 ' or the low country (Gen. xxxi. 18, xxxiii.
18, 4c). Throughout the A. V. the word is, wiUi
only a very few exceptions [Num. xxiii. 7, Judg.
iii. 10, marg.], rendered as in the Vulgate and
LXX. — STOW [or Syrians]; a name which, it
must be remeniliered, includes far more to our ears
than did Aram to the -lews. [SvitlA.]
Its earliest occurrence in the book of Genesis is
in the form of Aram-uaharaim, i. e. the " highland
of or between the two rivers " (Gen. xxiv. 10,
A. V. "Mesopotamia"), but in several succeeding
chapters, and in other p:irts of the Pentateuch, the
word is used without any addition, to designate a
dweller in Aram-nabaraim — Italian or Bethuel —
" the Aramite " (see Gen. xxv. 20, xxviii. 2, 5, xxxi.
20, 24; also Judg. iii. 10, compared with 8; Dent,
xxvi. 5, compared with xxiii. 4, and Ps. lx. title).
Padan, or accurately Paddan, Aram (jj 1U?
"cultivated highland," from pruilnh, to plough,
Ges. p. 10J2; Stanley, p. 12D, note) was another
designation for the same region (Gen. x-tv. 20,
n v iii. 2; Map, llus. iii. 12, where the word S-ulth,
n .72.', is, i>eruaps, equivalent to PudJan). [S.v-
i>eh j Padan aiiam.] A tribe of Hittites
(Khiitte) bearing the name of Pttfenn is reported
W have been met with in the inscriptions of Shal-
mancser, n. c. 000-800. They then occupied the
valley of the Oroutes, and the country eastward as
far as the water-shed between that river and the
(Euphrates. The latest explorers do not hesitate to
identify this name with I'mlnn-anm and Batanaa
ur Hashan (Rawlinson's lltnuhlus, i. 403); but if
this be correct, the conclusion of the identity of
1'ad.m-oram and Mesopotamia arrived at above from
■ comparison of the statements of Scripture, must
e modified.
I-ater in the history we meet with a number of
,riall nations or kingdoms forming parts of the
general land of Aram : — 1. Aram-Zobah (2 Sam.
t. rt, 8), or simply Zobah, 71312 (1 Sam. xiv. 47;
2 Sam. viii. 3; 1 Chr. xviii., xix.) [Zobah.] 2.
Arvm Betb-rehob (2 Sam. x. 6), or Rehob. 3*91*1
(x. 8). [Rehob. J 3. Arain-maachah (1 Chr.
ARAM-NAHARAIM
145
xix. 6), x Maachah only, rO]7Q (2 Sam. x, S).
[Maaciiah.] 4. Geshur, "in Aram" (2 Sam.
xv. 8), usually named in connection with Maachah
(l)eut. iii. 14; Josh. xiii. 11, 13, Ac.). [Geshuh.]
5. Aram-Dammesek (Damascus) (2 Sam. riii. 5,
6: 1 Chr. xviii. 5, 6). The whole of these petty
states are spoken of collectively under the name of
" Aram " (2 Sam. x. 13), but as Damascus in-
creased in importance it gradually absorbed the
smaller powers (1 K. xx. 1 ), and the name of A ram
was at last applied hi it alone (Is. vii. 8; also 1 K
xi. 25, xv. 18, Ac.).
It is difficult to believe, from the narrative, that
at the time of David's struggles these " kingdoms "
were anything more than petty tribes located round
the skirts of the possessions of Gad and Manasseh.
Some writers, however (KosenmiiUer and Michaelis
amongst others), have attempted to show that their
territory extended as far as the Euphrates on the
one hand and the Mediterranean (at lterytus) on
the other, in which case it would have lieen con-
siderably larger than Palestine itself. This, how
ever, will lie liest examined under the separate
heads, including, in addition to those already no-
ticed, IsH-TOii and Hamath.
According to the genealogical table in Gen. x.,
Aram was a son of Shem, and his brethren were
Elam, Asshur, and Arphaxad. It will be observed
that these names occur in regular order from the
east, Aram closing the list on the borders of the
" western sea."
In three passages Aram would seem to denote
Assyria (2 K. xviii. 26 ; Is. xxxvi. 1 1 , Jer. xxxv.
11).
In 2 K. xvi. 6, the Syrians are said to have
come to I .I'n Ii (on the Red Sea). The word ren-
dered Syrians is O^ttVlS, Aromim, which in the
Keri is corrected to Adomim, Edomites.
In 2 Chr. xxii. 5, the name is presented in a
shortened form as Ram, D N t3"^n; comp. Job
xxxii. 2.
2. [ir'pci : Syri.] Another Aram is named in
Gen. xxii. 21, as a son of Kemuel, and descendant
of Nahor. From its mention with Uz and Buz it
is probably identical with the trilic of Ham, to the
•• kindred " of which belonged " Elihu, the son of
liarachel the Buzite," who was visiting Job in the
land of Uz (Job xxxii. 2). It is also worthy of
notice that among the other descendants of Nahor
are named Tebach (comp. Tibhath, 1 Chr. xix. 18),
and Maacsh ; so that the tribe was possibly o;:e of
the smaller divisions of Aram descrilied above.
Q.
3. ('Api/i; [Vat. M. n$a\aKapav ■] Aram)
An Asherite, one of the sons of Shamer (1 Chr.
vii. 34).
4. The son of Esrom, or Hezron; elsewhere
called Ram (Matt. i. 3. 4; Luke iii. 33).
W. A. W.
* In Luke, Tisch. with Sin. BZXr reads (in-
stead of 'Apdp.) 'AS/uelv, rod 'Apyet. A.
ATtAMITESS C^^K [iipa: Syra]):
i. e. a female inhabitant of Aram (1 Chr. vii. 14).
In other passages of the A. V. the ethnic of Aram
is rendered Syrian.
ATtAK-KAHARA/IM (D?"]n3 D"?H
The name Aram probabl v appuus also in Lb* Uo-
(X!. H. 788) sod 'bqJii Od.ii.
to •*-"—
84). Comp. Sbmb. xrl. 786; Grata, JKtoary a/ Onto.
HI. 887.
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149
ARAM-ZCUAH
[Aram of the too riven] : i, Mso-oa-oTsyifa ivplas:
tlaopotamia Syria). (Ps, lx. title.) [Aram 1.]
W. A. W.
A'RAM-ZfTBAH (ny« £TM: i, S„o(a
Xofrl\: Sobal). (Ps. lx. title.) [Aram 1 and
Zobah.] W. A. W.
ATtAN (T^K [wild goal] : Sam. pN: 'Kpi»;
[Alex. Apa/i: iu 1 Cbr. Appar (end bo Vat.):]
Aran, Aram), name of a Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 28;
1 Chr. i. 42).
Alt ARAT (tS^S: 'Apapir: Ararat), a
mountainous district of Asia mentioned in the
Bible in connection with the following events : —
(t.) As the resting-place of the ark after the Deluge
(Gm viii. 4, " upon the mountains of Ararat," A.
V., tiptr metrites Armenia, Vulg.): (2.) As the
asylum of the sons of Sennacherib (2 K. xix. 37 ;
Is. xnvii. 38; the LXX. have «'j Apfitrlav in the
latter, and the Vulg. m terrain Armemorum in the
former pastige; A. V. has in both "the land of
Art.Tiia"): (3.) As the ally, and probably the
neighbor, of Hinni and Ashchenaz (Jer. li. 27).
ABABAT
I [Ajuuxia.] In Geo. zi. 2 we hare apfwmitlj
an indication of it* position as eastward of Mesopo-
tamia (D^r?. 1 ?, "from the east," A. V.), whenos
Bohlen (Introd. to Gen. ii. 139) identifies Ararat
with Aryaearta, [a Sanskrit name =] the " holy
land " in the north of Hindostan ; but the Hebrew
is more correctly translated in the margin, as
also in Gen. xiii. 11, eastward (Gesen. The*, p.
90S), the writer, as it would seem, describing the
position of Mesopotamia in reference to his own
country, rather than to Ararat.
The name Ararat was unknown to the geog-
raphers of Greece and Rome, as it still is to the
Armenians of the present day ; but that it was an
indigenous and an ancient name for a portion of
Armenia, appears from the statement of Moses of
Chorene, who gives Araratia as the designation
of the central province, and connects the name with
an historical event reputed to have occurred B. c
1750 (Hitter. Armen. Whiaton, p. J61). Jerome
identified it with the plain of the Araxes. It
would, however, be more correct to consider the
name in its Biblical sense a* descriptive gmerallr
of the Armenian highlands — the lofty plateau
which overlooks the plain of the Araxes on the N.,
and of Mesopotamia on the S. We shall pres-
ently notice the characteristics of this remarkable
region, which adapted it to become the cradle of
the human race and the central spot whence, after
the Deluge, the nations were to radiate to different
quarters of the world. It is, however, first neces-
sary to notice briefly the opinions put forth as to
the spot where the ark rested, as described in Gen.
riii. 4, although all such speculations, from the in*
dcfiiikeneaa of the account, cannot lead to any cer-
tain result. Berosus the Chaldean, contemporary
with Alexander the Great, fixes the spot on the
mountains of Kurdistan (xpbs t£ (pet ray Kop-
Svalay, Joseph. Ant. i. 3, § 6), which form the
southern frontier of Armenia. His opinion is fol-
lowed by the Syriac and Chaldee versions, which
give 1X1P as the equiva'ent for Ararat in Gen.
vtU. 4, and In a later age by the Koran. Tradition
still potaU to the Jebel Jvdi as the scene of the
event, and maintains the belief, as stated by Berosus,
that fragments of the ark exist on its summit. The
selection of this range was natural to an inhabitant
of the Mesopotamian plain ; for it presents an ap-
parently insurmountable barrier on that side, hem-
ming in the valley of the Tigris with abrupt de-
clivities so closely that only during the summer
months is any passage afforded between the moun-
tain and river (Ainsworth's Travels in the Tract
of the Ten Thousand, p. 154). Josephus also
quotes Nicolaus Damascenua to the effect that a
mountain named Boris, beyond Minyas, was the
spot. This has been identified with farm, a
mountain mentioned by St. Martin (Mem. mr
tArmenie, i. 265) as rising to the N. of Lake Van ;
but the only important mountain in the position
indicated is described by recent travellers under the
name Seiban Tagh, and we are therefore inclined
to accept the emendation of Schroeder, who pro-
poses to read MdVu, the indigenous name of Horn*
Ararat, for Bdpu. That the scene of an «reot sa
deeply interesting to mankind had evon at that
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ARARAT
laxly age been transferred, as was natural, to the
oftiest and moat imposing mountain in the district,
appeals f-^~ the statement of Josephus (Ant. i. 3,
§ 5), that the spot where Noah kit the ark had
received a name descriptive of that event, which he
renders ' kwofiarhpiov, and which seems identical
with Nachd/evan, on the banks of the Amies. To
tins neighborhood all the associations connected
with Noah are now assigned by the native Armen-
ians, and their opinion has been so far indorsed by
Europeans that they have given the name Ararat
exclusively to the mountain which is called Mntti*
by the Armenians, Agri-D.tga, i. e. Steep Mountain,
by the Turks, and Kuh-i-Nuh, i. e. Noah'i Moun-
tain, by the Persians. It rises immediately out of
the plain of the Araxes, and terminates in two
conical peaks, named the Great and Lees Ararat,
about seven miles distant from each other, the
former of which attains an elevation of 17,260 feet
above the level of the sea and about 14,000 above
the plain of the Araxes, while the latter is lower
by 4000 feet. The summit of the higher is covered
with eternal snow for about 3000 feet of perpen-
dicular height. That it is of volcanic origin, is
evidenced by the immense masses of lava, cinders,
and porphyry with which the middle region is
covered. A deep cleft on its northern aide has been
regarded as the site of its crater, and this cleft was
the scene of a terrible catastrophe which occurred
July 3, 1840, when the village oi Arguri and the
Monastery of St. James were buried beneath the
deori* brought down from the upper heights by a
violent earthquake. Clouds of reddish smoke and
a strong smell of sulphur, which pervaded the
neighborhood after the earthquake, seem to indi-
cate that the volcanic powers of the mountain are
dot altogether dormant. The summit of Ararat
was long deemed inaccessible, and the Armenians
still cling to this belief. It was first ascended in
1829 by Parrot, who approached it from the N. W.
He describes a secondary summit about 400 yards
distant from the highest point, and on the gentle
depression which connects the two eminences be
surmises that the ark rested (Journey to Ararat,
p. 179). The region immediately below the limits
of perpetual snow is barren and unvisited by beast
or bird. Wagner (Rate, p. 186) describes the si-
lence and solitude that reign there as quite over-
powering. Aryuri, the only village known to have
been built on its slopes, was the spot where, accord-
ing to tradition, Noah planted his vineyard. Lower
down, in the plain of Araxes, is Nnchdjevnn, where
the patriarch is reputed to have been buried.
Returning to the broader signification we have
assigned to the term " the mountains of Ararat,"
as coextensive with the Armenian plateau from the
baa* of Ararat in the N. to the range of Kurdistan
In the 8., we notice the following characteristics of
that region as illustrating the Bible narrative: —
(1.) Its elevation. It rises as a rocky island out
of a sea of plain to a height of from 6000 to 7000
feet above the level of the sea, presenting a surface
of extensive plains, whence, as fri-n a fresh base,
rpring Important and lofty mountain-ranges, having
i generally parallel direction from E. to W., and
sonneted with each other by transverse ridges of
moderate height. (2.) It* geographical petition.
The Armenian plateau stands equidistant from the
toxme and the Caspian seas on the N., and be-
.wesn the Persian Gulf and the Mediterranean on
iie 3. With the first it is connected by the
, with the second by the Ai-axes, with the
ARARAT
147
third by the Tigris and Euphrates, the latter of
which also serves as an outlet towards the countries
on the Mediterranean coast. These seas were tor
high roads of primitive colonization, and the plains
watered by these rivers were the seats of the most
powerful nations of antiquity, the Assyrians, the
Babylonians, the Medes, and the ColcLians. View A
with reference to the dispersion of the nations,
Armenia is the true i/iipa\is of the world , and
it is a significant fact that at the present day Ararat
is the great boundary-stone between the empires
of Kusaia, Turkey, and Persia, (3.) It* physical
formation. The Armooian plateau is the result of
volcanic agencies : the plains as well as the u— _n-
tains supply evidence of this. Armenia, however,
differs materially from other regions of similar
geological formation, as, for instance, the neighbor-
ing range of Caucasus, inasmuch as it does not rise
to a sharp, well-defined central crest, but expands
into plains or steppes, separated by a graduated
series of subordinate ranges. Wagner (Rate, p.
263) attributes this peculiarity to the longer period
during which the volcanic powers were at work,
and the room afforded for the expansion of the
molten masses into the surrounding districts. The
result of this expansion is that Armenia is far more
accessible, both from without and within its own
limits, than other districts of similar elevation.
The passes, though high, are comparatively easy,
and there is no district which is shut out from
communication with its neighbors. The fall of
the ground in the centre of the plateau is not de-
cided in any direction, as is demonstrated by the
early courses of the rivers — the Araies, which
flows into the Caspian, rising westward of either
branch of the Euphrates, and taking at first a
northerly direction — the Euphrates, which flows to
the S., rising northward of the Araxes, and taking
a westerly direction. (4.) The climate is severe.
Winter lasts from October to May, and is suc-
ceeded by a brief spring and a summer of intense
heat. The contrast between the plateau and the
adjacent countries is striking. In April, when the
Mesopotamia]] plains are scorched with heat, and
on the Euxine shore the azalea and rhododendron
are in bloom, the Armenian plains are still covered
with snow; and in the early part of September it
freezes keenly at night. (5.) The vegetation is
more varied and productive than the climate would
lead us to expect Trees are not found on the
plateau itself, but grass grows luxuriantly, and
furnishes abundant pasture during the summer
months to the flocks of the nomad Kurds. Wheat
and barley ripen at far higher altitudes than on the
Alps and the Pyrenees: the volcanic nature of the
soil, the abundance of water, and the extreme heat
of the short summer bring the harvest to maturity
with wonderful speed. At Krz-rum, more than
6000 feet above the sea, the crops appear above
ground in the middle of June, and are ready for
the sickle before the end of August (Wagner, p.
25S). The vine ripens at about 6000 feet, while in
Europe its limit, even south of the Alps, is about
2660 feet
The general result of these observations as bear-
ing upon the Biblical narrative would be to show
that, while the elevation of the Armenian plateau
constituted it the natural resting-pla* of the ark
after the Deluge, its geographical position and its
physical uhiracter secured an impartial distribution
of ine fiudies of mankind to the various quarters
of sH world. The climate furnished a powerful
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148 ARABATH
aducemept to •oak the mora tempting region* oo
ill aides of it. At the same time the chancier of
the vegetation mi remarkably adapted to the no-
mad state in which we may conceive the early
ge ner atio n ! of Noah's deacendanta to have lived.
W. L.B.
AR'ARATH ('ApapdS; Alex. [PA] Apapar)-
Abamat (Tob. i. 31; comp. 2 K. lix. 87).
W. A. W.
ARAUTJAH (HJ^TS: '0(ir«l: Arema), a
Jebuaite who sold hii threshing-floor on Mount
Horiah to David ai a aite for an altar to Jehovah,
together with his oxen, for 60 shekels of silver (3
Sun. xxiv. 18-24), or (according to 1 Chr. zzi. 35)
for 000 shekels of gold by weight. From tbe
expression (2 Sam. xxiv. 23) "these things did
Araonah, the king, give unto the king," it has been
inferred that he was one of the royal race of the
Jebuaite*. His name is variously written in various
P"*«»: n ?'?3Sv' < 8 Sam - ™ dT - l6); n T?"^?
(xxiv. 18); )3"^l (1 Chr. xxl. 15 ff.; 2 Chr. ill.
1). [Ohmajs.] ' R. w. a
AB/BA (Sa*jri hero of Baal, so Flint, for
bSS-lJf.litobwi-W: ?Apyi0,] 'Ap$6 K ; [Alex.
Ap$o, Appear! Comp. 'Ap0ai; Aid. 'Ap&i,
'Apfii:] Arte), the progenitor of the Amakim, or
sons of Anak, firom whom their chief city Hebron
received its name of Kirjath Arba (Josh. xiv. 15,
xv. 13, xxL 11). [See also Akbah.] F. W. G.
AR3AH (22)"** [/our] : T0 wriW: Arbee).
"The city of Arbah" is always rendered elsewhere
Hebron, or Kuuatii-Abba (Gen. xxxv. 27). The
LXX. appear to have read naTJ? •ordMA.
W A W
• In Josh. xxl. 11 the A. V., ed. 1611, reads
"the citie of ArbaA," marg. " Kiriath-arbah "
(Kafia0ap06it; Vat KapaBapPoic: Cariatkarbt).
In Josh. xv. 13 tbe A. V. translates "the city of
Arba," marg. " Kiriath-arba." A.
AR3ATHITE, THB (\*T=P?n: [u> '
Chr.] 6 rapafiatel; [Vet. -0,1; Alex. iapafitMtt;
FA. rapafitf, Comp. 'ApafiaOli Aid. l Apa$t$l;
in 2 Sam. all different:] ArbathiUt), i. e. a native
of the Arabah or Ghor. Abialbon the A. was one
of David's 30 mighty men (2 Sam. xxiii. 31 ; 1
Chr. xi. 32).
ARBATTIS (I, 'Apfrtrrois; [Sin. Ap0r
rattO Alex. AspVurroir [and so Sln.«]: Arbatii),
l district of Palestine named in 1 Mace. v. 23 only.
Ewald's conjecture (Getchichtt, iv. 859, note)
grounded on the reading of the Peahito Syriac
( «-£^»*J, Ard Hot) in that the district N. of
the sea of Galilee, part of which is still called Ard
•^Batihah, is here intended. But it seems at least
■ Tne Arbela of Alexander the Groat is called Irbit
>J the Arabic historians (Rob. ii. 899). The change
jf / to d it not onfrequent- Moraover, the preeant
ibid Is undoubtedly mentioned in the Talmud as
Arbsl (see Schwars, p. 189; Belaud, p. 868; Bob. 111.
Minor*.
* 8o Irby {.p. alj. Robinson, on the contrary, says
hat the rains are oo the brow overlooking the ahum
trf t> wady. [Thomson (Lawl and Book, U. 114)
■ays 2u rive. — H.)
' tor* roggeeted in the Miinchrntr Gtl Anxtigen,
Sue ISUr., sol eagerly hud hold of by Bobmsoo,
ARBONAI
equally probable that the word U tutiij a ootnrp
tioo of ' Axpafrcrlrti, the province oc toparcbi
which lay between Neapolis and Jericho (Kekod,
p. 192; Joseph. B. J. iii. 3, §§ 4, 5, Ac). G.
ARBEXA («V 'ApMkoif- in ArbeUU), men.
tioned in the Bible only in 1 Mace. ix. 2, and
there only as defining the situation of Maaaloth, a
place besieged and taken by Bacchides and Alci-
mus at the opening of the campaign in which Ju-
das Maccabeus was killed. According to Joeephus
(Ant. xii. 11, § 1) this was at Arbela of Galilee,
«V 'Af/fcUois *6\u rrjs roAiAafas, a place which
he elsewhere states to be near Seppboria, on the
lake of Gennesareth, and remarkable for certain
impregnable caves, the resort of robbers and insur-
gents, and the scene of more than one desperate en-
counter (comp. Ant. xiv. 15, §§ 4, 5; B. J. i. 16,
§§2,3;ii. 20, J6; lfca,§37). These topograph-
ical requirements are fully met by the existing /r-
Wd,° a site with a few ruins, west of Medjel, on
the southeast side of the Wady HamAm, in a
small plain at the foot* of the hill of Kurt* Bat-
tin. The caverns are in the opposite Sue of the
ravine, and bear the name of Xula'at Jin Moan
(Rob. ii. 398; Burckh. p. 331; Irby, p. 91).
There seems no reason to doubt the soundness
of this identification.' The army of Bacchides waa
on it* road from Antioch to the land of Judam
(■yfjr 'loita), which they were approaching "by
the way that leadeth to Galgala" (Gilgal),<< that is
by the valley of the Jordan in the direct line to
which Irbid lies.' Ewald, however (Getchichtt, iv.
870, note), insists, in opposition to Joeephus, that
the engagements of this campaign were confined to
JucUea proper, a theory which drives him to con-
sider " Galgala " as the Jifjiiia north of Gophna.
[Gilgal.] But he admit* that no trace of an
Arbela in that direction has yet come to light.
Arbela may be the Bkth-arbel of Ho*, x. 14,
but there is nothing to ensure it. G.
ARBITB, THB 02nNn : dt Art*). Ps,
arai the Arbite, was one of David's guard (3 Sam.
xxiii. 35). The word, according to Gesenius ( The*.
p. 145) [and Flint, i. 133], signifies a native of
Arab. In the parallel list of Chronicles, it is
given as Ben-Kibai, by a change in letters not un-
frequently occurring. [Ezbai.] The LXX. ver-
sion, Ovpoiofpx't 5 very corrupt. [Comp., how-
ever, reads o 'Ap$i; Alex, o Apart his- — A.]
(See Kennicott, Divert, on 2 Sam. xxiii. p. 310.)
G.
ABBOT* AI ['Aftwrds; Sin.Xe/W; Comp.
'Apfiuvat ; Aid. 'ApjSoraf : Mambre], Jnd. ii 34.
• It U called there a "river" (A V.), on the
banks of which were "high cities" destroyed by
HoLOFERMKt. in his desolating march toward ths
country of the Jews. [Abromas.]
Volkmar (Bandb. d. EM. m die Apocr. L
190, 195) adopts with some modification the era*.
<t Some MSS. and tbe Important version of the Sy-
riac Penhito read " Gilead ;" In which case the Arbela
beyond Jordan must be thought of. But it la har*u
likely that Joeephus would be Inaccurate in his topog-
raphy of a part of the country which he knew at
thoroughly.
e The importance ol the Wady Hamam in a mJL
tary point of view, as commanding the great nortt
road, the Sea of Galilee, and tbe important springs D
the plain of Oenneaareth, is Dot lost sight of byWIlMS
(Imndt of At BibU, In Bitter, Jontm, p 8B).
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ABOHELAUb
jeeture of Movers respecting thin nwiie. He sup-
soses M x«H<LM>ov 'A/Soora (the best lupportad
muting) to reprawnt the Hebrew "YlJiT M '*273,
u on the other side of the riTer," namely, the Eu-
phrates. The final * in ^IDS being written long
like 1 was easily converted into 3, at in Jud. B. 88
12 5- Accho, U repreeented by 'Ottfra. The
>• high citiea " referred to he supposes to be Baby-
lon, Sc/eucia, Ctesiphon, and others in their neigh-
borhood, citing Eutropius viii. 3, and Dion Casaius
hcviii. 28, in accordance with hit theory that the
passigo relate* to the conquest* of Trajan [Ju-
dith]. A.
ARCHELATJS ('Apx***"* [rukr of tht
people]: Archtlaui: in the Talmud, DI^TS.
•on of Herod the Great, by a Samaritan woman,
Uahhake" (Joaeph. Ant. xrll. 1, $ 3; B. J. i. 28,
J 4), and, with hit brother Antipaa, brought up at
Rome (id. B. J. i. 31, § 1). At the death of
Herod (b..c 4) a hit kingdom wai dhrided between
nil three torn, Herod Antipaa, Archelaus, and
Philip. Archelaus received the half, containing
tdumea, Judssa, Samaria, and the citie* on the
coast, with 600 talenta' income (Joaeph. Ant. xvii.
11, § 4). With one party among the Jews he was
popular: another complained against him, but in
nin, to Augustus (id. Ant. xrii. 11, 1 ). He never
properly had the title of king (/}iuri\tit) assigned
to him (Matt. ii. 23), but only that of iBvipxv
(.ibid.); so that the former word must be taken as
loosely used. In the 10th year of his reign (Jo-
seph, xrii. 13, § 2, VU. I), or the 9th (B. J. ii. 7,
§ 3), according to Dion Cass. (xv. 27) in the con-
sulship of M. jEmil. Lepidus and L. Arruntius,
i. e. A. D. 6, a complaint was preferred by his
brothers and his subject* against him on the ground
of his tyranny, in consequence of which he was de-
posed and banished to Vienna in Gaul (Joaeph.
Ant. xvii. 13, § 2; B. J. ii. 7, $ 3), where be is
generally said to have died. But Jerome ( OnonuuL
s. v. Bethlehem) relates that he was shown the sep-
ulchre of Archelaus near that town. If so, he must
have returned as a private man to Jndea, and there
have died. The parent* of our Lord turned aside
bom fear of him on their way back from Egypt,
and went to Nazareth in Galilee, in the domain of
his gentler brother Antipaa. He seems to have
been guilty of great cruelty and oppression. Jo-
sephs relates (Ant. xvii. 9, § 3; B. J. ii. 1, 3)
that he put to death 3000 Jews in the temple not
long after his accession. This cruelty was exer-
cised not only towards Jew*, but towards Samari-
tans also (Joaeph. B. J. 11. 7, $ 8). Archelaus
wadded illegally . (tow -nerpiav itapaBitrtr roen-
raWrot, Ant. xvii. 13, § 2) Glaphyra, the former
wife of his brother Alexander, who had had chil-
dren by her. (There is no reason for saying with
Winer that Archelaus had children by her: he has
apparently mistaken J?eephus's II oZ *ol rixva $v
ARCHITECTURE
149
warn,
where
>■)
refers to Alexander, not to Arche-
H. A.
ARCHERT. [Auu.]
ARCHEVITES &£}?"?£: 'Arx«"«i
[Vat. Apxovaf] Erchuai, Vulg.) perhaps the In-
habitants of Eftcen, some of whom bad been placed
as colonist* in Samaria (Ear. iv. 9). W. I- B.
AR'CHI 03"1H!1: Archi), Josh. xri. 9.
[Architk.]
ARCHIFPUS ("Aajgnrrot [matter of tht
hone] : Archippw), a Christian teacher in Colosssy
called by St. Paul hi* trvmrpariaVn; (Philem. 2).
As the epistle, which concerns a private matter, is
addressed to him jointly with Philemon and Ap-
phia, and as " the church in their house " is also
addressed, it seems necessary to infer that he was a
member of Philemon's family. He had received
(Col. iv. 17) a tuutovla in the Lord, and was ad-
monished to take heed to it that he fulfill it. Je-
rome, Theodoret, and (Ecumeniua, suppose him to
have been overseer of the church at Colossal.
Others believe him to have been a teacher at Lao-
dioea (Const Apottol. vii. 46; Theodoret ad Col
iv. 17; and recently Wieeeler, CkronoL da apot-
totitekm ZeUatttrt, p. 452); but there does not
seem to be any ground for the view. There is a
legend that he was of the number of the Seventy
disciples, and suffered martyrdom at Chonaj, near
Laodieea (Mtnubtg. Gixec i. 246). There is a
monograph written about him by Dietehnair, D*
Archippo, Altorf, 1751, 4to. H. A
ARCHITE, THE O?"?^, a* if from a
place named Erech, "H ^t? • [2 Sam. xv., xvi., i
ipxifrupot (for i 'ApxU frcupoi ? so Comp. ;
o Asax't erniooi or trtpoi, 29); 2 Sam. xvii.,]
i 'Kpaxi [Vat - x «; 1 Chr. 6 (om. Aid. Alex.)
TtpArot ; Comp. t ipxtnlrtpos (for i apyifrntpos
or rather 6 'Apxl, treupos, as above) :] Arachita),
the usual designation of David's friend Husbai (2
Sam. xr. 32, [xvi. 16,] xrii. 5, 14; 1 Chr. xxviL
33).
The word also appears (somewhat disguised, it is
true, in the A. V.) in Josh. xvi. 2, where "the
borders of Archi" (i. «. "the Arehite")* are
named as on the boundary of the " children of Jo-
seph," somewhere in the neighborhood of Bethel
No town of the name of TT.?N appears in Pales-
tine; is it possible that, as in this case of the Gerizi,
the Zemarites, and the Jebusites, we have here the
last faint trace of ot)e of the original tribes of the
country 1 G.
ARCHITECTURE. Although there are
many notices, both in the Canonical Scriptures and
in the Apocryphal writings, bearing reference to
the architecture of other nations besides the Israel-
ites, it is nevertheless obvious that the chief busi-
ness of a work like the present, under the article of
Architecture, is to examine the modes of building
in use among the Jews, and to discover, if possible,
how far they were influenced, directly or indirectly,
by the example or the authority of foreigners.
The book of Genesis (iv. 17, 20, 22) appears to
divide mankind into great characteristic sections,
namely, the '• dwellers in tents " and the " dwellers
in cities," when it tells us that Cain was the
founder of a city; and that among his descendants
one Jabal was "the Esther of them that dwell in
terns," whust Tubal-cain was "the instructor of
• The death of Herod took placs in the same year
h the birth nf Christ; bat this to to be posed «mr
M bates ib» iht* m asnaral aw as tht ^hrtstkvn
» Compart Josh. xvUL 16, where "Jabot" shoaM
b* traosiatac •' the Jstouatta," as It has bssn In xr 1
go also aaanmt ; 7-ntiim
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150
ARCHITECTURE
nery u tiflcer in brass and iron." It is probable
♦.hat the workers in metal were for the moat part
dwellers in towns: and thus the arts of architecture
and metallurgy became from the earliest times lead-
ing characteristics of the civilised as distinguished
from the nomadic tendencies of the human race.
To the race of Shem is attributed (Gen. x. 11,
12, 22, xi. 2-9) the foundation of those cities in
the plain of Shinar, Babylon, Nineveh, and others ;
to one of which, Kesen, the epithet " great " suffi-
ciently marks it* importance in the time of the
writer, a period at least as early as the 13th cent
n. c, if not very much earlier. (Rawlinson, Out-
line of Au. But. p. 10; Layard, tfineveh, ii. 221,
835, 238.) From the same book we learn the ac-
count of the earliest recorded building, and of the
materials employed in its construction ((Jen- xi. 3,
9); and though a doubt rests on the precise site of
the tower of Belus, so long identified with the Bin
Nimroud (benjamin of Tudela, p. 100, Bonn; New-
ion, On Pi-cph. x. pp. 165, 156; Vaux, Am. and
Ftr*ep. pp. 173, 178; Keith, On Proph. p. 289),
yet the nature of the soil, and the bricks found
there in such abundance, though bearing mostly the
name of Nebuchadnezzar, agree perfectly with the
supposition of a city previously existing on the same
or a closely neighboring site. (Layard, ii. 249, 278,
and Am. and Bab. 631; Plin. vii. 66; Ez. iv. 1.)
In the book of Esther (i. 2) mention is made of
the palace at Susa, for three months in the spring
the residence of the kings of Persia (Esth. iii. 13 ;
Xen. Cyrop. viii. 6, § 22); and in the books of To-
bit and Judith, of Ecbatana, to which they retired
for two months during the heat of summer. (Tob.
iii. 7, xiv. 14; Jud. i. 14; Herod, i. 98.)
A branch of the same Syro- Arabian race as the
Assyrians, but the children of Ham, was the na-
tion, or at least the dominant caste, of the Egypt-
ians, the style of whose architecture agrees so re-
markably with the Assyrian (Layard, ii. 206 if.).
It is in connection with Egypt that she Israelites
appear first as builders of cities, compelled, in com-
mon with other Egyptian captives, to labor at the
buildings of the Egyptian monarch*. Pithom and
Raamses are said to have been built by them.
(Ex. i. 11; Wilkinson, ii. 195.)
The Israelites were by occupation shepherds, and
by habit dwellers in tents ((Jen. xlvii. 3). The
11 bouse " built by Jacob at Succoth is probably no
exception to this statement (."T2, Gesen.). They
had therefore originally, speaking properly, no ar-
chitecture. Even Hebron, a city of higher an-
tiquity than the Egyptian Zoan (Tanis), was called
originally from its founder, perhaps a Canaanite of
the race of Anak, Kirjath-Arba, the house of Arba
(Num. xiii. 22 ; Josh. xiv. 15). From the time of
the occupation of Canaan they became dwellers in
towns and in houses of stone, for which the native
limestone of Palestine supplied a ready material
(Lev. xiv. 84, 46; 1 K. vii. 10; Stanley, & <? P.
op. 146, 8); but the towns which they occupied
were not all, nor indeed in most cases, built from
the first by themselves (Deut. vi. 10; Num. xiii.
19).
The peaceful reign and vast wealth of Solomon
gave great impulse to architecture; for besides the
Temple and his other great works at and near Je-
rusalem, he built fortresses and cities in various
(laces, among which the names and sites of Baal-
eth and Tadmnr are in all probability represented
ay the more modern superstructures of Bsslbei and
ARCHITECTURE
Palmyra (1 K. ix. 16-94). Among the i
kings of Israel and of Judah, more than one b n>
corded as a builder: Asa (1 K. xv. 23), Baaaha
(xvi. 17), Omri (xvi. 24), Ahab (xvi. 34, xm. 39),
Hezekiah (2 K. xx. 20; 2 Chr. xxxii. 27, 30), Je-
hoash, and Josiah (2 K. xiL 11, 12, xxu. 6); and.
lastly, Jeboiakim, whose winter palace is mentioned
(Jer. xxii. 14, xxxvi. 22; see also Am. iii. 15).
< m the return from captivity, the chief care of
the rulers wss to rebuild the Temple and the walls
of Jerusalem in a substantial manner, with stone,
and with timber from Lebanon (Ezr. iii. 8, ▼. 8;
Neh. ii. 8, iii. 1, 32). During the government of
Simon Maccabeus, the fortress called Bans, and
afterwards Antonia, was erected for the defense of
the Temple and the city. But the reigns ( f Herod
and of his sons and successors were especially re-
markable for the great architectural works In which
they delighted. Not only was the Temple restored
to a Urge portion if not to the full degree of its for-
mer magnificence, but the fortifications and other
public buildings of Jerusalem were enlarged and
embellished to an extent previously unknown (Luke
xxi. 5; Benj. of Tudela, p. 83, Bohn). [More par-
ticular descriptions of these works will be found
under Jerusalem.] Besides these great works,
the town of Cassarea was built on the site of an in-
significant building called Strata's Tower; Samaria
was enlarged, and received the name of Sebaste;
the town of Agrippium was built; and Herod car-
ried his love for architecture so far as to adorn with
buildings cities even not within his own dominions,
Berytus, Damascus, Tripoli*, and many other places
(Joseph. B. J. i. 21, 1, 11). His son Philip the
tetrarch enlarged the old Greek colony of Panes*,
giving it the name of Ccesarea in honor of Tiberius ;
whilst his brother Antipas founded the city of Ti-
berias, and adorned the towns of Sepphoris and
Betharamphta, giving to the latter the name Liv-
ias, in honor of the mother of Tiberius (Rdand, p
497).
Of the original splendor of these great works no
doubt can be entertained ; but of their style and
appearance we can only conjecture, though with
nearly absolute certainty, that they were formed on
Greek and Koman models. Of the style of the
earlier buildings of Palestine, we can only form an
idea from the analogy of the Egyptian, Assyrian,
and Persian monuments now existing, and from the
modes of building still adopted in Eastern countries.
The connection of Solomon with Egypt and with
Tyre, and the influence of the Captivity, may have
in some measure successively affected the style both
of the two temples, and of the palatial edifices of
Solomon. The enormous stones employed in the
Assyrian, Peraepolitan, and Egyptian building!
find a parallel in the substructions of Baalbec, mors
ancient than the superstructure (Layard, ii. 817,
318), and in the stones of so vast a size which still
remain at Jerusalem, relics of the building either
of Solomon or of Herod (Williams, pt ii. 1). Bat
as it has been observed again and again, scarcely
any connected monuments are known to survive in
Palestine by which we can form an accurate idea
of its buildings, beautiful and renowned as they
were throughout the East (Plin. v. 14 ; Stanley, p.
183), and even of those which do remain no trust-
worthy examination has yet been made. It it
probable, however, that the reservoirs known undas
the names of the Pools of Solomon sod HeaaUak
contain some portions at least of tne original fabriet
(Stanley, pp. 103, 166).
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ABCTUBU8
IV domestic architecture of the Jem, w&rii
It eu be understood, la treated under Hoosk.
Tools and instruments of building are mentioned
by the sacred writers; the plumb-Une, Am. vii. 7;
the measuring-reed, Ex. xl. 3 ; the saw, 1 K. vil. 9.
H. W. P.
AKOTU'BUS. The Hebrew words Sty,
'Ash, and W)V, 'Ayish, rendered "Arcturus" in
the A. V. of Job ix. 9, xxxviii. 82, in conformity
with the Vulg. of the former passage, are now gen-
erally believed to be identical, and to represent the
constellation Una Major, known commonly as the
Great Bear, or Charles's Wain. Niebuhr (Doc.
de tArab. p. 101) relates that he met with a Jew
at Sana, who identified the Hebrew 'Ash with the
constellation known to the Arabs by the name Om
ett-Jtfash, or Nash simply, as a Jew of Bagdad in-
formed him. The four stars in the body of the
Bear are named Enmuh in the tables of Ulugh
Beigh, those in the tail being called el Brn&l, " the
daughters " (comp. Job. xxxviii. 33). The ancient
versions differ greutly in their renderings. The
LXX. render ' Ash by the " Pleiades " in Job ix.
9 (unless the text which they had before them had
the words in a different order), and 'Ayish by " Hes-
perus," the evening star, in Job xxxviii. 32. In
the former they are followed or supported by the
Chaldee, in the latter by the Vulgate. R. David
Kimchi and the Talmudists understood by 'Ash the
tail of the Ram or the head of the Bull, by which
they are supposed to indicate the bright itar Alde-
baran in the Bull's eye. But the greatest difficulty
is found in the rendering of the Syriao translators,
who give as the equivalent of both ' Ash and 'Ayish
the word 'lyutho, which is interpreted to signify
the bright star Capella in the constellation Auriga,
and is so rendered in the Arabic translation of Job.
On this point, however, great difference of opinion
is found. Bar All conjectured that ' hjutho was
either Capella or the constellation Orion ; while Bar
Bahral hesitated between Capella, Aldebaran, and
a cluster of three stars in the face of Orion. Fol-
lowing the rendering of the Arabic, Hyde was in-
duced to consider 'Ash and 'Ayish distinct; the for-
mer being the Great Bear, and the latter the bright
star Capella, or a of the constellation Auriga.
W. A. W.
ABD (T"!*J [dacent\: 'Apif- And). 1. Son
of Benjamin [and if so, the youngest of bis sons]
(Gen. xW. 21).
2. 'Atd>; [Aid. Alex. 'AS<>:] Hertd. Son of
Bela, and grandson of Benjamin (Num. xxvi. 40),
rritten Addar in 1 Chr. viiL 8. His descendants
are called Tint Ardites ( v T"lNn), Num. xxvL
40. [As Aid is not mentioned among the sons of
Btiriamin in Num. xxvi. 38, 89, " son " may stand
la grandson in Gen. xhi. 21, and thus the same
person be meant in both passages ]
ABTJATH — "the field caLed Ardath" — 2
Esdr. ix. 26.
* LUeke (EM. in d. Offenb. a\ Joh. 1 174) and
Volkmar (EinL m d. Apohr. U. 131) take Ardath
;.*th. Arphad, Ar. Araat) to be a corruption for
Arbath, meaning "desert" (Hob. H^njp, used
u an appellative rather than as a props* name.
Liieke supposes the desert of Judah to be intended ;
Volkmar, the Holy Land in general, which though
ABEOPAGUS
151
"a field of flowers," was then to the IsraeBtes s
desert (comp. 2 Esdr. x. 21, 22). A.
ABDTTES, THE. [Abd.]
ABT>ON S,r ¥ Ifiyi**}: 'KpSA,; [Vat,
H. Alex. Opra; Vat M. \opra-] Ardon\ 1 Chr.
U. IS. [A son of Caleb, the son of Hesron, by his
wife Axubah.]
ABEXI O^S"?*?, Sam. "bl^S [ton of a
hero]: 'Ap4\; \ja Gen. 'ApsijXeft; Alex. Am»-
\«»:] Areli), a son of Gad (Geo. xlvi. 16; Num.
xxvi. 17). His descendants are called thb Ark - -
mtm (Num. xxvi. 17).
AREOP-AGITE CApsos-cryCrnf [Tisch. -,,1-
rqr]: Areopagita). A member of the Court of
Areopagus (Acts xvii. 34). [See DiowYsnig.]
W. A. W.
ABEOP'AGUS or MABS' HILL (i'Aptr
os wiyos, «. e. the hill of Ares or Mars; Areopa-
gus, Vulg.), was a rocky height in Athens, opposite
the western end of the Acropolis," from which it is
separated only by an elevated valley. It rises grad-
ually from the northern end, and terminates ab-
ruptly on the south, over against the Acropolis, at
which point it is about fifty or sixty feet above the
valley already mentioned. Of the site of the Are-
opagus, there can be no doubt, both from the de-
scription of Pausanias, and from the narrative of
Herodotus, who relates that it was « height over
against the Acropolis, from which the Persians as-
sailed the latter rock (Pans. 1. 28, { 8; Herod, viii.
52). According to tradition it was called the bill
of Mars (Ares), because this god was brought to
trial here before the assembled gods by Neptune
(Poseidon), on account of his murdering Halirrho-
thius, the son of the latter. The spot is memora-
ble as the place of meeting of the Council of Are-
opagus (^ «V 'Aptly xd79> j3ov\4)> frequently called
the Upper Council (>j &n> j8ou\^) to distinguish it
from the Council of Five Hundred, whfch held its
sittings in the valley below the hill. It existed as
a criminal tribunal before the time of Scion, and
was the most ancient and venerable of all the Athe-
nian courts. It consisted of all persons who had
held the office of Archon, and who were members
of it for life, unless expelled for misconduct. It
enjoyed a high reputation, not only in Athens, but
throughout Greece. Before the time of Solon the
court tried only cases of willful murder, wounding,
poison, and arson ; but he gave it extensive powers
of a censorial and political nature. The Council is
mentioned by Cicero (nd Fam. xiii. 1; ad Alt. i.
14, v. 11), and continued to exist even under the
Roman emperors. Its meetings were held on the
south-eastern summit of the rock. There are still
sixteen stone steps cut in the rock, leading up to
the hill from the valley of the Agora below; and
immediately above the steps is a bench of stones ex-
cavated in the rock, forming three sides of a quad-
rangle, and facing the south. Here the Areopagites
sat as judges in the open air (bralBptot iSixi(oyro,
Pollux, viii. 118). On the eastern and western side
is a raised block. These blocks are probably the
two rude stones which Pausanias saw there, and
which are descniml by Euripides as assigned, the
one to the accuser, the other to the criminal, in the
causes which were tried in the court (Iph. T. 961).
The Areopagus possesses peculiar interest to the
<• •Ur.Bobinsonsays,hjutvswtsntbr,taatt« R r«>n
about norm " tram the kme<Jkt (M ei Jte.L7). ■
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God^Tc
II, ajRES
Christian, as the ipot from which St Full deliv-
ered hit memorable address to the men of Athena
(Acta xriL 33-31). It boa been supposed by some
commentators that St. Paul waa brought before the
Council of Areopagus; but there is no trace in the
narrative of any judicial proceedings. St. Paul
" disputed daily " in the " market " or Agora (xvii.
17), which was situated south of the Areopagus in
the vnlley lying between this bill and tbose of the
Acropolis, the Pnyz, and the Museum. Attracting
mop) i id more attention, " certain philosophers of
the Epicureans and Stoics " brought him up from
the valley, probably by the stone steps already men-
tioned, to the Areopagus above, that they might
listen to him more conveniently. Here the phi-
losophero probably took their seats on the stone
benches usually occupied by the members of the
Council, while the multitude stood upon the steps
and in the valley below. (For details, see Diet, of
Ant p. 136 ; Diet, of Gtogr. i. 381.) [See Huts'
Hill for Paul's discourse there.]
ATtES CAp«>: Arc). Arah 3 (1 Esdr. v.
10).
A1VETAS PA»/t«: [Aretnt:] Arab. Chor-
i*A), a common appellation of many of the Arabian
kings or chiefs. Two are mentioned in the Bible.
L A contemporary of Antiocbus Epiphanes
(b. c. 170) and Jason (2 Mace. v. 8). B. F. W.
2. In 2 Cor. xi. 32, St. Paul writes, i, Aa/ioo-
*V> 6 iSrdfXtl 'Aptra roi /fcuriAcws iQpoiptt tV
wi\iv Acut(ur<n)r<»f -mural pn. This Aretas was
father-in-law of Herod Antipaa. [IIkiod.] There
is a somewhat difficult chronological question re-
specting the subordination of Damascus to this
Aretas. The city under Augustus and Tiberius
was attached to the province of Syria; and we have
Damascene coins of both these emperors, and again
of Nero and his successors. But we have none of
Caligula and Claudius, and the following circum-
stances make it probable that a change in the ruler-
ship of Damascus took place after the death of Ti-
berius. There had been war for some time between
Aretas, king of Arabia Nabatsea, whose capital was
Petra, and Antipaa, on account of the divorce by
Antipas of Aretas's daughter at the instance of
Herodias, and also on account of some frontier dis-
putes. A battle was fought, and the army of An-
tipas entirely destroyed (Joseph. Ant xviii. 6, § l). a
On this, being a favorite with Tiberius, he sent to
Rome for help; and Vitellius, governor of Syria,
■as commissioned to march against Aretas, and to
take him dead or alive. While be was on his
march (Ant. xviii S, § 3) he heard at Jerusalem of
the death of Tiberius (March 16, A. D. 37), and,
w6ktpor eVeWpeir ovxtff 6/utlus lurifuros SiA to
tit r&iov /MTeurtrreMtcwu to -rpdyfiara, aban-
doned his march, and sent his army into winter-
quarters, himself remaining at Antioeh. By this
change of affairs at Home, a complete reversal took
place in the situation of Antipaa and his enemy.
The former was ere long (A. D. 39) banished to
a • It Is with reference to this defeat that Josephus
makes his remarkable statement, that the Jews looked
upon It as a punishment from God inflicted on Herod
for putting to death John the Baptist, whom the Jews
held In such veneration for his teaching and holy
Kfc. (Am. xvill. 6, } 2.) See Lardner's Jewish Try.
timonies, Ch. tv. 1. H.
• • The view that Aretas seised and held Damascus
by fores ft* a snort tbne after the defeat of Bend An-
Upas fa SBwasataoa by Meander (hyimmmg, I. lit);
ABGOB
Lyons, and his kingdom given to Agrippa, Ma lot
(Ant. xviii. 7), who had been living in habits of
intimacy with the new emperor (Ant. xviii. 6, { 5}
It would be natural that Aretas, who had been
grossly injured by Antipaa, should, by this changt
of affairs, be received into favor; and the more so,
as Vitellius had an old grudge against Antipaa, of
which Josephus says, Ant. wiii. 4, § 5, (icpvrr*-
ipyhr, pixpi 9h Kol [itrijXSt, rdtov tV 4pxV
rape (Ana)oVof . Now in the year 88 Caligula made
several changes in the East, granting Itunea to
Socemua, Leaser Armenia and parts of Arabia to
Cotys, the territory of Cotys to Rhssmetalees, and
to Polemon, son of Polemon, his father's govern-
ment. These facta, coupled with that of no Da-
mascene coins of Caligula or Claudius existing,
make it probable that about this time Damascus,
which belonged to the predecessor of Aretas (Ant
xdii. 5, § 3), was granted to him by Caligula. Thus
the difficulty would vanish. The other hypotheses,
that the ethnarch waa only visiting the city (as if
he could then have guarded the walls to prevent
escape), — that Aretas had seized Damascus on Vi-
tellius giving np the expedition against him (aa if a
Roman governor of a province would allow one of
its chief cities to be taken from him, merely because
he was in uncertainty about the policy of a new
emperor), are very improbable. 6 Wieseler, Chrem.
del apoiioluchm Zcitalitrt, p. 174, and again in
his art in Hereog's EncyklopcuKt, refers to a coin
fruriXitts 'Aoera eMAe'AAijros, but it seems to be-
long to an earlier Aretas. See Conyb. and How-
son, Life of St. raid, ed. 8, vol. i. p. 133, note.
See Wieseler, pp. 143 ft"., 167 ff., whose view has
been adopted in this article; Anger, de Tempomm
in Actit Ap. ratione, p. 173 ff., and Conyb. and
Howson, voL i. p. 99 ff. end. H. A
AJEtETJS, a king of the Lacedemonians, whose
letter to the high priest Onias is given in 1 Mace.
xii. 30 ft". He is called Areru in the A. V. in
ver. 30 and in the margin of ver. 7; but in the
Greek text he is named 'Oriipnt [Alex. -r«-] in
ver. 30, and Acueios in ver. 7 : there can be little
doubt however that these are corruptions of "Apevj.
In Josephus (Ant. xii. 4, § 10, v. § 8) the name is
written 'Aptios, and in the Vulgate Arna. There
were two Spartan kings of the name of Arena, of
whom the first reigned B. c. 309-865, and the sec-
ond, the grandson of the former, died when a child
of eight years old in u. c. 367. There were three
high priests of the name of Onias, of whom the
first held the office B. c. 333-300. This is the one
who must have written the letter to Areas I., prob-
ably in some interval between 809 and 300. (Grimm,
su Jfocc. p. 186.) [OaiAS.]
AB'OOB (aSHS, once with the def. article
^Prjn «= "the stony," from 2^7, Gee. Tkm
1360: 'Apyifit Argob), a tract of country on the
east of the Jordan, in Baahan, in the kingdom of
Og, containing 60 "great" and fortified "cities''
(Der Apattel Panltu, pp. 18-22); Wtaer (BM.
Realw. I. 84) ; Meyer (Apoxtelgexhieku, p. 16); Ower-
lke (EM. in dot N. T. p. 886) ; Bleek (Dint, m dot N.
T. p. 861), and others. It Is not easy to baUeva thai
the Roman government would no suddenly, uf Its ow»
accord, confer so Important a city on a vassal who hat
Just defeated one or Its most faithful allies, and wM
had bean proscribed aa an enemy who was to be taker
ataUhasardsdeadorattre. R
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AKUOB
(D , -f"JJ). Argob «u in the portion allotted to tint
half-tribe of Manaweh, and «u taken possession cf
by Jalr, a chief man in that tribe. [Jaie; Ba-
biiaji; Havoth-Jaib.] It afterwarda formed one
of Solomon'i commissariat districts, under the
charge of an officer whose residence was at Ra-
•noth-GUead (Dent ft. 4, 18, 14; 1 K. iv. 13).
In later times Aigob was called Trachonitis, appar-
ently a mere translation of the older name. [Tbach-
ohttm.] In the Samaritan version it is ren-
lered ntG'U'"" - (Rigobaah); but in the Targums
>f OnkeVos and Jonathan it is rO"l3"ltS (»'. e.
r r achoni t is). Later on we trace it in the Arabic
version of Saadiah as y_^a»yO, (Mtgeb, with the
same meaning) ; and it is now apparently identified
with the Lejah, sLjPjL'l, a very remarkable
district south of Damascus, and east of the Sea of
Galilee, which has been visited and described by
Burckhardt (pp. 111-119), Seetzen, and Porter (vol.
Ii. specially pp. 340-346). This extraordinary re-
gion — about 33 miles from N. to 8. by 14 from
W. to E., and of a regular, almost oval, shape —
lias been described as an ocean of basaltic rocks and
boulders, tossed about in the wildest oonftision, and
intermingled with fissures and crevices in every di-
rection. "It is," says Mr. Porter, '• wholly com-
posed of black basalt, which appears to have issued
from innumerable pores in the earth in a liquid
state, and to have flowed out on every side. Before
tooling, its surface was violently agitated, and it
was afterwards shattered and rent by internal con-
vulsions. The cup-like cavities from which the
liquid mass was extruded are still seen, and likewise
the wavy surface that a thick liquid assumes which
cools while flowing. The rock Is fined with little pita
and air-bubbles; it is as hard as flint, and emits
a sharp metallic sound when struck" (341).
" Strange as it may seem, this ungainly and for-
bidding region is thickly studded with deserted
cities and villages, in all of which the dwellings are
solidly built and of remote antiquity " (338). The
number of these towns visited by one traveller
lately returned is 50, and there were many others
which he did not go to. A Roman road runs
through the district from S. to X. probably be-
tween Bosra and Damascus. On the outer bound-
ary of the Lejah are situated, amongst others, the
towns known in Biblical history as Kenath and
Edrei. In the absence of more conclusive evidence
on the point, a strong presumption in favor of the
identification of the Lejah with Argob arises from
the peculiar Hebrew word conntantiy attached to
Irgob, and in this definite sense apparently to Ar-
<ob only. This wotd is b^n (Chebei), literally
- a mp»" (cxofrur/ia, riptiurpov, funicuha), and
it designates with charming accuracy the remark- 1
ably defined boundary line of the district of the !
Ltjah, which is spoken of repeatedly by its latest '
explorer as "a rocky shore;" " sweeping round in a j
circle clearly defined as a rocky shore-line; " "re
ambling a Cyclopean wall in ruins " (Porter, ii '
19, 919, 389, Ac.). The extraordinary features of
this region an tendered still more e xtraordinary by
the contrast which it presents to the surrounding
■lain of tits Hauran. a high plateau of waving
HDtS— J i Jem N313112M
ARIEL 158
downs of the richest agricultural soil stretching
from the Sea of Galilee to the Lejah, and beyono.
that to the desert, almost literally "without a
stone; " and it is not to be wondered at — if the
identification proposed above be correct — that this
contrast snould have struck the Israelites, and that
their language, so scrupulous of minute topograph-
ical distinctions, should have perpetuated in the
words Mishor, Argob, and Chebei, at once the
level downs of Bashan [Hisiiur], the stony laby-
rinth which so suddenly intrudes itself on the soil
(Argob), and the definite fence or boundary which
encloses it [Chebei.]. G.
AB'GOB (ai"!M : 'Apyifi: Argob), perhaps s
Gileadite officer, who was governor of Argob. Ac-
cording to some interpreters, an accomplice of
Pekah in the murder of Pekahiah. But Sebastian
Schmid explained that both Argob and Arieh were
two princes of Pekahiah, whose influence Pekah
feared,* and whom he therefore slew with the king.
Rashi understands by Argob the royal palace, near
which was the castle in which the murder took
place (3 K. xv. 35). W. A. W.
ABI ARATHES (properly Mithridatea, Diod.
ittI., X. 35, ed. Bip.) VI., Philopatob ('Apia-
pifhit, [Comp. Aid. Alex.] 'ApiBiii [Vulg- Ari-
arathet], probably signifying " great " or " honor-
able matter," from the roots existing in art/as
(Sanskrit), '• honorable," and rata (head), "mas-
ter;" Smith, Diet Biogr. s. v.), king of Cappa-
docia b. c. 163-130. He was educated at Rome
(Liv. xlii. 19); and his whole policy was directed
according to the wishes of the Romans. This sub-
servience cost him his kingdom B. o. 158 ; but he
was shortly afterwards restored by the Romans to
a share in the government (App. Syr. 47; cf.
Polyb. xxxii. 30, 33; Polyb. iii. 5); and on the
capture of his rival Olopherues by Demetrius Soter,
regained the supreme power (Just. xxxv. 1). He
fell in b. o. 130, in toe war of the Romans against
Aristonicus,wbo claimed the kingdom of Pergamus
on the death of AUalus III. (Just, xxxvii. 1, 3).
Letters were addressed to him from Rome in favoi
of the Jews (1 Mace. xv. 23), who in after-times
seem to have been numerous in his kingdom (Acts
ii. 9; comp. 1 Pet I. 1). B. F. W.
ARTDAI [3 syL] (?T!8'- Apaani; [FA.
An<r«oj; Comp. 'Apitati] Aridai), ninth son of
Hainan (Esth. ix. 9).
ABIDATHA (STf-lfi: 1*p$*k<1; [Vat
Alex. FA. 3ap$axai Comp. 'ApSaBd'-] Arida-
tha), sixth son of Haman (Esth. ii. 8).
ARI'EH I properly Arjeh or AryehJ
('T'Sn : 'Apia; [Vat. Aptmi] Alex. [Comp.]
'ApU: Arte). "The Lion," so called probably
from his daring as a warrior: either one of the
accomplices of Pekah in his conspiracy against
Pekahiah, king of Israel, or, as Sebastian Schmid
understands the passage, one of the princes of
Pekahiah, who was put to death with him (9 K.
xv. 38). Rashi explains it literally of a golden
lion which stood in the castle. W. A. W.
A1UBL 0?S V >'', Bon, L e. Aero, of (Sod, or,
hearth of Gods 'Api^X: Ariel).
1. As the proper name of a man (where the
meaning no toubt is the first of those given above)
the word occurs is Ear. viii. 16. This Ariel was
< i of tne - ihief men" who under Eire directed
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154
ABIMATrLEA
the caravan which he led back from Babylon to
Jerusalem.
The wchtl occun alio in reference to two Moab-
ites alain by Benaiah, one of David's chief captains
(S Sam. xxiii. 90; 1 Chr. ri. 23). Ge»9niai and
many otbert agree with our A. V. in regarding the
word at an epithet, " two lion-like men of Moab ; "
but it seem* better to look upon it, with Thenius,
Winer, Fiirst, and others, as a proper name, and
translate " two [sons] of Ariel," supplying the
word ^33), which might easily have fallen out.
A similar word occurs in Num. xxvi. 17, Areli
O^NTW, •» f>e B ** a> of » Gadite, and head of
one of 'the families of that tribe. Both the LXX.
and the Vulg. give Ariel for this word, and Winer
without remark treats it as the same name.
8. A designation given by Isaiah to the city of
Jerusalem (Is. nix. 1 (Ms), 8 (its), 7 [Alex. Io-oa-
ija]). Its meaning is obscure. We must under-
stand by it either "Lion of God" — so Gesenius,
Ewaid, Havernick, Fiirst, and many others — or,
with Umbreit, Knobel, and most of the ancient
Jewish expositors, " Hearth of God," tracing the
•
Brst component of the word to the Arabic $\\, a
»
ire-place or hearth (Gesen. The*. ; Fiirst, Heb. u.
Chald. HandwdrU s. v.). This latter meaning is
suggested by the use of the word in Ex. xliii. 16,
16, as a synonym for the altar of burnt-offering,
although Havernkk ( Cbnunentar Sb. Etech, p.
699), relying on the passage in Isaiah, insists that
even here we must understand Lion of God. The
difficulty is increased by the reading of the text in
Esekiel being itself doubtful On the whole it
seems most probable that the words used by the
two prophets, if not different in form, are at least
different in derivation and meaning, and that as a
name given to Jerusalem Ariel means " Lion of
God," whilst the word used by Ezekiel means
» Hearth of God." F. W. G.
ARIMATHJB'A [A. V. -theV) CApifuOala,
Matt, xxvii. 57; Luke xxiii. 51; John xix. 38), the
birthplace, or at least the residence of Joseph, who
obtained leave from Pilate to bury our Lord in his
"new tomb" at Jerusalem. St. Luke calls this
ilace "a city of Judea; " but this presents no ob-
jection to its identification with the prophet Sam-
jeTs birthplace, the Ram AH of 1 Sam. i. 1, 19,
which is named in the Septuagint Armathaim
(' ApfmBalfi), and by Josephus, Armatha ('ApfiaBd,
Joseph. AM. v. 10, § 3). The Ramathem of the
Apocrypha ('PouoeVp, 1 Mace, xi 84) is probably
the same place. [Ramar.] J. S. H.
A1UOCH CrjV"^ probaUy from ""V a
Hem, "lion like," comp. 7T"~)D3 : 'Apuixvt, LXX.,
*t*riee] in Dan. only: [elsewhere 'Apiix'*! 'A/>'^X'
rheodot: Arioch, Vulg.).
1. "King of Ellasar" (Gen. xiv. 1, 9).
2. "The captain of the guard" of Nebuchad-
• (Dan, ii. 14 ffi,. B. F. W.
3. (E^>i»xi Alex. [Vat Comp. Aid.] 'Apu»x :
Erioek). Properly [?] "Eirioch" or "Erioch,"
Motioned in Jud. i. 6 as king of the Elymnans.
Junius and TreniolUus identify him with Deioeea,
sing of part of Media. W. A. W.
AKTHAI [8syL] C^ng: -povaVue.; [Alex.
AHISTOBULTJS
Powpant; Comp. 'A»«r«tf:] Aritaf), eighth son 0*
Haman (Esth. ix. 9).
ARISTAK'CHTTS (.'Apl<rrapx<>' [""* **
cellent ruler] : ArisUtrchiu), a Thessalonian (Acts
xx. 4; xxvii. 9), who accompanied St. Paul on his
third missionary journey (Acts xix. 29, when b*
is mentioned as having been seized in the tumult
at Epbesus together with Gahu, both ovrtMipmn
TlavAov). We bear of him again as accompanying
the apostle on his return to Asia, Acts xx. 4; and
again xxvii. 2, as being with him on bis voyage to
Rome. We trace him afterwards as St Paul's
cwaix/ulWroj in CoL iv. 10, and Philem. 24,
both these notices belonging to one and the same
time of CoL iv. 7; Philem. 12 ff. After this we
altogether lose sight of him. Tradition, says Wi-
ner, makes him bishop of Apamea. H. A.
* Though Aristarchus is mentioned so often, the
A. V. very strangely speaks of him as « one Aris-
tarchus " in Acts xxvii. 2. He appears from that
passage to have gone with the apostle to Rome of
his own accord. We do not " trace him as Paul's
crvraix/uUwroi (fellow-prisoner ) in Philem. 24 ; "
but since be is reckoned there among the ovrtpyl
(fellow-laborers), we may conclude that he received
the other appellation in Col. iv. 10, because he made
himself the voluntary sharer of Paul's exile and
captivity. To remember the brethren in their
bonds was accounted the same thing as to be
bound with them ; see Heb. xiii. 3 (crwScSsptVoi).
The letters to the Coknsians and to Philemon were
sent away at the same time, which leaves no room
for supposing that Aristarchus had been put in
prison after the letter to Philemon was written.
H.
ARISTOBTJXTJS ('Afnrr6$ovXot [mot ex-
cellent counsellor]: Arisiobolut), a Jewish priest
(2 Mace 1. 10), who resided in Egypt in the reign
of Ptolenueua VI. Philometor (comp. Grimm, 2
Mace 1. 9). In a letter of Judas Maccabeus ha
is addressed (165 n. c.) as the representative of
the Egyptian Jews (' Apurrotioiktp . . . «o) voir it
Aly. 'lout. 2 Mace. L c), and is further styled
"the teacher" (Si3aV*aAo>, i «■ counsellor?) of
the king. Josephus makes no mention of him
but there can be little doubt that he is identical
with the Peripatetic philosopher of the name (Clem.
Alex. Sir. v. § 98; Euseb. Prop. Ev. viiL 9), who
dedicated to Ptol. Philometor his allegoric exposi-
tion of the Pentateuch (Bf/SAotu Itayqruco* tow
Muvaias ri/tou, Euseb. H. E. rii. 32). Consid-
erable fragments of this work have been preserved
by Clement and Eusebius (Euseb. Prop. Emng.
vii. 13, 14, viii. (8) 9, 10, xiii. 12; in which the
Clementine fragments recur) ; but the authenticity
of the quotations has been vigorously contested.
It was denied by R. Simon, and especially by Hody
(De biil text orio., pp. 60 ff. Oxon. 1706), who was
answered by Vakkenaer (Diatribe de Arithieulo
Judao, Lugd. Bat 1806); and Valckenaer's ar-
guments are now generally considered conclusive.
(Gfrurer, Philo «. s. w. ii. 71 ff.; Daehne, Jid.
Alex. Rehg.-Philos. ii. 73 ft; Ewald, Gtsch. del
VoUcee ltr. iv. 994 n.) The object of Aristobulus
was to prove that the Peripatetic doctrines were
based (tymjoOoj) on the Law and the Prophets,
and his work has an additional interest as showing
that the Jewish doctrines were first brought into
contact with the Aristotelian and not with the Pla-
tonic philosophy (comp. Matter. Bitt 4e tEcoh
if Alex. iii. ±6» ft*.). The fragments which rami*
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ABISTOBULUB
srediscuamd at length in the works quoted above
which contain alio a satisfactory explanation of the
thronological difficulties of the different accounts
of Aristobulus. B. F. W.
AitlHTOBU-liUS {'Apurrifiavkn), » red-
doit at Rome, some of wnose household are greeted
in Bom. rvi. 10. It does not appear whether he
nan a ttoman; or whether he believed: from the
form of expression, probably not. Or he may have
ban dead at the time. The Menolog. Qraconm,
as usual (iii. 17 f.), makes him to have been one
of the 70 disciples, and reports that he preached
the gospel in Britain. II. A.
* It is not safe to infer merely from the expres-
sion itself (4k t«V 'Apiore/Soutov) either that Aris-
tobulus was not a Christian, or that he was not
living when the epistle to the Romans was written.
(See Fritssche, EpUlola ad Romano*, iii. 307).
Paul speaks twice precisely in the same way of Ste-
phanas (1 Cor. L 16, and xvi. 15); but we happen
to learn from 1 Cor. xvi. 17, that Stephanas just
than was with the apostle at Ephesus (yoffw M
3" wopovo-ff STsaWa), and consequently separat-
froin his family at Rome. It is quite possible
that Aristobulus was at Corinth when Paul wrote
to the Romans, though his proper home was at
Rome, or the reverse: he himself may have lived at
Corinth, but have had sons or other members of
his family settled at Rome. This entire class of
passages (Nabcissos, Onesiphobub, ChloE)
involves a peculiarity of phrase o logy which has not
been duly recognized. H.
ABK, NOAH'S. [Noah.]
ARK OP THE COVENANT O'VIN).
This, taken generally together with the mercy-seat,
was the one piece of the tabernacle's furniture espe-
cially invested with sacredness and mystery, and is
therefore the first for which precise directions were
delivered (Ex. xxv.). The word signifies a mere
ehest or box, and is (ss well as the word i*^?*,
"ark" of Noah) rendered by the LXX. and New
Testament writers by itifla-nSj. We may remark :
(I.) its material dimensions and fittings; (II.) its
design and object, under which will be included its
contents; and (III.) its history.
/^\
Egyptian Ark. (BosaUlni, p. 90 )
L It appears to have been an oblong chest of
victim (acacia) wood, 9j cubits long, by 1} broad
«od deep. Within and without gold was overlaid
m the wood, and on the upper side or lid, which
was edged round about with gold, the mercy-wat,
Supporting the cherubim one at each end, ana re-
garded as the symbolical throne of the Divine pres-
sneo [Chkrurim and Mercy-seat], was placed.
Qui ark was fitted with rings one at each of the
ABK OB* THE COVENANT 155
four comers, and therefore two on each side, sari
through these were passed staves of the same wood
similarly overlaid. By these staves, which always
remained in the rings, the LevHes of the house of
Kohath, to whose office this especially appertained,
bore it in its prepress. Probably, however, when
removed from within the veil, in the most holy
place, which was its proper position, or when taken
out thence, priests were its bearers (Num. vii. 9, x.
21, iv. 5, 19, 30; 1 K. viii. 3, 6). The ends of
the staves were visible without the veil in the holy
place of the temple of Solomon, the staves being
drawn to the ends, apparently, but not out of the
rings. The ark, when transported, wss enveloped
in the " veil " of the dismantled tabernacle, hi the
curtain of badgers' skins, and in a blue cloth over
all, and was therefore not seen.
II. Its purpose or object was to contain invio-
late the Divine autograph of the two tables, that
covenant " from which it derived its title, the idea
of which was inseparable from it, and which may
be regarded ss the depotitum of the Jewish dispen-
sation. The perpetual safe custody of the material
tables no doubt suggested the moral observance of
the precepts inscribed. It was also probably a reli-
quary for the pot of manna and the rod of Aaron.
We read in 1 K. viii. 9, that " there was nothing
in the ark save the two tables of stone which Hoses
pat there at Horeb." Yet St Paul, or the author
of Heb. ix. 4, asserts that, beside the two tables of
stone, the " pot of manna " and " Aaron's rod that
budded " were inside the srk, which were directed
to be " laid up " and " kept before the tetiimony,"
i. e. before the tables of the law (Ex. xl. 30); and
probably, since there is no mention of any other
receptacle for them, and some would have been ne-
cessary, the statement of 1 K. viii. 9 implies that
by Solomon's time these relics had disappeared.
The expression l' 1 "^ T21S, Deut xxxi. 96, ob-
scurely rendered " in the side of the ark " (A. V.),
merely means " beside " it. The words of the
A. V. in 1 Chr. xiii. 3, seem to imply an use of
the srk for the purpose of an oracle; but this is
probably erroneous, and " we sought it not " the
m ea ning ; so the LXX. renders it: see Gesenius.
Lex. s. t. trn^.
Occupying the most holy spot of the whole sanct-
uary, it tended to exclude any idol from the centre
of worship. And Jeremiah (iii. 16) looks forward
to the time when even the ark should bo " no mors
remembered," as the climax of spiritualized religion
apparently in Messianic times. It was also the
support of the mercy-seat, materially symbolizing,
perhaps, the "covenant" as that on which "mercy"
rested. It also furnished a legitimate vent to that
longing after a material object for reverential feel-
ing which is common to all religions. It was,
however, never seen, save by the high-priest, and
resembled in this respect the Deity whom it sym-
bolized, whose face none might look upon and live
(Winer, ad be. note). That this reverential feeling
may have been impaired during its absence among
the Philistines, seems probable from the example
of I'zzah.
III. The chief {sets In the earlier history of the
srk (see Josh. iii. and vi.) need not be recited
We may Ljtlce, however, a fiction of the Rabbis
that then sere two arks, one which remained in
the shrine, and another which preceded the ossnn
on its march, wd thai this latter oonteimi »b»
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156 AKK OF THE OOVENAXT
broken tablet of the law, as the former the whole
net. In the decline of religion in a later period a
superstitious aecurity was attached to iU pretence
In battle. Yet, though this was rebuked bj iU per-
mitted capture, when captured its sanctity was
vindicated by miracles, as seen in its arenging
progress through the Philistine cities. From this
period till David's time its abode was frequently
shifted. It sojourned among several, probably Le-
vities], fiuniliee (1 Sam. vii. 1; 2 Sam. vi. 8, 11;
1 Chr. xiii. 13, zv. 24, 28) in the border villages
of Eastern Judah, and did not take its place in
the tabernacle, but dwelt in curtains, ». «. in a asp-
erate tent pitched for it in Jerusalem by David.
Its bringing up by David thither was a national
festival, and its presence there teems to have sug-
gested to hit piety the erection of a bouse to receive
it. Subsequently that house, when completed, re-
ceived, in the installation of the ark in its shrine,
the signal of its inauguration by the effulgence of
Divine glory instantly manifested. Several of the
Psalms contain allusions to these events («. g. niv.,
ihrii., exxxii.) and Pa. ov. appears to have been
composed on the occasion of the first of them.
When idolatry became more shameless in the
kingdom of Judah, Msntssah placed a "carved
image" in the " bouse of God," and probably re-
moved the ark to make way for it. This may
account for the subsequent statement that it was
reinstated by Jodah (2 Chr. miii. 7, xxxv. 3).
It was probably taken captive or destroyed by Neb-
uchadnezzar (2 Esdr. x. 22). Prideaux's argu-
ment that there mutt have been an ark in the
second temple is of no weight against express testi-
mony, such as that of Josephut (B. J. v. S, § 5)
and Tacitus (Bitt. v. 9, inania arcana), confirmed
alto by the Rabbins, who state that a sacred stone
called by them i*TVIU7 )3S, " stone of drinking "
[Stonk], stood in its stead; as well as by the
marked silence of those apocryphal books which
enumerate the rest of the principal furniture of the
sanctuary as present, besides the positive statement
of 2 Esdr. as above quoted.
aVypttan Ark. (Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt.)
The ritual of the Etruscans, Greeks, Romans,
and other ancient nations, included the use of what
demons Akxandrinua calls xlffrai uwrutal (Pro-
«ppt. p 12); but especially that of the Egyptians,
ii whose religious processions, as represented on
Monuments, such an ark, surmounted by a pair of
winged figures like the cherubim, constantly ap-
pears (Wilkinson, An. Egypt, v. 271, 275). The
tame Clement (Strom, v. 678) also contains an
illusion of a proverbial character to the ark and its
rites, which seems to show that they were popularly
known, where he says that "only the master
UUaV**Ao*) may uncover the ark" (jufimrit)-
ARMAGEDDON
In Latin ahn, the word arcanum, com tcted wits
area and arceo, Is the recognized term fur a sacred
mystery. Dmstrationt of the same subject oocm
also Phrt. <fe Is. et On. c 89; Ov. Art Am. ii
609, Ac; Enteb. Prop. Evang. ii. 3; CatuU. lxiv
960-1; ApuL Met at 262. H. H.
ARKTTB, THE ftTjyn, Sam. Cod
, P11S : 'Kpovmuof- Aracams), one of the fiunitin
of the Canaanitet (Gen. x. 17; 1 Chr. 1. 16), and
from the context evidently located in the north of
Phoenicia. Josephut (Ant. i. 6, J 2) gives the
name at 'ApovKatot, and at possessing 'Apxvr
tV «V fy Ai/9aW. He also again mentions the
place ('Apicata, B. J. vii. 5, § 1) in defining the
position of the Sabbatical river. The name it
found in Pliny (v. iff), and Ptolemy (v. 16), and
from i£liut Lampridius (Alex. Sn.) we learn that
the Urbt Areata contained a temple dedicated to
Alexander the Great. It was the birthplace of
Alexander Severus, and was thence called Ceesarea
Libani. Area was well known to the Crusaders,
who under Raimond of Toulouse besieged it for two
months in 1099 in vain ; it was, however, afterwards
taken by William of Sartanges. In 1202 it was
totally destroyed by an earthquake. ITw site which
now bears the name of 'Aria ( L»«-t ) lies on the
coast, 2 to 2J hours from the shore, about 12 miles
north of Tripoli, and 6 south of the Nokr tl Khtbir
(Eleutherus). 1T» great coast road passes half-way
between it and the tea. The site is marked by a
rocky teQ rising to the height of 100 feet close above
titeNohrArko. On the top of the tell is an area
of about two acres, and on this and on a plateau to
the north the ruins of the former town are scat-
tered. Among them are some columns of granite
and syenite (Rob. iii. 679-81; Ges. 1073; Winer,
M.V.; Reland,676; Burckhardt, 162; DkLofGr.
and San. Geogr., art. Abca). G.
ARMAGEDDON ([' Ap/my <*Uv\ Lachm.
Tisch.] 'AppaytSdv: [Armagedon], Rev. xvi 16).
It would be foreign to the purpose of this work to
enter into any of the theological controversies con-
nected with this word. Whatever its full symbol-
ical import may be, the image rests on a geograph-
ical basis; and the locality implied in the Hebrew
term here employed (rov r&wov rbv koK6uu*vo9
'Eftpalarl 'ApuaytSM is the great battlefield of
the Old Testament, where the chief conflicts took
place between the Israelites and the enemies of
God's people. The passage is best illustrated by
comparing a similar one in the book of Joel (iii. 2,
12), where the scene of the Divine judgments it
spoken of in the prophetic imagery as the " valley
of Jehoshaphat," the fact underlying the image
being Jehoshaphat's great victory (2 Chr. xx. 26 ;
see Zech. xiv. 2, 4). So here the scene of the
struggle of good and evil is suggested by that battle-
field, the plain of Kadraelon, which was famous for
two great victories, of Harak over the Canaanitet
(Judg. iv., v.), and Gideon over the Midianites
(Judg. vii.); and for two great disasters, the death
of Saul in the invasion of the Philistines (1 Sain.
xxxi. 8), and the death of Josiah in the invasion
of the Egyptians (2 K. xxiii. 99, 80; 2 Chr. xxxv
29). With the first and fourth of these events
Megiddo (MaytSSi in the LXX. and Josephus) hi
especially connected. Hence ' Ap- furyttiy, u tbt
bill of Megiddo." (See Bahr's AVrcwrat ot
Herod B. 169.) The same figurative language Is
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ARMENIA
wd by one of tin Jewiih prophet* (Zech. xii. 11).
As regards the Apocalypse, it is remarked by SUn-
ley (5. o> P. p. 330), that this imagery would be
peculiarly natural tc a Galilssan, to whom the (one
of these battle* wai familiar. [Mcgiddo.]
J.S.H.
AKMETNIA CAoueWa) is nowhere mentioned
under that name in the original Hebrew, though
it occurs in the English Torsion (2 K. xix. 87),
where our translators have very unnecessarily sub-
stituted it for Ararat (comp. marginal reading).
[Here the LXX. read '\papiB (Alex. Apo8a8),
Vulg. Armaui.} The absence of the nnmt, how-
ever, which was not the indigenous name of the
people, by no means implies that the Hebrew writers
were unacquainted with the country. They un-
doubtedly describe certain districts of it under the
names Ararat, Hinni, and Togarmah. Of these
three the latter appears to have the widest signif-
ication. It is the name of a race (Gen. x. 3), and
not of a locality, and is used by Ezddel as descrip-
tive of the whole country (xxtU. 14, xxxviii. 6),
while the two former are mentioned together, and
have been identified with separate localities.
Armenia is that lofty plateau whence the rivers
Euphrates, Tigris, Amies, and Aeampsis, pour
down their waters in different directions, the two
first to the Persian Gulf, the hut two respectively
to the Caspian and Euxine Seas. It may be termed
the nucttw of the mountain system of western
Asia. From the centre of the plateau rise two
lofty chains of mountains, which run from E. to
W., converging towards the Caspian sea, but par-
allel to each other towards the W., the most north-
erly named by ancient geographers Abus Ms, and
cnhninating in Mount Ararat; the other named
Niphates Ms. Westward these ranges may be
traced in Anti-Taurus and Taurus, while in the op-
posite direction they are continued in Caspius Ms.
The climate of Armenia is severe, the degree of
severity varying with the altitude of different local-
ities, the valleys being sufficiently warm to ripen
the grape, while the high lands are bleak and only
adapted for pasture. Hie latter supported vast
numbers of mules and bones, on which the wealth
of the country chiefly depended ; and hence Strabo
(id. 529) characterizes the country as a<p6tpa Iw
vifarrot, and tells us that the horses were held in
as high estimation as the celebrated Xiawan breed.
The inhabitants were keen traders in ancient as
in modern times.
The slight acquaintance which the Hebrew
writers had of this country was probably derived
from the Phoenicians. There are signs of their
Knowledge having been progressive. Isaiah, in his
prophecies regarding Babylon, speaks of the hosts
as coming from " the mountains " (xiii. 1), while
Jeremiah, in connection with the same subject, uses
the specific names Ararat and Minni (li. 37).
Kiekiel, who was apparently better acquainted with
the country, uses a name which was familiar to its
own inhabitants, Togarmah. Whether the use of
the term Ararat in Is. xxxvii. 38 belongs to the
period in which the prophet himself lived, is a
question which cannot be here discussed. In the
prophetical passages to which we shall refer, it will
ARMLET
167
be noticed that Armenia Is spoken of rather in
reference to its geographical position as one of the
extreme northern nations with which the Jews wen
acquainted, than for any more definite purpose.
(1.) Ararat is noticed as the place whither the
sons of Sennacherib fled (Is. xxxvii 38). In the
prophecies of Jeremiah (li. 87) it is summoned
along with Minni and Ashsmsr, to the destruction of
Babylon, — the LXX. however only notice the last.
It was the central district surrounding the moon-
tain of that name. (9.) Hum ('3D) b only
noticed in the passage just referred to. It la prob-
ably identical with the district Minyas, in the
upper valley of the Murad-tu branch of the Eu-
phrates (Joseph. Ant. i. 3, § 6). It contains the
root of the name Aimenia according to the gan-
erally received derivation, Har-Minni, '< the moun-
tains of Minni." It is worthy of notice that the
spot where Xenophon ascertains that the name of
the country through which he was passing was Ar-
menia, coincides with the position here assigned to
Minni (Xen. An. iv. 8; Ainsworth, Track of
10,000, p. 1H). (3.) Togarmah (n^naVl :
Bayapud, and OtpyofiA) is noticed in two passages
of Eaekiel, both of which support the idea of its
identity with Armenia. In xxvii. 14 be speaks of
its commerce with the Tynans in " horses, bone-
men, and mules" (A. V.), or, as the words mean,
" carriage-horses, riding-horses, and mules ' ' (HiUig,
Comment), which we have already noticed as the
staple productions of Armenia. That the house
of Togarmah " traded in the fairs of Tyre," as the
A. V. expresses it, is more than the Hebrew text
seems to warrant. The words simply signify that
the Armenians carried on commerce with the Tyr-
ians in those articles. In this passage Togarmah
is mentioned in connection with Meshech and
Tubal; in xxxviii. 6, it is described as "of the
north quarters " in connection with Gomer. Coup-
ling with these particulars the relationship between
Togarmah, Aahkenaz, and Riphat (Gen. x. 3), the
three sons of Gomer, and the nations of which
these patriarchs were the progenitors, we cannot
fail in coming to the conclusion that Togarmah
represents Armenia. We will only add that the
traditional belief of the Armenians themselves, that
they are descended from Thorgomass or Ttorgar-
mah, strongly confirms this view." W. L. B.
ABMLBT (ni^VH, Num. xxxi. 80, %
Sam. i. 10: x \i&Av\ AqnJh [in 3 Sam.] 0paxr
eUiov: [perueeSt,] armilia, brachial*; prop
erly a fetter, from "T?^, a $tq>; comp. Is. iii
" • vr» an Indebted ft* a valuabt work on Armenia
and Persia to the American missionaries, Msssrs. II. O.
0. Dwtght sod Hi Smith, who mat* a lour of observa-
*km Id thaas eonntrVa In 1880. We hava a still later
Assvreu Araks, from Nbvrrah Marbles, Britis
Mnssunv.
5f, and Amturr), so osnsment universal W <-
work from Dr. Dwight (1880)
revived In the Best," treating
moral changes which are taking
mensus Jt Turkey
"Cbi
of • . fi.tt
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ARMLET
East, especially among women ; used by princes as
me of the Insignia of royalty, and by distinguished
persons in general. The word ia not naed in the
A. V., aa even in 3 Sam. L 10, they render it "by
the bracelet on hia arm." Sometimes only one waa
worn, on the right arm (Ecclus. xxi. 81). From
Cant viii. S, it appears that the signet sometimes
aonslstrd of a Jewel on the armlet.
Then ornaments were worn by most ancient
princes. They are frequent on the sculptures of
PersepoUs and Nineveh, and were set in rich and
batastic shapes, resembling the beads of animals
(Layard, .VtneveA, ii. 898). The kings of Persia
wore them, and Astyagea presented a pair among
ither ornaments to Cyrus (Xen. Cyr. i. 3). The
^Ethiopians, to whom some were sent by Cam-
oyses scornfully characterized them as weak fetters
(llerjd. ii. 23). Nor were they confined to the
king*, since Herodotus (viii. 113) calls the Persians
geneially if><A.toaWpoi. In the Egyptian monu-
ment* "kings are often r ep res en ted with armlets
and brvdets, and in the Leyden Museum is one
bearing the name of the third Thothmes." [A
gold Uaeelet figured below.] (Wilkinson's Ane.
■sTptlan Armlet. From the Leyden at Datum.
Acjpi Hi. 875, and Plates 1, 9, 14). They were
even used by the old British chiefs (Turner, Angl.
Sax. i. 383). The story of Tarpeia shows that
they were common among the ancient Sablnes, but
the Romans considered the use of them effeminate,
although they were sometimes given as military re-
wards (Uv. x. 44). Finally, they are still worn
among the most splendid regalia of modem Oriental
sovereigns, and it is even said that those of the
king of Persia are worth a million sterling (Kitto,
Pict. Bist.ofPaLi.iaO). They form the chief
wealth of modern Hindoo ladies, and are rarely
taken off. They are made of every sort of material
from the finest gold, jewels, ivory, coral, and pearl,
down to the common glass rings and varnished earth-
enware bangles of the women of the Deccan. Now,
M in ancient times, they are sometimes plain, some-
Ames enchased, sometimes with the ends not joined,
and sometimes a complete circle. The arms are
nmetlmes quite covered with them, and if the
wearer be poor, it matters not how mean they are,
provided only that they glitter. It is thought essen-
tial to beauty that they should fit dose, and hence
llarmer calls them " rather manacles than Lrace-
wots," and Buchanan says "that the poor girls
rarely get them on without drawing blood, and
rubbing part of the akin from the hand; and aa
they wear great numbers, which often break, they
suffer much from their love of admiration." Their
vnormous weight may be conjectured from Gen.
udv. 94. [Bracelet.] F. Vf. F.
ARMOTJI C3bTH jPalalimt, palace tav
ABMS
malt]: •Rp/mnt; [Vat Ep/iawxi; Ales, -mat
Aid. 'Zpiaml; Comp. 'kppmrW) Armom), mm of
Saul by Kixpah (3 Sam. xxt. 8).
* ARMORY (pV??., which Luther renders Bat.
nuchhaui and De Wette Zeugkatu) occurs only m
Neh. iii. 19 (A. V.), and is mentioned there as being
opposite the part of the walls of Jerusalem built by
Kzka (3) after the captivity. The same place, no
doubt, ia meant in Is. nil. 8 (P$.?). whether we
render there "armorer" (A. V.) or "armory of the
house of the forest," t. e. (as more fully in 1 Kings
vii. 9 ff.) "of the forest of Lebanon," and so called
because built with cedars brought from Lebanon.
See KnobeL ExtgtL J/andb. v. 158; and Gesen-
ius, Sber den Jama, ii. 690. This "armory,"
therefore, was an apartment in this "house" or
palace of Solomon, in which, as we see expressly
from 1 Kings x. 16, 17, be deposited his " golden
targets and shields " (KsiL Bicker der Kdmge, p.
163). It appears to have existed still, or remains
of it, in the time of Nebemiab. Gesenius infers
from Neh. iii. 19 (though the local indication then
is very indefinite) that it was situated on Ofhzl,
the southern projection of Horiah (Thetaur. ii.
619); but a different view ia presented under
Palace. H.
ARMS, ARMOR In the records of a
people like the Children of Israel, so large a part
of whose history was passed in warfare, we nat-
urally look for much information, direct or indirect,
on the arms and modes of fighting of the nation
itself and of those with whom it came into con-
tact.
Unfortunately, however, the notices that we find
in the Bible on these points sre extremely few and
meagre, while even those few, owing to the uncer-
tainty which rests on the true meaning and fores
of the terms, do not convey to us nearly all the in-
formation which they might This is the more to
be regretted because the notices of the history,
scanty as they are, are literally everything we have
to depend un, inasmuch as tbey are not yet sup-
plemented and illustrated either by remains of the
arms themselves, or by those commentaries which
the sculptures, vases, bronzes, mosaics, and paint-
ings of other nations furnish to the Dodoes of
manners and customs contained in their literature.
In remarkable contrast to Greece, Rome, Egypt,
and we may now add Assyria, Palestine has not yet
yielded one vestige of the implements or utensils
of life or warfare of its ancient inhabitants; nor
has a single sculpture, piece of pottery, coin, or
jewel, been discovered of that people with whose
life, as depicted in their literature, we are more fa-
miliar than with that of our own ancestors. Even
the relations which existed between the customs of
Israel and those of Egypt on the one hand, and
Assyria on the other, have still to be investigated,
so that we are prevented from applying to the his-
tory of the Jews the immense amount of informa-
tion which we possess on the warlike customs of
these two nations, the former especially. Perhaps
the time will arrive for investigations in Palestine
of the same nature as those which have, within the
last ten years, given us so much insight into As.
Syrian manners; but in the meantime all that cap
be done here is to examine the various terms by
which instruments of war appear to be designated
in the Bible, in the light of such help as can be
got from the comparison of parallel passages, treat
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AHM8
Ike derivation of the word*, and from the render-
lags o? the ancient versions.
The subject naturally divides itself into — I.
Offensive weapons : Arms. II. Defensive weapons :
Armor.
I. Offensive weapons : 1. Apparently the earliest
known, and most widely used, was the Chereb
(3*in), « Sword," from a not signifying to lay
watte.
Its first mention in the history is in the narra-
tive of the massacre at Shechem, when " Simeon
and Levi took each man his sword, and came upon
the city boldly and slew all the males " (Gen. xxxiv.
86). But there is an allusion to it shortly before
in a passage undoubtedly of the ear-
liest date (Ewald, i. 446 note): the
expostulation of Laban with Jacob
(Gen. mi. 26). After this, during
the account of the conquest and
of the monarchy, the mention of
the sword is frequent, bnt very
little can be gathered from the cas-
ual notices of the text as to its
shape, size, material, or mode of
use. Perhaps if anything is to be
inferred it is that the chereb was
not either a heavy or a long weapon.
That of Ehud was only a cubit, i. e.
18 inches long, so as to have been
concealed under his garment, and
nothing is said to lead to the infer-
ence that it was shorter than usual,
for the " dagger " of the A. V. is
without any ground, unless it be a
rendering of the pax<uoa of the
LXX. But even assuming that
Ehud's sword was shorter than us-
ual, yet a consideration of the nar-
ratives in 2 Sam. u. 16 and xx. 8-
10, and also of the ease with which
David used the sword of a man so much larger
than himself as Goliath (1 Sam. xvii. 51, xxi. 8,
AJUfS
159
K. U. 5. A ghastly picture is there given us o*
the murdered man and his murderer. The unfor-
tunate Amasa actually disembowelled by tho single
stroke, and " wallowing " in his blood in the middle
of the road — the treacherous Joab standing over
him, bespattered from his " girdle " to his " shoes"
with the blood which had spouted from his victim I
The chereb was carried in a sheath ("l?£l> 1
Sam xvii. 51; 9 Sam. xx. 8, only: 7T3, 1 Chr.
xxi. 37, only) slung by a girdle (1 San. xxr. 13)
and resting upon the thigh (Ps. xlv. 3; Tudg. UL
16), or upon the hips (2 Sam. xx. 8). ' Girding
on the sword " was a symbolical expressk-n for som-
•), goes to shew that the chereb was both a lighter
and a shorter weapon than the modern sword.
What frightful wounds one blow of the sword of
the Hebrews could Inflict, if given even with the
left hand of a practiced swordsman, maj be gath-
ered from a comparison of 2 Sam. xx 8-12 writ. 1
Persian Sword, or Aclases*.
mencing war, the more forcible because in times of
peace even the king in state did not wear a sword
(1 K. iii. 24); and a similar expression occurs to
denote those able to serve (Judg. viii. 10; 1 Chr.
xxi. 5). Other phrases, derived from the chereb
are, "to smite with the edge" (literally "mouth,"
comp. arifUL, and comp. ''devour," Is. i. 20) of
the "sword" — "slain with the sword" — "men
that drew sword," Ac.
Swords with two edges are occasionally referred
to (Judg. iii 16; Ps. cxlix. 6), and allusions are
found to "whetting" the sword (Dent, xxxii. 41;
Ps. briv. 3; Ez. xxi. 9). There is uo reference
to the material of which it was compused (unless
it be Is. ii. 4; Joel iii. 10); doubtless it was of
metal from the allusions to its brightness and " glit-
tering " (see the two passage* quoted above, and
others), and the ordinary word for blade, namely,
3H . > " * name." From the expression (Josh. v.
2, 3) "swords of rock," A. V. "sharp knives," we
may perhaps infer that in early times the material
was flint.
2. Next to the sword was the Spear; and of
this weapon we meet with at least three distinct
kinds.
a. The Chamtk (/TOO), » " Spear," and that
of the largest kind, as appears from various circum-
stances attending it* mention. It was the weapon
of Golnub. — its staff like a weaver's beam, the Iraq
head alone weighing 600 shekels, about 2ft lbs. (1
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ASMS
Bun. xvii. 7, 45; 2 Sun. xzi. 19; 1 Cbr. xx. 5),
■nd alio of other giants (2 Sun. xxiii. 21; 1 Chr.
xi. 23) and mighty warrion (2 Sam. ii. 23, xxiii.
18; 1 Chr. xi. 11, 20). The chamth was the
habitual companion of King Saul — a fit weapon
lor one of his gigantic stature — planted at the head
of hu sleeping-place when on an expedition (1 Sam.
xxvi. 7, 8, 11, 12, 16, 22), or held in hU hand
when mustering his forces (xxii. 6); and on it the
dying king is leaning when we catch our last
glimpse of his stately figure on the field of Gilboa
(2 Sam. i- 6). His fits of anger or madness be-
come even more terrible to us, when we find that it
was this heavy weapon and not the lighter "jave-
lin ' (as the A. V. renders it) that he cast at David
(1 Sun. rriii. 10, 11, xix. 9, 10) and at Jonathan
(xx. 83). A striking idea of the weight and force
of this ponderous arm may be gained from the fact
that a mere back thrust from the hand of Abner
was enough to drive its butt end through the body
of Asahel (2 Sam. ii. 33). The chamth is men-
tioned also in 1 Sam. xiii. 19, 22, xxi. 8; 2 K. xi.
10; 2 Chr. xxiii. 9, and in numerous passages of
poetry.
I Apparently lighter than the preceding, and
in more than one passage distinguished from it, was
the CiiUn (p-pS), to which the word "Javelin
perhaps best answers (Ewald, Wwrftpitu). It
would be the appropriate weapon for such ma-
neuvering as that described in Josh. viii. 14-27, and
could with ease be held outstretched for a consid-
erable time (18, 26; A. V. "spear"). When
not in action the ciddn was carried on the back of
Persian Spawn.
the warrior, between the shoulders (1 Sam. xvii. 6,
"target," and margin "gorget"). Both in this
passage and in verse 45 of the same chapter the
cidun is distinguished from the chamth. In Job
zxxix. 23 ("spear") the allusion seems to be to
the quivering of n javelin when poised before hurl-
jigit.
c. Another kind of spear was the Romach
(rVCh). In the historical books it occurs in Num.
xxt. 7 ("javelin"), and 1 K. xviii.28 ("lancets;"
1611, "lancers"). Also frequently in the later
books, especiiilly in the often recurring formula for
arms, " shield and ipear." 1 Chr. xii. 8 (" buck-
ler"), 24 ("spear"), 2 Chr. xi. 12, xiv. 8, xxv. 5,
juid Neh. iv. 13, 16-21; Ee. xxxix. 9, Ac.
a*. A lighter missile or " dart " was probably the
Skdaeh (PlbtP). It* root signifies to project or
*9id out, but unfortunately there is nothing beyond
■he derivation to guide us to any knowledge of its
nature. See 2 Chr. xxiii. 10, xxxii. 5 ("darts");
Neh. iv. 17, 23 (see margin); Job xxxiii. 18, xxxvi.
IS: Joel ii. 8.
ARMS
e. The word Shebet (ttjtt?), the ordinary mean
ing of which is a rod or staff; with the derived fores
of a baton or sceptre, is used once only with a mil-
itary signification, for the "darts" with which
Joab despatched Absalom (2 Sam. xviii. 14).
3. Of missile weapons of ofcuse the chief was
undoubtedly the Bow, Kahtth (n$i3); it fa met
with in the earliest stages of the history, in use
both for the chase (Gen. xxi. 20, xxvii. 8) and war
(xlviii. 22). In later times archers accompanied the
armies of the Philistines (1 Sam. xxxi. 8; 1 Chr.
x. 3) and of the Syrians (1 K. xxii. 84). Among
the Jews its use was not confined to the common
soldiers, but captains high in rank, as Jehu (2 K.
ix. 24), and even kings' sons (1 Sam. xviii. 4) car-
ried the bow, and were expert and sure in its us»
(2 Sam. i. 22). The tribe of Benjamin seems U
have been especially addicted to archery (1 Chr.
viii. 40, xii. 2; 2 Chr. xiv. 8, xvii. 17); but there
were also bowmen among Reuben, Gad, Mamaseb
(1 Chr. v. 18), and Ephraim (Pa. lxxviil. £',.
Egyptian Bows.
Of the form or structure of the bow we eaa
gather almost nothing;. It seems to have been bent
with the aid of the foot, ns now, for the word com-
monly used for it is IT^T, to tread (1 Chr. v. 18
viii. 40; 2 Chr. xiv. 8; h. t. 18; Pi. vil. 12,4c)
Bows of steel (or perhaps brass, ~ PITO) art
mentioned as if specially strong (2 Sam. xxii. 85;
Ps. xviii. 34). The string is occasionally named,
"1^ or ^^PP. It was probably at first some
bind-weed or natural cord, since the same word is
used in Judg. xvi. 7-9 for " green withs."
In the allusion to bows in 1 Chr. xii. 2, it will
he observed that the sentence in the original stands
"could use both the right hand and the left in
stones and arrows out of a bow," the words " hurt-
ing" and "shooting" being interpolated by the
translators. It is possible that a kind of bow for
shooting bullets or stones is here alluded to, like
the pellet-bow of India, or the " stone-bow " in us*
in the middle ages — to which allusion is made by
Shakespeare (Twelfth Night, it 5), and which ii
Wisd. v. 22 is employed as the translation of *-»
r/>o0i\oi. Thw latter word occurs in the LXX.
text of 1 Sam. xiv. 14, in a curious variation of a
passage which in the Hebrew is hardly intelligible —
<V PoKlm, vol «V Ttrpofiikoit, *ol I* «ri!xAa{
tow wetfov: "with things thrown, and with stone-
bows, and with flints of the fleU." If this h*
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ARMS
accepted as the true reading we hare here by com-
parison with xiv. 37, 43, an interesting confirma-
tion of toe statement (xiii. 19-22) of the degree to
which the Philistines had deprived the people of
arms; leaving to the king himself .nothing but his
faithful spear, and to his son, no sword, no shield,
and nothing but a stone-bow and a staff (A. V.
'rod").
The Arrows, Chiixim (CSP), wen carried
in a quiver, TheU ( v^, Gen. xxvii. 3, only), or
Ailqnh (rratfTt*, Pa. xxii. 8, ilia. 9, exxvii. 4).
From an allusion in Job vi. 4, tbey would seem to
have been sometimes poisoned; and the "sharp
arrows of the mighty with coals of juniper," in Ps.
cxz. 4, may point to a practice of using arrows
with suuie burning material attached to them.
4. The Sllso, Ktla' {v2\)), is first mentioned
n Judg. xx. 16, where we hear of the 300 Beuja-
mites who with their left hand could " sling stones
at an hairbreadth, and not miss." The simple
weapon with which David killed the giant Philis-
tine was the natural attendant of a shepherd, whose
duty it was to keep at a distance and drive off any-
thing attempting to molest his flocks. The sling
would be familiar to all shepherds and keepers of
sheep, and therefore the bold metaphor of Abigail
has a natural propriety in the mouth of the wife of
a man whose possessions in flocks were so great as
those of Nabal — "as for the souls of thine ene-
mies, them shall God sling out, as out of the
middle of a sling " (1 Sam. xxv. 29).
Later in the monarchy stingers formed part of
the regular army (2 K. iii. 26), though it would
seem that the slings there mentioned must have
been more ponderous than in earlier times, and
that those which could break down the fortifications
of so strong a place as Kir-haraseth must have
been more like the engines which king L'cziah con-
trived to " shoot great stones " (2 Chr. xxvi. 15).
In verse 14 of the same chapter we find an allusion
(concealed in the A. V. by two interpolated words)
to stones specially adapted for slings — " Uzziah
prepared throughout all the host shields and spears
. . . bows and sling-stones."
II. Passing from weapons to Armor — from of-
fensive to defensive arms — we find several ref-
erences to what was apparently armor for the body.
1. The Shiryon (7'VHrj or in its contracted
form ]J"!E\ • n<1 om * T"?I?)i accordiug to the
LXX. flupof, Vulg. lorica, — a Bkbastpi.atk.
Thii occurs in the description of the arms of Go-
liath - DN»i2ttf2 rV"F. » "coat of man,"
literally a « breastplate of scales " ( 1 Sam. xvii. 5),
and farther (38), where ihiryoa alone is rendered
•■ coat of mail." It may be noticed in passing that
this passage contains the most complete inventory
of the furniture of a warrior to he found in the
whole of the sacred history. ( Joliath was a Philis-
tine, and the minuteness of the description of his
eauipiueat may be due either to the fact that the
Philistines were usually better armed than the He-
brews, or to the impression produced by the con-
trast on this particular occasion between this fully
armed champion and the wretchedly appointed
soldiers of the Israelite host, stripped as tbey had
been very shortly before, both of arms and rf the
of supplying them, sc completely Cut no
U
▲RMS
161
ismitn could be found in the country, nor nnj
weapons seen among the people, and that even tht
ordinary implements of husbandry had to be re-
paired and sharpened at the forges of the con-
querors (1 Sam. xiii. 19-22. Shirt/an also occurs
lnl K. xxii. 34, and 2 Chr. xviii. 33). The last
cited passage is very obscure; the A. V. follows the
Syriac translation, but the real meaning is prob-
ably "between the joints and the breastplate."
Ewald reads "between the loins and the chest;"
LXX. and Vulgate, " between the lungs and the
breastbone." It is further found in 2 Chr. xxvi.
14, and Neh. iv. 16 ("habergeons"), also in Job
xli. 26 and Is. lix. 17. This word has furnished
one of the names of Mount Ilermon (see Dout. iii.
9; Stanley, p. 403), a parallel to which is found In
the name &wpa£ given to Mount Sipylus in Lydia
It is possible that in Dent. iv. 48, Sion (7«*>ttfl
is a corruption of Mryon [or siryon, cf. Jer. li. 3]
2. Another piece of defensive armor was the
Tachara (K^nj?), which is mentioned but twice,
namely, in reference to the Meti or gown of the '
priest, which is said to have had a hole in the
middle for the bead, with a hem or binding round
the hole " as it were the • mouth ' of an hnbergton "
(MTTI), to prevent the stuff from tearing (Ex
xxviii. 32). The English "habergeon," was the
diminutive of the " hauberk " and was a quilted
shirt or doublet put on over the head.
3. The Helmet is but seldom mentioned. The
word for it is Coio' (MIS, or twice Mlp), from
a root signifying to be high and round. Reference
is made to it in 1 Sam. xvii. 5; 2 Chr. xxvi. 14;
Ex. xxvii. 10.
Assyrian Helmets.
4. Grbavbs, or defenses for the feet (not "legs "
as in the A. V.) — nn§0, Mitiehah, made of
brass, nttTO — are named in I Sam. xvii. 6,
only.
Of the defensive arms borne by the warrior the
notices are hardly less scanty than those just ex
aiuined.
5. Two kinds of Shield are distinguishable.
<i. The Tzhmik (HJS; from a root \2?, U.
protect). This was the large shield, encompassing
(Ps. r. 13) and forming a protection for the whole
person. When not in actual conflict, the tzimvih
was carried before the warrior (1 Sam. xvii. 7, 41 ).
The definite article in the former passage (" Mr "
shield, not "a shield" as in the A. V.) denotes the
importance of the weapon. The word is used with
row* ch (1 Chr. xli. 8, 84: 2 Chr. xi. 12, Ac.) and
chrmilh (1 Chr. xii. 34) as a formula for weapons
generally.
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162
AKMY
6. Of smaller dimensions was the Magen (]V~,
from ]3|, to cover), a buckler or target, probably
for use in band to hand fight. The difference in
■in between this and the tarmali it evident from
1 K. x. It), 17; 2 Chr. ix. 15, 16, where a much
larger quantity of gold is named as being used for
the latter than for the former. The portability of
the magen may be inferred from the notice In 2
Chr xii. 9, 10; and perhaps also from 2 Sam. i.
11. The word is a favorite one with the (wets of
Assyrian Shields.
%jrptlan Shield.
the Bible (see Job xv. 26; Ps. iii. 3, xviii. 2, Ac.).
Like tatmah, it occurs in the formulistic expres-
sions for weapons of war, but usually coupled with
light weapons — the bow (2 Chr. xiv. 8, xvii. 1"),
darts, r\bXJ3 (2 Chr. xxxii. 5).
6. What kind of arm was the Shtlet (lO^tP)
it is impossible to determine. By some translators
it is rendered a "quiver," by some "weapons"
generally, by others a "shield." Whether either
or none of these are correct, it is clear that the
word had a very individual sense at the time. It
denoted certain special weapons taken by David
from Hadadezer king of Zobah (2 Sam. viii. 7 ; 1
Chr. xviii. 7), and dedicated in the temple, where
they did service on the memorable occasion of
Joash's proclamation (2 K. xi. 10; 2 Chr. xxiii. 9),
and where their remembrance long lingered (Cant.
iv. 4). From the fact that these arms were of
gold it would seem that they cannot have been for
offense.
In the two other passages of its occurrence (.Ter.
11. 11; Ez. xxvii. 11) the word has the force of
a foreign arm. G.
ARMY. I. Jewish Army. — The military
organization of the Jews commenced with their de-
parture from the land of Egypt, and was adapted
to the nature of the expedition on which they then
entered. Every man above 20 years of age was a
soldier (Num. i. 3): each tribe formed a regiment,
with its own banner and ibt own leader (Num. ii.
2, x. 14): their positions in the camp or on the
march were accurately fixed (Num. ii.): the whole
army started and stopped at a given signal (Num.
x. 5, 6): thus they came up out of Egypt ready for
the fight (Ex. xiii. 18). That the Israelites "pre-
served the same exact order throughout their march,
may be inferred from Balaam's language (Num.
xxiv. 6). On the approach of an enemy, a con-
scription was made from the general body under the
direction of a muster-master (originally named
"15^1 I*eut *»• 5, "officer," afterwards "tglTO,
ARM"*
2 K. xxv. 19, " scribe of the host," both terms K
earring, however, together in 2 Chi. xrvi. 11, tin
meaning of each being primarily a mrittr or set-tie)
by whom also the officers were appointed (Dent, xx
S). From the number so selected, some might be
excused serving on certain specified grounds (Deut
xx. 6-8; 1 Mace. iii. 56). The army was then di-
vided into thousands and hundreds under their re
spective captains (B>£ Vl*n ^\p, JTSEn -"TO,
Num xxxi. 14), and still further into families
(Num. ii. 34; 2 Chr. xxv. 5, xxvi. 12) — the family
being regarded as the unit in the Jewish polity
From the time the Israelites entered the land of
Canaan until the establishment of the kingdom
little progress was made in military affairs. Tbeii
wan resembled border forayt, and the tactic*
turned upon stratagem rather than upon the dis-
cipline and disposition of the forces. Skillfully
availing themselves of the opportunities which the
country offered, they gained the victory sometimes
by an ambush (Josh. viii. 4); sometimes by sur-
prising the enemy (Josh. x. 9, xi. 7 ; Judg. vii. 21 ) ;
and sometimes by a judicious attack at the time of
fording a river (Judg. iii. 28, iv. 7, vii. 24, xii. 6)
No genera] muster was made at this period; but
the combatants were summoned on the spur of the
moment either by trumpet-call (Judg. iii. 27), by
messengers (Judg. vi. 35), by some significant token
(1 Sam. xi. 7), or, as in later times, by the erection
of a standard (D3, Is. xviii. 3; Jer. iv. 21, li. 27),
or a beacon-fire on an eminence (Jer. vi. 1 1.
With the kings arose the custom of maintaining
a body-guard, which formed the nucleus of a stand-
ing army. Thus Saul had a band of 3000 select
warriors (1 Sam. xiii. 2, xiv. 52, xxiv. 2), and Da-
vid, before his accession to the throne, COO (1 Sam.
xxiii. 13, xxv. 13). This band be retained after 1m
became king, and added the Cherkthitks and
Pelethites (2 Sam. xv. 18, xx. 7), together with
another class, whose name Shaluhim (C*K N br\
rpurrirai, I.XX.) has been variously interpreted
to mean (1) a corps of veteran guards = Roman
triarii (Winer, s. v., Kriegsherr); (2) chariot-
warriors, as being three in each chariot (Gesen.
Thet. p. 142!)); (3) officers of the guard, tiiirtg
in number (Ewald, Geich. ii. 601). The fact that
the Egyptian war-chariot, with which the Jews
were first acquainted, contained but two warriors,
forms an objection to the second of these opinions
(Wilkinson, Anc. Kgypt. i. 335), and the frequent
use of the term in the singular number (2 K. vii.
2, ix. 25, xv. 25) to the third. Whatever be the
meaning of the name, it is evident that it indicated
officers of high rank, the chief of whom (K 7®n,
"lord," 2 K. vii. 2, or tTcbwrt tt'hVl, "chief
of the captains," 1 Chr. xii. 18) was immediately
about the king's person, as adjutant or secretary-at-
war. David further organized a national militi*,
divided into twelve regiments, each of which was
called out for one month in the year under theii
respective officers (1 Chr. xxvii. 1); at the head
of the army when in active service he appointed a
commander-in-chief (rO^"^B7, "captain of the
host," 1 Sun. xiv. 80).
Hitherto the army had consisted entirely of in-
fantry O^C 1 Sam. iv. 10, xv. 4), the use &.
banes having been restrained by divine coounanv
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ARMY
f)eut xrii. 16). The Jews had, however, expni-
•need the gnat advantage to be obtained by env-
ois, both in their encounters with the Canaanitea
(Josh, xvii. 16; Judg. i. 19), and at a later period
with the Syriani (2 Sam. viii. 4, x. 18). The in-
terior of Palestine was indeed generally unsuited
to the use of chariots. The Canaanitea had em-
ployed (hem only in the plains and valleys, such as
jezreel (Josh. xvii. 16), the plain of Philistia (Judg.
i. 19; 1 Sam. xiii. 6), and the upper valley of the
Jordan (Josh. xi. 9; Judg. iv. 3). But the border,
both on the side of Egypt and Syria, was admi-
rably adapted to their use; and accordingly we find
that as the foreign relations of the kingdoms ex-
tended, much importance was attached to them.
David had reserved a hundred chariots from the
spoil of the Syrians (2 Sam. viii. 4). These prob-
ably served as the foundation of the force which
Solomon afterwards enlarged through his alliance
with Egypt (1 K. x. 28, 29), and applied to the
protection of his border, stations or barracks being
erected for them in different localities (1 K. ix. 19).
The force amounted to 1400 chariots, 4000 horses,
at the rate (in round numbers) of three horses for
each chariot, the third being kept as a reserve, and
12,000 horsemen (1 K. x. 28; 2 Chr. i. 14). At
this period the organization of the army was com
paste; and we have, in 1 K. ix. 22, apparently a
list of the various gradation* of rank in the ser-
vice, as follows: — (1) itanban y &W, "men
of war"=pr»ea«ei; (2) D , "T2]? ) " servants," the
lowest rank of officers = lieutenant* ; (8) C y ~iW,
"ftincta" — captain*; (4) D^tD'Ottf, "captains,'
■beady noticed, perhaps = staff- officer* ; (8)
his chariots and his horsemen " — cavalry officer*.
It does not appear that the system established by
David was maintained by the kings of Judah; but
in Israel the proximity of the hostile kingdom of
Syria necessitated the maintenance of a standing
army. The militia was occasionally called out in
time of peace, as by Asa (2 Chr. xiv. 8), by Je-
hoahaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 14), by Amadah (2 Chr.
xxv. 6), and lastly by Dzziah (2 Chr. xxvi. 11);
but these notices prove that such cases were ex
septional. On the other hand the incidental notices
of the body-guard lead to the conclusion that it
was regularly kept up (1 K. xiv. 28; 2 K. xi. 4,
11). Occasional reference is made to war-chariots
(2 K. viii. 21), and it would appear that this branch
if the service was maintained, until the wars with
the Syrians weakened the resources of the king-
lom (2 K. xiii. 7). It was restored by Jotham
Is. ii. 7), but in Hezekiah's reign no force of the
kind coull be maintained, and the Jews were
obliged to seek the aid of Kgvpt for horses and
lhariota (2 K. xviii. 23, 24). This was an evident
■reach of the injunction in Deut xvii. 16, and met
with strong reprobation on the part of the prophet
(asiah (xxxi. 1).
With regard to the arrangement and maneu-
vering of the army in the field, we know but little.
A division into three bodies is frequently mentioned
(Judg. vii 16, ix. 43; 1 Sam. xi. 11; 2 Sam.
iviii. 2). Such a division served various purposes.
u action there would be a centre and two wings -
n camp, relays for the night-watches (Judg. vii.
19); and by the combination of two of the di-
i there would lie a mate sody and a reserve,
ARMY
168
or a strong advanced guard (1 Sam. xiii. 2, xxv
13). Jehoshaphat divided his army into five bodies,
corresponding, according to Ewald (Getchichte, Iii.
192), to the geographical divisions of the kingdom
at that time. May not, however, the threefold
principle of division be noticed here also, the heavy-
armed troops of Judah being considered as the
proper army, and the two divisions of light-armed
of the tribe of Benjamin as an appendage (2 Chr.
xvii. 14-18)?
Hie maintenance and equipment of the soldiers
at the public expense dates from the establishment
of a standing army, before which each soldier armed
himself, and obtained his food either by voluntary
offerings (2 Sam. xvii. 28, 29), by forced exactions
(1 Sam. xxv. 13), or by the natural resources of
the country (1 Sam. xiv. 27). On one occasion
only do we hear of any systematic arrangement for
provisioning the host (Judg. xx. 10). It is doubt-
ful whether the soldier ever received pay even under
the kings (the only instance of pay being mentioned
applies to mercenaries, 2 Chr. xxv. 6); but that he
was maintained, while on active service, and pro-
vided with arms, appears from 1 K. iv. 27, x. 16,
17 ; 2 Chr. xxvi. 14. Notices occur of an arsenal
or armory, in which the weapons were stored (1 K.
xiv. 28; Neh. iii. 19; Cant. iv. 4).
The numerical strength of the Jewish army
cannot be ascertained with any degree of accuracy.
The numbers, as given In the text, are manifestly
incorrect, and the discrepancies in the various state-
ments irreconcilable. At the Exodus the number
of the warriors was 600,000 (Ex. xtl. 87), or 603.-
350 (Ex. xxxviii. 36; Num. i. 46); at the entrance
into Canaan, 601,730 (Num. xxvi. 61). In Da-
vid's time the army amounted, according to one
statement (2 Sam. xxiv. 9), to 1,300,000, namely,
800,000 for Israel and 500,000 for Judah; but ac-
cording to another statement (1 Chr. xxi. 5, 6) to
1,470,000. namely, 1,000,000 for Israel and 470,000
for Judah. The militia at the same period
amounted to 24,000 X 12 = 288,000 (1 Chr. xxvii.
1 ff.). At a later period the army of Judah under
Abijah is stated at 400,000, and that of Israel
under Jeroboam at 300,000 (2 Chr. xiii. 3). Still
later, Aaa's army, derived from the tribes of Judah
and Benjamin alone, is put at 580,000 (2 Chr. xiv
8), and Jehoshaphats at 1.160,000 (2 Chr. xvii.
14 ff.).
Little need be said ou this subject with regard to
the period that succeeded the return from the Baby-
lonish captivity until the organization of military
affairs in Judaea under the Romans. The system
adopted by Judas Maccabteus wan in strict con-
formity with the Mosaic law (1 Mace. iii. 65); and
though he maintained a standing army, varying
from 3000 to 6000 men (1 Mace. iv. 6; 2 Mace,
viii. 16), yet the custom of paying the soldiers ap-
pears to have been still unknown, and to have
originated with Simon (1 Mace xiv. 32). The in-
troduction of mercenaries commenced with John
Hyrcanus, who, according to Jisephus (Ant. xiii
8, | 4), rifled the tombs of the Vings in order t<
' pay them. The intestine commotions that pre-
I vailed in the reign of Alexander Jarnasus obliged
I him to increase the number to 6200 m«n (Joseph.
1 Ant. xiii. 13, $ 6, 14, $ 1); and the same policy
' was followed by Alexandra {Ant. xiii. 16, § 2) and
I by Herod the Great, who had in his pay Thracian.
German, and Gallic troops (Ant. xvii. 8, § 3). Tb*
discipline and arrangement of the army was grad-
ually assimilated to that of the Romans, and tin
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164 AKKA
titles of the officer* borrowed from it (Joseph. B.
:. a. ao, j 7).
II. Roman Amir The Roman army was
divided into legions, the number of which varied
eonsddcrably, each under six tribuni (xi\iapxos,
"chief captain," Acts xxi. 31), who commanded
by turns. The legion was subdivided into ten co-
horts (trrtipa, " baud," Acts x. 1), the cohort into
three maniples, and the maniple into two centuries,
containing originally 100 men, as the name implies,
but subsequently from 50 to 100 men, according to
the strength of the legion. There were thus 60
centuries in a legion, each under the command of a
centarion (iKaTomApxv*, Acts x. 1, 22; excrroV-
Tapxos, Matt. viii. 5, xxvii. 64). In addition to
the legionary cohorts, independent cohorts of vol-
unteers served under the Koman standards; and
Biscoe (History of Aeti, p. 220) supposes that all
the Roman forces stationed in Judsea were of this
class. Joseph us speaks of five cohorts as stationed
at Cffisarea at the time of Herod Agrippa's death
(Ant. xix. 9, $ 2), and frequently mentions that
the inhabitants of Csesarea and Sebaste served in
the ranks (Ant. xx. 8, § 7). One of these cohorts
was named the Italian (Acts x. 1), not as being a
portion of the JtaHca Ugio (for this was not em-
bodied until Nero's reign), but as consisting of
volunteers from Italy (" Cohors militum voluntatis,
quae est in Syria," Gruter, Inter, i. 434). This
cohort probably acted as the body-guard of the proc-
urator. The cohort named " Augustus's " (mrupa
2*/3<«rH), Acts xxvii. 1) may have consisted of the
volunteers from Sebaste (B. J. ii. 12, $ 5; Biscoe,
p. 223). Winer, however, thinks that it was a
cohort Aut/ttsla, similar to the Ugio Augutta
(Realm, s. v. Romer). The head-quarters of the
Roman forces in Judsea were at Ctesarea. A single
cohort was probably stationed at Jerusalem as the
ordinary guard. At the time of the great feasts,
however, and on other public occasions, a larger
force was sent up, for the sake of preserving order
(B. J. ii. 12, § 1, 15, § 3). Frequent disturbances
trose in reference to the images and other emblems
tarried by the Roman troops among their military
nsigns, which the Jews regarded as idolatrous:
deference was paid to their prejudices by a removal
)f the objects from Jerusalem (Ant. xviii. 3, § 1, 5,
$ 3). The ordinary guard consisted of four sol-
diers (rrrpASioy, "quaternion"), of which there
were four, corresponding to the four watches of the
night, who relieved each other every three hours
(Acts xii. 4; cf. John xix. 23; Polyb. vi. 33, $ 7).
When in charge of a prisoner, two watched outside
the door of the cell, while the other two were in-
side (Acts xii. 6). The officer mentioned in Acts
xxriii. 16 (.arpmmttifX'I't "captain of the
guard") was perhaps the prafectut pratorio, or
commander of the Praetorian troops, to whose care
prisoners from the provinces were usually consigned
(Mill. Ep. x. 65). The 8<{«fAaBoi (hneenra, Vulg. ;
"spearmen," A. V.), noticed in Acts xxili. 23, ap-
pear to have been light-armed, irregular troops.
The origin of the name is, however, quite uncertain
(AUbrd, Comm. in I c). W. L. B.
AKTSfA (Arna), one of the forefathers of Ezra
(2 Esdr. i. 2), occupying the place of Zerahiah or
Znraiaa in his genealogy.
A1VNAN (7J-IH [active]: 'Op**?; [Comp.
« This appears to have been the branch called the
9nl ss-aaoUbA, which flows N W. tram Kaiaai tl-
ARNON
'Apvt&v] Arnan). In the received Hebrew ten
" the sons of Arnan " are mentioned In the geneal-
ogy of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 21). But according
to the reading of the LXX., Vulgate, and Syriac
versions, which Houbigant adopts, Amau was the
son of Rephaiah. W. A. W.
ARTJON (1"U"?H: derivable, according to
Ges., The$. p. 163, from roots signifying "swift"
or "noisy," either suiting the character of the
stream: 'Apy&r: Arnon), the river (vP3, ac-
curately "torrent") which formed the boundaiy
between Hoab and the Amorites, on the north <!
Moab (Num. xxi. 13, 14, 24, 26: Judg. xi. 22),
and afterwards between Moab and Israel (Reuben)
(Deut. ii. 24, 36, iii. 8, 12, 16, iv. 48; Josh. xii. 1,
2, xiii. 9, 16; Judg. xi. 13, 26). From Judg. xi.
18, it would seem to have been also the east border
of Moab." See also 2 K. x. 33; Jer. xlriii. 20.
In many of the above passages it occurs in the for-
mula for the site of Aroer, " which is by the brink
of the river Arnon." In Numbers it is simply
"Arnon," but in Deut. and Joshua generally "the
river A." (A. V. sometimes " river of A."). Isaiah
(xvi. 2) mentions its fords; and in Judg. xi. 26 a
word of rare occurrence (T*, hand, comp. Num.
xiii. 29) is used for the nda of the stream. The
" high places of A." (rOC2^, a word which gen-
erally refers to worship) are mentioned in Num. xxi.
28. By Josephus (Ant. iv. 6, § 1) it is described
as rising in the mountains of Arabia and flowing
through all the wilderness (lor/ius) till it falls into
the Dead Sea. In the time of Jerome it was still
known as Arnon ; but in the Samarito-Arabic ver-
sion of the Pentateuch by Abu Said (10th to 12th
cent.) it is given as eUMojeb. There can be no
doubt that the Wady eUMojtb of the present day
is the Arnon. It has been visited and described
by Burckhardt (pp. 372-376); Irby (p. 142); and
Seetzen (Reite, 1854, ii. 347; and in Ritter, Syria,
p. 1195). The ravine through which it Sows is
still the " locum vallis in preempts demorsse satis
horribilera et periculosum " which it was hi the
days of Jerome (Onom.). The Roman road from
Rabbi to DhibSn crosses it at about two hours' dis-
tance from the former. On the south edge of the
ravine are some ruins called Mehattt el-ffaj, and
on the north edge, directly opposite, those still bear-
ing the name of 'Ard'ir [Akokr]. The width
across between these two spots seemed to Burck-
hardt to be about two miles, — the descent on the
south aide to the water occupied Irby 1 ) hour*, —
" extremely steep " (Jerome, per abrvpta detcen-
deng), and almost impassable "with rocks snd
stones." On each face of the ravine traces of the
paved Roman road are still found, with mile-Btonet;
and one arch of a bridge, 31 feet 6 inches in span,
is standing. The stream runs through a level strip
of grass some 40 yards in width, with a few olean-
ders and willows on the margin. This was in Jon*
and July, but the water must often be much mors
swollen, many water-worn rocks lying for above it*
then level.
Where it bursts into the Dead Sea this stream
is 82 ft. wide and 4 ft. deep, flowing through a
chasm with perpendicular sides of red, brown, and
yellow sandstone, 97 ft. wide (romantlsche Feben-
Katrant, Johung the Wtutt/ Mojeb, two or tarts nritae
east from 'Ar&'ir.
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AROD
hor: Seetzen). It then runs through tne delta in
S. W. course, narrowing as it goes, and is 10 ft.
ieep where its waters meet those of the Dead Sea.
(Lynch, Report, May 3, 1847, p. 20.)
According to the information given to Burck-
hardt, its principal source is near Katrnne, on the
Haj route. Ucnce, under the name of Seil es-
Saideh, it flows N. W. to iU junction with the W.
lAJum, one hour E. of 'Ara'ir, and then, as IV.
Mojeb, more directly W. to the Dead Sea. The
W. Mojeb receives on the north the streams of
(he W. Wale, and on the south those of W. She-
Icik and IV. Saliheh (S).
At its junction with the Lejum is a piece of
pasture ground, in the midst of which stands a
hill with ruins on it (Burck. p. 374). May not
these ruins be the site of the mysterious '* city that
is in the midst of the river" (Josh. xiii. 9, 10;
Deut. ii. 36), so often coupled with Aroer? From
the above description of the ravine it is plain that
that city cannot have been situated immediately
below Aroer, as has been conjectured. G.
ATIOD (7H~!S [descemlaiU, Fiirst] : ['ApoaSi;
Vat. 1 ApoSfi, 2. m. ApoaSn ; Comp. 'Apo(£S:]
And), a son of Gad (Num. ixvi. 17), called Arodi
(*y V 1|$) in Gen. xlvi. 16. His family are called
the Arodites (Num. xxvi. 17).
AR'ODI ('"HS.: 'AponSefi; Alex. Apoytis-
ArorH). Arod the son of Gad (Gen. xlvi. 16).
ATtODITES, THE ( v f'SfsJ ■ i 'Apoatl
[Vat. -Jfi]: Arodita). Descendants of Arod the
•on of Gad (Num. xxvi. 17). \V. A. W.
AR'OER (-137"~157, occasionally ygYty, =
ruins, places of which the foundations are laid bare,
Gesenius : ■ ' ApoVjp : Aroer), the name of several
towns of Eastern and Western Palestine.
1. [In .Josh. xii. 2, Koni. and Vat. M. 'AproV;
in .ler. xlviii. 19, Rom. 'Ap^jp.] A city "by the
brink," or "on the bank of" (both the same ex-
pression — " on the lip " > or " by " the torrent Ar-
non, the southern point of the territory of Sihon
king of the Ainorites,'' and afterwards of the tribe
of Keuben (Deut. ii. 36, iii. 12, iv. 48; Josh. xii.
2, xiii. 9, 16; Judg. xi. 26 ; c 2 K. x. 33; 1 Chr.
v. 8), but later again in possession of Moab (Jer.
xlviii. 19). It is described in the Onomastieou
(Aroer) as "usque hodie in vertice montis," "su-
per ripam (x*t\os) torrtntis Amort," an account
agreeing exactly with that of the only traveller of
modern times who has noticed the site, namely,
Burckhardt, who found ruins with the name 'Ara'ir
Ml the old Roman road, upon the very edge of the
precipitous north bank of the Wndy Mcjtb. [Ar-
kon.] I ike all the topography east of the .Ionian,
this site requires further examination. Aroer is
often mentioned in connection with the city that is
■ in," or " in the midst of," " the river." The na-
ture of the cleft through which the Anion flows is
■uch that it is impossible there can have been any
ARPHAXAD
165
a May it not with equal probability be derived from
137"ip, juniper, the modern Arabic 'Ar'ar (see Rob.
I 134, note)? Comp. huz, Rimmon, Tappuarh, and
>ther places deriving their names from trees.
6 From the omission of the name in the tt.ij.rk-
•ble fragment, Num. xxi. 27-80, where the principal
.ii »■ m taken by the Ainorites from Moab are named,
troei would appear not to be one of the very oldest
ddtt PoMtbly U war built by the Amoritea after
town in such a position immediately near Aioer; but
a suggestion has been made above [ A kn< in ). which
on investigation of the spot may clear up this point
2. [In Josh. xiii. 25, Rom. and Vat. M. "Ap
o/3o.] Aroer "that is -racing' (\J2*bp) Rab-
bah " (Rabbah of Amnion), a town "built" bj
and belonging to Gad (Num. xxxii. 34; Josh. xiii.
25; 2 Sam. xxiv. 5). This is probably the plae»
mentioned in Judg. xi. 33, which was shown in
Jerome's time (Onom. Aruir) "in monte, vigesimo
ab /Elia lapide ad septentrionem." Ritter (Syria,
p. 1130) suggests an identification with Ayra, found
by Burckhardt 2J hours S. W. of es-Sait. There
is considerable difference however in the radical
letters of the two words, the second Ain not being
present.
3. Aroer, in Is. xvii. 2, if a place at all,'' must
be still further north than either of the two already
named, and dependent on Damascus. Gesenius,
however, takes it to be Aroer of Gad, and the " for-
saken " state of its cities to be the result of the
deportation of Galilee and Gilead by Tiglatb-Pileser
(2 K. xv. 29). See Ges. Jesain, p. 556.
4. A town in Judah, named only in 1 Sam. xxx.
28. Robinson (ii. 199) believes that he has iden-
tified its site in Wady 'Ar'arah, on the road from
Petra to Gaza, about 11 miles W. S. W. of Blr
es-Seba, a position which agrees very fairly with
the slight indications of the text. G.
AR'OERITE [^V'-iV. : 'Apopt, Vat. Alex.
-ptt: Arorites]. Hothan the Aroerite was the
father of two of David's chief captains (1 Chr. xi.
44).
ATtOM ('Apo>: [Aid. 'Aptby.:] Asonus). The
"sons of Arom," to the number of 32, are enu-
merated in 1 Esdr. v. 16 among those who returned
with Zorobabel. Unless it is a mistake for Asora,
and represents Hashum in Ezr. ii. 19, it has no
parallel in the lists of Ezra and Nehemiah.
W. A. W.
ART AD (TBTJ8 [support, = a strong city]:
'Ap<p6.i; ['Ap<pA8, Alex. Ap<par, etc.:] Arphad), a
city or district in Syria, apparently dependent on
Damascus (Jer. xlix. 23). It is invariably named
with Hamath (now Ilanwh, on the Orontes), but
no trace of its existence has yet been discovered,
nor has any mention of the place been found out
of the Bible (2 K. xviii. 34, xix. 13; la. x. 9,
\\\\ i. 19, xxxvii. 13. In the two List passages it
is rendered in the A. V. Arphad). Arpad has been
identified, but without any ground beyond the sim-
ilarity in the names, with Arvad, the island on the
coast of Phoenicia (Winer). G
ARTHAD. [Arpad.]
ARPHAX'AD (ir35^S: 'Ap<po{tt8; Jot.
' Ap<po£<{5r)s : Arphaxad), the son of Shem and the
ancestor of Eber (Gen. x. 22, 24, xi. 10), and said
to be of the Chaldarans (Joseph, i. 6, 4). Bochart
(Phaleg, ii. 4) supposed that the name was pre-
thcir conquest, to guard the Important boundary of
the Arnon.
c In this placo the letters of the name are trans.
posed, -iVJ-jV.
ft The LXX. hare KaTaXektititUvri tit t6v aiwcu,
»ppareltly reading IV 'HJ for IV'lV *TS ; no>
uo anj jf the ancient Torsions agree with the Huhiwc
text
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166
ABROWS
■erred in that of the province Arrapachitis ('A/i-
iarax<TU, PtoL vi. 1, § 2; 'Apian) in northern
Assyria (comp. Ewald, Gesch. des Voltes Isr., i.
378). Different interpretations of the name have
been given; bat that of Ewald (L c.) appears to
be the best, who supposes it to mean the stronghold
of the Chaldees (Arab, araph, to bind, and Kard,
Kurd, pL Akrad, Chaid. Comp. Niebuhr, Gesch.
Auw'i, p. 414, a.).
2. Arph ax ad, a king " who reigned over the
Hedea in Eebatana, and strengthened the city by
vast fortifications " (Jud. i. 1-1). In a war with
" Nabucbodonosor, king of Assyria," he was en-
tirely defeated " in the great plain in the borders
of Ragau" (? Rages, Saga, Tobit i. 14, Ac.), and
afteiwards taken prisoner and put to death (Jud. i.
13-15). From the passage in Judith (i. 3, qj*-o-
tiiuper tr' 'Ejc$arimr) be has been frequently
identified with Deioces (Artseus, Ctes.), the founder
of Eebatana (Herod, i. 98); but as Deioces died
peaceably (Herod, i. 103), it seems better to look
for the original of Arphaxad in his son Phraortes
(Artvnes, Ctes.), who greatly extended the Median
empire, and at last fell in a battle with the Assyr-
ians, 633 B. c. (Herod, i. 102, aired t« Snf6dpt)
. . . nod i ffrparbs afrroS i woAAc*). Niebuhr
(Gesch. Assur's, p. 32) endeavors to identify the
name with Astyages = Ashdahak, the common
title of the Median dynasty, and refers the events
to a war in the twelfth year of Nebuchadnezzar,
king of Babylon, B. c. 592 (ibid. pp. 212, 285).
[Judith; Nebuchadnezzar.] B. F. W.
ARROWS. [Arms.]
AR'SACES VI., a king of Parthia, who as-
•umed the royal title Arsaces ('AfxraKflj, Armen.
Arschag, probably containing the roots both of
Arya and Soon) in addition to his proper name,
Mithridates I. (Phrsates, App. Syr. p. 67 from
confusion with his successor) according to universal
custom (Strab. xv. p. 702), in honor of the founder
of the Parthian monarchy (Justin xli. 5, § 5). He
made great additions to the empire by successful
wars; and when Demetrius Nicator entered his
dominions to collect forces or otherwise strengthen
bis position against the usurper Tryphon, he de-
spatched an officer against him who defeated the
great army after a campaign of varied success
(Justin, xxrvi. 1), and took the king prisoner, B. c.
138 (1 Mace, xiv. 1-3; Joseph. Ant. xiii. 5, § 11 ;
Tustin, xzxvi. 1, xxxviii. 9). Mithridates treated
his prisoner with respect, and gave him his daughter
in marriage (App. Syr. pp. 67, 68), but kept him
m confinement till his own death, c. B. c. 130.
(App. Syr. p. 68; Diod. ap. Miiller, Fragm. Hist.
H. 19.) B. F. W.
AR'SAJRETH, a region beyond Euphrates,
apparently of great extent (2 Esdr. xiii. 45, only).
G.
• Volkmar (Bandb. d. EinL in die Apobr. li.
193) supposes the word to represent f"PN V~H
"Land of Ant" or "Ararat," in northern Ar-
A.
ARTAXER'XES (rWtptrC>JTlN or
t)J>lDttfrlFn& Artachshashta or Artach-
tkasta: 'ApeeuraaBi; [Vat. ApcapBa, eto.:] Ar-
tasxrwes), the name probably of two different kings
f PersU mentioned in the Old Testament The
word, according to Herod, vi. 98, means S utyas
urhtot, ike great icowtnr, and is compounded of
ABTAXERXES
aria, great or honored (cf. 'Aprsuoi, Herod. vft
61, the old national name of the Persians, also Arii
and the Sanscrit Arga, which is applied to the ■hi
lowers of the Brahminical law), and kshatra o»
kshershe, a king, grecised into Xerxes. [Ahasue-
bus.]
L Hie first Artaxarxes is mentioned in Ear. iv.
7, as induced by " the adversaries of Judah and
Benjamin " to obstruct the rebuilding of the temple,
and appears identical with Smerdis, the Magian im-
postor, and pretended brother of Cambyses. For
there is no doubt that the Ahasuerus of Ezr. iv. 6
is Cambyses, and that the Darius of iv. 24 is Da-
rius Hystaspis, so that the intermediate king must
be the Pseudo-Smerdis who usurped the throne
b. c. 622, and reigned eight months (Herod, iii.
61, 67 ff.). We need not wonder at this variation
in his name. Artaxerxes may have been adopted
or conferred on him as a title, and we find the true
Smerdis called Tanyoxares (the younger Oxares) by
Xenophon (Cyrvp. viii. 7) and Ctesias (Pert.fr.
8-13), and Oroputea by Justin (Hist. 1. 9). Ox-
ares appears to be the same name as Xerxes, of
which Artaxerxes is a compound.
3. In Neb. ii. 1, we have another Artaxerxes,
who permits Nehemiah to spend twelve years at
Jerusalem, in order to settle the affairs of the col-
ony there, which had fallen into great confusion.
We may safely identify him with Artaxerxes Ma-
crocheir or Longimanus, the son of Xerxes, who
reigned B. c. 464-425. And we believe that this
is the same king who had previously allowed Ezra
to go to Jerusalem for a similar purpose (Ezr. vii.
1). There are indeed some who maintain that ai
Darius Hystaspis is the king in the sixth chapter
of Ezra, the king mentioned next after him, at the
beginning of the seventh, must be Xerxes, and thus
they distinguish three Persian kings called Arta-
xerxes in the Old Testament, (1) Smerdis in Ezr.
iv., (2) Xerxes in Ezr. vii., and (3) Artaxerxes Ma-
crocheir in Nehemiab. But it is almost demon-
strable that Xerxes is the Ahasuerus of the book
of Esther [Ahasuerus], and it is hard to suppose
that in addition to his ordinary name he would
have been called both Ahasuerus and Artaxerxes
in the 0. T. It seems, too, very probable that the
policy of Neb. ii. was a continuation and renewal
of that of Ezr. vii., and that the same king was
the author of both. Now it is not possible for
Xerxes to be the Artaxerxes of Nehemiah, as Jo-
sephus asserts (Ant. xi. 5, § 6), for Xerxes only
reigned 21 years, whereas Nehemiah (xiii. 6) speaks
of the 32d year of Artaxerxes. Nor is it neces-
sary to believe that the Artaxerxes of Ezr. vii. is
necessarily the immediate successor of the Darius
of Ezr. vi. The book of Ezra is not a continuous
history. It is evident from the first words of eh.
vii. that there is a pause at the end of ch. vi. In-
deed, as ch. vi. concludes in the 6th year of Darius,
and ch. vii. begins with the 7th year of Artaxerxes,
we cannot even believe the latter king to be Xerxes,
without assuming an interval of 36 years (b. c
515-479) between the chapters, and it U not mors
difficult to imagine one of 58, which will carry ui
to B. c. 457, the 7th year of Artaxerxes Macro-
cheir. We conclude therefore that this is the king
of Persia under whom both Ezra and Nehemiab
carried on their work ; that in B. c. 467 be sent
Ezra to Jerusalem ; that after 13 years it became
evident that a civil as well as an ecclesiastical head
was required for the new settlement, and tberefon
that in 444 he allowed Nehemiah to go up ra th*
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ARTEMAH
attar capacity. From the testimony of profane
historians thii king appears remarkable among Per-
aan monarchs for wisdom and right feeling, and
with this character his conduct to the Jews coin-
cides (Diod. xi. 71).
It remains to say a word in refutation of the view
that the Artazerzes of Nehemiah was Artaxerxee
Mnemon, elder brother »f Cyrus the Younger, who
reigned b. c. 404-359. As Ezra and Nehemiah
were contemporaries (Neh. viii. 9), this theory
transfers the whole history contained in Etra vii.
ad Jin. and Nehemiah to this date, and it is hard
to believe that in this critical period of Jewish an-
nals there are no event* recorded between the reigns
of Darius Uystaspis (Ezr. vi.) and Artaxerxes
Mnemon. Besides, Eliashib, who was high-priest
*nen Nehemiah reached Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 1),
«. e. on this last supposition, e. c. 397, was grand-
son of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 10), high-priest in the
time of Zerubbabel, a. c. 630. We cannot think
that the grandfather and grandson were separated
by an interval of 139 years. G.E.I.C.
ARTEMAS CXprqiat, •'• «• 'AprtuOmpos),
a companion of St Paul (Tit. iii. 13). According
to tradition he was bishop of Lystra.
• Paul was about to send Artemas to Crete at
she time of his writing to Titus in that island, and
hence Artemas must have been then with the
apostle at Nicopolis or on the way thither (Tit.
iii. 13). The name, which signifies " gift of Ar-
temis," was a common one among the Greeks.
(See Pane's Grieck. Eigennamen, p. 77.) H.
• ARTEMIS f Aprs/ut, Acts xix. 34). [Di-
ana.]
•ARTILLERY (no longer applied, as in
the older English, to the smaller mitnve weapons)
is the translation of V^S in 1 Sam xx. 40, 1. e.
hit arms, namely, the bow and arrow* with which
Jonathan had been shooting, at the time of his
memorable interview with David at the stone Ezkl.
The A. V. has " his instruments " in the margin,
which is the rendering of the Bishops' Bible.
H.
ARTJBOTH (Arubboth, rnaTfcj: 'A^r-
$40: Aruboth), the third of Solomon's conunis-
•riat districts (1 K. iv. 10). It included Sochoh,
-od was therefore probably a name for the rich
corn-growing country of the Shefelak. In any
esse, the significance of the word is entirely lost at
present Josephus omits all mention of it. G.
ABU'MAH (np-VTy [ke> !r h(}:'A pvu l,V*.
[not Vat.fririComp. Aid. Alex.] 'Api/ul: inRuma),
a place apparently in the neighborhood of She-
cham, at which Abimelech resided (Judg. ix.
41). It is conjectured that the word in verse 31,
nyirijjli rendered "privily," and in the margin
"at Tormah," should be read "at Arumah " by
changing the i~l to an S, but for this there is no
rapport beyond the apparent probability of the
change. Arumah is possibly the same place as
Kuma, under which name it is given by Eusebius
vtd Jerome in the Onomatticon. According to
ihem it was then called Arimattuea (see aho
A.kima). But this is not consonant with its
ipparent position in the story. G.
• Banner (PaUttin*, p. 148, 4te Aufl.) taints
"i was pr-+»bly el' Amah, of the ruins of
ARVAD
167
which Van de Velde speaks (Mem. p. 388), a little
S. W. of Nabhu.
Bunsen {Bibehoerk on Judg- ix. 31) and Ber-
theau (Rickter, p. 145) make Tormah, referred U
above, a proper name = Arumah. Keil and Da-
littsch (on Judge*, p. 368, English trans.) an
undecided. But critics generally, as Gesenius,
Dietrich, De Wette, Casael, Furst, retain the ad-
verbial sense, lecretly (ir xpvtf), in Sept Cod.
Vat); which is bettor, both as agreeing with the
text, and on exegetical grounds. Zebul, who had
command in the city, was friendly to Abimelech ;
but in order to advance the interest of the latter
without betraying himself to the Shecbeniites, be
must confer with him secretly, and for this purpose
sent messengers to him (ix. 31) for concerting meas-
ures against Gaal, the common enemy. If the term
suggests the idea of deceit as well as secrecy, it is
none the less appropriate, since acting in this way
Zebul was deceiving Gaal as well at intriguing with
Abimelech. [Tormah.] H.
ARVAD ("TT1N, from a root signifying
" wandering," Ges. p. 1268), a place in Phoenicia, the
men of which are named in close connection with
those of Zidon as the navigators and defenders of
the ship of Tyre in Ex. xxvii. 8, 11. In agree-
ment with this is the mention of " the Arvadite "
OiyiMH) in Gen. x. 18, and 1 Chr. i. 16, as a
son of Canaan, with Zidon, Uamath, and other
northern localities. The LXX. have in each of
the above passages 'ApiSios, and in Josephus (Ant
i. 6, § 2) we find 'Apovbcuos "ApaSor rj)r rijo'ov
text r. There is thus no doubt that Arvad is the
island of Ruad (o!«\), which lies off Tortosa
( Tartu*), 3 or 3 miles from the Phoenician const,
(not at, but) some distance above, the mouth of the
river FJeutherus, now the Nahr el-Kebir (Maund. p.
403; Burckh. p. 161), and at the northern extrem-
ity of the great bay which stretches above Tripoli
(Kiepert's Hap, 1856). The island is high and
rocky, but very small, hardly a mile in circum-
ference (see Maund. p. 399 ; " 800 yards in extreme
length," Alien, ii. 178). According to Strabo (xvi.
2, § 13) Arvad was founded by fugitives from
Sidon, and he testifies to its prosperity, its like-
ness to Tyre, and especially to the well known
nautical skill of the inhabitants." (See the notices
by Strabo, Pliny, and others in Gesenius, p. 1269,
and Winer, Arvadtie*.) Opposite Arvad. on the
mainland, was the city Antaradus, by which name
the Targum Jerus. render* the name Arvad in
Gen. x. 18. [Aradub. K plan of the island
will be found in Allen's b$td Sea, end of vol. ii. ;
also in the Admiralty Charts, p. 9050, '• Island of
Ruad." G.
* Dean Stanley has a brief notice of this island,
" a spot rarely seen, but full of interest in connec-
tion both with Phoenicia and with toe cedars of
Lebanon," in his Notice* of Some Localities, fee.
p. 220 (1863): "Just where Lebanon, with iU
white line of snow, ends, and melts away in the
north into a range of low grr-en hills, Phoenicia and
the last remains of Pboenkia also end in the north-
ernmost of the Phoenician cities, Arvad, Aruad,
by the Greeks called Aradut, and now Ruad." Mr.
Thomson, author of The Land and Ike Book, had
already visited and described this place in 1845 (set
a Thaw nautical propensities remain in roll turn
(So /Won* Dead Sta, U. 18?.)
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168
AftVADITE
Bibl Baera, v. 361 ff.). « On the very margin of
lhe sea there are the remains of double Phoenician
walk of h<ige beveled stones, which remind one of
the outer foundations of Baalbek. In one part the
wall is still -TO or 40 feet high, and was originally
IS or 20 feet thick. It must have been a stronger
place than Tyre, for its) distance from the shore
and depth of channel rendered it impossible for
even an Alexander to destroy its insular character.
The harbor was on the northeast side, formed by
carrying out into the sea two walls of great stones,
to move any one of which would puzzle our best
modem engineers." Tyre drew important supplies
of military and naval strength from this little
island. " The inhabitants of Arvad were thy mar-
iners: the men of Arvad with thine army were
upon thy walls round about" (Ez. xxvii. 8, 11).
Many Greek inscriptions are found "graven on
columns of hard black basalt." Mr. Thomson
copied some of them, which arc inserted in the
SM. Sacra as above. H.
AJTVADITE,THE PTYTHn: t 'ApsoN,,,:
Anu&w). One of the families of Canaan (Gen.
x. 18; 1 Chr. i. 16). [Arvad.] Probably the
inhabitants of the little island Aradus, or Kuad,
opposite Antaradus on the X. coast of Phoenicia.
W. A. W.
AR'ZA (NSHN [earth]: 'a<ri; Ale*. Apo-a;
[Comp. 'flpo-S:] Ana). Prefect of the palace at
Tirzah to Elah king of Israel, who was assassinated
at a banquet in his house by Zimri (1 K. xvi. 9).
Ir. the Targum of Jonathan the word is taken as
the name of an idol, and in the Arabic version in
the London Polyglot the last clause is rendered
"which belongs to the idol of Beth-Arza."
W. A. W.
A'S A (r*^i curing, physician : 'Aco! i Jos.
'Ararat: Asa). 1. Son of Abjjah, and third king
of Judah, was conspicuous for his earnestness in
supporting the worship of God and rooting out
idolatry, with its attendant immoralities: and for
the vigor and wisdom with which he provided for
the prosperity of his kingdom. In his zeal against
heathenism he did not spare bis grandmother, Maa-
ohah, who occupied the special dignity of " King's
Mother,">to which great importance was attached
In the Jewish court, as afterwards in Persia, and
to which parallels have been found in modern East-
ern countries, as in the position of the Sultana
Valide in Turkey (see 1 K. ii. 19 .- 9 K. zxiv. 12;
Jer. xxix. 9 ; also Cahuet, FrmjM. ivi. ; and
Brace's Travels, vol. ii. p. 6-37, and iv. 244). She
had set np some impure worship in a grove (the
word translated uki, 1 K. xv. 13, Is in Hebrew
Inrror, while in the Vulgate we read, ne tt*et
{.Waaeha) prinrrps in saeris Piiapi) ; but Asa
burnt the symbol of her religion, and threw its
ashes into the brook Kidron. as Moses had done to
the golden calf (Ex. xxxii. 90), and then deposed
Maachah from her dignity. He also placed in the
temple certain gift* which his father had dedicated,
probably in the earlier and better period of his
reign [Abijaii], and which the heathen priests
must have used for their own worship, and renewed
the great altar which they apparently had dese-
watal (9 Chr. xv. 8). Besides this, be fortified
ritKs on his frontier*, and raised an army, amount-
ing, according to 9 Chr. xiv. 8, to 580,000 men,
tot the uncertainty attaching to the numbers in
<nr present text of Chronicles has been painted out
ASA
by Kennicott [Abijaii], and by Davidson (Intro
(racoon to the 0. T., p. 686), « ho considers thai
the copyists were led into error by the different
modes of marking them, and bj confounding tht
different letters which denoted them, bearing at
they do a great resemblance to eich other. Thu»
Asa's reign marks the return of Judah to a con-
sciousness of the high destiny to which God had
called her, and to the belief that the Divine Power
was truly at work within her. The good effects of
this were visible in the enthusiastic resistance
offered by the people to Zerah, an invader, who is
called a Cushite or Ethiopian, and whom several
authors, as Ewald (Uesch. des V. J., iii. 470), iden
tify with Osorkon I., the second king of the 22d
dynasty of Egypt, inheritor therefore of the quar
rel of his father Shishak, to whom Asa had pro!*
bly refused to pay tribute. [Zerah.] At the
bead of an enormous host (a million of men, we
read in 2 Chr. xiv. 9) he attacked Mareshah or
Marissa in the S. W. of the country, near the later
Eleutheropolis (Robinson, B. R., ii. 67), a town
afterwards taken by Judas Maccabeus (1 Mace. v.
65), and finally destroyed by the Parthians in theii
war against Herod (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 13, § 9).
There be was utterly defeated, and driven back
with immense loss to Gerar. As Asa returned
laden with spoil, be was commended and encour-
aged by a prophet, and on his arrival at Jerusalem
convoked an assembly of his own people and of
many who had come to him from Israel, and with
solemn sacrifices and ceremonies renewed the cov-
enant by which the nation was dedicated to God.
'He peace which followed this victory was broken
by the attempt of ltaasha of Israel to fortify Kamah
as a kind of Deceleia, " that he might not suffer
any to go out or to come in unto Asa king of
Judah." To stop this he purchased the blip of
Benhadad I., king of Damascus, by a large payment
of treasure left in the temple and palace from the
Egyptian tribute in Hehoboam's time, and thus he
forced Baasha to abandon his purpose, and destroyed
the works which he had begun at Ramah, using the
materials to fortify two towns in Benjamin, Geba (the
hill), and Mizpeh (Me trntch-totnr), as checks to
any future invasion. The wells which he sunk at
Mizpeh were famous in Jeremiah's time (xli. 9).
The means by which he obtained this success were
censured by the prophet lianani, who seems even
to have excited some discontent in Jerusalem, in
consequence of which he was imprisoned, and some
other punishments inflicted (9 Chr. xvi. 9). The
prophet threatened Asa with war, which appears to
have been fulfilled by the continuance for some
time of that with Baasha, as we infer from an allu-
sion, in 9 Chr. xvii. 2. to the cities of Ephraim
which he took, and which can hardly refer to any
events prior to the destruction of Kamah.
In his old age Asa suffered from the goat, and
it is mentioned that " he sought not to the Lord
but to the physicians." If any blame be intended,
! we must suppose that he acted in an arrogant and
independent spirit, and without seeking God's
blessing on their remedies. He died greatly loved
ani honored in the 41st year of his reign. Tbt»
ar» difficulties connected with it* chronology, arm
tag perhaps from the reasons already mentioned at
to the numbers in Chronicles. For instance, iu 1
Chr. xvi. 1, we read that Baasha fortified Kainak
in the 36th year of Asa's reign. In 1 K. xr. 33,
Baasha is said to have died in the 96th. If th»
former number be genuine, it is supposed by th>
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ASADIAS
Ma in the margin of the EnglUh llible, by Clin-
ton, and with nme little hesitation by EwaM, that
the chronicler ia referring to the yean not of Asa's
reign, but of the separate kingdom of Judah,
which would coincide with the 16th of An and the
13th of Baasha, and leave 11 yean for th» state-
ment of 1 K. xt. 16, and for the fulfillment of Ha-
muli's threat. According to Clinton (F. B., i.
<J21) the date of Asa'a accession waa B. c. 956.
In his 15th year (b. c. 949) waa the great festival
after the defeat of Zerah. In B. c. 941 waa the
league with Benhadad, and in B. c. 916 Asa died.
The statement in 3 Chr. xv. 19 must be explained
of the 35th year of the kingdom of Judah, if we
adopt that view of the date in xvi. 1. Clinton,
with an inconsistency very unusual in him, does
adopt it in the latter place, but imagines a fresh
war with Ethiopia in s. c. 922 to account for the
former. 6. E. L. C.
• In Matt. i. 7, 8, Lachm., Tisch. (8th ed.), and
Tregelles read ' Ao-d\p for 'Aa-d- A.
2. ('Oairi; Alex. [Comp. AM.] , A<r<C.) An-
cestor of Berechiah, a Levite who resided in one of
the Tillages of the Netophathites after the return
from Babylon (1 Chr. ix. 16). # W. A. W.
ASADI'AS (*A<raJfa»; Alex, 2a8aia>: St.
dew). Son of ChelcUs, or Hilkiah, and one of the
ancetton of Baruch (Bar. i. 1). The name is
probably the same as that elsewhere represented by
Hasadiah (1 Chr. iii. 20). W. A. W.
AS'AEL ('Ao-i^A.; Vulg. omits), of the tribe
of Naphtali, and forefather of Tobit (Tob. i. 1).
[Jahzekl?]
A8AHEL (b$nt|7t!, made by God; 'Air-
sfjv Atnel [Ataket]). 1. Nephew of David, being
the youngest son of his sister Zeruiah. He was
celebrated for his swiftness of foot, a gift much val-
ued in ancient times, as we see by the instances of
Achilles, Antilochus (Horn. //. xv. 570), Papirius
Cursor (Liv. ix. 16), and others. When fighting
unHer the oommand of his brother Joab against
Isbbosbeth's army at Giboon, he pursued Abner,
who, after vainly warning him to desist, was obliged
to kill him in self-defense, though with great reluc-
tance, probably on account of his extreme youth
(2 Sam. u. 18 ff. [iii. 27, 30, xxui. 34; 1 Chr. xi.
36, xxtO. 7.]). [Abitkr.] G. E. I. C.
2. ('Aa-4A; Alex. WijjA, [Vat, latrttyK:
A$ail\.) One of the Levites in the reign of Je-
hoahaphat, who went throughout the cities of Judah
to instruct the people in the knowledge of the Law,
at the time of the revival of the true worship (2
Chr. xtU. 8).
3. ['AnttiK: Anil] A Levite in the reign of
Hezekiah, who had charge of the tithes and dedi-
cated things in the Temple under Cononiah and
Shimei (3 Chr. xxxi. 13).
4. (['Ao-tr/fA; Vat. AcrnA.:] Azahtl.) A priest,
father of Jonathan in the time of Ezra (Ezr. x.
15). He is called Azakl in 1 Esdr. ix. 14.
W. A. W.
ASAHI' AH, or ASA1AH (H%B {whom
Jehovah mode]: 'Ao-afai; [Alex. 2 K. xxii. 14,
lae-nl:] Ataia), a servant of kingjlosiah, sent by
kirn, together with others, to seek informatio-. of
ASAREEL 109
Jehovah respecting the book of the law which HU
kiah found in the temple (2 K. xxii. 12, 14; alM
called Asaiah, 2 Chr. xxxiv. 20). R. W. B.
ASATAH [3 syl.] (iTtPS [Jehorah made]
'Acrata; [Vat. Ao-tai Aid. 'A<raia»:] Ataia). 1
A prince of one of the families of the Simeonitct
in the reign of Hezekiah, who drove out the Ham-
ite shepherds from Gedor (1 Chr. iv. 36).
2. CAmrfos, [Vat. Aaafia,] Alex. [Comp.]
'Ae-ofa in 1 Chr. vi.; 'A<rafa [Vat. A<r«u, Acuta];
Alex. [AM.] 'Aaatta in 1 Chr. xv.) A Levite in
the reign of David, chief of the family of Merari
(1 Chr. vi. 30). With 120 of his brethren he took
part in the solemn service of bringing the ark from
the house of Obed-edom to the city of David (1
Chr. xv. 6, 11).
3. ('Ao-ofo; Alex. Ao-a.) The firstborn cf
" the Shilonite," according to 1 Chr. ix. 5, who
with his family dwelt in Jerusalem after the return
from Babylon. In Neh. xi. 5 be is called Maa-
skiah, and his descent is there traced from Sbiloni,
which is explained by the Targum of R. Joseph
on 1 Chr. as a patronymic from Shelah the son of
Judah, by others as " the native or inhabitant of
Shiloh."
4. ([Vat. Io-out:] Ataat.) 2 Chr. xxxit. 80
[Ahahiah.] W. A. W.
AS' AN A ('Award; [AM. Alex. 'AoW:]
Atom), name of a man (1 Esdr. v. 31 ). [As-
NAH.]
A'SAPH (FipH IcoUector]: 'Aad<p: Aeaph).
1. A Levite, son of Berechiab, one of the leaden
of David's choir (1 Chr. vi. 39). Psalms 1. and
lxxiii. to lxxxiii. are attributed to him, but proba-
bly all these, except L, lxxiii., and lxxvii., are of
later origin <* (Vaihinger, Vert, of Ptalmi) ; and
he was in aftertimes celebrated as a seer (!"Vn) as
well as a musical composer, and was put on a par
with David (3 Chr. xxix. 30; Neh. xii. 46). The
office appears to have remained hereditary in his
family, unless he was the founder of a school of
poets and musical composers, who were called after
him " the sons of Asaph " (comp. the Homerhue)
(1 Chr. xxv. 1; 2 Chr. xx. 14; Ezr. ii. 41).
2. (Smpir [Vat. latpar] in 2 K,, ' A<rd> in Is i
Alex. [Comp.j 'A<ro> in 2 K. xviii. 37.) The
father or ancestor of Joah, who was recorder or
chronicler to the kingdom of Judah in the reign of
Hezekiah (2 K. xviii. 18, 37 ; Is. xxxvi. 3, 22). It
is not improbable that this Asaph is the same as
the preceding, and that Joah was one of his nu-
merous descendants known as the Bene- Asaph.
3. ('AadQ.) The keeper of the royal forest or
" paradise " of Artaxerxes (Neh. ii. 8). His name
would seem to indicate that he was a Jew, who,
like Xebemiah, was at high office at the court of
Persia.
4. ('Ao-a> [Vat. Aaafi in Neh.].) Anecstot
of Mattaniah, the conductor of the temple -choir
after the return from Babylon (1 Chr. ix. 15; Neb
i xi. 17). Most probably the same as 1 and 3.
W. AW.
• ASAB'AEL. [Azarael.]
ASA'REEL (btrijpS [irAom God bound
• *The eontmts of the Psalms In question are scp-
j oas l to rennhv a later author that, the Asaph In
David's time. Bat the title which sucri'jes these
Is Asaph is not necessarily u>:orrect; for the i
Asaph who wrote them may have been a ijsswniteol
<A >he founder of f t» Sunily, which, a* tar. ii. 41
shows, existed through many gene rat l oa * H.
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170 A8ARELAH
ms. Ay a row, Go.]: 'Eo-s^a; [Vat l<r€poi|A;]
Aim. ZctpavK; [Comp. Ao-apqA:] Atrael). A
WO of Jehaleieel, whose name is abruptly intro-
duced into the geuealogifK of Judah (1 Chr. ir. 1(f).
W. A. W. !
ASAKEXAH (n^HPltfH: 'Epai\; [Alex.
l«rn)A; Comp. 'Ao-fifnjXd*; AM. 'A<r«pi)A,d:) A$a-
rela). One of the sons of Asaph, aet apart by
David to " prophesy with harps and with psalteries
and with cymbals " (1 Chr. xxv. 2); called Jf.*h-
ARCijkH in ver. 14. W. A. W.
• ASBAZ'ARETH. So A. V. ed. 1611 in
1 Esdr. z. 69 for " Azbazareth," the feat correct
reading of later editions. See Azbazarkth.
A.
AS'CAXrON. [ASHKELOX.]
ASE'AS ('Affotati [Aid 'Ao-eoj:] Ateat),
name of a man (1 Esdr. ix. 33). [Isiimah.]
ASEBEBI'A ('Acre/SnjBfa: Sebebuu), a Levite
(1 Esdr. viii. 47). [Shehebiam.]
ASKBI'A (A<r«/3(a; [Aid. 'Actf/Sua:] Atbia),
1 Esdr. viii. 43. [Hashabiaii 7.]
AS'ENATH (.~Q9^ : , A<rcr«'»; Alex. Aw
t> ( 0: Ateneth), daughter of Potipheuh, priest, or
possibly prince, of On [PorimiKRAii], wife of
Joseph (Gen. xli. H i, and mother of Manasseh and
Ephraini (xli. 60, xlvi. 20). Her name has been
considered to be necessarily Egyptian (Lepsius,
Chronohgie d. jEgypier, i. 882), and Egyptian
etymologies hare therefore been proposed. Uese-
uiui (Tht$. «. v.) suggests iC-J16JTT "the
who is of Keith," the Egyptian Minerra; but this
word has not been found in the ancient Egyptian
or Coptic ; and it must be regarded as very doubt-
ful. If we are guided by the custom of the He-
brews, and the only parallel case, that of Bithiah,
whose Hebrew name, "daughter," that is, "ser-
vant, of Jehovah," implying conversion, must have
been given her on her marriage to Merud. at a time
probably not long distant from Joseph's rule [Bi-
thiah], we must suppose that his Egyptian wife
received a Hebrew name from Joseph especially if
her native name implied devotion to the gods of
the country. Such a new name would have been
preserved in preference to the other in the O. T.
If Hebrew, Asenath may be compared to the male
proper name Asnah, HiDM (E«r. ii. 50), and de-
rived like it from )DH or CDS, in which case
both names would signify storehouse ; unless both
may be cognate with 7120, and mean bramble, a
sense not repugnant to Semitic usage in proper
names. The former derivation is perhaps the more
probable, in connection with Joseph's history and
the name of Ephraim. K. S. 1'.
•ASEE VAaiip; FA. Kaanp: Naanon) oc-
curs in Tob. i. 2 as the name of a city in Galilee
near Thisbk, which see. Hazor is probably the
place intended. A.
AT3EB, Luke ii. 36, Rev. vii. 6. [Ashkr.]
ASH
ASE'REK (Ztprfp; [AM. 'Aonpip:] 6ant\
name of a man (1 Esdr. v. 32). [Sisera.]
ASH 77?H oren: xi-vf- pinut) occurs oulj
in Is. xBv. 14, at one of the tree* out of the wood
of which idols were carved : "He heweth him down
cedars, and taketh the cypress and the oak, which
be strengtheneth for himself among the trees of the
forest: he planteth an <«A, and the rain doth nour-
ish it." It is impossible to determine what is the
tree denoted by the Hebrew word oren; the LXX.
and the Vulg. understand some species of pine-tree,
and this rendering is supported by many learned
commentators, amongst whom may be named Mini-
ster, Calvin, and Uochart ; and some of the Jewish
Rabbis, according to Celsius (Hirrob. i. 191), believe
that the oren is identical with the Arabic soaouoer,
a kind of pine," and assert that the aran is often
coupled with the arez and berotch>> as though all
the three trees belonged to the same nature. Lu-
ther understands the ctdar by orens KosenmuUer
thinks that the stone-pine (Pinut pinia, Linn.) is
the tree denoted. Celsius is inclined to think that
the oren it identical with a tree of Arabia Petnea,
of which Abul Fadli makes mention, called aran
Of the same opinion are Mich&elis (Supp. ad Lex
Heb. 129), Dr. Royle (Cyc. Bib. Lit. art. Oren),
and Dr. Lee (Lex. Htb. s. v.). This tree is de-
scribed as growing chiefly in valleys and low dis-
tricts; it is a thorny tree, bearing grape-like clus-
ters of berries, which are noxious and bitter when
green, but become rather sweet when they ripen,
and turn black. Geseniut (The*, t. v.) it in favor
of some species of pine being the tree intended.
Nothing is known of the tree of which Abul
Fadli speaks. Sprengel (Hut. Hei Herb. i. 14)
thinks the aran a the caper-tree (Capparu <pi-
nosi, Linn.). Dr. Royle says the tree appears to
agree in some respects with Sakadora persica.
Other attempts at identification have been made by
Faber in his posthumous MS. notes on Biblical Bot-
any, and link (Schroder's Botan. Jnurn. iv. 152),
but they are mere conjectures. The A. V. adopted
the translation of ath in all probability from the
similarity of the Hebrew oren with the Latin ornta;
and Dr. Royle states that the Orma Kurepaut is
found in Syria, hut thinks it is not a true native.
Until future investigation acquaints us with the
nature of the tree denoted by the aran of Abul
Kadli, it will be far better to adopt the interpreta-
tion of the LXX., and understand some kind of
pine to be the oren of Scripture. Pimu halipemu
or P. maritima may be intended. Celsius (Hierob.
i. 193) objects to any pine representing the oren
because he says pines are difficult to transplant
and therefore that the pine would ill suit the words
of the prophet, "he planteth an oren." This,
however, is not a valid objection : the larch, for in-
stance, it readily transplanted, and grows with great
rapidity, but it is not a native of Syria. The He-
brew oren is probably derived from the Arabic verb
aran, " to be agile," " to be sletder," or " grace-
ful." W. H.
" OeJLiO, P""", aliis tjut nucet (Got. L. Arab.).
Dr. Wilson (Landi of (be, Bible, II. 893) Identifies the
MounoD "fir" (Pinut sytvrstris) with the berosk at
Scripture, and states that It Is " frequently tsan In Leb-
luea. where It is known bv the name of motor. ' but
Dr. Hooker says be never beard of P. t&vatrii la
Syria, and think! P. kaliprntu Is mant.
» T"")K and CPS, cedar and cypress.
c Beaomg TIN instead of pfci, "cma pt* nun
finall mlnusculo, In multti codkas Ebnet edtttonrtiai
seiibatnr, quod -nf Sain stmUttmom est" tB»"* '
1011.
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ASHAN
ASHAN (!»» l-moh) ■ [ a,6 x ,} 'AirdV,
\foip; [Alex. U<p$a, Aaay. AuraV-) Arm), a
sty in the low country of Judah named in Josh.
<r. 42 with Libnah and Ether. In Josh. xix. 7,
and 1 Chr. iv. 32, it it mentioned again as belonging
to Simeon, but in company with Ain and Kimmon,
which (tee Josh. xv. 31) appear to have been much
more to the south. Iu 1 Chr. vi. 59, it is given
as a priests' city, occupying the same place as the
somewhat similar word Ain 0^3?) does ut the list
of Josh. xxi. 16.
In 1 Sam. xxx. 30, Chor-ashan is named with
Horman and other cities of "the South." [The
compound name ()&]! "ffl3) means (Ues.) smok-
ing furnace, or (KUrst) smelting fw-nact.]
Eusehius and Jerome ( Onom. ) mention a village
named Bethasan as 15 miles west of Jerusalem;
but thii, though agreeing sufficiently with the posi-
tion qf the place in Josh. xv. 42, is not far enough
south for the indications of the other passages;
and indeed Euseb. and Jer. discriminate Bethasan
from " Asan of the tribe of Simeon." It has not
yet been identified, unless it he the same as Ain : iu
which case Robinson found it at At Ghuiadr. G.
* The identification of Ain with (Jhwmr, Dr.
Robinson recalls in his ftrs. ii. 204 (ed. 1858).
ASHDOD
171
See A mm. The Ashan of Simeon, situated on Ux
northern limit of Palestine, may be a difierent one
from the Ashan of Judah (Jos. xix. 7 ; 1 t'hron.
iv. 32). (Raumer, PaMilina, p. 178). See Chor
ASHAN. II.
ASHBB'A (?3f M [IaQvrt , Ges.] : 'Effo^
[Ump. 'A<r($d'] Juramentum). A proper name
but whether of a person or place is uncertain (1
Chr. iv. 21). Houbigant would understand it of
the latter, and would render " the house of Ash-
bea" by Beth-ashbea. The whole clause is ob-
scure. The Targum of R. Joseph (ed. Wilkins)
paraphrases it, " and the family of the house of
manufacture of the fine linen for the garments of
the kings and priests, which was handed down to
the house of Eshha." W. A. W.
ASH'BEL (batpH: 'Ao-3»|A., 'A<rWMe : At-
bel), a son of Benjamin (Gen. xlvi. 21; Num. xxvi.
38; 1 Chr. viii. 1). Respecting the sons of Ben
jamin, see Bkchkr.
ASH'BELITES, THE C^KTKn : i
'A<ru0i)pl; [Vat. -pen Comp. Aovj3i|A(0 Asbe-
lila). The descendants of Asiihtx the son of Ben
janiin (Num. xxvi. 38). W. A. W
ASH'CHENAZ (T33tfH: 'A<T X ari& »
'Ax ava C <<> ' iy '**• A"X-1 > •** x ' AffX'^Ci •' Aff-
Ashdod.
ranCfoi [-{«uoi] : Atcenez.) Asiikkn \T, (I I'hr
I. 6; Jer. Ii. 27). W. A. W.
ASHDOD, or AZOTUS ("t'VTtp N [tnrng.
koUor cade) : 'Afarot, I.XX. [commonly] and X.
T.), one of the five confederate cities of the Philis-
tines, situated about 30 miles from the southern
frontier of Palestine, 3 from the Mediterranean Sea.
and nearly midway between Gaza and Jopna. It
stood on an elevation overlooking the plain, and the
natural advantages of its position were improved
ry fortifications of great strength. For this reason
it was probably selected as one of the seats of the
national worship of Hagon (1 Sam. v. 5). It was
assigned to the tribe of Judah (Josh. iv. 47), but
was never subdued by the Israelites : it appears on
the contrary to have been the point for conducting
offensive operations against them, so much so, that
after Uzziah had succeeded in breaking down the
wall of the town, he secured himself against future
attacks by establishing forts on the adjacent bills
i,2 Chr. xxri. 6): even down to Nehemiah's ase it
preserved its distinctiveness of race and language
(Neh. iiii. 93). But its chief importance arusr
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172 ASHDODITES
from it* position on the high road from Palestine
to Egypt, commanding the entrance to or from the
latter country : it was on this account besieged by
tartan, the general of the Assyrian king, Sargon,
about B. c. 716, apparently to frustrate the league
formed between Hezekiah and Egypt (Is. ix. 1).
Its importance as well as strength is testified by
the protracted siege which it afterwards sustained
under Psammetichus, about B. c. 630 (Herod, ii.
157), the effects of which are incidentally referred
to by Jer. (xxv. 20). That it recovered from this
blow appears from its being mentioned as an inde-
pendent power in alliance with the Arabians and
others against Jerusalem (Neh. iv. 7). It was d>
ttroyed by the Maccabees (1 Mace. v. 68, x. 84),
and lay in ruins until the Roman conquest of Ju-
dsea, when it was restored by Gabinius, B. c. 65
(Joseph. AnL xiv. 5, § 3; B.J. i. 7, $ 7), and was
one of the towns assigned to Salome after Herod's
death (Joseph. Ant. xvii. 8, $ 1 ). The only notice
of Azotus in the X. T. is in connection with Phil-
ip's return from Gaza (Acts viii. 40). It is now
an insignificant village, with no memorials of its
ancient importance, but is still called Etdud.
W. L.R
* Yet the present site is not wholly destitute of
vestiges of its ancient fame. A few discoveries still
reward the traveller's search. The high mound
which probably formed the acropolis of the old city
cannot be mistaken, covered with fragments of pot-
tery, and with remains of cellars or cisterns which
excavations recently made (1852) have laid open.
Here must have been the citadel which for 23 years
baffled the efforts of Psammetichus for its capture,
the longest siege (says Herodotus) on record (see
Rawlinson on Herod, ii. 242). From the top of this
hill may be seen the Mediterranean, and here doubt-
less, stood the fish-god. Oaoon (1 Sam. v. 3 ff),
where he could survey the domain over which he
was supposed to preside. Two marble columns re-
main, one prostrate in the court of the neighboring
Ichnn, and the other wrought into a drinking trough
not far from it; and a few fragments of columns
and capitals are to be seen built into a Salrieh or
watering-machine, or into the walls of goat and
sheep pens. Some traces of masonry occur near
the Jaffa road, which may have belonged to the city
walls, so nearly concealed as to be found only with
special pains. There is also a large caravanserai
on the edge of an adjacent marsh (see wood-cut),
now entirely deserted, but once sn important sta-
tion, when the traffic at present transferred to the
•ea passed this way between Syria and Egypt. H.
ASITDODITES, THE (DnvrpNTt :
om. in LXX. [but Comp. and 9 MSS. have'Afar-
rioi): Atotii). The inhabitants of Ashdod, or Axo-
tus (Neh. iv. 7); called AsHDoTHrrae in Josh,
xiii. 3 W. A. W.
ASHDOTH PIS'OAH (n$t?Qn HVltpN,
from "Tttfy "to pour forth;" 'A<rn»&« ♦oo-yd,
[onceTV*ao-y<I:] ratiicti [montit] Phatga, [Ate-
Axlt Phatga]), a curious and (since it occurs in
none of the later books) probably a very ancient
term, found only in Ueut Ui. IT; Josh. xii. 3, xiii.
30 : and in Deut. iv. 49, A. V. " springs of Pisgah."
In the two passages from Deuteronomy the words
form part of a formula, by which apparently the
mountains which enclose the Dead Sea on the east
ride sre defined. Thus In Ui. 17, we read, " the
Arabah' oho (•'. e. the Jordan valley) and the
ASHER
border.' from Cinnereth (Sea of Galilee) unto the
sea of the ' Arabah,' the Salt Sea, under Ashdotk
hap-Magah eastward ; " and so alio in iv. 49, though
here our translators have chosen to vary the for-
mula for English readers. The same intention u
evident in the passages quoted from Joshua; and in
x. 40, and xii. 8 of the same book, Ashdoth is used
alone — " the springs " — to denote one of the main
natural divisions of the country. The only other
instance of the use of the word is in the highly
poetical passage, Num. xxi. 15, "the •pouriny
forth ' of the ' torrents,' which extondeth to She-
beth-Ar." This undoubtedly refers also to the east
of the Dead Sea.
What the real significance of the term may be,
it is impossible in our present ignorance of the
country east of the Dead Sea to determine. Doubt-
less, like the other topographical words of the Bible,
it has a precise meaning strictly observed in its use ;
but whether it be the springs poured forth at the
base of the mountains of Moab, or the roots ot
spurs of those mountains, or the mountains 'them-
selves, it is useless at present to conjecture. G.
ASHDOTHITES, THE (n'vnpHTI : i
'AfaVrior [Vat. -uos] •■ Azotti). The inhabitants
[strictly "inhabitant," but collective] of Ashdod
or Azotus (Josh. xiii. 3). W. A. W.
ASHER, Apocr. [only Tobit 1. 2, see Asek]
and N. T. A'SER (->£** : 'KHp [Rom. Ao-
trhp in Ex. xlviii.] : Ater), the 8th son of Jacob.
by Zilpah, Leah's handmaid (Gen. xxx. 18). The
name is interpreted as meaning " happy," in a pas-
sage full of ike paronomastic turns which distin-
guish these very ancient records: " And Leah said,
•In my happiness am I (^tf'^3), for the daugh-
ters will call me happy' paTI^M), and she called
his name Asher" (™l?W)i »• «• "happy." A sim-
ilar play occurs in the blessing of Moses (Deut
xxxiii. 24). Gad was Zilpah's other and elder son.
but. the fortunes of the brothers were not at all
connected. Of the tribe descended from Asher no
action is recorded during the whole course of the
sacred history. Its name is found in the various
lists of the tribes which occur throughout the ear-
lier books, as Gen. xxxv., xlvi. ; Ex. i. ; Num. i., ii.,
xiii., Ac, and like the rest Asher sent his chief as
one of the spies from Kadesh-bamea (Num. xiii.).
During the march through the desert his place was
between Dan and Naphtali on the north side of the
tabernacle (Num. ii. 27); and after the conquest
he took up his allotted position without any special
mention.
The limits of the territory assigned to Asher are.
like those of all the tribes, and especially of the
northern tribes, extremely difficult to trace. This
is partly owing to our ignorance of the principle on
which these ancient boundaries were drawn and re-
corded, and partly from the absence of identification
of the majority of the places named. The general
position of the tribe was on the sea-shore from Car-
mel northwards, with Manasseh on the south, Zeb-
ulun and Issachar on the southeast, snd Naphtali
on the northeast (Jos. Ant. v. 1, § 22). The
boundaries and towns are given in Josh. xix. 24-
31, xvii. 10, 11, and Judg. i. 31, 32. From a com-
parison of these passages it seems plain that Dor
( Tanlura) must have been within the limits of ttw
tribe, in which case the southern boundary was
^L
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ASHER
probably one of the streams which enter the Med- I
iterranean south of that place — either Ntihr tt-\
DeJ'neh or Nakr Zurka. Fallowing the beach
round the promontory of Cancel, the tribe then
possessed the maritime portion of the rich plain of
Esdraelon, probably for a distance of eight or ten
miles from the shore. The Iwundary would then
appear to have run northwards, possibly bending to
the east to embrace Ahlab. and reaching Zidon by
Kanah (a name still attached to a site six miles in-
land from Sa'vt), whence it turned and came down
by Tyre to Achzib (Eedippa, now ts~Zib), a
This territory contained some of the richest soil in
all Palestine (Stanley, p. 205 ; Kenrick, Phten. p. 35),
and in its productiveness it well fulfilled the prom-
ise involved in the name " Asher," and in the bless-
ings which had been pronounced on him by Jacob
and by Moses. Here was the oil in which he was
to "dip his foot," the '■ liread " winch was to be
"fat," and the "royal dainties" in which he was
to indulge;'' and here in the metallic manufactures
of the Phoenicians (Kenrick, p. 88) were the " iron
and brass" for his "shoes." The Phoenician set-
tlements were even at that early period in full vig-
or; and it is not surprising that Asher was soon
contented to partake their luxuries, and to " dwell
among them " without attempting the conquest
and extermination enjoined in regard to all the
Canaanites (Judg. i. 31, 32). Accordingly he did
not drive out the inhabitants of Accho, nor I >or,"
nor Zidon, nor Ahlab, nor Achzib, nor Heltiah, nor
Aphik, nor Kehob (Judg. i. 31 ), and the natural
consequence of this inert acquiescence is immedi-
ately visible. While Zebuluu and Naphtali "jeop-
arded their lives unto the death ' ' in the struggle
against Sisera, Asher was content to forget the peril
of his fellows in the creeks and harbors of his new
allies (Judg. v. 17, 18). At the numbering of
Israel at Sinai, Asher was more numerous than
either Ephraim, Manasseh, or Benjamin (Num. i.
3*2-41), but in the reign of I>avid so insignificant
had the tribe become, that its name is altogether
omitted from the list of the chief rulers (1 Chr.
xxvii. 16-2*2); and it is with a kind of astonish-
ment that it is related that " divers of Asher and
Manasseh and Zebulun " came to Jerusalem to the
Passover of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxx. 11). With the
exception of Simeon, Asher is the only tribe west
of the Jordan which furnished no hero or judge to
the nation.* " One name alone shines out of the
general obscurity — the aged widow ' Anna the
daughter of Phanuel of the tribe of Aser,' who in
the very close of the history departed not from the
temple, but * served God with fastings and prayers
night and day ' " (Stanley, p. 265). G.
ASH'ER ("ItTH [fortress, Fiirst: Comp.]
Alex. 'Airfip' Aser). A place which formed one
boundary of the tribe of Manasseh on the south
(Josh. zvii. 7). It is placed by Eusebius on the
road from Shechem to Bethshan or Scythopolis,
about 15 miles from the former. Three quarters
ASHES
170
of an hoar from Tuba*, the ancient Thebes, Is tht
hamlet of ft-yogir, which Mr. Porter suggests may
be the Asher of Manasseh (flandb. p. 318). Ii
the Vat MS. the LXX. of this passage is entirely
corrupt. W. A \V.
ASHE'BAH (rnttfrjOi the name of a l'hu>
nician goddess, or rather of the idol itself. Our
translators, following the rendering of the I-.XX.
(SAo-os) and of the Vulg. (lucus), translate the
word by "grove." Almost all modern interpreters
however, since Selden (JJe Dili SyriU, p. 343),
agree that an idol or image of some kind must be
intended, as seems sufficiently proved from such
passages as 2 K. xxi. 7, xxiii. G, in the latter of
which we rind that Jogiah " brought out the Ash,
rah " (or as our version reads •' the yrove ") " from
the house of the lx>rd." There can, moreover, be
no doubt that Asherah is very closely connected
with Asiitokkth and her worship, indeed the two
are so placed in connection with each other, and
each of them with Baal (e. y. Judg. ill. 7, comp.
ii. 3; Judg. vi. 25; 1 K. xviii. 10), that many
critics have regarded them as identical. There are
other passages, however, in which these terms seem
to be distinguished from each other, as 2 K. xxiii.
13, 14, 15. Movers (Phon. i. 561) first pointed out
and established the difference between the two
names, though he probably goes too far in consid
ering them as names of distinct deities. The view
maintained by Bertheau {JSxtg, Handb., Richt.,
p. 67) appears to be the more correct one, that
Ashtoreth is the proper name of the goddess, whilst
Asherah is the name of the injage or symbol of the
goddess. This symbol seems in all cases to have
been of wood (see t. g. Judg. vi. 25-30; 2 K.
xxiii. 14), and the most probable etymology of the
term (1C"M = ~ltT\ to be ttraiyht, dirtcf) indi-
cates that it was formed of the straight stem of a
tree, whether living or set up for the purpose, and
thus |* >ints us to the phallic rites with which no
doubt the worship of Astarte was connected.
[Ashtoreth.] See also Egypt. F. W. G.
ASH'ERITES, THE PT&ft : o 'Ao^;
Alex. Aorip: Vulg. om.). The descendants of
Asher and members of his tribe (Judg. i. 32,.
W. A. W.
ASHES. The ashes on the altar of burnt-
offering were gathered into a cavity in its surface,
on a heap called the apple (rn3£l), from its round
shape (Cramer, tie Ara exitriori), said to have
sometimes amounted to 300 Cors; but this Maimon.
and others say is spoken hyperbolic*. On the days
of tlie three solemn festivals the ashes were not re-
moved, and the accumulation taken away afterwards
in the morning, the priests casting loU for the of-
fice (Midmn, Tamid, i. 2, and ii. 2). The ashes
of a red heifer burnt entire, according to regulations
prescribed in Num. xix., had the ceremonial effi-
cacy of purifying the unclean (Heb- ix. 13), but
of polluting the clean. [S u :aii n | .] Ashes
a Achsbaph (LXX. K«uf> or Kcud^a) must bu Otaifa.
Robiason's Identification (iii. 55) is surely too l'tr in-
land. Alammelech was probably on the NaJir tt-Me-
'eca, a tributary of the Klshon. Jlphthab-el may be
/''■n (Rob. til. 107). Bethlehem (/fell Lahm) Is 10
Mies inland from the shore of the bay of Chaifa (Bob.
». 112) ; and as It was in Zubulun, ft fixes the distance
jt Asher'* boundary as less than tliat from the sea.
'■ Vor the crops, see Rob. ill. 102 ; for the oil, Ken-
4dk,p. 81; IMMd, p. 817.
c Zidon was then distinguished by the name Rab
bah = " the Strong," Josh. xix. 28.
tt This name is * Mod by the LXX. Compare Josh,
xvll. 11.
< This would be well compensated for if the ancieoi
legend could be proved to have any foundation , that
the parents of St. Paul resided at Giscala or Gush
Chaleb, i. t, the Ahlab of Asher (Judg. 1. SI) Saa
KeUnd, p. 818. (But see Acts nil. 8.]
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174
ASHIMA
■bout the person, especially on the heed, were need
u a sign of midi. [Uodrhuio.] II. H.
• Jeremiah (xxxi. 40) speaks of "a vmJVejr of
uhe«;" and from bis mention of "the brook of
Kidron" in the same passage, he may possibly
refer to a "valley" which bore this name, near
Jerusalem. But the prophet's representation there
being symbolic, it is not easy to decide bow tar we
are to regard the scenery under which he couches
the allegory as literal and how far as fictitious.
At a little distance north of Jerusalem are several
large mounds of ashes (one of them 40 feet high),
which some conjecture may be as old as the age of
the temple, having been built up by the ashes carried
out thither from the altar of sacrifice (Lev. vi. 10,
11). So much curiosity was felt respecting these
ashes that two small specimens of them were sub-
mitted to Professor Liebig, who found them on
analysis to consist largely of animal and not of veg-
etable elements. But the general opinion is that
they are the accumulations of ashes deposited there
from soap manufactories which formerly existed at
Jerusalem. The fact that similar mounds occur in
the vicinity of Nabubts (Shecukm), which are
known to be formed in this way, would seem to be
decisive on this question. Travellers have observed
them also near (Ihuzzeh (Gaza), Ludd (Lydda),
and RamUk, where the Jews never offered sacrifices.
See Dr. Robinson's Later Res. iii. 201. The
chemical test, as he suggests, is too limited for de-
termining the character of the entire mass, and a
few particles of bones might easily be intermixed
with the other sediments. Dr. Sepp takes notice
of these ash-heaps (Jerusalem ti. das heil. Land,
i. 250), and expresses the same opinion of their
origin. H~
ASHIMA (N^^y : A<ri/ii« [Vat. -«*-];
[Comp. 'kati*av\ Asima), a god worshipped by the
people of Hamath. The worship was introduced
into Samaria by the Hamathite colonists whom
Shalmanezer settled in that land (2 K. xvii. 30).
The name occurs only in this single instance. The
Talmudista say that the word signifies a goat with-
out hair, or rather with short hair (Buxtorf, Aex.
Talm.), and from this circumstance Ashima has
oeen regarded as identical with the Hendesian god
of the Egyptians (considered by the Greeks to be
Pan), to whom the goat was sacred. This god has
also by some been identified with the Phoenician
god Esmun (see Winer, Realm. ), whose name is
frequently found in Phoenician inscriptions as a
component of the names of persons, and who is
regarded as the Phoenician vEsculapius (Gesen.
Mon. Pham. pp. 136, 347). The two conjectures
are not necessarily discrepant, since to the Phoeni-
cian Esmftn belong the characteristics both of Pan
and of JJsculapius (Hovers, Phinutier, i. 682).
There are many other conjectures of Jewish writers
respecting this god, but they are of no authority
whatever. F. W. G.
ASHTLELON, AS'KBLON, Apocr. AS'-
CALOK (,V???iPtf' 1 [perh. migration, Ge-
ao.; stony, Dietr.']; once "the Eshkalonite,"
Olb^ip^n: 'AevaW : Sasd. jjik&wkfi
;not* the change from Alepb to Ain): Ascakm),
« Ths usual form would be bpPS, AsUuU. Ho-
tter (in Qesanms, p. 1476) suggests that the unoom-
soo ssnamsoon Is a PhWstins form.
ASHKKLON
one of the five cities of the lords of the Philistines
(Josh. xiii. 3; 1 Sam. vi. 17), but less often men-
tioned, and apparently less known to the Jews that
the other four. This doubtless arose from its re-
mote situation, alone, of all the Philistine towns,
on the extreme edge of the snore of the Mediter
ranean (Jer. xlvii. 7), and also well down to tat
south. Gaza, indeed, was still further south, but
then it was on the main road from Egypt to the
centre and north of Palestine, while Ashkelon lay
considerably to the left. The site, which retains
its ancient name, fully bears out the above infer-
ence; but some indications of the fact may be
traced, even in the scanty notices of Ashkelon which
occur in the Bible. Thus, the name is omitted
from the list in Josh. xv. of the Philistine towns
falling to the lot of Judah (but comp. Joseph. Ant.
v. 1, § 22, where it is specified), although Ekron,
Ashdod, and Gaza are all named ; and considerable
uncertainty rests over its mention in Judg. i. 18
(see Bertheau in Exeg. Handb.). Samson went
down from Timnath to Ashkelon when he slew the
thirty men and took their spoil, as if to a remote
place whence his exploit was not likely to be heard
of; and the only other mention of it in the histor-
ical books is in the formulistic passages, Josh. xiii.
3, and 1 Sam. vi. 17, and in the casual notices of
Jud. ii. 28; 1 Mace. x. 86, xi. 60, xii. 33. The
other Philistine cities are each distinguished by
some special occurrence or fact connected with it,
but except the one exploit of Samson, Ashkelon is
to us no more than a name. In the poetical books
it occurs 2 Sam. i. 20; Jer. xxv. 20, xlvii. 5, 7;
Am. i. 8; Zeph. ii. 4, 7; Zech. ix. 6.
In the post-biblical times Ashkelon rose to con-
siderable importance. Near the town — though all
traces of them have now vanished — were the temple
and sacred lake of Derceto, the Syrian Venus; and
it shared with Gaza an infamous reputation for the
steadfastness of its heathenism and for the cruel-
ties there practiced on Christians by Julian (Re-
land, pp. 588, 590). " The soil around the town
was remarkable for its fertility ; the wine of Asca-
lon was celebrated, and the At-henna plant flour-
ished better than in any other place except Can-
opus " (Kenrick, p. 28). It was also celebrated for
its cypresses, for figs, olives, and pomegranates, and
for its bees, which gave their name to a valley in
the neighborhood (Kenrick, p. 28; Edrisi and Ibn
Batuta in Hitter, Paldstina, p. 88). Its name is
familiar to us in the " Eschalot " or " Shallot," a
kind of onion, first grown there, and for which this
place was widely known. "The sacred doves of
Venus still fill with their cooincs the luxuriant gar-
dens which grow in the sandy hollow within the
ruined walls " (Stanley, p. 257). Ashkelon played
a memorable part in the struggles of the Crusades.
" In it was intrenched the hero of the last gleam
of history which has thrown its light over the
plains of Philistia, and within the walls and towers
now standing Richard held his court" (Stanley,
ibid.). By the Mohammedan geographers it was
called "the bride of Syria" (Schultens, Index
Geogr.).
" The position of the town is naturally very
strong. The walls are built on a ridge of rock
which winds in a semicircular curve around tht
town and terminates at each end in the sea. There
is no bay or shelter for ships, but a small barbo*
towards the east advanced a little way into ths
town, and anciently bore, like that of Gaza, thi
of Majumas " (Kenrick, p. 98).
Digitized by
Googl
ASHKENAZ
In tea) time of Origen some well* of remarkable
shape wan shown near the town, which were be-
Reved to be those dog by Isaac, or at any rate, to
be of the time of the patriarchs. In connection
with this tradition may be mentioned the fact that
in the Samaritan version of Gen. xx. 1, 9, and
ixri. 1, Askelon I^PD . «) is put for the " Ge-
rar " of the Hebrew text. G.
* A word should be aaid of the present site of
Ashkelon. Gesenius speaks of a Tillage there still,
bearing the ancient name; but in fact not a living
soul dwells an; longer within the proper precincts
of the old city, though a little east of the ruins is
a cluster of some twenty mud hovels surrounded
by a few palms and other trees. The name is un-
known on the spot except by tradition. The tes-
timony of all travellers is the same: it is difficult
to conceive of a more desolate scene, a sadder spec-
tacle of the wasting effects of time, and of the havoc
of war, than the ruins of Ashkelon present to us.
" A lofty and abrupt ridge begins near the shore,
runs up eastward, bends round to the south, then
to the west, and finally northwest to the sea again,
forming an irregular amphitheatre. On the top of
this ridge ran the wall, which was defended at its
salient angles by strong towers. The specimens
which still exist along the southeast and west sides
show that it was very high and thick, built, how-
ever, of small stones, and bound together by broken
columns of granite and marble. . . . These extra-
ordinary fragments, tilted up in strange confusion
along the sandy ridge, are what generally appear
in the pictures of Askelon, and impart such an air
of desolation to the view. . . . The whole area is
now planted over with orchards of the various kinds
of fruit which nourish on this coast. . . . From the
top of these tall fragments at the southeast angle
of the wall, we have the whole scene of desolation
before us, stretching, terrace after terrace, quite
down to the sea on the northwest. The walls
must have been blown to pieces by powder, for not
even earthquakes could toss these gigantic masses
of masonry into such extraordinary attitudes"
(Thomson's Land and Book, ii. 338 ff.). " Mot a
solitary column stands upright, and not a building
»n be traced even in outline, though a few stones
af a wall are here and there seen in their places.
Deep wells are frequently met with, with curb-stones
if marble or granite ; columns, mostly of granite,
exist everywhere in vast numbers — scores of them
may be seen projecting from the ruinous wall along
the cliff over the sea, and some lie half buried in
the sands below" (Porter's Handbook, i. 369).
We seem, as we stand there, to hear echoing through
the ruins '.hose words of Zephaniah (ii. 4), spoken
35 cc.un.es ago: "Ashkelon shall be a desola-
-jo": and of Zechariah (ix. 5): "Ashkelon shall
uot be inhabited." U.
ASH'KENAZ (T??r'S: -A<rxa»4f: Atce-
■et), one of the three sons of Corner, son of Ja-
phet (Gen. x. 3), that is, one of the peoples or
tribes belonging to the great Japhetic division of
me human race, and springing immediately from
hat part of it which bears the name of Gomes.
The original seat of the people of Ashkenaz was
sndonbtedly in the neighborhood of Armenia, since
they are mentioned by Jeremiah (Ii. 37) in connec-
tion with the kingdoms of Ararat and Minni. We
A8HTABOTH
176
o Nets hart, as In the Arabic, the substitution of
tmtmJJtpk
are not, however, on this account to conclude that
they, any more than the Gomerites in general, were
confined to this locality. Assuming here, what
will be more properly discussed under the word Ja-
phet, that the Japhetic tribes migrated from their
original seats westward and northward, thus peo-
pling Asia Minor and Europe, we may probably
recognize the tribe of Ashkenaz on the northern
shore of Asia Minor, in the name of lake Aa-
canius, and in Europe in the name Scand-a, Scand-
inavia. Knobel (VSOurUtfd, p. 35) regards the
word as a compound (Y33"B7N), the latter element
being equivalent to the Gr. yivos. Let. gent, gemu,
Eng. kind, kin; the meaning therefore being the
At-rux. If this be so, it would seem that we hers
find the origin of the name Asia, which has sub-
sequently been extended to the whole eastern part
of the world. Knobel considers that Ashkenaz is
to be identified with the German race. It is worthy
of notice, though possessing little weight as ev-
idence for this view, that the rabbins, even to the
present day, call Germany T33U7N. The opinion
of Gorres ( VSOctrlafeL p. 93) that Ashkenaz is to
be identified with the Cymry or Gaelic race seems
lees probable than that of Knobel. F. W. G.
• In 1 Chr. i. 6 and Jer. Ii. 37 the word is
spelled in the A- V., as in the Genevan version,
AsHCHKMAZ. A.
ASH'NAH (n3tr« [the ttrong, Jin*]), the
name of two cities of Judah, both in the Slie/elak
or Lowland; (1) named between Zorea and Zanoah,
and therefore probably N. W. of Jerusalem (Josh,
xv. 33; 'Ao-ow; [Comp. Aid. Alex. 'AoW:] At-
om); and (3) between Jiphthah and Nezib, ami
therefore to the S. W. of Jerusalem (Josh. xv. 43;
[Iara; Aid. Alex. 'AroW; Comp. 'Atraml:]
Etna). Each, according to Robinson's map (1867),
would be about 16 miles from Jerusalem, and there-
fore corresponding to the Belhasan of the Ono-
mast. Eusebius names another place, 'Kavi, but
with no indication of position. G.
ASH'PENAZ OQ!?t??M, of uncertain origin,
yet see Hitzig on Dan. f. 8, and compare the form
T33BTH, Gen. x. 3 : LXX., 'A0i«ro>< = "HT? \3£
(?);' 'A<rAaW£ Theodot.: [Atphenet, Vnlg.],
Atpkat, Abuser, Syr.), the master of the eunuchs
of Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. i. 8). B. F. W.
ASH1UEL CWW& : 'E<rpM\; [Vat. A*-
(pfiqA:] Etriet). Probably isMEL, the son of
Manasseh (1 Chr. vii. 14). W. A. W.
ASHTERATHITE ("rHI^tpjn : ' A(r -
rapaei [Vat. -0«i]: AttarotAUet). A native or
inhabitant of Ashtaroth (1 Chr. xi. 41) beyond
Jordan. Uzzia the Ashterathite was one of D*
vid's guard. W. A. W.
ASHTABOTH, and (once) ASTAKOTII
(nTlfJItPy : 'Atrrapetf: Att-irolli [in Josh. xiii.
31, Alex.' Aoiapan; in 1 Chr. vi. 71, 'Ao-»p<60;
Alex s Pa/uti; Comp. Aid. 'Ae7rap<S8]), a city on
the E. of Jordan, in Bashan, in the kingdom of
Og, doubtless so called from being a seat of the
worship of the goddess of the same name. [Ash-
toheth.] It is generally mentioned as a descrip-
tion or definition of Og, — who "dwelt in Ashta-
roth in iSdrei " (Deut i. 4), " at AshUroth and at
Edred" (Josh. xtt. 4. xiii. 13), or "who was at
Digitized by
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176
ASHTAROTH
Aahtaroth" (ix. 10). It fell into possession of the
naif tribe of Manaaseh (Josh, xiii. 31), and m
given with 1U suburbs or surrounding pasture-lands
;t£hjn) to the Gersbonites (1 Chr. vi. 71 [66],
Ihe other Leritical city in this tribe being Golan,
(n the list in Josh. xii. 27, the name U given at
Heeabterah (quad 5 i"V3 = "house of A.;"
KeLmd, p. 621; Gesenius, Thtt. pp. 175 a, 196
>'«, 1083). Nothing more is heard of Asbtaroth.
It is not named in any of the lists, such as those
in Chronicles, or of Jeremiah, in which so many
of the trans-Jordanic places are enumerated. Je-
rome (Onom. Attaroth) states that in his time it
la; six miles from Adra, which again was 25 from
Bostra. He further (Attcuvth Carnaim) and Eu-
tebius speak of two Kaput, or castella, which lay
nine miles apart, " inter Adaram et Abihun civita-
tes." One of these was possibly that first named
above,- and the other may have been Ashteroth-
K am ai m . The only trace of the name yet recov-
ered in these interesting districts is Tell-Ailtteraji
or Atherah (Ritter, Syria, p. 819; Porter, ii. 212),
and of this nothing more than the name is known.
Uiriah the Ashterathite is named in 1 Chr. xi. 44.
O.
•ASHTAROTH (n'V"l£1#y : Judg. II.
13, cu 'AoTttWeu; x. 6, of ' KtrrapdB ; 1 Sam. vii.
8, xii. 10, rd (Uo-w; vii. 4, to &\<rn KarapAO;
xxxi. 10, with H'a, to 'A(TTo/»T«ro», Alex. -r»-:
Attaroth), the plural of Ashtoketh, which see.
A.
ashteroth earn aim (rnj-iipy
D?3~lf2 = " Asbtaroth of the two boms or peaks; "
Q * * *
Sun. Vers. 'pVWBS : Saad. ^twheJuoJt :
'Ao-tcukW koI (Alex, omits <tol) Kapvatv- Attaroth
Otrnaim), a place of very great antiquity, the
abode of the Repbaim at the time of the incursion
of Chedorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 5), while the cities of
the plain were still standing in their oasis. The
name reappears but once, and that in the later his-
tory of the Jews, as Carnaim, or Camion (1 Mace,
v. 36, 43, 44; 2 Maoo. xii. SI, 26; Joseph. Ant. xii.
8, § 4), " a strong and great city " " hard to be-
siege," with a » temple (to r^ovi) of Atargatia "
(to 'Arafryaruoy), but with no indication of its
locality, beyond its being in "the land of Galasd.'
It is usually assumed to be tbe same place as the
preceding [Ashtaroth], but the few (act* that
can be ascertained are all against such an identifi-
cation. 1. The affix " Karnaim," wh'ch certainly
indicates some distinction," and wLie'j in th*> times
of the Maccabees, as quoted above, appears to have
superseded the other name. 2. Tbe fact that Eu-
•ebius and Jerome in the Onomasticon, though not
very clear on the point, yet certainly make a dis-
tinction between Ashtaroth and Asiaroth -Carnaim,
deaciibing the latter as a ko/iIj /iryiorr/ tt)j 'Apo-
Bias, vious grandis in angulo Bataiueae. 3. Some
weight is due to the renderings of tbe Samaritan
rertion, and of the Arabic version of Saadiab, which
rive Ashtaroth as in the text, but Ashteroth-Kar-
aaim by entirely different names (see above). The
first of these, AphinWi, does not appear to have been
A8HTORBTH
yet recognized; but the second et-Sanatnan, eaa
hardly be other than the still important phtee which
continues to bear precisely the same name, on the
Haj route, about 25 miles south of Damascus, ant
to the N. W. of the Lrjah (Burckh. p. 55; Hitter
Syria, p. 812). Perhaps it is some confirmation
of this view that while the name Karnaim refers U
some double character in the deity there worshipped
et-Sanamein a also dual, meaning " the two idols.'
There accordingly we are disposed to fix the site of
Ashteroth-Kamaim in the absence of further evi-
dence. G.
* Mr. Porter is very confident that " Kamaini "
refers to the figure of Ashteroth. At Kunawat
(Kenath, Num. xxxil 42) in Lejak, the ancient
Argob, he found "a colossal head of Ashteroth,
sadly broken, in front of a little temple, of which
probably it was once the chief idol. The crescent
moon which gave the goddess the name ' Carnaim '
(two-horned) is on her brow." Elsewhere also
among the massive ruins of the deserted cities there
he saw "sculptured images of Astarte, with the
crescent moon," showing how prevalent was this
form of worship, and what its characteristic symbol
was (AsHTOBKTH). See his Giant Cities of
Batkan, pp. 12, 43. H.
ASHTORETH (n^FltpS : 'A<rro>r«: At-
tarthe [Attaroth]), the principal female divinity of
the Phoenicians, as Baal was the principal male di-
vinity. It is a peculiarity of both names that they
frequently occur in the plural, and are associated
together in this form (Judg. x. 6 ; 1 Sam. vii. 4,
xii. 10). Gesenius ( Thtt. s. w.) maintained that by
these plurals were to be understood statues of
Baal and Astarte; but the more correct view seems
to be that of Movers (Pkon. i. 175, 602), that the
plurals are used to indicate different modifications
of tbe divinities themselves. In the earlier books
of the O. T., only the plural, Ashtaroth, occurs,
and it is not till the time of Solomon, who intro-
duced the worship of tbe Sidonian Astarte, and
only in reference to that particular goddess, Ashto-
reth of the Sidonians, that the singular is round in
the O. T. (1 K. xi. 6, 33; 2 K. xxiii. 13). The
worship of Astarte was very ancient and very
widely spread. We find the plural Ashtaroth
united with the adjunct Karnaim as the name of ■
city as early as tbe time of Abraham (Gen. xiv. 6),
and we read of a temple of this goddess, appar-
ently as the goddess of war, amongst the Philis-
tines in the time of Saul (1 Sam. xxxi. 10). From
the connection of this goddess with Baal or Bel,
we should moreover naturally conclude that she
would be found in the Assyrian pantheon, and in
fact the name Ishtar appears to be clearly identified
in the list of tbe great gods of Assyria (l-ayard,
.V. ami B., pp. 352, 629; Rawlinson, Early Hittory
of Babylon, Und. 1854, p. 33; Rawlinson, Herod-
otut, 1. 634). There is no reason to doubt that
this Assyrian goddess is the Asbtoreth of the Old
Testament and the Astarte of the Greeks and Ro-
mans. The worship of Astarte seems to hate ex-
tended wherever Phoenician colonics were founded.
Thus we find her name in inscriptions still «Ti«ting
in the island of Cyprus on the site of tbe ancient
Citium, and also at Carthage (Gesen. Hon. Pkon.
pp. 126, 449), and not unfrequently as an element
a This was held by tha Jews at the data of the Tal-
mud to refer to its situation between two high peaked
tUls (sat Sukkali, fbd. 2), though It mors probably
alludes to the worship of tha homed goddess, tin
"mooned Ashtaroth."
Digitized by
GoogI
ASHTORETH
in Phnmieisai proper nanus, as "Aoraoror, 'APSa-
wr&prot, &tK»uurrAprot (Joseph, e. Ap. i. 18). The
name ocean moreover written in Egyptian hiero-
glyphics, as Aitart (Gee. rAes. §. v. Kor evidence
of her wide-spread wonhip tee also Kckhel, Uoet.
Num. iii. 869 ff). It is worthj of remark that
Rudiger, in hie recently publiahed Addenda to Ge-
senius's Tketaurui (p. 108), notices that in the
inscription on the sarcophagus of a king named
Esmunacar, discovered in January, 18(6 (see Rob-
inson, iii. 36, note), the founding, or at least resto-
ration, of the temple of this goddess at Sidon, is
attributed to him and to his mother Amashtoreth,
who is further styled priestess of Ashtoreth.
If now we seek to ascertain the character and
attributes of this goddess, we find ourselves in-
volved in considerable perplexity. There can be
no doubt that the general notion symbolized is
that of productive power, as Baal symbolizes that
of generative power, and it would be natural to
conclude that as the sun is the great symbol of the
latter, and therefore to be identified with Baal, so
the moon is the symbol of the former and must be
identified with Astarte. That this goddess was so
typified can scarcely be doubted. The ancient
name of the city, Ashtaroth-Karnaim, already re-
ferred to, seems to indicate a horned Astarte, that
js, an image with a crescent moon on her head like
the Egyptian Athor. At any rate it is certain that
she was by some ancient writers identified with the
moon ; thus Lueian (Dt Syria Dea, 4) says, ' Ao-
rifmff 4" tytt Zoniw ~Z*\i\nh\v tpiuvai. And
again Herodian, v. 6, 10, Oipaytav +od nets "A<r-
TfoSpxW (* STecized form of Astarte) oko/icC^ovci,
nMpnp that BtKoyrts. On these grounds
Movers, Winer, Keil, and others maintain that
■ originally Ashtoreth was the moon-goddess. On
the other hand, it appears to be now ascertained
that the Assyrian Ishtar was not the moon-god-
dess, but the planet Venus (Kawlinson, Herod.
L c), and it is certain that Astarte was by many
ancient writers identified with the goddess Venus
(or Aphrodite) ss well as also with the planet of that
name. The name itself seems to be identical with
our word Star, a word very widely spread (San-
skrit, lara ; Zend, $taranm ; Pehlevi, ttiaran ;
Pen. SjLiuJ, istarah; Gr. turrbp ; Ut Mella.
Though this derivation is regarded as doubtful by
Keil, from the absence of the initial V in all the
presumed repre s en tatives of the word (Kdnige, i.
168, Eng. tr. 1. 189), it is admitted by Gesenius,
Fiirst Hovers, and most Hebrew critics on appar-
ently good grounds. On the whole it seems most
likely that both the moon and the planet were
looked upon as symbula, under different aspects
and perhaps at different periods, of the goddess,
just as each of them may in different aspects of
the heavens be regarded as the ■• queen of heaven."
The inquiry as to the worship paid to the god-
dess is not less perplexed than that of the heavenly
body iii which she was symbolized. M'jvers (/'Aon.
607) distinguishes two Astartes, one Carthaginian-
Ssdonian. a virgin goddess symbolized by the moon,
the other Syro-Phcenician symbolized by the planet
Venus. Whether this be so or not it is certain
that the worship of Astarte became identified with
that of Venus: thus Cicero (tie Hal. Dem: iii. 33)
speaks of a fourth Venus, " Syria Tyroque conoepta,
qua; Astarte vocatur," and that this worship was
rrr-— *** with the most impure and licentious
13
ASIA
177
rites Is apparent from the' close connection of this
goddess with Ashekaii, or, ss our translatiirs ren-
dered the word. " groves." It is not necessary
that we should here enter further into the very per-
plexed and i evoking subject of the worship of this
goddess. The reader who wishes to pursue the
inquiry may find ample details in Movers' Phdm-
zitr, already referred to, and in Creuzer's Symboiii.
F. W. G.
ASHTTB CWn^M [Moc*,Ges., possibly Aero,
Fiirst]: "Affxi, 'Aco»V [Vat 2apa]; [Alex. A«>-
Sat, Affxovp; Comp. 'Ktxoap-] Athur, Auur),
the "father of Tekoa," 1 Chr. ii. 24, iv. 5 [which
probably means that he was the founder or prince
of that village. See Tekoa].
ASHTJRTTES, THE OH-IUten : i Bafftpl;
[Vat. Baa-sun;] Alex. Batrovp; [Comp. 'Katpi:}
Gtuttri). This name occurs only in the enumer-
ation of those over whom Ishbosheth was made
king (2 Sam. ii. 9). By some of the old inter
preters — Arabic, Syriac, and Vulgate versions —
and in modern times by Ewald (O'eich. iii. 145),
the name is taken as meaning the Geahurites, the
members of a small kingdom to the S. or S. E. of
Damascus, one of the petty states which were in-
cluded under the general title of Aram. [Aram
Geshur.] The difficulty in accepting this sub
stitution is that Geshur had a king of its own,
Talmai, whose daughter moreover was married to
David somewhere about this very time (1 Chr. iii.
2, compared with 4), a circumstance not consistent
with his being the ally of Ishbosheth, or with the
latter being made king over the people of Ge-
shur. Talmai was still king many years after this
occurrence (2 Sam. xiii. 37). In addition, Geshur
was surely too remote from Mahanaim and from the
rest of Ishbosheth's territory to be intended here.
It would therefore be perhaps safer to follow
the Targum of Jonathan, which has Bcth-Asber,
"ItJW fVjEl, " the house of Asher," a reading sup-
ported by several MSS. of the original text, which,
omitting the Vau, have "HIPHT? (Davidson, Htbr
Text, ad loc. ). " The Asherites " will then denote
the whole of the country west of the Jordan above
JezreeJ (the district of the plain of Esdraelon), and
the enumeration will proceed regularly from north
to south, Asher to Benjamin. The form "Ash-
erite " occurs in Judg. i. 82.
The reading of the LXX. was evidently quite
different; but what it was has not been yet recog-
There is clearly no reference here to the Asahnrim
of Gen. xxv. 3. G.
ASH'VATH (nf'S : 'Ao-tt; [Vat] Alex.
Ao-«6; [Comp. 'KaoviB; Aid. 'Atro&O Atotky.
One of the sons of Japhlet, of the tribe of Ashet
(1 Chr. viL 83). W. A. W.
A'SIA « 'Atria: [AM]). The passages in
the N. T. where this word occurs are the following-
Acts ii. 9, vi. 9, xvi. 6, xix. 10, 22, 26, 27, xx. 4,
16, 18, xxi. 97, xxvii. 2; Rom. xvi. 5 (where the
true reading is *Acr(aj); 1 Cor. xvi. 19; 2 Cor. i.
8; 2 Tun. i. 15; 1 Pet LI; Rev. i. 4,11. [Ctmty
or Asia. See Asiahch jl] In all these passages
it may be confidently stated that the word is used,
not for " the continent of Asia," nor for what we
commonly understand by "Ada Minor," but for a
Roman province which embraced the western part
of the p""l"«"l» of Asia Minor sod of which Eph-
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178
ASIA
ecus m (he capital. Thia province originated in
the bequest of Attains, king of Perganius, or king
of Aula, who left by will to the Roman Republic
nis hereditary dominions in the west of the penin-
tula (B. c. 133). Some rectifications of the fron-
tier were made, and "Asia" was constituted a
province. Under the early Emperors it was rich
and flourishing, though it had been severely plun-
dered under the Republic. In the division made
by Augustus of senatorial and imperial provinces,
it was placed in the former class, and was governed
by a proconsul. (Hence arivwaroi. Acta iix. 38,
and on coins.) It contained many important cities,
among which were the seven churches of the Apoc-
alypse, and it was divided into assize districts for
judicial business. (Hence ayootuoi, i- '■ r,iii(xu.
Acta, Unci.) It is not possible absolutely to define
the inland boundary of this province during the
life of St. Paul : indeed the limits of the provinces
were frequently undergoing change; but generally
it may be said that it included the territory an-
ciently subdivided into jEolis, Ionia, and Doris, and
afterwards into Mysia, Lydia, and Caria. [M vsia,
Lvcla, UiTiir.MA, Phkygia, Galatia.]
Meyer's comment on Acta ivi. 6 is curious, and
neither necessary nor satisfactory. He supposes
that the divine intimation given to St. Paul had
reference to the continent of Asia, as opposed to
Europe, and that the apostle supposed it might
have reference simply to Asia cia Taurum, and
therefore attempted to penetrate into Uithyuia.
The view of Meyer and De Wette on Acts xxvii. 2
(and of tlie former on Acts six. 10), namely, that
the peninsula of Asia Minor ia intended, involves a
ASIAKCHAi
bad geographical mistake; for this term "Asia
Minor " does not seem to hare been so applied tiB
some centuries slier the Christian eta. Moreover
the mistake introduces confusion into both narra-
tives. It is also erroneous to apeak of Asia in the
N. T. as A. proamsularis ; for this phrase also
was of later date, and denoted one of Oonstant.ine's
subdivisions of the province of which we are speak-
ing.
In the books of Maccabees, where reference is
made to the pro-provincial period of this district
(b. c. 200-160), we frequently encounter the word
Asia in its earlier sense. The title " King of Asia "
was used by the Seleucid monarchs of Ajuioch. and
was claimed by them even after it more properly
belonged to the immediate predecessors of Attalus
(see 1 Mace. xi. 13 ; Conybeare and Howson's Life
and h'lnttlel of St. Paul, ch. xiv.; Marquardt s
Rom. Abeitltimer, iii. 130-146 \ J. S. H.
ASIAR'CH^E ('AcriipxW- principa Asia,
Vulg.: chief of Asia, A. V.: Acts iii. 31), officers
chosen annually by the cities of that part of the
province of Asia of which Ephesus was, under Ro-
man government, the metropolis. They had charge
of the public games and religious theatrical spec-
tacles, the expenses of which they bore, as was done
by the holders of Ktnovpyiai at Athens, and the
ajdiles at Rome (Miebuhr, iii. 35 ; Gibbon, xv. ii.
205, ed. Smith). Their office was thus, in great
measure at least, religious, and they are in conse-
quence sometimes called apx'tp'h, and their office
itpoMrun) (Mart. S. Poiycarp. in Pair. Ap. e- 21
[cf. c 12]). Probably it represented the religious
element of the ancient Panionian league; to the
«x
Greek Imperial Copper Coin {" medallion ") of Uodleea of Phrygis ; Commodus ; with nam* of Aatarcd.
Ubv. : AYTKAIMAYP ■ ANTONEINOWE. Bust of Emperor to right. Rev. : EniAtAnlTP HTOCACIAP
AAO-1IKEDN NEDKOPON. Figure in triumphal quadriga of lions, to left.
territorial limits of which also the circle of the
Mictions of the Asiarchs nearly corresponded.
(See Herod, i. 142.) Officers called AvKiaVx" are
mentioned by Strabo (xiv. 665), who exercised ju-
dicial and civil functions, subject to the Roman
government; but there is no evidence to show that
the Asiarchs exercised any but the religiouc (Unc-
tions above-mentioned. Modestinus names Bi-
ffunapx'a &nd KanraSoxapx'" w religious offices
in Bithynia and Cappadocia. The office of Asiarch
was annual, and subject to the approval of the pro-
junsul, but might be renewed ; and the title appears
to have been continued to those who had at any
time held the office. From its costliness, it was
often (iff) conferred on a citizen of the wealthy
city of Tralles (Straho, xiv. 649). Philip, the
Asiarch at the time of St. Polycarp's martyrdom,
was a Trallian. Coins or inscriptions bearing the
names of persons who had served the office of
Asiarch once or more times, are known as belong
ing to the following cities: Aphrodisias, Cyzkua.
' Hypwpa, Laodicea, Pergamus, Philadelphia, Sardis,
Smyrna. Thvatira. (Aristid. Or. xxvi. 518, ed.
Dind.; Eckhel, ii. 507, iv. 207; Biickh, Inter, vol
ii.; Van Dale, Dissert, p. 274 ff.-, Krause, Cirita-
tes Seoeora, p. 71 ; Wetstein, On Acts six. ; Alter-
■ • Meyer has cancelled this remark in his later edi-
Bs now limits Asia in Acts rrl. 6 to the
coast I' be Pwunsular Asia, yli Acts U. 8 and vl.t
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ASIBIAS
Mi, Nwmmatic IButtr. p. 51; Herod, v. 38,
Hammond, On N. T.) H. W. P.
ASIBI'AS (' Afft0las [Vat. -0«,-] ; Alex. Ao-«-
$u>t; [Aid. 'AaiPlas'] Jammebiat). One of the
eons of Phonos, or Parish, in 1 Eadr. U. 86, whose
name occupies the place of Malchuah in Ezr. x.
25. W. A, W.
A'SIEL (bfcrfcS [created by God]: 'A<rri,A:
Atiet). X. A Simeonite whose descendant Jehu
lived in the reign of Hezekiah (1 Chr. iv. 35).
2. One of the fire swift writers whom Esdraa
was commanded to take to write the law and the
History of the world (3 Eadr. xiv. 34).
W. A. W.
ASrPHA VAtrupi; [Vat. M. Tao-«e»: Gat-
pha), 1 Esdr. t. 39. [Uasupha.]
AS'KELON, Judg. i. 18; 1 Sam. ri. 17; 3
8am. i. 30. [Ashrklos.]
• ASMA'VETH. [Azmavkth.]
ASMODETJS CTPIPH: Ao>o8a»t, Tob.
iii. 8), the same as 1 VtaS, which in Job xxxi. 13,
Ac, means "destruction," and 'As-oAAoow, Rev.
ix. 11 [Apoixyoh], where he is called " a king,
the angel of the bottomless pit," and 6 'OKoBftictr,
Wisd. xviii. 85, where he is represented as the
» Evil angel" (Ps. lxxvili. 49) of the plague.
(Schleusner's Thetaur. s. v.) From the bet that
the Talmud (cod. GUtin, Eccles. i. 13) calls him
*TBn Hj70,rtx damunam (cf. Lightfoot, Hor.
Hebr. et Tatm. in Luke ri. 15), some assume him
to be identical with Beelzebub, and others with Ax-
rael. The name is derived either from T?^", to
destroy, or, according to Roland (Winer, ». v.),
from a Persian word = xsipi(f ir. In the book
of Tobit this evil spirit is represented as loving
8am, the daughter of Ragud, and causing the
death of seven husbands, who married her in suc-
cession, on the bridal irtght ; gaining the power to
do so (ss is hinted) through their incontinence.
Tobias, instructed by Raphael, burns on " the ashes
of perfume " the heart aud liver of the fish which
he caught in the Tigris ; " the which smell when the
evil spirit had smeued, he fled into the utmost parts
of Egypt, and the angel bound him " (Tob. viii.
8).
It is obviously a vain endeavor to attempt to ra-
tionalize this story of
..." Asmodeus with the ashy nuns
That drove bun, though enamored, from the spouse
Of ToMt'a son, and with a vrageanoe wot
From Media post to Egypt, then last bound,"
sines it is throughout founded on Jewish demon-
ology, and " the loves of the angels," a strange
fancy derived from Ueu. vt 3. Those, however,
who attempt this task make Asmodeus the demon
if impurity, and suppose merely that the fames
leadened the passions of Tobias and his wife. The
Rabbis (among other odd fables) make this demon
be oAYpring cf the incest of Tubal-cain with his
lister Noema, and say (in allusion to Solomon's
many wires) that Asmodeus once drove him from
Us kingdom, but being dispossessed was forced to
ASP
178
• Af (ths Ores* lunk, the Utm atpit) has by
bssm been derived from the Bsb. FOh», "to gather
so," tn allostoo to toe eotlmg habits of the snake wh»n
treat; bot Itrii etymology Is very Improbable. V,
serve in building the temple, which he did noise
lessly, by means of a mysterious stone Shami.
(Calniet, s. t>. and FraymenU, p. 371, where then
is a great deal of fanciful and groundless specula-
tion). F. W. F.
AS'NAH (njPg [Ihorn-tnuh] : 'AoW:
Atena). The children of Asnah were among the
Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii.
50). In the parallel list of Neh. vii. 53 the name
is omitted, and in 1 Ksdr. r. 31 it is written As-
axa. [See also Asknatii.] W. A. W.
[ASNAPTAR (so correctly A. V. ed. 1611,
in later eds.)] ASNAPTER ("I93t?^ : Syr.
Ktpid: 'Kaatvwpip; [Vat. Atrevrwpap ; Alex
Nad>ofi:] Aeerutphar), mentioned in Ezr. ir. 10,
with the epithets " great and noble," as the person
who settled the Cuthseans in the cities of Samaria.
He has been variously identified with Shalmaneser,
Sennacherib, and Esar-haddon. Of the three ths
third is the most probable, ss Gesenius says, since
in rer. 2 of the same chapter the Cutlueans at-
tribute their settlement to that king. But ou the
whole, as this is but slight evidence, it seems better
to accept Patrick's view (Comm. in loco), that
Asnapper was " some great commander, who was
intrusted by one of these kings to conduct them,
and bring them over the river Euphrates, and see
them settled in Samaria," G. E. L. C.
A'SOM ('Ao-o>: Atom), 1 Esdr. ix. 33. [Ha-
8BUH.]
ASP (709, pethen: iurwls, 6>dW, faun
Aia"KO>: <upU, bntilitcm. The Hebrew word oc-
curs in the six following passages: Deut. xxxii. 33 ;
Ps. lviii. 4, xci. 13; Job xx. 14, 16; Is. xi. 8. It
is expressed in the passages from the I'salms by
adder in the text of the A. V., and by m/i in the
margin. Elsewhere the text of the A. V. has
ntp' as the representative of the original word
pethen.
That some kind of poisonous serpent is denoted
by the Hebrew word is clear from the pannages
quoted above. We further learn from Ps. lviii. 4,
that the pethen was a snake upon which the ser-
pent-charmers practiced their art. In this passage
the wicked are compared to " the deaf adder that
stoppeth her ear, which will not hearken to the
voice of charmers, charming never so wisely ; " aud
from Is. xi. 8, " the sucking child shall play on
the hole of the asp," it would appear that the
pethen was a dweller in holes of walls, Ac. The
question of identity is one which is by uo means
easy to determine. Bochart contributes nothing in
aid to a solution when he attempts to prove that
the pethen is the asp (Hieroz. iii. 156), for this
species of serpent, if a species be signified by the
term, has bean so vaguely described by authors,
that it is not possible to say what known kind is
represented by it. The term ntp in modem zoi logy
is generally restricted to the Vi/>era tuple <t Ia-
treille, but it is most probable that the name,
amongst the ancients, stood for different kinds of
venomous serpents. Solinus (c. xxvii. ) says. " plum
diversnque sunt aspidum species; " and iEliau (.V.
Anin. x. 31) asserts that the Egyptians enumerate
*k<ok that ths words are ooomatopoettc, alluding tr
'be hissing sounds serpents make: of. Let. nsp->ran
The shield (Ml is no doubt derived from the (bra
of the animal at rest
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God^k
180 asp
lixtoen kinds of tup. Bruce thought that the atp
of the ancients should he referred to the cerastes,
while Cuvier considered it to lie the Egyptian eohra
(Naia hnjt). Be this, however, as it may, there
on be little doubt that the Hebrew name pethen
is specific, u it is mentioned as distinct from act/tub,
ihephl/ihon, ItiphM, Ac., names of other members
of the Ophidia.
Oedmann (KenawcA. SammL v. 81) identifies
the pethen with the Coluber lehetmui, linn., a
■pecks described bj Forskil (Detc. Anim. p. 15).
Koscnniiiller (IfoL ad Hitroz. iii. 156), Dr. Lee
(Heb. Iax. s. t. inB), Dr. Harris (KaU Hut. «f
Bible, art. Atp), Col. H. Smith (Cye. Bib. Lit.
art. Serpent), believe that the pethen of Scripture
is to 1* identified with the Coluber baton of Fors-
kal. Oedmann has no hesitation in establishing an
identity between the C. Ubetimu and the C. baton ;
hut from Forsk&l's descriptions it is most probable
that the two species are distinct. The whole ar-
gument that seeks to establish the identity of the
Coluber baton with the pethen of Scripture is based
entirely upon a similarity of sound. Roaenmuller
thinks that the Arabic word baton ought to be
written ;mtan, and thinks there can be no doubt
that this species represents the pethen of Scripture.
Oednuuin's argument also is based on a similarity of
sound in the words, though he adduces an addi-
tional proof in the fact that, according to the
Swedish naturalist quoted above, the common people
of Cyprus bestow the epithet of kouphe '.Kovtfrfi),
" deaf," upon the (.'■ lebetima. He does not, how-
ever, believe that this species is absolutely deaf, for
he says it can bear well. This epithet of deafness
attributed to the C. lebrrimu ( Mmanii thinks may
throw light on the passage in I's. Iviii. 5, about
"the deaf adder."
As regards the opinion of Koaenmuller and others
who recognize the pethen under the baton of Fors-
kal, it may be stated that, even if the identity is
allowed, we are as much in the dark as ever on the
subject, for the Coluber baton of Forskil has never
been determined. If C. baton — C. lebetinui, the
species denoted may be the Echit arenieola {tox-
icoa) of Egypt ( Catalogue of Snakes in Brit. M.
i. 29). . Probably all that naturalists have ever
heard of the C. baton it derived from two or three
lines of description given by Forsk&l. " The whole
body is spotted with black and white; it is a foot
in length, and of the thickness of two thumbs;
oviparous; its bite kills in an instant, and the
wounded body swells." The evidence afforded by
the deaf snake of Cyprus, and adduced in support
of his argument by Oedmann, is of no value what-
ever; for it must be remembered that the audition
in all the ophidia is very imperfect, as all the mem-
bers of this order are destitute of a tympanic
cavity. The epithet "deaf," therefore, aa far
relates to the power all serpents possess of hearing
ordinary sounds may reasonably be applied to any
snake. Vulgar opinion in this country attributes
'deafness" to the adder; but it would be very
unreasonable to infer from thence that the adder
•f this country (Peliat Berm) is identical with the
'deaf adder" of the 58th Psalm! Vulgar opin-
ion in Cyprus is of no more value in the matter of
Identification of species than vulgar opinion in Eng-
land. A preliminary proof, moreover, Is necessary
(or the argument. The snake of Cyprus must be
demonstrated to occur in Egypt cr the Holy Land —
i fret which has never yet been proved, though, aa
ASP
was stated above, the snake of ( 'yprus ( C. aVtau
may be the same aa the Echit areniala of N'orti
Africa.
Very absurd are some of the explanations which
commentators have given of the passage concerning
the "deaf adder that stoppeth her ears;" the
Rabbi Solomon (according to Bochart, iii. 163.'
asserts that " this snake becomes deaf when old in
one ear; that she stops the other with dust, lest
she should hear the charmer's voice." Others
■n.intitin that " she applies one ear to the ground
and stops the other with her tail." That such
errors should have prevailed in former days, when
little else but foolish marvels filled the pages of
natural history, is not to be wondered at, and no
allusion to them would have been made here, if this
absurd error of " the adder stopping her ears with
her tail " had not been perpetuated in our own day
In Bythner's Lyre of David, p. 165 (1'ee'a transla-
tion, 1847 ! ), the following explanation of the word
/xtJien, without note or comment, occurs: u Atp,
whose deafness marks the venom of his malice, as
though impenetrable even to charms. It is deaf of
one ear, and stops the other with dust or its tail,
that it may not hear incantations." Dr. Thomson
also (Land and Book, p. 155, London, 1859 ! ) seems
to give credence to the fable when he writes:
" There is also current an opinion that the adder
will actually stop up his ear with his tall to fortify
himself against the influence of music and other
charms." It is not, then, needless to observe, in
confutation of the above error, that no serpent pos-
sesses external openings to the ear.
The true explanation of Ps. Iviii. 4 is simply as
follows: There are some serpents, individuals of
the same species perhaps, which defy all the at-
tempts of the charmer: in the language of Script-
ure such individuals may be termed deaf. The
point of the rebuke consists in the fact that the pe-
lhen was capable of hearing the charmer's song, but
refused to do so. The individual case in question
was an exception to the rule. If, as some have sup-
posed, the expression "deaf adder" denoted some
species that was incapable of hearing, whence it
had its specific name, how could there be any force
in the comparison which the psalmist makes with
wicked man?
■gypdan Cobra. (Naia *»•. i
Serpents, though comparatively speaking deaf tt
ordinary sounds, are no doubt capable of bearing
the sharp, shrill sounds which the charmer produces
either by his voice or by an instrument; and thh
comparative deafness is, it appears to us (As cert
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AbVALATHUS
rami why such sounds as the charmer makes pro- '
luce the desired effect in the subject under treat- '
meat. [Serprict -charming.] As the Egyptian '
aobra is more frequently than any other species the
subject upon which the serpent-charmers of the
Bible hutds practice their science, as it is fond of
concealing itself in walls and in holes (Is. xi. 8),
and as it is not improbable that the derivation of
the Hebrew word pethen <• has reference to the ex-
panding powers of this serpent's neck when irri-
tated, it appears to us to hare a decidedly better
claim to represent the pethen than the very doubt-
ful species of Coluber batan, which on such slender
grounds has been so positively identified with it.
W. II.
ASPAI/ATHUS (ao-wdAo0ot bowu&rsnt;
Oomp. wdAotfot: bakamum), the name of some
tweet perfume mentioned in Ecclus. xxir. 15, to
which Wisdom compares herself: " I gave a sweet
smell like cinnamon and atpalathus." The question
as to what kind of plant represents the aspalathus
of the ancients has long been a puzzling one. From
Theocritus (Id iv. 67) we learn that the aspalathus
was of a thorny nature, and (from Id. zxiv. 87)
that the dry wood was used for burning. Pliny
(H. ft. xii. 24) says that aspalathus grows in
Cyprus; that it is a white thorny shrub, the size
of a moderate tree; that another name for this
plant was erysceptrum or tceptrum, " sceptre," or
" red sceptre," a name perhaps which it owed to
the fact of the flowers clustering along the length
of the branches; but in another place (xxir. 13)
be speaks of aspalathut as distinct from the try-
tccptrum, as growing in Spain, and commonly em-
ployed there as an ingredient in perfumes and oint-
ment*. He states that it was employed also in the
washing of wool. Theophrastus (Hitt Plata, ix.
7, § 3, ed. Schneider) enumerates atpalalhut with
cinnamon, cassia, and many other articles which
were used for ointments, and appears to speak of it
ss an Eastern production. In Ft. iv. 33 he says
it is sweet-scented and an astringent. Dioscorides
(i. 19) says that the aspalathut was used for the
purpose of thickening ointment.
It appears that there were at least two kinds or
varieties of plants known by the name of at/xd-
atJuu; for aD the authorities cited above clearly
make mention of two: one was white, inodorous,
and inferior; the other had red wood under the
bark, and was highly aromatic. The plant was of
m thorny a nature that Plato (Rtpub. p. 616 A,
sd. Bekker) says cruel tyrants were punished with
it in the lower world.
Gerarde (Herbal, p. 1635) mentions two kinds
of atpalalhut: aspat albican! torulo ckreo, and
ASS
181
■ 703* 10-i T - «">>P- Inu*. distmdm, whence
]ftGS, limtn, utpote sd coneuloandnm expansum.
(he Onsk nifcn seems to be connected with this word,
■ss furs*.. Omcor<L a. v. The Arab, baton ( ,.%&>),
slamn, may have reference to expansion.
» On this subject Sir W. Hooker In a letter wrltss,
' We most not go to Omvot. xoparitu, a 'wit that may
possess the two neutral qualifications- It Is peculiar
jb the Oanary Islands. Many plants with fragrant
wts are ealled Roee-roots- Sneh Is the Lignum aloes,
he Hgn aloes of gerlp'ore; and then Is the potiopi^a
i MoscorMss, which came ho Macedonia. A late
earned friend of nine writes, ' This was certainly 'in
asjos's RJuxhola rosea, figured as inch by Parkinson
a his Tntatrwm BoUmieum, After Lobel. Soon after
atpaL miens. " The latter," he says, " is the betta
rt the two : its smeD is like that of the rose, whence
the name lignum Rhodium, rather than from
Rhodes, the place where it is said to grow." The
Lignum Rhodianum is by some supposed to be the
substance indicated by the aspalaihus; the plant
which yields it is the Convokndut scopariut of
Linnams." Dr. Royle (Cycl. Bib. Lit. s. v.) is
inclined to believe that the bark of a tree of the
Himalayan mountains, the Myrica tapida of Dr.
WaDich, is the article indicated, because in India
the term Darthithan, which by Avicenna and
Serapion are used as the Arabic synonyms of
aspalathus, is applied to the bark of this tree. If
the aspalathus of the Apocrypha be identical with
the atpalalhut of the Greeks, it is clear that the
locality for the plant must be sought nearer home,
for Theocritus evidently mentions the aspalathut ss
if it were familiar to the Greek colonists of Sicily
or the south of Italy in its growing state. For
other attempts to identify the aspalathut see Sai-
masius, HyL lot cap. ixxxiv.; Dr. Royle, in pas-
sage referred to above; Sprengel, Hist Rei Herb.
i. 46, 183; but in all probability the term has been
applied to various plants. W. H.
ASTATHA (KTI^PH : +turya; [Alex. FA
♦070; Comp. 'AoTpoid-j Etphalka), third son of
Hainan (Esth. ix. 7).
ASTHAR, the pool (hixmi 'Ao-eVtp; [Ak*.
A. A<r<pa\: Incut Asphitr]) in the " wilderness of
Thecoe." By this •'pool" Jonathan and Simon
Maccabeus encamped at the beginning of their
struggle with Bacchides (I Mace. ix. 33; Joseph.
Ant. xlii. 1, § 9). Is it possible that the name is a
corruption of kJlkkos 'Ao-^aXrirnt^ 0.
ASPHAR'ASUS (' Katpapaaot: tfechptalo-
chm), 1 Esdr. v. 8. [Misprrkth.]
AS'BIEL CWfPt* {tow of God]: 'Eo-pr/iA,
'IsfrfJA [Vat. -{«-] J Alex. Epir/A in Josh. : Atriel,
Esritt). The son of Gilead, and great-grandson
of Manasseh (Num. xxvi. 31 ; Josh. xvii. 2). He
was the founder of the family of the Asrucutes.
The name is erroneously written Asiimkl in the
A. V. of 1 Chr. vii. 14." According to the render-
ing of the latter passage by the LXX., Asriel was
the son of Manasseh by his Syrian concubine.
W. A. W.
AS'RIELITES, THE {"^T?PVC^ : b 'tv-
ninAf [Vat. -x*i]: AtrielUa). Num. xxvi. 81
[Askiel.]
ASS. The five following Hebrew names of the
genus Annus occur in the O. T. : Charnbr, 'Athbu,
'Ayir, Pert, and 'Arid.
the discovery of the Canary Islands this nam* wag
transferred to Convot. $coparius, and afterwards to asv
oral American plants. It is called in the Canary
Islands Lena Noel, a corruption of Lignum atnrs, and.
though now In little request, large quantities of It
were formerly exported, and the plant nearly extir-
pated. The apothecaries aold It both as lignum Rho-
dium and as the aspaUuhus of Dtoscorldas ; It soon,
however, took the latnr name, which was handed ovu
to a wood brought from India, though the origins.
plant was a thorny shrub growing on the shores of
the Mediterranean, probably Spartium rillosum, ac
oordlng to olbthorpe {Fior. Grot. vol. vU. p. 88). '"
c • So in the uenevan version. This accords with
the Hebre* in 1 JtSS. and one edlttno cited by Ml
chselis. A
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182
ASH
l ChamAr (^lBn<>: Ivot, inro{vy iov, yoitif
b 1 Sam. xvi. 20: unw, "us," "he-am") de-
mites the male domestic an, though the word wac
do doubt used in a general seme to exprea an; ass
whether male or female. The ass is frequently
mentioned in the Bible ; it was used (n) for carry-
ing burdens (1 Sam. xxv. 18; Gen. xlii. 26, xlv.
83; 2 Saw. xvi. 1; 1 Chr. zii. 40; Neh. xiii. 15;
1 Sam xvi. 20). (4) for riding (Gen. xxii. 3;
Ex. iv. 20; Num. xxii. 21; 1 K. xiii. 28; Josh.
X". 18; Judg. i. 14, v. 10, x. 4, xii. 14; 1 Sam.
xxv 20; 2 Sam. xvii. 23, xix. 26; Zech. ix. 9:
Matt. xxi. 7) : (c) for ploughing (Is. xxx. 24,
xxxii. 20; Deut. xxii. 10), and perhaps for treading
out corn, though there is no clear Scriptural allu-
sion to the bet. In Egypt asses were so employed
(Wilkinson's .-Inc. Egypt, ill. 34), and by the Jews,
according to .losephus {Contr. Apion. ii. § 7): ((f)
for grinding at the mill (Matt, xviii. 6 ; Luke xvii.
2) — this does not appear in the A. V., but the
Greek has ^uAo» ivueit for "millstone": (e) for
(carrying baggage in) wars (2 K. vii. 7, 10): and.
perhaps from the time of David, (f ) for the pro-
creation of mules (Gen. xxxvi. 24; 1 K. iv. 28;
Kstb. viii. 10, Ac.).
ft is almost needless to observe that the ass in
eastern countries is a very different animal from
what he is in western Europe. There the greatest
are is taken of the animal, and much attention is
paid to cultivate the breed by crossing the finest
specimens; the riding on the ass therefore conveys
a very different notion from the one which attaches
to such a mode of conveyance in our own country.
The most noble and honorable amongst the .lews
were wont to be mounted on asses; and in this
manner our Lord himself made his triumphant
entry into Jerusalem. He came, indeed, "meek
and lowly," but it is a mistake to suppose, as many
do, that the fact of his riding on the ass had, ac-
cording to our English ideas, aught to do with his
meekness: although thereby, doubtless, he meant
to show the peaceable nature of his kingdom, as
hones were used only for war purposes.
In illustration of the passage in Judg. v. 10,
"Speak ye that ride on white asses," it may tie
mentioned that Buckingham (Trav. p. 389) tells
us that one of the peculiarities of Bagdad is its
race of white asses, which are saddled and bridled
for the conveyance of passengers .... that they
«re large and spirited, and have an easy and steady
wee. llokhara is also celebrated for iu breed of
white asses, which are sometimes more than thir-
teen hands high ; they are imported into Peshawar,
and fetch from 80 to 100 rupees each.
In Deut. xxii. 10 " plowing with an ox and an
ass together" was forbidden by the law of Moses.
Michaelis ( Comment on the Lnict of Motet, transl.
vol. ii p. 392) believes that this prohibition is to be
traced to the economic importance of the ox in the
estimation of the Jews ; that the coupling together,
therefore, so valued an animal as the ox with the
inferior ass was a dishonor to the former animal;
others, Le Oerc for instance, think that this law
tad merely a symbolical meaning, and that by it
»e are to understand improper alliances in civil
a "IICP, from root TOP, " to be r*d," from tho
reddish color of the animal in southern countries.
3c*»Mitns compares thn Spanish burro, burriro. In 2
Sam. xn. 27. the Tord is used as s feminine.
ASM
and religious life to be forbiddet. ; he compares 1
Cor. vi. 14, " Be ye not unequally yoked with or-
believers." It is not at all improbable that sn:l
a lesson was intended to be conveyed; but w*
think thst tie main reason in the prohibition is a
physical one, namely, that the ox and the ass oouk)
not pull pleasantly together on account of the dif-
ference in size and strength ; perhaps also this pro-
hibition may have some reference to the law given
in Uv. xix. 19.
The expression used in Is. xxx. 24, " The young
asses that ear the ground," would be more intel-
ligible to modern understandings were it translated
the asses that till the ground ; tile word ear from
an " I till," " I plough," being now 'obsolete
(comp. also 1 Sam. viii. 12). [Ear, Earing.]
Although the flesh of the wild ass was deemed a
luxury amongst the Persians and Tartan, yet it
does not appear that any of the nations of Canaan
used the ass for food. The Mosaic law considered
it unclean, as " not dividing the hoof and chewing
(lie cud." In extreme cases, however, as in the
great famine of Samaria, when " an ass's head was
sold for eighty pieces of silver " (2 K. vi 25), the
flesh of the ass was eaten. Many commentators
on this passage, following the LXX., have under-
stood a measure (« ciomer of bread) by the He
brew word. Dr. Harris says, — "no kind of ex
tremity could compel the Jews to eat any part of
this animal for food ; " but it must be remembered
that in cases of extreme need parents ate their owe
offspring (2 K. vi. 29; Ez. v. 10). This argument
therefore falls to the ground ; nor is there sufficient
reason for abandoning the common acceptation of
these passages (1 Sam. xvi. 20, xxv. 18), and for
understanding a meamre and not the animal For
an exampleato illustrate 2 K. I c. comp. Plutarch.
Artax. i. 1023, " An ass's head could hardly be
bought for sixty drachmas." *
The Jews were accused of worshipping tie head
of an ass. .losephus (Contr. Apion. ii. § 7) very
indignantly blames Apion for having the impudence
to pretend that the Jews placed an ass's head of
gold in their holy place, which the grammarian
asserted Antiochus Epiphanes discovered when be
spoiled the temple. Plutarch (Sympot. iv. ch. 5)
and Tacitus (fhtt. v. §§ 3 and 4) seem to have
believed in this slai.Jer. It would lie out of place
here to enter further into this question, as it has
no Scriptural bearing, but the reader may find much
curious matter relating to this subject in Bochart
(Z/iMitt. iii. 199 ft".).
2. ' AOum (7^i~H* c : n trot, trot, Sros tnXtla,
q/tfovoi, tVoj flijAefn rouit- atina. ashmt, "ass,"
"she-ass"). There can be no doubt that this
name represents the common domestic she-ass, nor
do we think there are any grounds for believing that
the 'athon indicates some particular valuable breed
which judges and great men ouly possessed, as I)r.
Kitto (/%». Hist. PtiL p. 883), and Dr. Harris
(A'ot Wat. of BMe, art. Au) have r pposen.
'Al/idn in Gen. xii. 10, xlv. 23 is clearly contrasted
with ehamdr. Balaam rode on a she-ass ffiMoff).
The asses of Kish which Saul sought were she-asses.
The Shunammite (2 K. iv. 22, 24) rode on on«
b The Talmudista say the flash of the ass causes
avarice in those who eat It ; but It cues the avarfclow
of the complaint (Zoat <its TaXm. J 1661.
e A word of uncertain derivation, usually derives
from an unused not, " to be slow,'' " to walk wits
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ASS
when she went to seek ElUna. They were she-
laa which formed the especial cue of one of Da-
vid's officen (1 Chr. xxvii. 30). While on the
other hand Abraham (Gen. zzii. 3, Ac.), Achsah
(Joah. it. 18), Abigail (1 Sam. xxv. 90), the dis-
obedient prophet (1 K. xiii. 28), rode on a chamdr.
3. 'Aipr 0*3? : ir&Xot, x&\ot Wot, tnt, /SoCt
(in I*, xzx. 34) : pullut asintt, pullut onagri, ju-
mentum, pullut atini, " foal," " ass colt," " young
an," "colt"), the name of a young ass, which
occurs Gen. xlix. 11, xxxii. 15; Judg. x. 4, xii. 14;
Job xL 13; Is. xxx. 6, 34; Zech. ix. 9. In the
passages of the books of Judges and Zechariah the
'auir is tpokeu of as being old enough for riding
upon ; in Is. xxx. 6, for carrying burdens, and in
ver 34 for tilling the ground. Perhaps the word
'ayir is intended to denote an ass rather older than
the age we now understand by the term foal or
colt ; the derivation " to be spirited " or " impet-
uous " would then be peculiarly appropriate."
4. Pere (NT!!? : trot typiot, trot iv iypv,
traypot, trot ipriftlrnt, ttypoixot &vip*wos ■
ferus homo, Vulg. ; "wild man," A. V., in Gen.
xvL 12; onager, "wild ass"). The name of a
species of wild ass mentioned Gen. xri. 12; Ps.
dr. 11; Job ri. 5, xi. 12, xxxix. 6, xxir. 5; Ho*,
viii. 9; Jer. ii. 24; Is. xxxii. 14. In Gen. xri. 12,
Pere Adim, a "wild ass man," is applied to Ieh-
mael and his descendant*, a character that U well
suited to the Arabs at this day. Hosea (viii. 9)
compares Israel to * wild ass of the desert, and
Job (xxxix. 5) gives an animated description of this
animal, and one which is amply confirmed by both
ancient and modern writers.
6. 'Arid (TD^,* omitted by the IJCX. and
Vulg., which versions probably supposed 'arid and
pere to be synonymous: "wild ass"). The He-
brew word occurs only in Job xxxix. 5, " Who hath
tent out the pere free, or who hath loosed the
bands of the 'aridt" The Chaldee plural 'arid-
ay-Ji (KJTH5) occurs in Dai: r. 21. Nebuchad-
nezzar's " dwelling was with the wild asses." Bo-
chart (Hieros. ii. 218) and Roeenmiiller (Sch. in V.
T. 1. c), Lee (Comment, on Job L ft), Gesenius
( The*, s. v.) suppose 'arid and pere to be iden-
tical in meaning. The last-named writer says that
Were is the Hebrew, and 'arid the Aramaean ; but
ft is not improbable that the two names stand for
different animals.
The subject which relates to the different animals
Known as wild asses has recently received very val-
uable elucidation from Mr. Blythe in a paper con-
tributed to the Journal of the AsiUic Society of
Bengal (1859), a reprint of which appears in the
(V. Aer No. of The Annate and Magazine of Nat-
ural History (1860). This writer enumerates seven
species of the division Asinus. In all probability
the species known to the ancient Jews are Atinut
'emippui, which inhabits the deserts of Syria,
Mesopotamia, and the northern parts of Arabia;
snd Annus vulgaris of N. E. Africa, the true
•oager ot aboriginal wild ass, whence the domes-
seated breed is sprung; probably also the Atinut
>nager, the Koulan or Ghorkhur, which is found
x Western Asia from 48° N. latitude southward
ASS 183
to Persia, Baluchistan, and Western India, was not
unknown to the ancient Hebrews, though in all
probability they confounded these species. The
Atinut hemionut or Dshiggetai, which was separ-
ated from Atinut hemipput (with which it had lon<
Syrian Wild Ass. (Atinut Hemipput.) Specimen in
Zoological Gardens
been confounded) by Is. St. Hilaire, could hardly
have been known to the Jews, as this animal, which
inert stops; ' bat Film (Hi*. Cfr'. s. v.) demon
Uronfly to this etymology.
« From ~I\P, firtett.
Qtaor-Khsx or Koulan. (Atinut Onager.) Specimen
In British Museum.
is perhaps only a variety of Atinut onager, inhabits
Thibet, Mongolia, and Southern Siberia, countries
with which the Jews were not familiar. We may
therefore safely conclude that the 'nthon and pere
of the sacred writings stand for the different species
now discriminated under the names of Atinut
hemipput, the Assyrian wild ass, Annus vulgarit,
the true onager, and perhaps Atinut onager, the
Koulan or Ghorkhur of Tersia and Western India.
The following quotation from Mr. Hlythe's val-
uable paper is giveu as illustrative of the Scriptural
allusions to wild asses: " To the west of the range
of the Ghor-khur lies that of Atinut hemipput, or
true Hemionus of ancient writers — the particular
species apostrophized in the book of Job, and again
Hat noticed by Xenophon. There is a recent ac-
count of it by Mr. bayard in Nineveh and its Re-
mtint (p. 324). Returning from the Sinher, he
was riding through the desert to Tel Afer, and there
he mistook a troop of them for a body of horse
with the Bedouin riders concealed ! ' The reader
will remember,' he adds, ' that Xenophon men-
tions these beautiful animals, which he must havs
seen during his march over these very plains . .
" The country," says he, " was a plain throughout,
» TTO, from not TIJ, "to flee," "to be usj
"axed." Boehar* think- the word Is onomatopo>ti«
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184
ASS
is even u tlie sea, and full of wormwood , if an;
other kind of shrub* or reeds grew there they had
all an aromatic smell, but no trees appeared . . .
The mm, when they were pursued, having gained
ground on the horses, stood still (for they ex c eed ed
Datggetal or Eying. (Asinm Hrmitmw.)
in Zoological Qa
Specimen
I hem much in speed); and when these came up
with them they did the same thing again . . . The
flesh of those that were taken was like that of a
red dee but more tender " (Anab. i. § 5). ' In
fleetnem,' continues Mr. Layard, 'they equal the
gazelle, and to overtake them is a feat which only
one or two of the most celebrated mares have been
known to accomplish ' " (Annalt and Mag. of
Nat. HitL vol. vi. No. 34. p. 243).
The subjoined wood-cut represents some kind oi
Tild us depicted on monuments at Persepotis.
W. H.
Wild Ass.
tra monuments of Persepolis.
son's Herodotus.)
(Rawl|p.
AS8ABIA8 ('Aaatftu; [Vat Alex. AW.
3a/3(as:] Hasnbiat), 1 Esdr. i. 9. [Hasiiariaii.]
ASSAI/IMGTH (Sakuuie; [Vat. 3a\uum»:
Alex. Aid. 'AfftroAi/^9:] Salimoth (39)), 1 Esdr.
fiil. 36. [Shei-omith.J
ASSANI'ASCEa^at; [Vat. Aid. 'Avoapiat i
Alex. Atrapias; 8 MSS. 'Atrafilas'] Auannat), 1
Esdr. viii. 54. [Hasbabiah.]
• ASSAKE MOTH. This word U given in
Ine margin of the A. V. in 1 Haee. hr. 16 as the
ASSOtt
Greek correspondent of Gazers in the text. [Ga.
zkra.] The Complutensian and Aldine editiooi
of the Sept, with 6 MSS., read 'AaaampM ii
the passage referred to for Tafap&r of the Komaa
edition. 'Ao-ooiuuM is also foiiiid in the Sept in
Jer. xixviii. (Heb. xxxi.) 40 as the representative oi
the Heb. rhsntpn. a
ASSHTJR. [Asstria.]
ASSHUTUM (C-1TN: , A«r<ro»».«'*i; Alex
Arm/pip: Asturim). A tribe descended from De-
dan, the grandson of Abraham (Geo. xxv. 3).
They have not been identified with any degree of
certainty. Knobel considers them the tame with
the Aashur of Ex. xxvii. 23, and connected with
southern Arabia. W. A. W.
ASSIDE'ANS CAo-iooioi; [in 1 Mace. vii.
Alex. Ao-iSfoi, Sin. Ao-ciSouoi:] Aaidai, i. e.
, "J , V- : ' the plow, "puritans;" of *lm$ta, ol
tVrioi), the name assumed by a section of the or-
thodox Jews (1 Mace. ii. 42 [so Comp. Aid. Alex.],
alii [Rom. Sin.] 'Iovoafw, probably by correction ;
1 Mace. vii. 13; 2 Mace. xiv. 6), as distinguished
from "the impious" (of ao-t/9»ij, 1 Mace. iii. 8,
vi. 21, vii. 5, Ac.), "the lawless" (oi trofuu, 1
Mace. iii. 6, ix. 23, Ac), "the transgressors" (oi
vaoaVo/uM, 1 Msec. i. 11, Ac.), that is, the Hel-
lenizing fiction. They appear to have existed as a
party before the Maccabwan rising, and were prob-
ably bound by some peculiar vow to the external
observance of the Law (1 Mace. ii. 42, frovo-ia-
(tatai ry v6jup). They were among the first to
join Mattothias (1 Mace. 1 c); and seem after-
wards to have been merged in the general body of
the faithful (2 Mace. xiv. 6, ol Aryo/Mcoi row
'IovSaiwr 'AffiSajot, tcv OJpjjyuTcu 'Iov&as o Masr-
Kafkuot • ■ .)■ When Baochides came against
Jerusalem they used their influence (1 Msec. vii.
13, wpurot oi 'AffiJ. ijo-Of ly vioU 'lepahk) to
conclude a peace, because " a priest of the seed of
Aaron " (Alcimus'. was with him, and sixty of them
fell by his treachery [Alcimus]. The name Chat-
fcflm occurs frequently in the Psalms (e. g. Ps
Ixxix. 2 = 1 Mace. vii. 17 ; exxxii. 9, Ac. ) ; and it
has been adopted in recent times by a sect of Polish
Jews, who take as the basis of their mystical sys-
tem the doctrines of the Cabalistic book Zohar
(Beer, Ertch and Gruber, s. v. ChattidSer).
B. F. W.
AS13IR C-ffM [coptf«]: >„/», 'A**.:
Ater, Am-). 1. Son of Korah (Ex. vi. 24; 1 Car.
vi. 22).
S. Son of Ebiasaph, and a forefather of Saraue.
(1 ("hr. vi. 23, 37).
3. Son of Jeconiah (1 Chr. iii. 17), unless
"IDH H*?y be translated "Jeconiah the captive"
(Dertheau ad Inc.). G.
AS'SOS or AS'SUS CA<ro-oi), a town and sea-
port of the Koman province of Asia, in the district
anciently called Mysia. It was situated on the
northern shore of the gulf of Adkamyttium, and
was only about seven miles from the opposite coast
of Lesbos, near Methymna (Strab. xiii. p. 618). A
good Koman road, connecting the towns of the
central parts of the province with Alexandria Trow
[Tkoas] passed through Assos, the distance be-
tween the two Utter places being aleut 20 miles
(Jtin. Anion.), These geographical points illus-
trate St Paul's rapid passage through the town as
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ASSUERU8
aieutiom-d in Acta zx. 13, 14. The ship in *nich
lie ni to accomplish hii voyage from Troas to Ca?s-
area [to Ptolemais, Acts xxi. 7] went round Cape
Ledum, while he took the much shorter journey
by land. Thus he waa able to join the ship rith-
out difficulty, and in sufficient time for her to
anchor off Mitylene at the cine of the day on
which Troas had been left.
The chief characteristic of Assos was that it was
singularly Greek. Fellows found there " no trace of
the Komans." I .cake says that " the whole gives
perhaps the most perfect idea of a Greek city thai
anywhere exists." The remains are numerous and
remarkably well preserved, partly because many of
the buildings were of granite. The citadel, above
the theatre, commands a glorious view, and must
itself have been a noble object from the sea. The
ASSYRIA
1K>
Street of Tombs, leading to the Great Gate, is on)
of the most remarkable features of Assos. Illus-
trations of the ancient city will be found in Texier,
Clarac, fellows, and Choiaeul-Gouffier. It is now
utterly desolate. Two monographs on the subject
are mentioned by Winer: Quandt, De Alton, Re-
ginni. 1710; Amnell, De'Aatrif, Upsal 1758.
I It is now a matter of curiosity to refer to the
interpretation which used to be given to the words
! aaaan inpiKiyorro, in Acts xxvii. 18. In the
i Vulgate they were rendered " cum sustulUeent da
1 As*ou." and they were supposed to point to a city
, of this name in Crete. Such a place is actually
inserted by I'adre Georgi, in the map which accom-
'■ panics his Puuliu Naufrayu* ( Venet. 173(1, p.
1 181). The true sense of the passage waa first
1 given by Beza. J. S. H
ASSUE'RUS CAtrbipn [Alex. Aoouvpof-
Comp. Aid. ' A<T(ro</7)pof : Auuerv]), Tob. xiv. 15.
[Ahasukkus.]
AS-SUR ("ffl»M: 'Avaoip-lAisur]). L Exr.
iv 9; Ps. lxxxiii. 8; 2 Esdr. U. 8; Jud. ii. 14; v.
I; vi. 1, 17; vii. 20, 24; xiii. 15; xiv. 8; xv. 6:
r»i. 4. [Assticn; Assyria.]
2. ('Airoufl; [Aid.] .\lex. A<roi>p: Ariu.) 1 Esdr.
» 31 [IIariii-r.]
A8SYR7A, AOSHTJR ("STO* : 'Atrtroip;
■ »• 'A<r<rupta' Auur), was a great and powerful
e mntry lying on the Tigris (Gen. ii. 14), the cap-
i.tJ of which was Nineveh (Gen. x. 11, Ac.). It
derived its name apparently from Aashur, the son
if Sbem (Gen. x. 22 [1 Orir. i. 17]), who in later
4mes was worshipped as their chief god by the
Assyrians. [Asahur occurs also Gen. x. 1 1 (prob-
ably); Num. xxiv. 22, 24; Ks. xxvii. 23, ixxii.
19; Hoe. xiv. 3, as the name of the country or
people.] The boundaries of Assyria differed greatly
it different periods. Probably in the earliest timet
it was confined to a small tract of low country be-
fcraan the Gebel VaUuuk and the Lesser /j*, at
Znli Atfal, lying tnieflr on the left bank .f the
, Tigris. Gradually its limits were extended, until
it came to lie regarded as comprising the whole
region between the Armenian mountains (lat- 37 c
30) upon the uortli, and upon the south thecoun-
j try about Baghdad (lat. 33° 30 ). Eastward its
boundary was the high range of Zagrus, or moun-
tains of KmiMtltiii ; westward, it was, according to
the views of some, bounded by the Mesopotamia!!
desert, while, according to others, it reached the
Euphrates. Taking the greatest of these dimen-
sions, Assyria may be said to have extended in a
direction from N. E. to S. W. a distance of nearly
500 miles, with a width varying from 350 to 100
miles. Its area would thus a little exceed 100,000
square miles, or about equal that of Italy.
1. General churiicltr of the country. — The
country within these limits is of a varied character.
On the north and east the high mountain-chains
of Armenia and Kurdistan are succeeded by low
ranges of limestone hills of a somewhat arid aspect,
which detach themselves from the principal ridges,
running parallel to them, and occasionally inclosing,
between their northern or northeastern flank and
the main mountain-line, rich plains and fertile val-
leys. To these ridges there succeeds at first as
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186
ASSYRIA
undulating tone of country, well watered and fiurly
productive, which finally sinks down with some snd-
jenness upon the gnat Mesopotamian plain, the
modern district of EUeartk. Thin vast flat,
which extends in length lor 850 miles from the lat-
itude of Hardin (37° 20 ) to that of Tebit (34°
33'), and which is, in place*, of nearly equal width,
U interrupted only by a single limestone range —
a narrow ridge rising abruptly out of the plain;
which, splitting off from Zagroe in tat 33° 30',
■nay be triced under the names of Saraair, llawt-
rin, and Sin/ar, from Itmn in l-urktan nearly to
Rakkah on the Euphrates. "From all part* of
the plain the Sinjar is a beautiful object. Its lime-
stone rocks, wooded here and there with dwarf oak,
are of a rich gulden color; and the numberless
ravines which furrow its sides form ribs of deep
purple shadow" (Layard, Sktereh and Babylon,
p. 285). Above and below this barrier, stretching
southward and westward further than the eye can
reach, and extending northward and eastward 70
or 80 miles to the hill-country before mentioned, is
an immense level tract, now for the most part a
wilderness, scantly watered on the right bank of
the Tigris, but abundantly supplied on the left,
which hears marks of having been in early times
throughout well cultivated and thickly peopled.
This plain is not alluvial, and most parts of it are
even considerably raised above the level of the riv-
ers. It is covered in spring time with the richest
vegetation, jiresenting to the eye a carpet of flowers,
varying in hue from day to day ; but as the sum-
mer advances it is parched up. and gradually
changes to an arid and yellow waste, except along
the courses of the rivers. All over this vast flat,
on both skies of the Tigris, rise " grass-covered
heaps, marking the site of ancient habitations "
(Layard, p. 245). Mr. Layard counted from one
spot nearly a hundred (JVtnereA and its Hrvuma,
i. 315); from another, above 200 of these lofty
mounds (Aia. and Bab. p. 245). Those which
have been examined have been uniformly found to
present appearances distinctly connecting them with
the remains of Nineveh. [Nineveh.] It may
therefore be regarded as certain that they belong to
the time of Assyrian greatness, and thus they will
serve to mark the extent of the real Assyrian do-
minion. They are numerous on the left bank of
the Tigris from Bnvian to the Diytlth, and on the
right they thickly stud the entire country both
north and south of the Sinjar range, extending
eastward beyond the Khabour (Layard, chs. xii.-
xrr.), northward to Afardm, and southward to the
vicinity of Baghdad.
9. Provinces of Assyria, — Assyria in Scripture
's commonly spoken of in its entirety, and unless
the Btazab (2371) of Nahum (ii. 7) is an equiv-
tlent for the Adiabene of the geographers, no name
jf a district can be said to be mentioned. The
classical geographers, on the contrary, divided As-
syria into a number of regions — Strabo (xvi. § 1
and $ 4) into Aturin, ArbeUHs, Artacene, Apolio-
matis, Chab»'ids, Ihlomene, Colnchene, Adiabene,
Misvpotnmia, Ac.; Ptolemy (vL 1) into Arrapa-
ihitis, Adiabene, toe Oaramoxm country, Apollo-
matis, Arbt'itis, the country of the Sambata,
Caladne, and Sittacene. These regions appear to
be chiefly named from cities, a* Arbehtis from Ar~
oda; Calacene (or Cabchine) from Calah or Halah
Gen. x. 11; 2 K. xvii. 6); Apouoniatis from Apol-
unia; Sittacene from Sittaee, Ac. Aouunne, bow-
ASSTBIA
ever, the richest region of au, derived its appesk
tiou from the Zab (Diab) rivers on which it lay
as Ammianus MareeDinus informs ns (xxiii. 90)
Ptolemy (v. 18) made Mesopotamia (which he un-
derstood litatuy as the whole country between the
Euph r ates abi the Tigris) distinct from Assyria.
just as the sacred writers distinguish ET>*
□^rj3 from -fitPS. Strabo (xvi. § 11 extended
Assyria to the Euphrates, and even across it into
Arabia and Syria!
3. Cliff cities. — The chief cities of Assyria in
the time of its greatness appear to have been the
following: — Nineveh, which is marked by the
mounds opposite Mosul (Kebbi- Yunta and Koyan-
jilc): Calah or Halah, now ffimrud; Assbur, now
Kilth Sterykat; Sargina or Dur-Sargina, now
Khms ib-iil; Arbda, still Arbil; Opis, at the junc-
tion of the ftiyaleli with the Tigris ; and Sittaee,
a little further down the latter river, if this place
should not rather be reckoned to Babylonia.
4. Sntions bordering on Assyri'i. — Towards the
north, Assyria bordered on tbe strong and moun-
tainous region of Armenia, which may have been
at times under Assyrian dominion, but was never
reckoned an actual part of tbe country. (See 2 K.
xix. 37.) Towards the east her neighbors were
originally a multitude of independent tribes, scat-
tered along tbe Zagros chain, wbo have their fitting
representatives in the modern Kurds and Lurs —
the real sovereigns of that mountain-range. Be-
yond these tribes lay Media, which ultimately sub-
jected tbe mountaineers, and was thereby brought
into direct contact with Assyria in this quarter.
On tbe south, Ebun or Susiana was the border-
state east of the Tigris, while Babylonia occupied
the same position between the rivers. West of the
Euphrates was Arabia, and Wgher up Syria, and
the country of tbe Hittites, which last reached from
the neighborhood of Damascus to Anti-Taurus and
A mania.
5. History of Assyria — original peajtlmg. — On
the subject of tbe original peopling and early con-
dition of Assyria we have more information than is
generally possessed with regard to tbe first begin-
nings of nations. Scripture informs us that As-
syria was peopled from Babylon (Gen. x 11), and
both classical tradition and the monuments of the
country agree in this representation. In Herodotus
(i. 7), Ninus, the mythic founder of Nineveh, is
the son (descendant) of Being, the mythic founder
of Babylon — a tradition in which the derivation
of Assyria from Babylon, and the greater antiquity
and superior position of the latter in early times
are shadowed forth sufficiently. That Ctesias (ap.
Diod. Sic. ii. 7) inverts the relation, making Semir-
amis (according to him, the wife and successor of
Ninus) found Babylon, is -only one out of ten thou-
sand proofs of tbe untrustworthy character of his
history. Tbe researches recently carried on in the
two countries clearly show, not merely by the state-
ments which are said to have been deciphered on
the historical monuments, but by the whole char-
acter of the remains discovered, that Babylonian
greatness and civilization was earlier than Assyrian,
and that while the former was of native growth
the latter was derived from the neighboring coun-
try. The cuneiform writing, for instance, which is
rapidly punched with a very simple instrument
upon moist clay, but is only with much labor and
trouble inscribed by the chisel upon rock, mm»
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ASSYRIA
)m beau invented in a country Then men " had
brick for (tone" (Gen. xi. 3), wd hare thence
paaaed to one where the material was unsuited for
it. It may be obserred also, that while writing
occurs in a very rude form in the earlier Babylo-
nian ruins (Loftus's ChiUea, p. 169), and grad-
ually improves in the later ones, it is in Assyria
jniformly of an advanced type, having apparently
been introduced there after it had attained to per-
fection.
6. Date of the foundation of the kingdom. —
With respect to the exact date at which Assyria
became a separate and independent country, there
is an important difference between classical author-
ities. Herodotus and Ctesias were widely at vari-
ance on this point, the latter placing the commence-
ment of the empire almost a thousand years before
the former ! Scripture does but little to determine
the controversy ; that little, however, is in favor of
the earlier author. Geographically — as a country
— Assyria was evidently known to Hoses (Gen. ii.
14, xxv. IS; Num. xxiv. 22, 24); but it does not
appear in Jewish history as a kingdom till the reign
of Menahem (ab. b. c. 770). In Abraham's time
(b. c. 1900?) it is almost certain that there can
have been no Assyrian kingdom, or its monarch
would have been found among those who invaded
Palestine with Chedorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 1). In
the time of the early Judges (b. c. 1400?) As-
syria, if it existed, can have been of no great
strength ; for Chushan-Rishathaim, the first of the
foreigners who oppressed Israel (Judg. ill. 8), is
master of the whole country between the rivers
(Aram-Ifaharaim = " Syria between the two riv-
ers"). These facts militate strongly against the
views of Ctesias, whose numbers produce for the
founding of the empire the date of b. c 3182
(Clinton, F. B. i. 263). The more modest ac-
count of Herodotus is at once more probable in
itself, more agreeable to Scripture, and more in
accordance with the native writer Berosus. Herod-
otus relates that the Assyrians were "lords of
Asia " for 520 years, when their empire was par-
tially broken up by a revolt of the subject-nations
(i. 95). After a period of anarchy, the length of
which he does not estimate, the Median kingdom
was formed, 179 years before the death of Cyrus,
or B. c. 708. He would thus, it appears, have
assigned to the foundation of the Assyrian empire
a date not very greatly anterior to B. c. 1228.
Berosus, who made the empire last 526 years to
the reign of Pul (ap. Euseb. Chron. Can. i. 4),
must have agreed nearly with this view ; at least
he would certainly have placed the rise of the king-
dom within the 13tb century. This is, perhaps,
the utmost that can be determined with any ap-
proach to certainty. If, for convenience' sake, a
more exact date be desired, the conjecture of Dr.
Brandis has some claim to be adopted, which fixes
the year B. c. 1273 as that from which the 526
years of Berosus are to be reckoned (Rerun Attyr-
iarum Tempora Emendata, p. 17).
7. Early king*, from the foundation of the king-
dom to Pul — The long list of Assyrian kings,
trhich nas come down to us in two or three forms,
only slightly varied (Cunt F. B. L 267), and
which is almost certainly derived from Ctesias,
vast of necessity be discarded, together with his
date for the kingdom. It covers a space of above
«800 years, and bears marks besides of audacious
rood, being composed of names snatched from all
matters, Ariao, Semitic and Greek, — mroes of
AS8YRIA
187
gods, names of brans, names of rivers, — and in iU
estimate of time presenting the impossible average
of 34 or 35 years to a reign, and the very iniprob
able phenomenon of reigns in half the instances
amounting exactly to a decimal number. Unfor
tunately we have no suthentic list to substitute fot
the forgery of Ctesias Berosus spoke of 45 kings
as reigning during his period of 526 years, and
mentioned all their names (Euseb. L s. c); but
they have unluckily not been preserved to us. The
work of Herodotus on Assyrian history (Herod, i
106 and 184) has likewise entirely perished; and
neither Greek nor Oriental sources are available to
supply the loss, which has hitherto proved irrepa-
rable. Recently the researches in Mesopotamia bars
done something towards filling up this sad gap in
our knowledge; but the reading of names is still
so doubtful that it seems best, in the present con-
dition of cuneiform inquiry, to treat the early pe-
riod of Assyrian history in a very general way, only
mentioning kings by name when, through the sat-
isfactory identification of a cuneiform royal desig-
nation with some name known to us from sacred or
profane sources, firm ground has been reached, and
serious error rendered almost impossible.
The Mesopotamian researches have rendered it
apparent that the original seat of government was
not at Nineveh. The oldest Assyrian remains have
been found at KUeh-Sherghat, on the right bank
of the Tigris, 60 miles south of the later capital,
and this place the monuments show to have been
the residence of the earliest kings, as well as of the
Babylonian governors who previously exercised au-
thority over the country. The ancient name of
the town appears to have been identical with that of
the country, namely, Asthur. It was built of brick,
and has yielded but a very small number of sculpt-
ures. The kings proved to have reigned there are
fourteen in number, divisible into three groups; and
their reigns are thought to have covered a space of
nearly 350 years, from B. c. 1273 ton. c. 930. The
most remarkable monarch of the series was called
Tlglath-Pileser. He appears to have been king
towards the close of the twelfth century, and thus
to have been contemporary with Samuel. He over-
ran the whole country between Assyria Proper and
the Euphrates ; swept the valley of the Euphrates
from south to north, from the borders of Babylon
to Mount Taurus ; crossed the Euphrates, and con-
tended in northern Syria with the Hittites; invaded
Armenia and Cappadocia; and claims to have sub-
dued forty-two countries "from the channel of the
Lower Zab (Zab Atfat) to the Upper Sea of the
Setting Sun." All this he accomplished in the first
five years of his reign. At a later date he appears
to have suffered defeat at the hands of the king of
Babylon, who had invaded his territory and suc-
ceeded in carrying off to Babylon various idols fron.
the Assyrian temples.
The other monarchy of the KUeh-Sherghat se-
ries, both before and after Tlglath-Pileser, are com-
paratively insignificant. The later kings of the
series are only known to us as the ancestors of the
two great monar:hs, Sardanapalus the first, and his
son Shalmanesei or Shalmanubar, who were among
l the most warlike of the Assyrian princes. Sarda-
, iiapalus the first, who appears to have been the
warlike Sardanapalus of the Greeks (Suidas, «. v. ;
comp. Hellan. Fr. 158), transferred the seat of gov-
eminent from KUeh-Sherghat to JJimrud (probably
the Scriptural Calah), where he built the first of
those magnificent palaces which have reoentlr bees
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188
A8SYBIA
exhumed by our countrymen. A great portion of
U19 Assyrian sculpture* now in the British Museum
ire derived from this edifice. A description ot the
building has been given by Mr. Layard (A7n. and
its Remain, vol. ii. ch. 11). By an inscription
repeated more than a hundred times upon iU sculpt-
ures, we learn that Sardanapalus carried his arms
tar and wide through Western Asia, warring on
the one hand in Lower Babylonia and Chaldaai, on
the other in Syria and upon the coast of the Med-
iterranean. His win, Shalmaneser or Shalmauubar,
the monarch who set up the Black Obelisk, now in
the British Museum, to commemorate his victories,
was a still greater conqueror. He appears to have
overrun Cappadocia, Armenia, Azerbijan, great por-
tions of Media Magna, the Kurdish mountains,
Babylonia, Mesopotamia, Syria, and Phoenicia;
everywhere making the kings of the countries trib-
utary to him. If we may trust the reading of
certain names, on which cuneiform scholars appear
to be entirely agreed, he came in contact with vari-
ous Scriptural personages, being opposed in his
Syrian wars by Benbadad and Hazael, kings of Da-
mascus, and taking tribute from Jehu, king of
Israel. His son and grandson followed in his steps,
but scarcely equalled his glory. The latter is
thought to be identical with the Biblical Pul, Phul,
or Phaloch [Pol], who is the first of the Assyrian
kings of whom we have mention in Scripture.
8. The kings from Pul to Esirhadihn. — The
succession of the Assyrian kings from Pul almost
to the close of the empire is rendered tolerably cer-
tain, not merely by the inscriptions, but also by the
.lewish records. In the 2d book of Kings we find
the names of Pul, Tiglath-Pileser, Shalmaneser,
Sennacherib, and Esarhaddon, following one another
in rapid succession (2 K. xv. 19 and 29, ivii. 8,
zviii. 13, xix. 37); and in Iraiah we have the name
of "Sargon, king of Assyria" (xx. 1), who is a
contemporary of the prophet, and who must evi-
dently therefore belong to the same series. The
inscriptions, by showing us that Saigon was the
father of Sennacherib, fix his place in the list, and
give us for the monarchs of the last half of the
8tb and the first half of the 7tb century b. c. the
(probably) complete list or Tiglath-Pileser II., Shal-
maneser tl., Sargon, Sennacherib, and Esarhaddon.
It is not intended in this place to enter into any
detailed account of the actions of these lungs, which
will tie more properly related in the articles specially
demoted to them. [Put, Shai.mamkskk, Sar-
eoN, Ac.] A few remarks, however, will be made
m the general condition of the empire at this
period.
9. Establishment of the Lower Dynasty. — It
seems to be certain that at, or near, the accession
H Pul, a great change of some kind or other oc-
curred in Assyria. Berosus is said to have brought
his grand dynnsty of 45 kings in 526 years to a
dose at the reign of Pul (Polyhist. ap. Euseb.
L s. c), and to have made him the first king of a
wr series. By the synchronism of Menahem (2
X. xv. 19), the date of Pul may be determined to
about n. c. 770. It was only 23 years later, as we
3nd by the Canon of Ptolemy, that the Babyloni-
ans considered their independence to have com-
nenced (u. c. 747). Herodotus probably intended
v o assign nearly to this same era the great conimo-
ton which (according to him) broke up the As-
syrian empire into a number of fragments, out of
which were formed the Median and other kingdoms.
These traditions may none of them be altogether
ASSYRIA
trustworthy; but their coincidence te at least re
markable, and seems to show that about the middk
of the eighth century R. c. there must have been a
break in the line of Assyrian kings, — a revolutiot.
foreign or domestic, — and a consequent weakening
or dissolution of the bonds which united the con-
quered nations with their conquerors.
It was related by Bion and Polyhistor (Agathias,
ii. 25), that the original dynasty of Assyrian kings
ended with a certain Belochus or Beleus, who was
succeeded by a usurper (called by them Beletaras
or Balatorus), in whose family the crown continued
until the destruction of Nineveh. The general
character of the circumstances narrated, combined
with a certain degree of resemblance in the names,
— for Belochus is close upon Phaloch, and Beletanu
may represent the second element in Tiffatii-Pikser
(who in the inscriptions is called " Tiglath-/ > a/o<-
sira "), — induce a suspicion that probably the Pul
or Phaloch of Scripture was really the last king of
the old monarchy, and that Tiploth Pileser II., his
successor, was the found-i of what has been called
the " Lower Empire." It may be suspected that.
Berosus really gave this account, and that Poly-
histor, who repeated it, has been misreported by
Eusebius. The synchronism between the revolutiou
in Assyria and the era of Babylonian independence
is thus brought almost to exactness, for Tiglath-
Pileser is known to have been upon the throne
about u. c. 740 (Clinton, F. H. i. 278), and may
well have ascended it in b. c. 747.
10. Supposed loss of the empire at this period. —
Many writers of repute — among them Clinton and
Niebubr — have been inclined to accept the state
ment of Herodotus with respect to the breaking up
of the whole empire at this period. It is evident,
however, both from Scripture and from the mon-
uments, that the shock sustained through the do-
mestic revolution has been greatly exaggerated.
Niebuhr himself observes ( VortrSge uber atte Ge-
scliichte, i. 38) that after the revolution Assyria
soon " recovered herself, and displayed the most
extraordinary energy." It is plain, from Scripture,
that in the reignB of Tiglath-Pileser, Shalmaneser,
Sargon, Sennacherib, and Esarhaddon, Assyria was
as great as at any former era. These kings all
warred successfully in Palestine and its neighbor-
hood; some attacked Egypt (Is. xx. 4); one appears
as master of Media (2 K. xvii. 6); while another
has authority over Babylon, Susiana, and Elymaia
(2 K. xvii. 24; Ezr. iv. 9). So tar from our ob-
serving symptoms of weakness and curtailed domin-
ion, it is clear that at no time were the Assyrian
arms pushed further, or their efforts more sustained
and vigorous. The Assyrian annals for the period
are in the most complete accordance with these
representations. They exhibit to us the above-
mentioned monarchs as extending their dominions
further than any of their predecessors. The em
pire is continually rising under them, and reaches
its culminating point in the reign of Esarhaddon.
The statements of the inscriptions on these subjects
ore fully borne out by the indications of greatness
to be traced in the architectural monuments. N"
palace of the old monarchy equalled, either in sue
or splendor, that of Sennacherib at Nineveh. No
series of kings belonging to it left buildings at all
to be compared with those which were erected by
Sargon, his son, and his grandson. The magnifi-
cent remains at KoyunjiJc and Khorsab'id belong
entirely to these later kings while those r* tfimru*
are about equally divided betwaen them and tbet*
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ASSYRIA
UHrleuasors. It is further noticeable that the writ-
srs who may be presumed to have drawn from
Berosus, a* I'olyhistor and Abydenus, particularly
sxpatiated upon the glories of these later kings.
Polyhistor said (ap. Euaeb. i. 5) that Sennacherib
conquered Babylon, defeated a Greek army in CUi-
sia, and built there Tarsus, the capital. Abydenus
related the same bets, except that he substituted
for the Greek army of Polyhistor a Greek fleet; and
added, that Esarbaddon (his Axerdia) conquered
tower Syria and Egypt (ibid. i. 9). Similarly Me-
oander, tat- Tyrian historian, assigned to Shalnuv-
neser an expedition to Cyprus (ap. Joseph. Ant.
Jud. ix. U), and Herodotus himself admitted that
Sennacherib invaded Egypt (ii. 141). On every
ground it seems necessary to conclude that the
second Assyrian kingdom was really greater and
more glorious than the first; that under it the lim-
its of the empire reached their fullest extent, and
the internal prosperity was at the highest.
The statement of Herodotus U not, however,
without a basis of truth. It is certain that Baby-
lon, about the time of Tiglath-I'ileser's accession,
ventured upon a revolt, which she seems afterwards
to have reckoned the commencement of her inde-
pendence [Babylon]. The knowledge of this fact
may have led Herodotus into his error, for he would
naturally suppose that when Babylon became free
there was a general dissolution of the empire. It
has been shown that this is far from the truth;
and it may further be observed that, even as re-
gards Babylon, the Assyrian loss was not perma-
nent. Sargon, Sennacherib, aud Esarbaddon all
exercised full authority over that country, which
appears to iiave been still an Assyrian fief at the
dose of the kingdom.
11. Succeiuws uf Ktarhadikm. — By the end of
the reign of Esarhaddou the triumph of the Assyr-
ian arms had been so complete that scarcely on
enemy was left who could cause her serious anxiety.
The kingdoms of llamath, of Damascus, and of
Samaria had been successively absorbed ; Phoenicia
had been conquered ; Judaea had been, made a feud-
atory; Philistia and Idunuea had been subjected,
Egypt chastised, Babylon recovered, cities planted
in Media. Unless in Armenia and Suaiaoa there
was no foe left to chastise, and the consequence
appears to have been that a time of profound peace
succeeded to the long and bloody wars of Sargon
and hit immediate successors. In Scripture it is
remarkable that we hear nothing of Assyria after
the reign of Esarbaddon, and profane history is
equally silent until the attacks begin which brought
about her downfall. The monuments show that
the son of Esarbaddon, who was called Sardanapa-
ros by Abydenus (ap. Euseb. i. 9), made scarcely
any military expeditions, but occupied almost his
whole time in the enjoyment of the pleasures of
the chase. Instead of adorning his residence — as
his predecessors had been accustomed to do — with
• record and representation of his conquests, Sarda-
eapalus II. covered the waDs of his palace at Nin-
eveh with sculptures exhibiting his skill and prow-
ass as a hunter. No doubt the military spirit rap-
idly decayed under such a ruler, and the advent
rf fresh enemies, synchronizing with this decline,
produced the ruin of a power which had for six
votaries been dominant in Western Asia.
12. FaUofAnyria. — The fall of Assyria, long
areviously prophesied by Isaiah (x. 6-19), was af-
fected (humanly speaking) by the growing strength
ad boldness of the Hades. If we may trust Ho- 1
ASSYRIA
189
rudutiu, the first Median attack ini Ximnen took
place uliout the year n. c. 633. By what ctrcura
stance* this people, who had so lung been ecgagecl
in contorts with the Assyrians, and hail hitherto
shown themselves so utterly unable to resist them,
became suddenly strong enough to assume an ag
gressive attitude, and to force the Ninevites to sub-
mit to a siege, can only be conjectured. Whether
mere natural increase, or whether fresh immigra-
tions from the east, bad raised the Median nation
at this time so far above its former coudition, it is
impossible to determine. We can only say that,
soon after the middle of the seventh century they
ltegan to press upon the Assyrians, and that, grad-
ually increasing in strength, they proceeded, about
the year u. c. 633, to attempt the conquest of the
country. For some time their efforts were unsuc-
cessful; but after a while, having wou over the
Babylonians to their side, they became superior to
the Assyrians in the field, and about n. c. 625, or
a little earlier, laid final siege to the capital [Mk-
dia]. Saracus, the last king, — probably tile grand-
son of Esarbaddon, — made a stout and prolonged
defense, but at length, finding resistance vain, he
collected his wives aud his treasures in his palace,
and with his own baud setting fire to the building,
perished in the flames. This account is given in
brief by Abydenus, who probably follows Berosus;
and its outline so far agrees with Ctesias (ap. Diod.
ii. 27) as to give an important value to that writer's
details of the siege. [Ninevkii.J In the general
fact that Assyria was overcome, and Nineveh cap-
tured and destroyed, by a combined attack of Medea
and Babylonians, Josephus (Ant. Jud. x. 5) and
the book of Tobit (xiv. 15) are agreed. Folyhistor
also implies it (ap. Euseb. i. 5); and these authori-
ties must be regarded as outweighing the silence
of Herodotus, who mentions only the Medes in con-
nection with the capture (i. 106 ), and says nothing
of the Babylonians.
13. Fid/Mmtnt of prtnthecy. — The prophecies
of Nahum and Zephaniah (U. 13-16) against Assyria
were probably delivered shortly before the catas-
trophe. The date of Nahum is very doubtful
[Nahum], but it is not unlikely that he wrote
about n. c. 645, towards the close of the reign
of Manasseh. Zephaniah is even later, since he
prophesied under Josiah, who reigned from n. c. 639
to 608. If n. c. 625 be the date of the destruction
of Nineveh, we may place Zephoniah's prophecy
about h. c. 630. Er«*iel, writing about b. <:. 584,
bears witness historically to the complete destruc-
tion which had come upon the Assyrians, using the
example as a warning to Pharaoh- Hophm and the
Egyptians (ch. xxxi.).
It was declared by Nahum emphatically, at the
close of his prophecy, that there should oe " no
healing of Assyria's bruise " (iii. 19). In accord-
ance with this announcement we find that Assyria
never rose again to any importance, nor even suc-
ceeded in maintaining a distinct nationality. Once
only was revolt attempted, and then in conjunction
with Armenia and Media, the latter heading the
rebellion. This attempt took place about s century
after the Median conquest, during the troubles
which followed upon the accession of Darius Hys-
taspia. It failed signally, and appears never to have
been repeated, the Assyrians remaining thence-
forth submissive subjects of the Persian empire.
They were reckoned in the same satrapy with Baby-
lon (Herod, iii. 93; comp. 1. 192). and paid an
annual tnoute of a thousand talent* of ail -er. In
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190 ASSYRIA.
Use sjerslan armies, which were drawn in great pert
from the subject- nations, they appear never to have
been held of much account, though they fought, in
common with the other levies, at Tbernwpyhe, at
( \inaxa, at Issue, and at Arbela.
14. General character of the empire. — In con-
sidering the general character of the Assyrian em-
pire, it is, in the first place, to be noticed, that like
all the early monarchies which attained to any
great extent, it was composed of a number of sepa-
rate kingdoms. In the East, conquest has scarcely
ever been followed by amalgamation, and in the
primitive empires there was not even any attempt
at that governmental centralization which we find
at a later period in the satrapial system of Persia.
As Solomon " reigned over all the kingdoms from
the river (Euphrates) unto the land of the Philis-
tines and the border of Egypt," so the Assyrian
monarch* bore sway over a number of f etty kings
— the native rulers of the several ccuntries —
through the entire extent of their dominions. These
native princes — the sole governors of their own
kingdoms — - were feudatories of the Great Monarch,
of whom they held their crown by the double tenure
of homage and tribute. Menahem (2 K. xv. 19),
Hoshea (ibid. xvii. 4), Ahaz (ibid. xvi. 8), Keze-
kiah (ibid, xviii. 14), and Manasseh (2 Clir. xxxiii.
11-13), were certainly in this position, as were many
native kings of Babylon, both prior and subsequent
to Nabonassar; and this system (if we may trust
the inscriptions) was universal throughout the em
pire. It naturally involved the frequent recurrence
of troubles. Priuces circumstanced as were the
Assyrian feudatories would be always looking for
an occasion when they might revolt and reestablish
their independence. The offer of a foreign alliance
would be a bait which they could scarcely resist,
and heuce the continual warnings given to the
Jews to beware of trusting in Egypt. Apart from
this, on the occurrence of any imperial misfortune
or difficulty, such for instance as a disastrous ex-
pedition, a formidable attack, or a sudden death,
natural or violent, of the reigning monarch, there
would be a strong temptation to throw off the yoke,
which would lead, almost of necessity, to a rebellion.
The history of the kings of Israel and Judah suf-
ficiently illustrates the tendency in question, which
required to be met by checks and remedies of the
severest character. The deposition of the rebel
irince, the wasting of his country, the plunder of
.lis capital, a considerable increase in the amount
>f the tribute thenceforth required, were the usual
consequences of an unsuccessful revolt; to which
were added, upon occasion, still more stringent
measures, as the wholesale execution of those chiefly
concerned in the attempt, or the transplantation
of the rebel nation to a distant locality. The cap-
tivity of Israel is only an instance of a practice long
previously known to the Assyrians, and by them
handed on to the Babylonian and Persian govern-
ments.
It is not quite certain how far Assyria required
a religious conformity from the subject people. Her
religion was a gross and complex polytheism, com-
prising the worship of thirteen principal and numer-
ous n.inor divinities, at the head of the whole of
whom stood the chief god, Asshur, who seems to
be the deified patriarch of the nation (Gen. x. 28).
The inscriptions appear to state that in all coun-
tries over which the Assyrians established their
supremacy, they set up " the laws of Asshur," and
• altars to the Great Gods " It was probably in
ASSYRIA
connection with this Assyrian requirement thaw
Ahaz, on his return from Damascus, where he hat*
made his submission to TighUb-Pileser, incurred
the guilt of idolatry (2 K. xvi. 10-16). The history
of Hezekiah would seem, however, to show that the
rule, if resisted, was not rigidly enforced; for it
cannot be supposed that he would have consented
to reestablish the idolatry which be had removed,
yet be certainly came to terms with Sennacherib,
and resumed his position of tributary (2 K. xviii.
14). In any ease it must be understood that the
worship which the conquerors introduced waa not
intended to supersede the religion of the conquered
race, but was only required to be superadded as a
mark and badge of subjection.
15. 1U extent. — With regard to the extent of
the empire very exaggerated views have been en-
tertained by many writers. Cteaias took Semira-
inis to India, and made the empire of Assyria at
least co-extensive with that of Persia in his own
day. This false notion has long been exploded, but
even Niebuhr appears to have believed in the ex-
tension of Assyrian influence over Asia Minor, in
the expedition of Memnon — whom he considered
an Assyrian — to Troy, and in the derivation of the
Lydian Heracleids from the first dynasty of Nine-
vite monarch! (Alt. dttchicht. i. 28-9). The in-
formation derived from the native monuments tends
to contract the empire within more reasonable
hounds, and to give it only the expansion which is
indicated for it in Scripture. On the west, the
Mediterranean aud the river Halys appear to have
been the boundaries; on the north, a fluctuating
line, never reaching the Euxine nor extending be-
yond the northern frontier of Armenia; on the east,
the Caspian Sea and the Great Salt Desert; on the
south, the Persian Gulf and the Desert of Arabia.
The countries included within these limits are the
following : — Susiana, Chaldm, Babylonia, Media,
Matiene, Armenia, Assyria Proper, Mesopotamia,
parts of Cappadocia and Cilkia, Syria, Phoenicia,
Palestine, and Idumsva. Cyprus was also for a
while a dependency of the Assyrian kings, and they
may perhaps have held at one time certain portions
of Lower Egypt. Lydia, however, Phrygia, Lyoia,
Pampbylia, Pontus, Iberia, on the west and north,
Bactria, Sacia, Parthia, India, — even Carmania and
Persia Proper, — upon the east, were altogether be-
yond the limit of the Assyrian sway, and appear
at no time even to have been overrun by the Assyr-
ian armies.
16. Cm&zatkm of the Aayrians. — The chilixa-
tion of the Assyrians, as has been already observed,
was derived originally from the Babylonians. They
were a Semitic race, originally resident in Baby-
lonia (which at that time was Cushite), and thus
acquainted with the Babylonian inventions and dis-
coveries, who ascended the valley of the Tigris and
established in the tract immediately below the Ar-
menian mountains a separate and distinct nation-
ality. Their modes of writing and building, the
form and sir* of their bricks, their architectural
ornamentation, their religion and worship, in at
great measure, were drawn from Babylon, which
they always regarded as a sacred land — the orig-
inal seat of their nation, and the true home of all
their gods, with the one exception of Asshur. Still,
as their civilization developed, it became in many
respects peculiar. Their art is of home growth.
The alabaster quarries in their neighborhood sup-
plied them with a material unknown to thai
southern neighbors, on which they could repnsso*
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ASSYRIA
fcr better than upon enamelled brick*, the scenes
which Interested them. Their artists, faithful and
laborious, acquired a considerable power of render
ing the human and animal fonni, and made vivid
and striking representations of the principal occu-
pations of human life. If they do not greatly affect
the ideal, and do not, in this branch, attain to any
very exalted rank, yet even here their emblematic
figures of the gods hare a dignity and grandeur
which is worthy of remark, and which implies the
possession of some elevated feelings. But their
chief glory is in the representation of the actual.
Their pictures of war, and of the chase, and even
sometimes of the more peaceful incidents of human
life, have a fidelity, a spirit, a boldness, and an
appearance of life, which place them high among
realistic schools. Their art, it should be also noted,
is progressive. Unlike that of the Egyptians, which
continues comparatively stationary from the earliext
to the latest times, it plainly advances, becoming
continually more natural and less uncouth, more
life-like and less stiff, more varied and less conven-
tional. The latest sculptures, which are those in
the hunting-palace of the son of Esarhaddon, are
decidedly the best. Here the animal-forms ap-
proach perfection ; and in the striking attitudes, the
new groupings, and the more careful and exact
drawing of the whole, we see the beginnings of a
taste and a power which might have expanded wi-
der favorable circumstances into the finished excel-
lence of the Greeks.
The advanced condition of the Assyrians in vari-
ous other respects is abundantly evidenced alike by
the representations on the sculptures and by the
remains discovered among their buildings. They
are found to have understood and applied the arch ;
to hare made tunnels, aqueducts, and drains; to
have used the lever and the roller; to have engraved
gems ; to have understood the arts of inlaying,
enamelling, and overlaying with metals; to have
manufactured glass, and been acquainted with the
lens; to have possessed vases, jars, bronze and ivory
ornaments, dishes, bells, ear-rings, mostly of good
workmanship and elegant forms — in a word, to
have attained to a very high pitch of material com-
fort and prosperity. They were still, however, in
the most important points barbarians. Their gov-
ernment was rude and inartificial; their religion
coarse and sensual; their conduct of war cruel;
even their art materialistic, and so debasing; they
had served their purpose when tbey had prepared
the East for centralized government, and been God's
scourge to punish the people of Israel (Is. x. 5-8) ;
they were, therefore, swept away to allow the rise
of that Arian race which, with less appreciation of
art, was to introduce into Western Asia a more
spiritual form of religion, a better treatment of
captives, and a superior governmental organization.
(See for the geography Capt. Jones's paper in the
xiv<l> volume of the Asiatic Society's Journil (part
9); CoL Cbeaney's Euphrates Expedition; Mr.
Layard'a Works; Rich's Kurdistan, Ac. For the
historical views, Rawlinson's Herodotus, vol. i. ;
Brandis's Rerun Assyriarum Tempora Emewlata ;
8b H Bawlinson's Contributions to Me Asiat Sue.
'out*, and the Athenamm; Bosanquet's Sacred
•md Profane Chronology; M. Oppert's Rapport
: son Excellence M. le Ministn de t Instruction ;
Dr. Hindu'* Contributions to the Dublin University
Mag. ; Mr. Vance Smith's Exposition if 'lie Proph-
tetas relating to Nineveh ami Assyria ; and conip.
V. Q. Nlebnhrt Vortrige mbtr alter (iesehichU,
ATAD
191
vol. 1.; Clinton's Fasti flell., vol. i.j and M. Ni»
buhr's Geschichle Assur's untl Babel's.) G. R.
* The work of Mr. Rawlinson, the writer of the
preceding article, is now the classical work on this
subject: Ine Five threat Monarchies of the An-
cient Eastern World; or, the History, Geography,
and Antiquities if Chaldnn, Asuyrin, Babylon, Me-
dia, and Persia (vols. i. to iii. l-oiwion. IS62-65).
For some of the important Biblical connections. Dr.
Pusey's fntroduction to Jonah (pp. 247-54) may
he read with advantage. There is a good account
of the Assyrian inscriptions, and of the progress
made in reading them, as well as other information,
by Spiegel, in Herzog's Retd-Encyk., art. N'mise
und Assyrieit, vol. x. pp. 361-81, and supplementary
article, vol. xx. pp. 219-235. See also the elaborate
article on Assyria by Brandis, in the 2d ed. (1806)
of the first vol. of Pauly's Real- Encyclopedic, where
will be found a very full account of the literature
of the subject. H.
ASSYRIANS ("Wt&'H: 'Katripuu, 'Koaoi?,
viol 'Kaooip: Assur, Assyrii, fitii Astyriorum).
The inhabitants of Assyria. The name in Hebrew
is simply Asshur, the same as that of the country,
and there appears to be no reason in most cases for
translating it as a geutilic (Is. x. 5, 24, xiv. 25,
xxxi. 8; Lam. v. 6; Ez. xvi. 28; Jud. xii. 13, its.)
W. A. W.
ASTAROTH (rh$&0: AarapcW: Ast>*
roth), Deut. i. 4. [AsBTABOTH.]
AST ARTE. [Ashtorkth.]
ASTATH CAorie: Esead), 1 Esdr. viii. 38.
[AZOAD.]
* ASTROLOGER. [Divination; Magi;
Stab. |
ASTRONOMY. [Maoi; Stab op th*
Wish Mkn.)
ASTY'AGES (Aorvwynr; Herod. 'Aim/.'
70J, < to». 'AoirdSaj), the last king of the Medea
B. v. 5J5-560, or B. c. 592-558, who was con-
quered by Cyrus (Bel and Dragon, 1). The nana
is identified by Rawlinson and Niebuhr (Gesch
Assur's, p. 32) with Deioces = Ashdahnk (Am.)
Ajis Dahaka (Pen.), "the biting snake," the em
blein of the Median power. [Darius tiik Medk
Cyrus.] B. F. W.
ASUPTIM, and HOUSE OP (CB^S^
and D N SD$n D*5 '• oUos 'tortfin, Tottptp..
[Vat. £ff«ptir. -ipt :i/i: Alex. Koaipnv, totipfip-]
in qua parte domus erat uniorum cimdUum, uM
erat concilium), 1 Chr. xxvi. 15, 17, literally
"house of the gatherings." Some understand it
as .a proper name "f chambers on the south side of
the Temple. Geaenius and Kertheau explain it of
certain store-rooms, and r'iirst, following the Vul
gate, of the council-chambers in the outer court of
the Temple in which the elders held (heir deliber-
ations. The same word in A. V. of Neh. xii. 25,
is rendered •■thresholds," and is translated "lin-
tels " iu the Targum of R. Joasph. W. A. W.
ASYN'CRITUS C\<ruyKp,rot [incompara-
ble, unlike]: Asyncritus), a Christian at Koine,
I saluted by St. Paul (Rom. xvi. 14'.
ATAD, THE THRKSHIMO-FtOOB OF (]T?3
Ttpt4n= thefioor (or trodden spice) of the thorn
Sam. Vers. 1TTB» "NTH : Saad. ^~j*H
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192
ATABAH
IXms 'AriS' area Atad), a spot •• beyond Jordan,"
at whioh Joseph and his brethren, on their way
from Egypt to Hebron, nuule their seven days'
" great and very sore mourning " over the body of
Jacob; in consequence of which we are told it ac-
quired from the ( .'anaanitea the new name of Abel-
Mitzraini (Gen. 1. 10, 11). According to Jerome
((Mom. s. v. Areaatad) it was in his day called
Bethgla or Bethacla (Beth-Hogla), a name which
he connects with the gyratory dances or races of
the funeral ceremony: "locus gyri; eo quod ibi
more plaugentium circumierint." BctL-Hoglah
is known to have lain between the Jordan and Jer-
icho, therefore on the west side of Jordan [Bkth-
liooLAH] ; " and with this agrees the fact of the
mention of the Canaanites, " the inhabitants of
the land,'* who were confined to the west side of
the river (see amongst others verse 13 of this chap-
ter), and one of whose special haunts was the sunken
district " by the • side ' of Jordan " (Num. xiii. 29).
[Cajcaas.] The word ~>35» " beyond," although
usually signifying the east of Jordan, is yet used
for either east or west according to the position of
the speaker. [Kokr.] That Jerome should bare
defined the situation as " Irant Jordanem," at the
same time that he explains it as between the river
and Jericho, may be accounted for either by the
words being a mere quotation from the text, or
by some subsequent corruption of copyists. The
passage does not survive in Eusehius. G.
AT'ARAH (fTTOS [a crow] : 'Art,*:
[Alex. Etcdo"] Atara), a wife of Jerahmeel, and
mother of Onam (I Chr. ii. 26).
ATAR'OATIS ('AroyyoWis, Slrab. xvi.
p. 785, ' Arapyarlov S* Tj)r 'ABApcw ol
'EAAt)c«s ixikom), or according to another form
of the word Df.rcf.ti> (AtpxtrA, Strab. I. c:
Luc. de Syria dea, p. 884 ed. Itened.; PUn. //. A'.
v. Ii), ///Wijios/i Ataryati* (irtecU Derceh>; Ov.
MtU iv. 45, Otrcetu), a Syrian goddess, represented
item-rally with the body of a woman and the tail
of it fish (l.uc. I. c. ; Ovid. /. c. romp. P.M. on).
Her most famous temples were at Hicrapolis (Ma-
bug) and Ascalon. Herodotus identified her with
Aphiulilt Crania (i. 105, compared with Diod.
Sic. ii. 4). Lucian compared her with Here,
though he allowed that she combined traits of
other deities (Aphrodite, Khea, Selene, Ac.; see
Ashtorkth). Plutarch (Cratt. 17) says that
some regarded her as " Aphrodite, others as Here,
others as the cause and natural power which pro-
rides the principles and seeds for all things from
.moisture " (tJ)k ipx&* * a ' <nr4p/una ttmiv i£
vypwv wapmrxotMrcw airltw ical 4>i<riv). This last
view is probably an accurate description of the at-
tribute* of the goddess, and explains her fish-like
form and popular identification with Aphrodite.
I.n.'ian also mentions a ceremony in her worship
at Hicrapolis which appears to be connected with
the same belief, and with the origin of her name.
Twice a year water was brought from distant places
and {toured into a chasm in the temple; because,
he adds, according to tradition, the waters of the
Deluge were drained away through that opening
\ile Syria ilea, p. 88')). Compare Burm. ad Chid.
Met. iv. 45, where most of the references are given
at length; Movers, Phoviz. i. 584 if.
« • ace note on Absl-Mixrah. All that the Script-
is that Atad was "beyond the
ATABOTH
There was a temple ol Atargatia ('Arturywrsuw
Alex. Arory- — 2 Msux - xj. 26) at KanuVn (rW
uaim, 1 Mace. v. 43; i. e. Athtaroth-Kcatiatm
which was destroyed by Judas Maccabeus (1 Mace
v. 44).
The name is rightly derived by Miciiaelis (Lex
Syr. pp. 975 f.) from Syr. Targeio, an opening
(iarag, he opened). Comp. Movers, Ph&uz. i.
594 f. Others have deduced it, with little prob-
ability, from 13 *TJ^*i yreumen of fortune ('/),
or JfJ "l v ^?, great fitk. Gesenius (The$. s. v.
]VH) suggests Syr. dargeto = dagto, a fish. It
has been supposed that Atargatia was the tutelary
goddess of the first Assyrian dynasty (Derketada,
fr. Derketo : Niebuhr, Getch. Attur't, pp. 131, 188),
and that the name appears in Tiglath- or Tilgatk-
I'ileser (id. p. 37).
An interesting coin representing Atargatia is
engraved and described in the Philosophical Trant-
actions, vol Ixi. pp. 346 ft".
ATAROTH (nr-n-py, and once rhtSj =
aiimu: f/ 'Arapdi: Ataroth), the name of several
places in Palestine both on the E. and W. of Jor-
dan.
1. [Alex. Atcumw in Nam. xxxii. 3.] One of
the towns in the " land of Jazer and land of Gil-
ead " (Num. xxxii. 3), taken and " built by the
tribe of Gad (xxxii. 34). From its mention with
places which have been identified on the N. E. of
the Dead Sea near the mountain of Jebel Attarii
', a connection has been assumed be-
(j-jjto)
tween Ataroth and that mountain. But Jebel Atta-
rvs lies considerably to the S. of Hesbbon (Hetban),
which was in the tribe of Reuben, and which is
named apparently as the southernmost limit of Gad
(Josh. xiii. 26), so that some other identification is
necessary. Atroth-Shopban was probably in toe
neighborhood of Ataroth ; the Sbopban serving as
a distinction; but for this see Athutii.
2. [LXX. corrupt in Josh. xvi. 2.] A place os
the (South?) boundary of Kphraim and Manas<eh
(Josh. xvi. 2, 7). The whole s|iccification of this
boundary is exceedingly obscure, and it is not
possible to say whether Ataroth is or is not the
same place as,
3. [In Josh, xvi., 'Arapitt (Vat. Aarapme)
Kal 'Epc&K (Vat. M. KpoK, Comp. Aid. Alex. 'Atip)
in Josh, xvtii., ttlaarapifQ 'Opf'x, Vat. MaarapwQ
op<K, Alex. ArapttO AtSap, AM. 'Arapi.0 'E8-
Sip •■ Ataroth A<ldar.] Atakiitii-aiiai:, a
-ADDAR (15W*?)»on the west border of Benja-
min, " near the ' mountain ' that is on the souls
side of the nether Betb-horon " (Josh, xviii. 13).
In xvi. 5 it is accurately rendered Ataroth-addar.
In the Onomasticon mention is made of an
Atharoth in Ephraim, in the mountains, 4 miles
N. of Sebaste: as well as of two places of the name
" not far from " Jerusalem. The former cannot be
that seen by Robinson (ii. 265), now Atara. Rob-
inson discovered another about 6 miles S. of Bethel
(i. 576). This is too far to the E. of Beth-horor
to be AUrotb-addar, and too far S. to be that or
the boundary of Ephraim (2).
Jordan," the point of reckoning being left luitstssuii
Date. H.
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ATER
4. « Ataroth, the house of Jo.vb " («. «.
Ataroth-beth-Joab), a place (?) occurring in the
Hit of the descendants of Judah (1 Chr. U. 54;
'Araowff oUou 'lml$ [Alex, lufiafi] : Corona do-
mil Joab). 1 ' G.
ATER ("TON, Jotmrf [perh. oW.no]: 'a^;
Alex. Atti)p in Ezr. : A<«r ). 1. The children of
Ater were among the porters or gate-keepers of the
Temple who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 43;
Neh. rii. 45). The; are called in 1 Esdr. v. 28.
" the sons of Jatal."
2. The children of Ater of Hezekiah, to the
number of ninety-eight, returned with Zerubbabel
(Ezr. ii. 16; Neh. vii 31), and were among the
heads of the people who signed the covenant with
Nehemlah (Neh. x. 17). The name appears in 1
Eadr. v. 15, as Atekkzias. W. A. W.
ATEREZI'AS ('AtV 'Efnrfov; [Vat Afn-
pt(tKiov ; Wechel 'ATnpc (tov :] Aderectis). • A
corruption of "Ater of Hezekiah" (1 Esdr. v. 15;
comp. Ezr. ii. 16). W. A. W.
ATHAOH (J|HS [kdgingitace]: NonJSV;
[Vat. Noo;] Alex. ASoy'i [Comp. 'AoVtvO Athach).
One of the places in the tribe of Judah, which Da-
rid and his men frequented during the time of
his residence at Ziklag (1 Sam. xxx. 30). As the
name does not occur elsewhere, it has been sug-
gested that it is an error of the transcriber for
Ether, a town in the low country of Judah (Josh.
xv. 42). W. A. W.
ATHATAH [3 syL] (HVJS : 'AtWa; [Vat.
A»«o; FA. A«<c;] Alex. A9tuat: Athntat). A
descendant of Pharez, the son of Judah, who dwelt
at Jerusalem after the return from Babylon (Neh.
xi. 4), called Uthai in 1 Chr. ix. 4. \V. A. W.
ATHALI'AH (<"|J*?n«? [whom Jehovah af-
Hiets]: Vo6o\la- Athalia).'\. Daughter of Ahab and
Jezebel, married Jehonun the son of Jeboshaphat,
king of Judah, and introduced into the 8. king-
dom the worship of Baal, which had already defiled
and overspread the N. After the great revolution
by which Jehu seated himself on the throne of
Samaria, she kilted all the members of the royal
family of Judah who had escaped his sword (3 K.
x. 14), availing herself probably of her position as
King's Mother [Asa] to perpetrate the crime.
Most likely she exercised the regal functions during
Ahaziah's absence at Jezreel (2 K. ix.), and resolved
to retain her power, especially after seeing the dan-
ger to which she was exposed by the overthrow of
(be bouse of Omri and of Baal-worship in Sama-
ria. It was not unusual in those days for women
in the East to attain a prominent position, their
present degradation being the result of Mohammed-
anism. Miriam, Deborah, Abigail, are instances
from the Bible, and Dido was not far removed from
Athaliah. either in birthplace or date, if Carthage
was founded n. c. S61 (Joseph, c. A/rion. i. 18).
From the slaughter of the royal house, one infant
named Joash, the youngest son of Ahaziah, was
rescued by his aunt Jehosheba, daughter of Jeho-
ram (probably by another wife than Athaliah) who
had married Jehoiada (3 Chr. xxll. 11) the high-
priest (3 Chr. xxlv. 6). The child was brought up
under Jeboiada's care, and concealed in the temple
for six yean, during which period Athaliah reigned
ATHALIAH
198
• The marginal note to this name In Dm Bibles of
the piassnt day, namely, " Awitet or crowns," Stc,
t* a ootraBtfaa <4 Atarltn In th. edition «t 1611.
U
over Judah. At length Jehoiada thought it time
to produce the lawful king to the people, trusting
to their zeal for the worship of God, and loyalty to
the house of David, which had been so strenuously
called out by Asa and Jehoshaphat. After com-
municating his design to five " captains of hun-
dreds," whose names are given in 3 Chr. xxiii. 1,
and securing the cooperation of the Levites and
chief men in the country-towns in case of neces-
sity, he brought the young Joash into the temple
to receive the allegiance of the soldiers of the guard.
It was customary on the Sabbath for a third part
of them to do duty at the palace, while two thirds
restrained the crowd of visitors and worshippers
who thronged the temple on that day, by occupying
the gate of Sur ("TO, S K. xi. 6, called of the
foundation, TD\ 3 Chr. xxiii. 5, which Gerlach,
in boo, considers the right reading in Kings also),
and the gate " behind the guard " (porta qua at
post habitaculum scutariorum, Vulg.), which seem
to have been the N. and S. entrances into the tem-
ple, according to Ewald's description of it (Ge
schichte, Hi. 306-7). On the day fixed for the
outbreak there was to be no change in the arrange-
ment at the palace, lest Athaliah, who did not wor-
ship in the temple, should form any suspicions from
missing her usual guard, but the latter two thirds
wen to protect the king's person by forming a long
and closely-serried line across the temple, and kill-
ing any one who should approach within certain
limits. They were also furnished with David's
spears and shields, that the work of restoring his
descendant might be associated with his own sacred
weapons. When the guard had taken up their
position, the young prince was anointed, crowned,
and presented with the Testimony or Law, and
Athaliah was first roused to a sense of her danger
by the shouts and music which accompanied the
inauguration of her grandson. She hurried into
the temple, but found Joash already standing " by
a pillar," or more properly on it, i. e. on the tri-
bunal or throne, apparently raised on a massive col-
umn or cluster of columns, which the king occu-
pied when he attended the service on solemn occa-
sions. The phrase in the original is "i^S?" sT3,
rendered iw\ rob miKou by the I,XX. and supr*
tribunil in the Vulgate, while Gesenius gives for
the substantive a stage or pulpit. (Comp. 2 K.
xxiii. 3, and Ex. xlvi. 3.) She arrived however too
lace, ana was immediately put to death by Jehoida's
commands, without the temple. The only other
recorded victim of this happy and almost bloodtem
revolution, was M&ttan the priest of Baal. For the
view here given of the details of Jehoiada' s plan,
see Ewald, (ieschichte, iii. 574 if. The latter words
of 3 K. xi. 6 in our version, " that it be not broken
down," are probably wrong: — Ewald translates,
" according to custom ; " Gesenius gives in. his Lex-
icon " a keeping off." Clinton's date for Athaliah's
usurpation is b. c. 883-877. In modern times the
history of Athaliah has been illustrated by the mu
sic of Handel and of Mendelssohn, and the stately
declamation of Racine. G. E. L. C.
S. (rofloAfa; Alex. roft>Auu : OthoHn.) A
Benjamite, one of the sons of Jeroham who dwelt
at Jerusalem (1 Chr. viii. 36).
3. CKBtXia ; [Vat. K9tKu ;] Alea. KBXus:
& • Bendered In the margin of the A. V
of the noun of Joab."
Crow as
3
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ATHARIAS
AlhaSa.) One of the Bene-Ehm, whose son
leshaiah with seventy males returned with Ezra
m the second caravan from Babylon (Ear. viii. 7.)
W. A. W.
ATHARI'AS CATflof>/oj: etAHharat), a cor-
rupt rendering of NT)tB"lFin, tbi Tirbhatha
(1 Esdr. v. 40).
ATHENCBIUS ('A«>W/3u»: [Alhencbhu]),
an envoy sent by Antiochus VII. Sidetes to Simon,
the Jewish high-priest (1 Mace. zv. 28-36). He
Is not mentioned elsewhere. B. F. W.
ATHETSIAN8 ('AflijKcuoi : Athemmttt).
Natives of Athens (Acts zrii. 21) [and 22. For
the character which Paul ascribed to them, see
Athens].
ATHENS
ATHENS ('Aftjwu: Athena), the cjpit.il ol
Attica, and the chief seat of Grecian learning and
civilization during the golden period of the historj
of Greece. This city is fully described elsewhere
(Did. of Gr. and Rom. Geogr. i. 255 ff. ) ; and an
account of it would be out of place in the present
work. St. Paul visited it in his journey from
Macedonia, and appears to have remained there
some time (Acts xvii. U, 15 ff. ; corap. 1 Then,
iii. 1). During his residence there he delivered his
memorable discourse on the Areopagus to the " men
of Athens" (Acts xvii. 22-31) [Areopagus]. In
order to understand the localities mentioned in the
sacred narrative, it may be observed that four hills
of moderate height rise within the walls of the city.
Of these one to the northeast is the celebrated
Plan of Athens, showing the position of the Agora.
Acropolis, or citadel, being a square craggy rock
about 150 feet high. Immediately to the west of
the Acropolis is a second hill of irregular form, but
inferior height, called the Areopagus. To the
southwest rises a third hill, the Pnyx, on which
the assemblies of the citizens were held ; and to the
south of the latter is a fourth hill, known as the
Museum. The Agora or " market," where St.
Paul disputed daily, was situated in the valley be-
tween the Acropolis, the Areopagus, the Pnyx, and
the Museum, being bounded by the Acropolis on
the N. E. and E., by the Areopagus on the N., by
the Pnyx on the N. W. and W., and by the Mu-
seum on the S. The annexed plan shows the posi-
tion of the Agora. Many writers have maintained
that there were two markets at Athens ; and that
a second market, usually called the new Agora,
existed to the north of the Acropolis. If this were
true, it would be doubtful in which of the two
markets St. Paul disputed ; but since the publica-
tion of Forchhammer's treatise on the Topography
of Athens, it is generally admitted that there was
snly one Agora at Athens, namely, the one situated
in the valley already described. [The subject is
a • This rendering is the more unfortunate as it
ton Hals from the reader a remarkable Instance of
Tail's conciliatory habit in dealing with men when
as .prlndpls was at stake. The Greek term (icun-
discussed at length in the Diet, of Geogr. i. 2U3
If.] The remark of the sacred historian respect-
ing the inquisitive character of the Athenians (xvii.
21 ) is attested by the unanimous voice of antiquity.
The great Athenian orator rebukes his countrymen
for their love of constantly going about in the
market, and asking one another, What news ?
(wcoifoVrc r ainvv swOdVco&u Kara t^k Iryopdv,
\iycTal ti mukoV ; Dem. PhiUpp. i. 43, ed.
Keiske). Their natural liveliness was partly owing
to the purity and clearness of the atmosphere of
Attica, which also allowed them to pass much
of their time in the open air.
The remark of St. Paul upon the " superstitions '
[A. V.]<> character of the Athenians (xvii. 22) u
in like manner confirmed by the ancient write) s
Thus Pausanias says that the Athenians surpassed
all other states in the attention which they paid tc
the worship of the gods ('Affnroioit wepto-o-oTcpoV
ti tl roTf tXXois is tA 8tii tort mrovoijf, Paus.
1. 24, § 3) ; and hence the city was crowded in every
direction with temples, altars, and other sacred
buildings. The altar " to the Unknown God,"
which St. Paul mentions in his address, has been
spoken of under Altar.
tax)ian<rriixm) is neutral, and means" very religious
or " devout " In the asms paragraph the renderta!
should b> (instead of tltt) "ox imknown God." tt
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ATHLAI
Of the Christian church foul. Jed by St. Paul at
Athens, we have no particulars in the N. T. ; but
loeordiiig to ecclesiastical tradition (Euseb. B. E.
M. 4) Dionysius the Areopagite, who was con-
rerted by the preaching of the apostle, was the
first bishop of the church. [Diohtsius.]
ATHTjAI [2 syL] l^hrSS [Jehovah afflicts] :
Ba\l: [Vat. Za0ov$a\tn] Alex. OflaA.: AlhaluX).
One of the sons of Bebai, who put away his foreign
wife at the exhortation of Ezra (Ear. x. 28). He
is called Amathkis in 1 Esdr. ix. 29.
W A W
ATITHA CArttXi ; [Aid. Alex.' 'An^i
Agieti), 1 Esdr. v. 32. [Hatifha.]
ATONEMENT, THE DAY OF (QV
D^^SH: ifjutpa i^\atruoi: out eapiatiomm,
end oVes propitiationa ; in the Talmud, S^V, i. e.
the day ; in Philo, rn<rrtlas iopri, lib. dt Sept.
vol. v. p. 47, adit. Tauchn. ; in Acts xxvii. 9, ij
mvreia; in Heb. rii. 27, >) tiuipa, according to
Olahausenand others; but see Ebrard's and Ben-
gel's notes), the great day of national humiliation,
and the only one commanded in the Mosaic law.
[Fasts.] The mode of its observance is described
in Lev. xvi., where it should be noticed that in vr.
8 to 10 an outline of the whole ceremonial is given,
while in the rest of the chapter certain points are
mentioned with more details. The victims which
were offered in addition to those strictly belonging
to the special service of toe day, and to those of
the usual daily sacrifice, are enumerated in Num.
xxix. 7-11; and the conduct of the people is em-
phatically enjoined in Lev. xxiii. 20-32.
II. It was kept on the tenth day of Tlsri, that
is, from the evening of the ninth to the evening of
the tenth of that month, five days before the Feast
of Tabernacles. [Festivals.] Some have inferred
from Lev. xvi. 1, that the day was instituted on
account of the sin and punishment of Nadab and
Abihu. MiiimniiW (More Ncvochim, xviii.) re-
gards it as a commemoration of the day on which
Moses came down from the mount with the second
tables of the law, and proclaimed to the people the
forgiveness of their great sin in worshipping the
golden calf.
III. The observances of the day, as described in
the law, were as follows. It was kept by the people
as a solemn sabbath (oa\fi$ara aa00dTa>y, LXX.).
They were commanded to set aside all work and
to sfflict their souls," under pain of being " cut
iff from among the people." It was on this occa-
sion fjnly that the high-priest was permitted to
alter into the Holy of Holies. Having bathed his
■arson and dressed himself entirely in the holy
ATONEMENT
195
a See Lev. xvL 14. The English version, " upon
rne mercy seat," appears to be opposed to every Jewish
sathority. (See Drosius in toe. in the Oitiei Sacri.)
It has, however, the support of Bwald's authority.
The Vulgate omits the clause ; the LXX. follows the
ambiguity of the Hebrew. The word eastward must
mean either ths direetkm in which the drops ware
thrown by the priest, or else oh the fast side of the
irk, i. «. the side towards the veil. The last clause
a? the vans may be taken as a repetftioa or the com-
jsand, for the sake of emphasis on the number of
sprinklings : « And be shall take of the blood of the
suiloek and sprinkle it before th» mercy-seat, on the
seat ; and snn times shall he •pr'rkj. the blood with
Ms anger before the mercy-seat.
» That the altar of ineenss was thus purified on
white linen garments, he brought forward a young
bullock for a sin-oSering and a ram for a ournt-
oflering, purchased at his own cost, on account of
himself and his family, and two young goats for a
sin-offering with a ram for a burntoflering, which
were paid for out of the public treasury, on account
of the people. He then presented the two goats
before the Lord at the door of the tabernacle and
cast lota upon them. On one lot i iVi; (* (i. e.
for Jehovah) was inscribed, and on toe other
*?W!1^? (»■ «• for Azazel). He next sacrificed the
young bullock as a sin-offering for himself and bis
family. Taking with him some of the blood of the
bullock, he filled a censer with burning coals from
the brazen altar, took a handful of incense, and
entered into the most holy place. He then threw
the incense upon the coals and enveloped the mercy-
seat in a cloud of smoke. Then, dipping his finger
into the blood, he sprinkled it seven times before
the mercy-seat, eastward.
The goat upon which the lot "for Jehovah "
had fallen was then slain, and the high-priest
sprinkled its blood before the mercy-seat in the
same manner as he had done that of the bullock.
Going out from the Holy of Holies he purified the
holy place, sprinkling some of the blood of both the
victims on the altar of incense.* At this time no
one besides the high-priest was suffered to be pres-
ent in the holy place.
The purification of the Holy of Holies and of
the holy place being thus completed, the high-
priest laid his hands upon the bead of the goat on
which the lot "for Azazel" bad fallen, and con-
fessed over it all the sins of the people. The goat
was then led, by a man chosen for the purpose, into
the wilderness, into ■' a land not inhabited," and
was there let loose.
The high-priest after this returned into the holy
place, bathed himself again, put on his usual gar-
ments of office, and offered the two rams as burnt-
offerings, one for himself and one for the people.
He also burnt upon the altar the fat of the two sin-
offerings, while their flesh was carried away and
burned outside the camp. They who took away
the flesh and the man who had led away the goat
had to bathe their persons and wash their clothes
as soon as their service was performed.
The accessory burnt-offerings mentioned Num.
xxix. 7-11, were a young bullock, a ram, seven
lumbs, and a young goat. It would seem that (at
least in the time of the second temple) these were
offered by the high-priest along with the evening
sacrifice (see below, V. 7).
It may be seen (as Winer has* remarked) that in
the special rites of the Day of Atonement there is
the day of atonement we learn expressly from Ex.
xxx. 10. Host critics consider that this is what is
spoken of in Lev. xvi. 18 and 20. But some suppose
that it is the altar of burnt-offerings which is referred
to in those verses, the purification of the altar of In
cense being implied in that of the holy place men
Honed In ver. 16. Abemara was of this opinion (sss
Drustos in toe.). That the expression, "before the
Lord," does not necessarily mean within the taber-
nacle, Is evident from Ex. xxix. 11. If the golden
altar Is here referred to, ft seems remarkable that no
mention is made In the ritual of the cleansing of the
brasen altar. But perhaps the practice flpoken of by
Josephus and in the Mishna of pouring what remained
of the mixed blood at the foot of the large altar, was
an ancient one, and was regarded ss Us purbSeatlon
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ATONEMENT
natural gradation. In the first place the high-
priest and hia family are cleansed ; then atonement
b nude by the purified prieat for the sanctuary
and all contained in it; then (if the Tiew to which
.reference has been made be eorrect) for the brazen
altar in the court, and lastly, reconciliation is made
for the people.
IV. In the short account of the ritual of the
day which is given by Joeephus (Ant. iii. 10, § 3)
there are a few particulars which are worthy of
notice. His words of course apply to the practice
in the second temple, when the ark of the covenant
bad disappeared. He states that the high-priest
sprinkled the blood with his finger seven times on
the ceiling and seven times on the flocr of the most
holy place, and seven times towards it (as it would
appear, outside the veil), and round the golden altar.
Then going into the court he either sprinkled or
poured the blood round the great altar. He also
informs us that along with the fat, the kidneys, the
top of the liver, and the extremities (cu iioxal) of
the victims were burned.
V. The treatise of the Hishna, entitled Yoma,
professes to give a full account of the observances
of the day according to the usage in the second
temple. The following details appear either to be
interesting in themselves or to illustrate the lan-
guage of the Pentateuch.
1. The high-priest himself, dressed in his colored
official garments, used, on the Day of Atonement,
to perform all the duties of the ordinary daily sen-
ice, such as lighting the lamps, presenting the
daily sacrifices, and offering the incense. After
this he bathed himself, put on the white garments,
and commenced the special rites of the day. There
is nothing in the Old Testament to render it im-
probable that this was the original practice.
2. The high-priest went into the Holy of Holies
four times in the course of the day: first, with the
censer and incense, while a priest continued to ag-
itate the blood of the bullock lest it should coag-
ulate; secondly, with the blood of the bullock;
thirdly, with the blood of the goat; fourthly, after
having offered the evening sacrifice, to fetch out
the censer and the plate which had contained the
incense. These four entrances, forming, as they
do, parts of the one great annual rite, are not op-
posed to a reasonable view of the statement in Heb.
ix. 7, and that in Josephus, B. J. v. 5, § 7.
Three of the entrances seem to be very distinctly
tnplicd in Lev. xvi. 12, 14, and 15.
3. It is said that the Mood of the bullock and
that of the goat were each sprinkled eight times,
nice towards the ceiling, and seven titr.es on the
door. This does not agree with the w< itls of Jo-
sephus (see above, IV.).
4. After he had gone into the most fcoly place
the third time, and had returned into the holy
place, the high-priest sprinkled the blood of the
bullock eight times towards the veil, and did the
tame with the blood of the goat. Having then
mingled the blood of the two victims together and
sprinkled the altar of incense with the mixture, he
aaine into the court and poured out what remained
at the foot of the altar of bumtrofTering.
5. Most careful directions are given for the prep-
aration of the high-priest for the services of the
day. For seven days previously he kept away from
« This, according to the Jerusalem Qemars on Yoma
(qootod by Ughtfoot), was Instituted in cotuwquence
at aa innovation of the Sadduoean party, who had
ATONEMENT
| his own bouse and dwelt in a chamber appointed
for his use. This was to avoid the accidental causes
of pollution which he might meet with in his do-
mestic life. But to provide for the possibility of
his incurring some uncleanness in spite of this pre-
caution, a deputy was chosen who might act foi
him when the day came. In the treatise of the
.Mishna entitled Pirke Aroti), it is stated that i:o
such mischance ever befell the high-priest- Hut
Josephus (Ant. xvii. 6, § 4) relates an instance of
the high-priest Matthias, in the time of Herod the
Great, when his relation Joseph took his place in
the sacred office. During the whole of the seven
days the high-priest had to perform the ordinary
sacerdotal duties of the daily service himself, as well
as on the Day of Atonement. On the third day
and on the seventh he was sprinkled with the ashes
of the red heifer in order to cleanse him in the
event of his having touched a dead body without
knowing it. On the seventh day he was alai re-
quired to take a solemn oath before the elders that
he would alter nothing whatever in the accusU med
rites of the Day of Atonement."
6. Several curious particulars are stated regard-
ing the scapegoat. The two goats of the sin-offer-
ing were to be of similar appearance, sire, and
value. The lots were originally of boxwood, but
in later times they were of gold. They were put
into a little box or urn, into which the high-priest
put both his hands and took out a lot in each,
while the two goats stood before him, one at the
risht side and the other on the left. The lot in
each hand belonged to the goat in the correspond-
ing position, and when the lot "for Azazel " hap-
pened to be in the right hand, it was regarded as a
good omen. The high-priest then tied a piece of
scarlet cloth on the scapegoat's head, called "the
scarlet tongue," from the shape in which it was cut.
Maimonides says that this was only to distinguish
him, in order that he might be known when the time
came for him to be sent away. But in the Gemara
it is asserted that the red cloth ought to turn white,
as a token of God's acceptance of the atonement
of the day, referring to Is. i. 18. A particular in-
stance of such a change, when also the lot " to
Azrtzel " was in the priest's right hand, is related
as having occurred in the time of Simon the Just.
It is further stated that no such change took place
for forty years before the destruction of Jerusalem.
The prayer which the high-priest uttered over the
head of the goat was as follows: "0 Lord, the
house of Israel, thy people, hare trespassed, re-
belled, and sinned before thee. I beseech thee, O
Lord, forgive now their trespasses, rebellions and
sins which thy people have committed, as it is writ-
ten in the law of Moses, thy servant, saying that
in that day there shall be ' an atonement for you to
cleanse you that ye may be clean from all your sua
before the Lord ' " (Gemara on yoma, quoted by
Frischmuth). The goat was then goaded and
rudely treated by the people till it was led away by
the man appointed. As soon as it reached a cer-
tain spot which seems to have been regarded as the
commencement of the wilderness, a signal was made
by some sort of telegraphic contrivance, to the
high-priest, who waited for it. The man who led
the goat is said to have taken him to the top of a
high precipice and thrown him down backwards, so
directed the high-priest to throw the lncsmn upon to*
oenser outside the veil, and to carry it, smoking. Into
the Holy of Hoik..
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ATONEMENT
•a to dash him to piece*. It rai* was not a mistake
at the writer of Toma, it must bate oeen, as Spen-
ser argues, a modem innovatioii. It cannot be
doubted that the goat was originally set free. Even
if there be any uncertainty in the words of the
Hebrew, the rendering of the LXX. must be better
authority than the Talmud — jco) A i(aratrr4k\ay
to* x'w°»' tof 9u<m\it4ro» <u Hip/at* k. t.
K. Lev. xri. 26.
7. The high-priest, as soon as he had received
the signal that the goat had reached the wilderness,
read some lessons from the law, and offered up
some prayers. He then bathed himself, resumed
Us colored garments, and oftered either the whole
or a great part of the accessory offering (mentioned
Num. zziz. 7-11) with the regular evening sac-
rifice. After this he washed again, put on the
white garments, and entered the most holy place
far the fourth time, to fetch out the censer and the
incense-plate. This terminated the special rites of
the day.
8. The Mishna gives very strict rules for the
fasting of the people. In the law itself no express
mention is made of abstinence from food. But it
is most likely implied in the command that the
people were to "afflict their souls." According to
Yomi, every Jew (except invalids and children
under 13 years of age) is forbidden to eat anything
so large as a date, to drink, or to wash from sun-
set to sunset
VI. There has been much discussion regarding
the meaning of the word Azazel. The opinions
which seem most worthy of notice are the follow-
ing:—
1. It has been regarded as a designation of the
goat itself. This view has been most favored by
the old interpreters. They in general supposed it
to mean the </ott sent awny, or let loose. In ac-
cordance with this the Vulgate renders it, Caper
emusarius; Symmachus, t rpiyos iwtpxifuvosi
Aonila, i r pirms kjroKsKvfUvos; Lutber, der
ledige Bock; the English translators, the scipe-
goaL The LXX. uses the term i aworopwatos,
applied to the goat itself. Tbeodoret and Cyril
of Alexandria consider the meaning of the Hebrew
to be the goat tent auny, and regard that as the
sense of the word used in the LXX. If they were
right, irorofarcuot is, of course, not employed in
its ordinary meaning (Arermncut). (See Suicer,
s. v.) It should also be observed that in the latter
clause of Lev. xvL 10 the LXX. renders the He-
brew term as if it was an abstract noun, translating
''JNJj^ by ,U tV aroa-ottaV- Buxtorf (Hub.
Ltm.) and r'agius (Critici Sacri, in loc.) in ac-
aordano* with this view of its meaning, derived the
werrl from TS?, a goat, and 7ft*, to depart. To
this derivation it has been objected by Bochart,
Winer, and others, that T ? denotes a she-goat, not
tkht-goal. It Is, however, alleged that the word ap-
pears to be epicene in Gen. xxx. 33; Lev. iii. 13,
sod other places. But the application of btStV
to the goat itself involves the Hebrew text in in-
superable difficulties. It can hardly be supposed
that the prefix which is common *o the designation
rf the two lots should be used in two different
■seningi. If one expression is t> be rendered for
fehovah, it would seem that the other must be for
timet, with the preposition in the same sense. If
Mi is admitted, taking Azazel for the goat itself,
ATONEMENT 197
it does not seem possible to make sense out of Lev
xvi. 10 sod 26. In these verses the versions are
driven to strange shifts. We have already referred
to the inconsistency of the LXX. In the Vulgaif
and our own version the first clause of ver. 10 stands
"cujus (tc. hirci son) autem in caprum eniissa-
rium " — " but the goat on which the lot fell to be
the scapegoat." In ver. 26 our version reads " And
he tLat let go the goat for the scapegoat," while
the Vulgate cuts the knot to escape from the
awkward tautology — " ille vera, qui dimiserit ca-
prum emissarium."
2. Some have taken Azatel for the name of the
place to which the goat was sent, (a.) Abenezr*
quotes the words of an anonymous writer referring
it to a hill near Mount Sinai. Vatablus adopts
this opinion {Critici Sacri, in Lev. xvi.). (6.)
Some of the JewUli writers, with Le Clerc, consider
that it denotes the cliff to which the goat was taken
to be thrown down, according to Yoma. (a)
Bochart regarded the word as a pluralis fractus sig-
nifying desert pliers, and understood it as a gen-
eral name for any fit place to which the goat might
be sent. But Gesenius remarks that the pluralis
fractus, which exists in Arabia, Is not found in He-
brew.
3. Many of those who have studied the subject
most closely take Azazel for a personal being to
whom the goat was sent, (a.) Gesenius gives to
^?t^P the same meaning as the LXX. has as-
signed to it, if airoro/unuof is to be taken in its
usual sense; but the being so designated he sup-
poses to be some false deity who was to be appeased
by such a sacrifice as that of the goat. He derives
the word from a root unused in Hebrew, but found
in Arabic, vty, to remote or trice away (Heb.
Lex. s. v.> Ewald agrees with Gesenius, and
speaks of Azazel as a demon belonging to the pre-
Mosaic religion. (4.) But others, in the spirit of a
simpler faith, have regarded him as an evil spirit,
or the devil himself. In the book of Enoch the
name Azalzel is given to one of the fallen angels ,
and assuming, with Spencer, that this is a corrup
tion of Azazel, if the book were written, as is gen-
erally supposed, by a Jew, about a. c. 40, it repre-
sents an old Jewish opinion on the subject. Origen,
adopting the word of the LXX., identifies him with
the devil: (ri r< «V t« Atvnucy awowofiweuos 6k
i) 'E/Boaurfc ypafb wriiuurty 'Afaf^A, ovBils
tripos %» (tc. 1) t StifioXos) (c Cels. vi. 305, ed.
Spenc.). Of modern writers, Spencer and Heng-
stenberg have most elaborately defended the same
opinion. Spencer derives the word from T37, forts*,
and 'IS, explaining it as cila rectdens, which be
affirms to be a most suitable name for the evil spirit
He supposes that the goat was given up to the
devil, and committed to his disposal. Hengsteo
berg affirms with great confidence that Azazel can-
not possibly be anything but another name for
Satan. He repudiates the conclusion that the
goat was in any sense a sacrifice to Satan, and don
not doubt that it was sent away laden with the sins
of God's people, now forgiven, in order to mock
their spiritual enemy in the desert, his pioper abode,
uk. to symbolize by its free gambols their exulting
triumph. He considers that the origin of the lit*
was Egyptian, and that the Jews substituted Satan
for Typhon, whose dwelling was the desert. The
obvious objection to Spencer's view it that the goat
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198
ATONEMENT
brmed part of a sin-offering to the L<rd, and tnat
It, with it* fellow, had been formally presented be-
fore the Lord at the door of the Tabernacle. Few,
perhaps, will be satisfied with Hengstenberg's mode
of meeting this difficulty."
4. An explanation of the word which seems less
objectionable, if it is not wholly satisfactory, would
render the designation of the lot ^TSty V, "for
compute sending away." Thus understood, the
word would come from vT^ (the root adopted by
Gesenius), being the Pealpal form, which indicates
intensity. This view is held by Tholuck (quoted
and approved by Thomson), by BShr, and by
Winer.
VII. As it might be supposed, the Talmudists
miserably degraded the meaning of the day of
atonement. They regarded it as an opportunity
afforded them of wiping off the score of their more
heavy offenses. Thus Yoma (cap. viii.) says, " The
day of atonement and death make atonement
through penitence. Penitence itself makes atone-
ment for slight transgressions, and in the case of
grosser sins it obtains a respite until the coming
of the day of atonement, which completes the rec-
onciliation." More authorities to the same general
purpose are quoted by FrUchmuth (p. 917), some
of which seem also to indicate that the peculiar
atoning virtue of the day was supposed to rest in
the scapegoat.
Philo {Lib. <k Stpttnnrio) regarded the day in
a far nobler light. He speaks of it as an occasion
for the discipline of self-restraint in regard to bodily
indulgence, and for bringing home to our minds
the truth that man does not live by bread alone,
but by whatever God is pleased to appoint. The
prayers proper for the day, he says, are those for
forgiveness of sins past and for amendment of life
in future, to be offered in dependence, not on our
own merits, but on the goodness of God.
It cannot be doubted that what especially dis-
tinguished the symbolical expiation of this day from
that of the other services of the law, was its broad
and national character, with perhaps a deeper ref-
erence to the sin which belongs to the nature of
man. Ewald instructively remarks that though
the least uncleanness of an individual might be
atoned by the rites of the law which could be ob-
served at other times, there was a consciousness of
secret and indefinite sin pervading the congregation,
which was aptly met by this great annual fast.
Hence, in its national character, he sees an an-
tithesis between it and the passover, the great festi-
ralof social life; and, in its atoning significance,
oe regards it as a fit preparation for the rejoicing
at the ingathering of the fruits of the earth in the
feast of tabernacles. Philo looked upon its position
in the Jewish calendar in the same light.
In considering the meaning of the particular
rites of the day, three points appear to be of a very
distinctive character. 1. The white garments of
the high-priest. 2. His entrance into the Holy of
Holies. 3. The scapegoat. The writer of the
Eptole to the Hebrews (ix. 7-2%) teaches us to
>pply the first two particulars. The high-priest
« • In support of the view that Ansel denotes an
wil spirit, or Satan, see also Bush, Azazrl, etc. In the
Amn. BiU. Rtpot. July, 1642, 2d ser., rUl. 110-186;
UMtel, Set-fyphon, Asatutl vim/ Sum, In the Zeiudir.
f. a. Wj». Vuoi., I860, xxx. 169-217 ; and Valbinger,
mi Ataultn Hanoi's Jttal-EneyU., vol. L A.
ATONEMENT
himself, with his person cleansed and dressed is
white garments, was the best outward type which
a living man could present in his own person of
that pure and holy One who was to purify Hit
people and to cleanse them from their sins.
But respecting the meaning of the scapegoat
we have no such light to guide us, and (as has been
already implied in what has been stated regarding
the word Azazel) the subject is one of great doubt
and difficulty.
Of those who take Azazel for the Evil Spirit,
some hare supposed that the goat was a sort of
bribe, or retaining fee, for the accuser of men.
Spencer, in supposing that it was given up with its
load of sin to the enemy to be tormented, made it
a symbol of the punishment of the wicked; while,
according to the strange notion of Hengstenberg,
that it was sent to mock the devil, it was significant
of the freedom of those who had become reconciled
to God.
Some few of those who hare held a different
opinion on the word Azazel, have supposed that the
goat was taken into the wilderness to suffer there
vicariously for the sins of the people. But it has
been generally considered that it was dismissed to
signify the carrying away of their sins, as it were,
out of the sight of Jehovah. 6
If we keep in view that the two goats are spoken
of as parte of one and the same sin-offering, and
that every circumstance connected with them ap-
pears to have been carefully arranged to bring them
under the same conditions up to the time of the
casting of the lots, we shall not bare much diffi-
culty in seeing that they form together but one
symbolical expression. Why there were two indi-
viduals instead of one may be simply this — that a
single material object could not, in its nature, sym-
bolically embrace the whole of the truth which was
to be expressed. This is implied in the reasoning
of the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews on the
office and sacrifice of Christ (Heb. ix.). Hence
some, regarding each goat as a type of Christ, sup-
posed that the one which was slain represented his
death, and that the goat set free signified his resur-
rection. (Cyril, Bochart, and others, quoted by
Spencer.) But we shall take a simpler, and per-
haps a truer view, if we look upon tie slain goat
as setting forth the act of sacrifice, in giving up it*
own life for others "to Jehovah," in accordance
with the requirements of the Divine law; and the
goat which carried off its load of sin " for complete
removal," as signifying the cleansing influence of
faith in that sacrifice. Thus in his degree the de-
vout Israelite might have felt the truth of the
Psalmist's words. " As far as the east is from the
west, so far hath he removed our transgressions
from us." But for us the whole spiritual truth
has been revealed in historical fact, in the life, death,
and resurrection of Him who was made sin for us,
who died for us, and who rose again for our jus-
tification. This Mediator, it was necessary, should
"in some unspeakable manner unite death and
life " (Maurice on Sacrifice, p. 85).
(Spencer, Dt LegUnu Hebraorum JiihtaUnu, lib.
iii. Dissertatio viii.; Lightfoot's Temple Service,
i In the similar part of the rite for the purinoaleoa
of the leper (lev. xiv. 6, 7), m which a lire bird was
set free, it must be evident that the bird signified tht
carrying away of the nncleanneas of the suflenr It
precisely the sai
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ATROTH
, IT.; Toma, with the notes it Surenhusius's ed.
•f the Mithna, rol. ii. ; FrUchmuth, Diutrlatio dt
[thro Emutario, in the Thettumu Theologico-Phi-
hkgicut; Ewald, Die AUerthUmer da VoUcet Is-
rael, p. 370 ff.; Hengstenberg, Egypt and the
Book* of Motet, on Lev. xvi. (Engtith Trantia-
lion), and Chrutologie, Protevtmgelium ; Thom-
son's Bimpton Lectures, Lect. iii. and notes. For
the modea in which the modern Jews hare regarded
and observed the Day of Atonement, see Buxtorf,
Sgnigvgt Judaica, cap. xx., and Picart, Cere-
monies Retigieuses, vol L) S. C.
ATROTH (n*1^>5 [crownty. Etrotk), adty
of Gad, named with Aroer and Jaazer (Num.
xxxii. 35). No doubt the name should be taken
with that following it, Shophan; the addition serv-
ing to distinguish this place from the Ataroth in
the same neighborhood. The A. V. follows the
Vulgate, Etroth el Sophan. In the LXX. it is
altogether omitted. G.
* The A. V. makes two places (Atroth, Shophan,
but not connected by ami as by et in the Vulg.);
but that they should be taken together (Atroth-
Shophan) is evident from the construct form of the
'bit, and from the analogy of Atroth-Adar (Josh,
cviii. 13) and Atroth-beth-Joab (1 Chr. ii. 54).
fn both these last cases the A. V. has inaccurately
Vtaroth for Atroth. [Atakoth.] H.
ATTAI [2 syl.] ("^5 [opportune, Ges.]:
Eflf; [Vat. E09«;] Alex. I«Mi IeM«: Ethel).
L Grandson of Sheshan the Jerahmeelite through
his daughter Ahlai, whom he gave in marriage to
Jarha his Egyptian slave (1 Chr. ii. 85, 36). His
grandson Zabad was one of David's mighty men
(1 Chr. xt 41).
3. ('l««i; [Vat. E«ot;] Alex. EM«: Ethl)
One of the lion-laced warriors of Gad, captains of
the host, who forded the Jordan at the time of its
overflow, and joined David in the wilderness (1 Chr.
xii.ll).
3. Clertf; [Vat. 1(00«;] Alex. 1.89,: Ethai.)
Seoond son of King RehoMoani by Maachah the
daughter of Absalom (2 Chr. xi. 20).
W. A. W.
ATTALIA CKrraXfla: [Attalia]), a coast-
town of Pamphylia, mentioned only very casually
In the New Testament (Act* xiv. 25), as the place
from which Paul and Barnabas sailed on their
return to Antioch from their missionary journey
into the inland parts of Asia Minor. It does not
appear that they made any stay, or attempted to
preach the gospel in Attalia. This city, however,
though comparatively modern at that time, was a
place of considerable importance in the first century,
and has continued to exist till now. Its name
since the twelfth century has been Solatia, a cor-
ruption of whioh the crusading chronicler, Wil-
liam of Tyre, gives a curious explanation.
Attains PhUadelphus, king of Pergamus. ruled
over the western part of the peninsula from the
N. to the S., and was in want of a port which
shook) be useful for the trade of Egyp* and Syria.
i* Troas was for that of the /Bgean. Tins Attalia
vms built and named after the monarch. All its
i arc characteristic of the date of its founda-
AUGUSTUS OSSAR
199
There has been considerable doubt concerning
Jts exact position of Attalia. There is a discrep-
ancy even between Strabo and Ptolemy, the former
: it to the W. of the river Catarrhactes, the
latter to the E. This may probably be accounted
for by the peculiar character of this river, the cal-
careous waters of which are continually making
changes in the i*«n«h. Beaufort thought that
the modem Solatia is the ancient Olbia, and that
Laara is the true Attalia. Forbiger, after Man-
nert, is inclined to identify the two places. But
Spratt and Forbes found the true Olbia further to
the west, and have confirmed Leake's opinion, that
Attalia is where the modern name would lead us to
expect to find it. (Beaufort's Karamania ; Spratt
and Forbes's Lj/da.) J. S. U.
ATTALU8 CArraAot, a Maocedonian name
of uncertain origin), the name of three kings of
Pergamus who reigned respectively B. c. 241-197,
169-138 (PhUadelphus), 138-133 (Philometor).
They were all faithful allies of the Romans (Liv.
xlv. 13); and the last appointed the Romans his
heirs. It is uncertain whether the letters sent
from Rome in favor of the Jews (1 Mace. xv. 22)
were addressed to Attalus II. (Polyb. xxv. 6, xxxi.
9, xxxii. 3, 5, 8, Ac., 25 f.; Strab. xiii. 4; Just.
xxxv. 1, xxxvi. 4, 5; Anp. Milk. 62) or Attalus
III., as their date falls in B. c. 139-8 [Lucius],
about the time when the latter succeeded his uncle.
Joeephus quotes a decree of the Pergamenes in
favor of the Jews (Ant. xiv. 10, § 22) in the time
of Hyreanus, about B. c. 112: comp. Apoc. ii. 12-
17. B. F. W.
ATTHARATES ('AT8apan|t : Atharathes),
1 Esdr. ix. 49 (comp. Neb. viii. 9), a corruption of
' the Tirshatha;" comp. Athaklas.
AU'GIA (Afry/o: om. in Vulg.). The daugh-
ter of Berzelus, or Barzillai, according to 1 Esdr.
v. 38. Her descendants by Addus were among
the priests whose genealogy could not be substan-
tiated after the return from Babylon. The name
does not occur either in Ezra or Nehemiah.
AUGUSTUS C^E'SAR (Awyowrroi Ko>
trap), the first Roman emperor, during whose reign
Christ was born (Luke ii. 1 ff.). He was born
A. u. c 691, B. c. 63. His father was Caius Oc~
tavius; his mother Atia, daughter of Julia the
sister of C. Julius Casar. He bore the same name
as his father, Caius Octavius. He was principally
educated, having lost his father when young, by
his great uncle Julius Casar. After his murder,
the young Octavius came into Italy as Caius Julius
Cffiaar Octavianus, being by his uncle's will adopted
into the Gens Julia as his heir. He was taken into
the Triumvirate with Antony and Lepidus, and
after the removal of the latter divided the empire
with Antony, taking the West for his share. But
there was no real concord between them, and the
compact resulted in a struggle for the supreme
power, which was terminated in favor of Octavianus
by the decisive naval battle of Actium, b. c. 31
(Suet Octav. 17; Dion Cass. 1 15 ff. ; Veil. Pater
ii. 85). On this victory he was saluted Iraperator
by the senate; and on his offering afterwards to
resign the chief power, they conferred on him the
title Augustus (b. c. 27.) He managed with con-
summate tact and skill to consolidate the power
conferred on him, by leaving the names and rights
of the principal state officers intact, while by de-
grees he united them all in his own person. The
first link binding him to N. T. history is his treat-
ment of Herod after the battle of Actium. That
prince, who had espoused Antony's side, found
himself pardoned, taken into favor and confirmed,
nay even increased in his power (-'mepb. Ant. xt
Digitized by
God^te
XWU
AUGUSTUS' BAND
J, J 5 ft.; 7, § 3; 10, § 3). In gratitude Herod
built him a temple of marble near the source of
the Jordan (Ant. xv. 10, § 3), and was through life
the feat friend of the imperial family. After Herod's
death in A. D. 4, Augustus divided his dominions
almost exactly according to his dying directions,
among his sons (Ant. xvii. 11, § 4); but was soon
obliged to exit one of them [Ahchelaus], and
attach his portion, Judaea and Samaria, to the
province of Syria (Ant. xvii. 13, § 2). Augustus
died at Nola in Campania, Aug. 19 A. c. c. 767,
A. D. 14, in his 76th year (Suet. Octav. 99 t;
Dion Cass. lvi. 89 ft; Joseph. Ant. xviii. 8, § 8,
B. r. 11, 9, $ 1). Long before his death he bad
associated Tiberius with him in the empire (Suet.
Tiber. 81; Tacit Ann. 1, 3). See, for a more com-
plete notice, the article Augustus in the Dictionary
of Biography and Mythology. H. A.
* Augustus adopted Tiberius as his successor
several yean before his death; but according to the
best chronologists it was not till A. D. 13, i. e.
about two yean before bis death (a. d. 14), that
he admitted Tiberius to a share in the government.
For the details of the computation, see UresweU's
Dmerta&ont, i. 344 ff.; Sepp's Ltben ChrM, i,
106 ff. ; and Anger de temporum ration*, p. 12 f. on
Luke iii. 1. For a summary of the facts, see Life
of our Lord by Mr. S. J. Andrews, pp. 22-28.
Augustus occurs twice at one of the imperial
titles in Acts xxv. 21, 25 (A. V. after the Latin
for 2c /taoroV), where it is used of Nero, the emperor
to whom Paul appealed when arraigned before Fes-
tal. The Koman Senate conferred this title on
Octavius in the first instance (Suet. Octm. 7), but
it was applied also to his successors (Suet. Tiber.
86). H.
AUGUSTUS' BAND (Acts xxvii. 1).
[Abut, p. 164.]
AUKATiUS (rlt AHpayot), leader of a riot
at Jerusalem (2 Mace. iv. 40). In the Vatican
[Roman edition of the] LXX. and Vulgate the
name is rendered tIi tipayvot, quidam tyranmu.
AUTE'AS (Afrrotoi: Vulg. omits), name of
a Levite (Esdr. ix. 48). [Hoouam.]
A"VA (W5 = Awa: 'aU; [Comp. 'AowdV:]
Avail), a place in the empire of Assyria, from which
colonies were brought to repeople the cities of Sa-
maria after the deportation of the Jews (2 K. xvii.
84). From the names in connection with which it
s introduced, it would appear to be the same place
with Irah. [Ivah.] It has been suggested to be
identical with Ahava. For other suppositions see
Winer, tub coce.
AV'ARAN (AuapdV: Aharon), surname of
Eleazar, brother of Judas Maccabasus (1 Maoc ii.
5 V [For the meaning of this surname see Eut-
ZAS&]
ATBN 0.JM, nothmgntm: [»n»: idokm]).
The " plain of Aven " [marg. Bikath-aven]
vKTlVpa) is mentioned by Amos (i. 5) in his
denunciation of Aram (Syria) and the country to
o It is charactertotto of th* looseness of the A. V.
that this name is given differently each time it occurs,
•nd that they are all inaccurate.
t> According to Swald (Grsckicku, I. 810) and Ber-
thean, the Avvim ware an Urrotlc of PalcMtne proper.
Fhey may have been so, but there Is nothing to prove
t, while the mode of their dwellings points rather to
to desert ss their origin.
AV1H
the N. of Palestine. It hat not been identified whU
certainty. Michaehs (notes on Amos; heard front
a native of Damascus of a valley near that city
called Un, and he quotes a Damascene proverb re-
ferring thereto; but the information was at best
suspicious, and has not been confirmed, although
the neighborhood of Damascus has been tolerably
well explored by Burckhardt (App. iv.) and by
Porter. The prophet, however, would seem to be
alluding to some principal district of the country
of equal importance with Damascus itself, and so
the LXX. have understood it, taking the letters as
pointed }TN and expressing it in their version as
rttlor 'Or. By this they doubtless intend the
great plain of Lebanon, Ccele-Syria, in which the
renowned idol temple of Baalbek or Heliopolis was
situated, and which still retains the very same name
by which Amos and Joshua designated it, el-Bita'a.
The application of Aven as a term of reproach or
contempt to a flourishing idol sanctuary, and the
play or paronomasia therein contained, is quite in
keeping with the manner of Amos and of Hoses.
The latter frequently applies the very same word to
Bethel. [Bethavkx.J
S. In Hot. x. 8, « the high places or Aven "
C$ n'ia|l: frtpofOf. tx<*Ua idoH), the word
is clearly a contraction of Beth-aven, that is Beth*
(comp. iv. 15, Ac.).
3. In this manner are pointed, in Ex. xxx. 17,
the letters of the name which is elsewhere given as
On, VVS, the sacred city of Heliopolis or On, in
Egypt. [On.] (The LXX. and Vulgate both
render it accordingly, 'HAiovroXit, HeliopoSi.)
The intention of the prophet is doubtless to play
upon the name in the same manner as Amos and
Hoses. See above, X. G.
A'VIM, A-VIMS, or ATITES" (C^n
= the Awim: oi Evaioi, the word elsewhere used
by the I.XX. for Hivites: Hevcri). X. An early
but perhaps not an aboriginal " people among the
inhabitants of Palestine, whom we meet with in
the S. YV. corner of the sea-coast, whither they
may have made their way northwards from the
Desert (Stanley, Sinai and PaL App. § 83). The
only notice of them which has come down to us is
contained in a remarkable fragment of primeval
history preserved In Ileut. ii. 23. Here we ate
them " dwelling in ' the ' villages " (or nomad en-
campments — ChaUerim) in the S. part of the
SLtfelnJi, or great western lowland, "as far as
Gaza." In these rich possessions they were at-
tacked by the invading Philistines, •' the Caphto-
rim which came forth out of Caphtor," and who
after •' destroying " them and " dwelling in their
stead," appear to have pushed them further north.
This must be inferred from the terms of the pas-
sage in Josh. xiii. 2, 3, the enumeration of the rest
of the land still remaining to be conquered. Be-
ginning ' from "Sihor, which is before Egypt,"
probably the Wady-el-Aruh, the list proceeds
northwards along the lowland plains of the sea-
c The punctuation of this passage In our Bibles to
not Id accordance with the Hebrew taxt, which ha* a
full stop at Oethurl (ver. 2), thus ■ " This is the lane
that jet remalneth, all the borders of the PhlUatmai
and all the Qeshurlte From Slhor even tl
the border of Ekron aorthward, 'a e r "nt«l to the Qt
naanltr " fco.
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A.VJTH
jOMit, through the five loidships of the Philistines
— all apparently taken in their orde" - from S. to N.
— till we reach the Awlra,« as if the; had 1mm
Iriven up out of the more southerly position which
they occupied at the date of the earlier record, into
the plains of Sharon.
Nothing more is told us of this ancient people,
whose very name is said 6 to signify " ruin." Pos-
tibly a trace of their existence is to be found in the
town " Arim " (accurately, as in the other cases,
■ the Awim ') which occurs among the cities of
Benjamin (Josh, xriii. 23), and which may have
preserved the memory of some family of the extinct
people driven up out of their fertile plains to take
refuge in the wild hills of Bethel ; just as in the
" Zemaraim " of the preceding verse we have prob-
ably a reminiscence of the otherwise forgotten Zem-
arites [Zemaraim]. But on the other hand it
is possible that the word in this place is but a vari-
ation or corruption of the name of Ai. [Al.]
The inhabitants of the north-central districts of
Palestine (Galileans) were in later times distin-
guished by a habit of confounding the gutturals,
as, for instance, V with (1 (see Lightfoot, Cher.
Cent. eh. 87; Buxtorf, Ltx. Tofas. Vbj). Is it
possible that ^IP, Bhite, is a variation, arising
from this cause, of *-*)?, Avite, and that this peo-
ple were known to the Israelites at the date of the
conquest by the name of Hivites? At any rate it
is a curious fact that both the LXX. and Jerome,
as we have seen above, identified the two names,
and also that the town of ha-Avvim was in the
actual district of the Hivites, in the immediate
neighborhood of Uibeou, Chephirah, and thru- other
chief cities (Josh. ix. 7, 17, compared with xviil
33-37).
The name of the Awim has been derived from
Arm (Ava), or Iwah (Ivah), as if they had mi-
grated thence into Palestine; but there is no argu-
ment for this beyond the mere similarity of the
names.'
2. The people of Am, among the colonists who
were sent by the king of Assyria to re-inhabit the
depopulated cities of Israel (2 K. xrii. 31). They
were idolaters, worshipping gods called Nibhaz and
Tartak. [Ava.] G.
* It is remarked above (No. 1) that A vim (Josh,
xriii. 23) may be the same as Ai (which see). Dr.
Thomson, author of The Land and the liuuk, has
discovered a site east of Bethel which the natives
i(
of that region eaB fPtuBAy^ | ,<4>!«), the
letter Alif being substituted for the letter "Ain"
of the old Hebrew name. C. V. A. Van Dyck.
ATITH (."HS: rereatp, [Alex. TtMtun,
in Gen. ; in 1 Chr.,° IVtotp, Vat r<$6<u/u, Alex.
rcMap' Aril*]), the city of I la-lad ben-Bedad,
joe of the kings of Edom before there were kings
in Israel (Gen. xxxvL 35; 1 Cbr. L 46; in the lat-
ter passage the Text (ChtHb) has ."IVS, which in
Hat Keri is corrected to agree with the reading in
AXE 20)
Genesis). The name may be compared with el
(ihoaaOuk {il»yk}\), a "chain of low hills,'
mentioned by Burckhardt (375) as lying to the K
of the district of Ktnk in Hoab (KnobeL Gautu
257). G.
AWL (??"?9 : 4>*r«»-: tutmla), a tool of
which we do not know the ancient form. The only
notice of it Is in connection with the custom ol
boring the ear of the slave (Ex. xxi. 6 ; Deut. xv.
17). W. L. a
AXE. Seven Hebrew words are rendered •• axe "
in the A. V.
1. ?JP3> Garten, from a root signifying -'to
cut or sever," as " hatchet," from " hack," corre-
sponds to the Let. leatru. It consisted of a bead
of iron (comp. Is. x. 34), fastened, with thongs or
otherwise, upon a handle of wood, and so liable to
slip off (Deut. xix. 5; 3 K. vi. 5). It was used
for felling trees (Deut xx. 19), and also for shaping
the wood when felled, perhaps like the modern adat
(lK.vi.7).
^-=
Egyptian Axe. —(British Museum.)
2. 3"in, Chereb, which is usually translated
" sword," is used of other cutting instruments, as
a "knife" (Josb. v. 2) or razor (Ex. r. 1), or a
tool for hewing or dressing stones (Ex. xx. 25), and
is once rendered "axe" (Ex. xxvi. 9), evidently
denoting a weapon for destroying buildings, a pick-
axe.
3. v^BPT, Caihtt, occurs but once (Ps. lxxvii.
6), and Is evidently a later word, denoting a large
axe. It is also found in the Targum of Jer. xlvi.
22.
4. rnta?, Magxirak (2 Sam. xii. 31), and
5. nnap, Mlgirah (1 Cbr. xx. 3), are found in
the description of the punishments inflicted by
David upon the Ammonites of Kabbah. The lat-
ter word is properly " a saw," and is apparently an
error of the transcriber for the former.
6. TJ3?n, Ma'Htdd, rendered "axe" in the
margin of Is. xlir. 12, and Jer. x. 3, was an instru-
ment employed both by the iron-smith and the oar -
penter, and is supposed to be a curved knife or bill,
smaller than
7. DTlf2) KardAm, a large axe used for felling
trees (Jtjdg. ix. 48; 1 Sam. xiii. 20, 21 ; Ps. budv.
5; Jer. xlvi 22). The words 1, 5, and 7 has* an
etymological affinity with each other, the idea of
cutting being that which is expressed by their root*.
The "battle-axe," V5Q, mnppiu (Jer. li. 20), was
probably, as its root indicates, a heavy mace or
• It Is perhaps worth notice, where every syllable tjon of It, as " dwellers In the lowlands," I* not obvf
«•* some slgnmcanoa, that while '' the Qaaathlte . . . . our- nor dote he specify any derivation.
■» tkranlte," are all In the lingular, " the At run ' ■ <■ dee Ungerke'a confldtnt hypothesis (XtrvMa, p
* aianL 183), tor which, v Is often the case, he dees net em
, naaviu, p. 1000. Lengerke's explana- ! descend to git* the shadow of a nason.
Digitized by
Googfe
202 AZAEL
nuil, like that which gave bis surname to ' harks
HarUL W. A. W.
Anyrian Axe. — (British Museum.)
AZ'AEIi ('Afo?Xo»; [AM. 'AC<rr/A:] Eteka),
name of a man (1 Esdr. ix. 14). [Asaiifx].
AZAEXTJS CAfoSXoji [Alex. a<>»a.] £»«-
fas), an Israelite in the time of Esdras: the name
is probably merely a repetition of that preceding it
(1 Esdr. ix. 34).
A'ZAL (Atzel, bvS, but from the emphatic
■eoent b?S, Atzal: 'lac-o'S; Alex. [Comp. Aid.]
'Aoxr/JA: taqut ad proximum), a name only occur-
ring in Zech. xir. 5. It is mentioned as the limit
to which the " ravine " or deft (K^a) of the Mount
of Olives will extend when " Jehovah shall go forth
to fight." The whole passage of Zechariah is a
highly poetical one : and several commentators
agree with Jerome in taking Azal as an appella-
tive, and not a proper name. G.
AZALI'AH (inj 1 ??^ [whom Jehovah tat
scored]: 'Ef>Aias, 'Eo-«Afai [Vat EAiot, 2cXia;]
Alex. [EovsAuv in 1 K.] SeXia in 2 Chr.: AtUa,
Eteliat). The father of Sbapban the scril e in the
reign of Josiah (2 K. xxii. 3; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 8).
W. A. W.
AZANI'AH (TP3J8 [whom Jeltorah heart] :
' Aforfo [Vat. -sw] :' Azaniat). The father or
immediate ancestor of Jeshua the Levite in the
Ume of Nehemiah (Neb. x. 9). ' W. A. W.
AZA'PHION CA<r<r«ir^«W; [Vat. Keowpti-
tt$; Alex. AaatfxpiccO; Aid. 'A<raT<piwy] Sejtfie-
gut), 1 Esdr. v. 33. Possibly a corruption of
8opherkth.
AZ'ABA ('A<rapd: Attn), one of the "serv-
ants of the temple " (1 Esdr. v. 31). No corre-
sponding name can be traced in the parallel list in
Em.
AZAR'ABL (the same name as the succeeding
on«i *?*?"!??. ■ '0(4\; [Vat. Alex. FA.' -(«-;
Comp. 'Eiprr/A. :] Atareel), a Levite musician
(Neh. xii. 36). [The A. V. ed. 1611, following
the Bishops' Bible, incorrectly reads "Asarad."]
AZA'REEL (bK-lT? [whom God h,lp$] :
OMa; [Vat. -pu-; Aid.] Alex. 'EArf.A ; [Comp.
AfafrtjA:] Azarttl). 1. A Korhite who Joined
David in his retreat at Ziklag (1 Chr. xll. 6).
2. ('A(rp4x; [Vat. Afoiwa;] Alex. Eg»i|A.) A
Levite musician of the family of Heman in the time
of David, 1 Chr. xxr. 18: called UzztKL in xxv. 4.
3. ('A(api-fi\; [Vat. AfaxxnA;] Alex. EfrujA:
EtriheL) Son of Jeroham, and prince of the tribe
tf Dan when David numbered the people (1 Chr.
avii. 23).
*• CE6»4a: [Vat EffpnA:] Ezrel) One of
die sons of Bani, who put away his foreign wife on
,be remonstrance of Ezra (Est. x. 41): apparently
he same as Esun, 1 Esdr. ix. 34.
6. 0E«ro>rn>; [Comp. Aid. 'Eirpi<,Vi Alex. E(
pirjA:] Azretl.) Father, or ancestor, of Msssiai
or Amashai, a priest who dwelt in Jerusalem aftet
the return from Babylon (Neh. xl. 13; comp. 1
Chr. ix. 12). W. A. W.
azari'ah" (rrntbji and irr-w. : 'a^i-
as: Azoriat; whom God' hath helped).' It is a
common name in Hebrew, and especially in the
families of the priests of the line of Eleazar,
whose name has precisely the same meaning as
Axariah. It is nearly identical, and is often con
founded with Ezra as well as with Zerahiah and
Seraiah. The principal persons who bore this
name were: —
1. Son of Ahimaaz (1 Chr. vi. 9). Ha appears
from 1 K. iv. 2, to have succeeded Zadok, his
grandfather, in the high-priesthood, in the reign
of Solomon, Ahimaaz having died before Zadok.
[Ahimaaz.] To him, it can scarcely be doubted,
instead of to his grandson, Azariab, the son of Jo-
hanan, belongs the notice in 1 Chr. vi. 10, " He it
is that executed the priest's office in the temple
that Solomor built at Jerusalem," meaning that
be officiated at the consecration of the temple, and
was the first high-priest that ministered in it The
other interpretation which has been put upon these
words, as alluding to the Azariab who was high-
priest in Uzziah's reign, and resisted the king when
he attempted to offer incense, is quite unsuited to
the words they are meant to explain, and utterly
at variance with the chronology. For this Axariah
of 1 Chr. vi. 10 precedes Amariah, the high-priest
in Jehoshaphat's reign, whereas Uzziah was king
five reigns after Jehoshaphat Josephus merely
mentions Azarias as the son and successor of
2. I Horn- 'Oprlai Vat Oprtut.] A chief officer
of Solomon's, the son of Nathan, perhaps David's
grandson (1 K. iv. 5.)
3. (rr-iT2, vrnrs in 2 k. xv. e [whom
Jehovah helpti\: Afapfaj: Azarias.) Tenth king
of Judah, more frequently called Uzziah (2 K.
xlv. 21, xv. 1, 6, 7, 8, 17, 23. 27; 1 Chr. iii. 12).
4. [Vat M. Zaptta, H. -at; Alex. Abasia-]
Son of Ethan, of the sons of Zerah, where, per-
haps, Zerahiah is the more probable reading (1 Chr.
a. 8).
5. Son of Jehu of the family of the J erahmeelites
and descended from Jarha the Egyptian slave of
SLeshan (1 Chr. li. 38, 39). He was probably one
of the captains of hundreds in the time of Athabah
mentioned in 2 Chr. xxiii. 1 ; and there called the
son of Obed. This fact assigns the compilation of
the genealogy in 1 Chr. ii. 36—11 to the reign of
Hezekiah-
6. The son of Johanan, 1 Chr. vi. 10, 11. Ha
must have been high-priest in the reigns of Abyah
and Asa, as we know his son Amariah was in the
days of Jehoshaphat, the son of Asa. It does not
appear what part he took in Asa's zealous reforma-
tion (2 Chr. xv.), nor whether he approved the
stripping of the house of God of its treasures to
induce Ilenhadad to break his league with Baasha
king of Israel, as related 2 Chr. xvi., for his name
and his office are never alluded to in the history of
Asa's reign, either in the book of Kings or Chron-
icles. The active persons in the religious move-
ment of the times were the king himself and tat
« * The original article has bars bean combmed wHs?
' that in the Concise Dictionary. H.
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AZARIAH
two prophet*, Azariah the son o* Oded, and Ha-
nani. The silence concerning Azariah, the high-
priest, is, perhaps, rather unfavorable than other-
wise to his religious character. His name is
almost lost in Josephus's list of the high-priests.
Having lost, as we saw in the article Amariah, its
termination A2, which adhered to the following
name, it got by some process transformed into
low
7. Another Azariah is inserted between Hilkiah,
in Josiah's reign, and Seraiah, who was put to
death by Nebuchadnezzar, in 1 Ctar. ri. 13. But
Josepbus does not acknowledge him, making Se-
raiah the son of Hilkiah, and there seems to be
scarcely mom for him. It seems likely that he
may have been inserted to assimilate the genealogy
to that of Est. rii. 1, where, however, the Seraiah
and Azariah are probably neither of them the high-
priests of those names.
8. Son of Zephaniah, a Kohathite, and ancestor
of Samuel the prophet (1 Chr. vi. 36). Apparently
the same as Uzziah in ver. 34.
0. Azariah, the son of Oded (2 Chr. xv. 1),
called simply Oded in ver. 8, was a remarkable
prophet in j»e days of king Asa, and a contempo-
rary of Azai sah the son of Johanan the high-priest,
and of Hanani the seer. He powerfully stirred up
the spirit of Asa, and of the people of Judah and
Benjamin, in a brief but pithy prophecy, which has
been pr es erve d, to put away all idolatrous worship,
and to restore the altar of the one true God before
the porch of the temple. Great numbers of Israelites
from Ephraim, and Manaaseh, and Simeon, and all
Israel, joined in the national reformation, to the
great strengthening of the kingdom ; and a season
of rest and great prosperity ensued. Oded, the
prophet in the days of Ahaz, may probably have
been a descendant of Azariah.
10. Son of Jehoshaphat king of Judah (2 Chr.
xxi. 2).
U. pHJTffB.) Another son of Jehoshaphat,
and brother of the preceding (2 Chr. xxi. 2).
12. f/OYotfot, Vat. -{f,-: Ochoaat.] At 2
Chr. rrii. 6, Azariah Is a clerical error for Ahaziah.
13. (rP"TTp.) Son of Jerohatn, and one of the
captains of judah in the time of Athaliah (2 Chr.
cdii. 1).
14. The high-priest in the reign of Uzziah, king
if Judah, whose name, perhaps from this circum-
stance, is often corrupted into Azariah (2 K. xiv.
21, zr. 1, 6, 7, 8, Ac.). The moat memorable
event of his lift is that which is recorded in 2 Chr.
xxri. 17-20. When king Uzziah, elated by his
great prosperity and power, " transgressed against
the Lord his God, and went into the temple of the
Lord to burn incense upon the altar of incense,"
Azariah the priest, accompanied by eighty of his
brethren, went in boldly after him, and withstood
him. With unflinching fsithnibess, and a high
sense of his own responsibility as ruler of the
Hone of God, he addressed the king with the well -
merited reproof — "It appertaineth not unto thee,
Uzziah, to burn incense unto the Lord, but to the
priests the sons of Aaron, that an consecrated to
burn incense: go out of the unctuary, for thou
Bast trespassed: neither shall i be for thine honor
torn the Lord God." And it is added that when
Azariah the ehief priest and ail the priests looked
•pon him, behold he was saunas in his forehead,
•od they tsouat kin out from tbenee; yea, himself
AZARIAH
203
hasted to go out, because the Lord had smitter
him." Uzziah was a leper unto the day of his
death, and, as such, was never able again to go to
the Lord's House, which he had so presumptuouslj
invaded. Azariah was contemporary with Isaiah
the prophet, and with Amos and Joel, and doubt-
less witnessed the great earthquake in Uzziah's
reign (Am. i. 1 ; Zech. xiv. 5). He is not men
tioned in Josephus's list. 'Ioi/t)Aos occurs instead
possibly the name of the prophet inadvertently sub
stituted for that of the higkyriest. Neither is La
in the priestly genealogy of 1 Chr. vi.
16. [Kom. OvSclus; Vat. OuJeia.] Son of
Johanan, one of the captains of Ephraim in the
reign of Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii. 12), who sent back
the captives and spoil that were taken in the inva-
sion of Judah by Pekah.
16. [Tat. Alex. Aid. Zaxaplai.] A Kohathite,
father of Joel in the reigp of Hezekiah (2 Chr.
xxix. 12).
17. [Vat. Zax<u>«u-] A Menu-He, son of
JehaleleL in the time of Hezekiah, contemporary
with the son of the preceding (2 Chr. xxix. 12).
18. The high-priest in the days of Hezekiah (2
Chr. xxxi. 10-13). He appears to have cooperated
zealously with the king in that thorough purifica-
tion of the temple and restoration of the temple-
services which was so conspicuous a feature in Hez-
ekiah's reign. He especially interested himself in
providing chambers in the house of the Lord in
which to stow the tithes and offerings and conse-
crated things for the use of the priests and Levites,
and in appointing overseers to hare the charge of
them. For the attendance of priests and Levites,
and the maintenance of the temple-services, de-
pended entirely upon the supply of such offerings,
and whenever the people neglected them the priests
and Levites were forced to disperse themselves to
their villages, and so the house of God was deserted
(comp. Neh. x. 36-39, xii. 27-30, 44-47). His
name seems to be corrupted into Nnpfcu in Jose-
phus. He succeeded Urijah, who was high-priest
in the reign of Ahaz. Who his successor was is
somewhat uncertain. He is not, any more than the
preceding, included in the genealogy of 1 Chr. vi.
I 19. [Vat. Alex. FA. Afapia.] Son of Maa-
sciah, who repaired part of the wall of Jerusalem
in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 23, 24).
20. (ACapk; Alex. A(op«o) One of the
leaders of the children of the province who went
up from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 7)
Elsewhere called Skkaiah (Ezr. ii. 2) and Zacjia
rias (1 Esdr. v. 8).
21. [Rom. Vat. Alex. FA. omit; Aid. Afap/oiJ
One of the Levites who assisted Ezra in instructing
the people in the knowledge of the law (Neh. viii
7). Called Azarias in 1 Esdr. ix. 43.
22. [In Neh. x., 'Afyla, Comp. -at, FA.
Zaxapta; m Neh. xii., Vat. FA. Zaxoteu".] One
of the priests who sealed the covenant with Nehe-
miah (Neh. x. 2), and probably the same with the
Azariah who assisted in the dedication of the city
wall (Neh. xii. 33).
23. fAfaofai-) Jezani.ui (Jer. xliii. 2).
24. The original name of Abed-nego (Dan. i. 8,
7, 11, 19). He appears to have been of the seed
royal of Judah, and for this reason selected, with
Daniel and his other two companions, for Nebu-
chadnezzar's especial service. The three children,
as they were called, were remarkable for theii
beauty, and wisdom, and knowledge, and iutelli
gence. Thev were no less remarkable for theft
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204
AZABIAS
piety, their strict adherence to the law of Moses,
and the steadfastness of their faith, even unto death,
and their wonderful deliverance.
A. C. H. and W. A. W.
AZARI'AS QKCaplas-- Azariat). 3. (1 Eadr.
hi. 21) = Uzziah, En. x. 21.
2. (1 Esdr. ix. 43) = UmjAn, Neh. viii. 4.
3. (Alex. Afo0fio>: 1 Esdr. ix. 48)= Azariah,
Neh. viii. 7.
4. (Azareut.) Priest in the line of Esdras (2
Esdr. i. 1), elsewhere Azariah add Ezkrias.
6. (Azariat.) Name assumed by the angel
Raphael (Tob. r. 12, vl. 6, 13, vii. 8, ix. 2).
6. A captain in the army of Judas Maccabseus
(1 Mace. v. 18, 66, 60). W. A. W.
A'ZAZ (tjy [ttrong]: 'AfWCi [Tat] Alex.
Ofouf; [Comp. 'AfltfO Azaz). A Reubenite,
fcther of Bela (1 Chr. t. 8). W. A. W.
• AZA'ZEL stands in the margin of the A. V.
(Lev. xvi. 8) for " scape-goat" in the text. See
Atonement, The Day op, under III. and VI.
H.
AZAZI'AH pin^S [*hom Jehovah
ttrmgthens]: 'Offa; [Vat FA. Of«««:] Ozaau).
1. A Levite musician in the reign of David, ap-
pointed to play the harp in the service which
attended the procession by which the ark was
brought up from the house of Obed-edom (1 Chr.
xv. 21).
2. [Vat. 0(tuu.) The father of Hosea, prince
of the tribe of Ephraim when David numbered the
people (1 Chr. xxvii. 20).
3. ([Vat Of<u»;] Alex. Ofofoj: Azariat.)
One of the Levites in the reign of Hezekiah, who
had charge of the tithes and dedicated things in
the Temple under Cononiah and Shimei (2 Chr.
xxxi. 13). W. A. W.
AZBAZ'ARETH ('ArjSoKafxb [Vat -*a9;
Aid. Alex. ' AofiatrapiB :] Atbazarcth ), king of the
Assyrians, probably a corruption of Ksar-haddon
(1 Esdr. v. 69). [The A. V. ed. 1611 reads, more
sorrectly, " Aibazareth."]
AZ'BUK (H'laT? : 'Afaj8orJx: Alex. A^Bou*:
AzbiK). Father or ancestor of Nehemiah the prince
of part of Bethzur (Neh. iii. 16). W. A. W.
AZETCAH (n|7]t5, from a root signifying to
dig or till the ground, see Gesen. s. v.: 'a{tik<1,
once 'lafaxi ■■ Aztca), a town of Judah, with
dependent villages ("daughters") lying in the
Sheftlah or rich agricultural plain, a situation quite
in accordance with the derivation of the name given
above. It is named with Adullam, Shaaraim, and
Mia places known to have been in that locality
;Josh. xv. 36; 2 Chr. xi. 9; Neh. xi. 30), but is
lost clearly defined as being near Shochoh (that
s the northern one) [Shochoh] (1 Sam. xvii. 1).
. oshua's pursuit of the Canannites after the battle
of Beth-boron extended to Azekah (Josh. x. 10, 11).
Between Azekah and Shochoh, an easy step out of
their own territory, the Philistines encamped before
the battle in which Goliath was killed (1 Sam. xvii.
1). It was among the cities fortified by Reboboam
(2 Chr. xi. 9), was still standing at the time of the
j union of the kings of Babylon (Jer. xxxiv. 7),
« The verb occurs only In Is. T. 2, where It is ren-
SN«d In th. A. V « fenced ; " but by Qesenlns in his
luafa, " (rub Urn nm '
AZIZA
and is mentioned as one of the places in-occupied
by the Jews after their return from captivity (Neh.
xi. 30).
The position of Azekah has not yet been recog-
nized. The above passages would seem to show
that it must have been to the N. of the Sliefelah,
near Beth-horon j but by Eusebius and Jerome it is
spoken of as lying between (4*4 piow) Eleuthe-
ropolis and Jerusalem, i. e. further S. and in the
mountains of Judah. Perhaps like Shochoh, Apbek,
Ac., there were more than one place of the name.
Schwarz (p. 102) would identify it with " Tell
Ezakaria" (Zaiartya on Robinson's Hap, 1856)
not far from Ain-thtmt, and very possibly correctly .
G.'
A'ZEL (■??£, in pause b?£ : 'Ecr^A; [Comp
'Affr/Ai Sin. in 1 Chr. ix. EVraryA:] Aid), a de-
scendant of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 37, 38, ix. 43, 44).
A'ZEM (DSy, when not emphasized C?5
[o boat]: 'Atrip, 'Iaa-oV; [Alex. Avt/i, Aro/t:]
Atem, Etem), a city in the extreme south of Judah
(Josh. xv. 29), afterwards allotted to Simeon (xix.
3). Elsewhere it is Ezrm. G.
AZEPHUTtlTH, or more properly Au-
StTHURITH ['AfMTiipovple; Vat AplTflfovptie ;
Alex. ApirupovptiB], a name which in the l.XX. of
1 Esdr. v. 16 occupies the place of Jorah in Err. U.
18, and of Hariph in Neh. vii. 24. It is altogether
omitted in the Vulgate. Burrington conjectures
that it may have originated in a combination of
these two names corrupted by the mistakes of tran-
scribers. The second syllable in this case probably
arose from a confusion of the uncial 2 with E*
W. A. W.
AZETAS 0Aft«<i>; [AM.] Alex. 'AftraW:
Zeiat). The name of a family which returned with
Zorobabel according to 1 Esdr. v. 16, but not
mentioned in the catalogues of Ezra and Nehemiah.
W. A. W.
AZ'OAD (T«)T2 : 'a<ty«S8: [Vat Ear. viii.
12, KtrraX ;] Alex. A0ya3, Af-yaS, AyrraS :
Azgad). The children of Azgad, to the number
of 1222 (2322 according to Neh. vii. 17) were
among the laymen who returned with Zerubbabd
(Ear. ii. 12). A second detachment of 110, with
johanan at their head, accompanied Ezra in th)
second caravan (Ezr. viii. 12). With the other
heads of the people they joined in the covenant
with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 16). The name appears
as Sadas in 1 Esdr. v. 13, and the number of the
family is there given 3222. In 1 Esdr. viii. 38, it
is written Astath. W. A. W.
AZI'A Coflar; [Vat -(„-; Alex. IoCiori Aid
'AflaiO Ozuut), a "servant of the temple" (1
Esdr. v. 31), elsewhere called Uzza.
AZrEI (2 Esdr. i. 2), one of the ancestors of
Esdras, elsewhere called Azariah and Ezias.
A'ZIEL (V"TS: -oCMx [Vat FA.-fc-]
Oziel), a Levite (1 Chr. xv. 20). The name is a
shortened form of Jaaziel ( '^tS^), which oc-
curs in ver. 18 of same chapter.
AZI'ZA (KPTJ {strong}' 'Ofta; [Vat M
OC«aO Aziza). A layman of the family of Zattu,
who had married a foreign wife after the returi
from Babylon (E*r. x. 27); called Sardecs in I
Esdr. ix. 28. W. A. W.
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AZMAVETH
AZMA'VETH (rmyS [strong mb> death,
8m-]: 'Av/uM [V«t.» ArfiuS], 'A(fr&r; Alex.
hdutO in 1 Via.: Azmaveth, Azmcth). L One
«f David's mighty men, a native of Bahurim (2
Bam. xxiii. 31 ; 1 Chr. xi. 38), and therefore prob-
ably a Benjamite.
2. {'Av/uie, ra£u£0; [Vat. 2oA/u», rofoafl;]
Alex. A£uv0: .(IctioM.) A descendant of Mephi-
bosheth, or Merib-baal (1 Chr. viii. 86, ix. 42. [In
1 Chr. viii. 36 the A. V. ed. 1611, etc. read*
" Annaveth," foUowing the Bishops' Bible.]
3. CAiriuie; Alex. ACiu»$.) The father of Jeziel
and Pelet, two of the skilled Benjamite slingers and
archers who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 3),
perhaps identical with L It has been suggested
that in this passage " sons of Azmaveth " may
denote natives of the place of that name.
4. Overseer of the royal treasures in the reign
of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 26.) W. A. W.
AZMA'VETH (^TP: *vui»; [Vat in
Eur., Ao>u>0:] Aimaceih), a place to all appear-
ance in Benjamin, being named with Anathoth,
Kirjath-jearim and other towns belonging to that
tribe. Forty-two of the Bene-Axmattth returned
from the captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 24).
The " sons of the gingers " seem to have settled
round it (Neh. xii. 29). The name elsewhere oc-
curs as Beth-Azmavetii. Azmaveth does not
make its appearance in the lists in Joshua, but the
name was borne by several Benjamitea of the kindred
of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 36, ix. 42, xii. 3; in the last
passage Bene-A. may merely denote natives of the
place, especially as natives of Anathoth, Gibeah,
4c. are mentioned in the tame verse). G.
AZTtfON (VlDTyorfcTy [ttrong]: <Aar
umvS, itk/iurd; [Alex, once AatXfiuva:] Ate-
mona), a place named as being on the S. boundary
of the Holy Land, apparently near the torrent of
Egypt (Wadi tl-Aruh) (Num. xxxiv. 4, 5; Josh.
XT. 4). It has not yet been identified. It is men-
tioned by Eusebius and Jerome (Onom.), but evi-
dently was not actually known to them. G.
• Mr. Williams (Holy City, i. 462) would iden-
tify Azmon with Ateimeh, of which he speaks as
west of Kvdeit (Kedesb). Dr. Robinson in tracing
the southern boundary of Judah (as laid down in
Josh. xt. 1-4) makes no account of this proposed
identification (Pkyt. Gtogr. p. 17). Knobel remarks
(Exeget Hatidb. xiii. 414) that the name reminds
us of the 'Azdameh, an Arab tribe well known in
that part of the desert (Rob. Bet. i. 186). H.
AZ'NOTH-TA'BOR ("1*0^1 rVUTS: 'A»-
tn&ip; [Alex.] A(ayuB Baflmp: AzanoUhabor)^
the cart (>. e. possibly Me tunmitt) of Tabor, one
of the landmarks of the boundary of Naphtali
(Josh. xix. 34). The town, if town it be, or the
reason for the expression contained in the name,
has hitherto escaped recognition. By Eusebius
(under 'AfoMiSaW it is mentioned as lyi>ig in the
flaw in the cunfines of DkMaesarea.
For the use of the word 7TjM=eor, comp. Uz-
exx-SiTERAH; and for the metaphor involved in
the name, comp. Chisloth Tabor. G.
A'ZOR Ch$ip: Azor), (on of EUakin in U»,
toe of our Lord (Matt. i. 18, 14).
AZOTTJS. [Ashdod.]
AZOTUS. MOUNT ('a(*to» (got, or'A<>
AZZAN 206
rot ifot '• mom AzoU). In the fata battle is
which Judas Maccabsaus fell, he broke the right
wing of Bacchides' army, and pursued them to
Mount Azotus (1 Mace Ix. 15). Josephus calls it
Aza, or Azara, according to many MSS., which
Ewald finds in a mountain west of Birzeit, under
the form Atara, the Philistine Ashdod being out
of the question. W. A. W.
AZTUBL (^IT? lh*b> of God]: om. in
Vat. MS. [rather, in the Rom. ed.; Vat Eaty<r/A;
Comp. 'E(pi4\] ; Alex. UO>nj\: JCzriel). 1. The
head of a house of the half-tribe of Manasseh be-
yond Jordan, a man of renown (1 Chr. v. 24).
2. ('O^A; [Vat Eoj»it)A:] Orriei) ANaph-
talite, ancestor of Jerimoth the head of the tribe at
the time of David's census (1 Chr. xxvii. 19) ; called
Uzziel in two Heb. MSS., and apparently in the
LXX.
3. ('Ee-jMfiA ; Alex. Ecr(>njA : Etritl) The
father of Seraiah, an officer of Jehoiakim (Jer
xxxvi. 26). W. A. W.
AJZTtlKAM (Dp ,- 1T5 [help agauut the
enemy]: 'EG>urd>; [Vat E^tiicw;] Alex. E<rp«-
kcui: Jitricam). 1. A descendant of Zerubbabel,
and son of Neariah of the royal line of Judah (1
Chr. iii. 23).
9. ([Vat E(piuccu, Zo-tptuawi] Alex. Efipi-
/coux.) Eldest son of Azel, and descendant of Saul
(1 Chr. viii. 88, ix. 44).
3. ([Vat. Eapeuaw, Efcpti;] in Neh. 'E<rpucd/i;
Alex. E(pf- Azarieam.) A Levite, ancestor of
Shemaiah who lived in the time of Nehemiah (1
Chr. ix. 14; Neh. xi. 16).
*■ ('E&otdV; [Vat EytptiKati; Comp. 'Ecrpi-
rcdu-]) Governor of the house, or prefect of the
palace to king Ahaz, who was slain by Zichri, an
Ephraimite hero, in the successful invasion of the
southern kingdom by Pekah, king of Israel (2 Chr.
■tviii. 7). W. A. W.
AZU'BAH (H^S [m»j : ra(ov$i; Akx.
[once] A(ov&a: Azuba). 1. Wife of Caleb, too
of Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 18, 19).
2. ('AfoM/M [Vat in 1 K. Af«/8a]>. Mother
of king Jehoshaphat (1 K. xxii. 42; 2 Chr. xx. 81).
W. A. W.
A'ZTJR, properly AZ'ZUB (TW [helper].
'A(<ip: Azur). L A Benjamite of Gibeon, and
father of Hananiah the false prophet (Jer. xxviii. 1).
Hitzig suggests that he may have been a priest, as
Gibeon was one of the priestly cities.
8. ("Wgt'Efsp; Alex. Iofsp.) Father of Jaaea-
niah, one of the princes of the people against whom
Ezekiel was commanded to prophesy (Ex. xi. 1).
W. A. W.
AZTJTtAN OAfaHrtS; Alex. Afouoou; [Aid
'A(ovpiy:] Atoroc). The sons of Azuran arc
enumerated in 1 Esdr. v. 15, among those whr
returned from Babylon with Zorobabel, but there
is no corresponding name in the catalogues of Ezra,
and Nehemiah. Azuran may perhaps be identical
with Azzur in Neh. x. 17. W. A. W.
AZ'ZAH (nj? [itrong]:rdCn,ri(a: Gaza)
The more accurate rendering of the name of the
well-known Philistine city, Gaza (Dent U. 93; 1
K. it 24; Jer. xxr. 80). [Gaza.] W. A. W.
AZZAN ()*? fjerh. thorp, Fursi]: 'Oft:
0*-»). The father of Paltiel, prince <«" the trlbt
Digitized by
Gooffi
206
AZZUR
of Tawchnr, who represented bis tribe in the division
>f tbe promised land (Num. xxxiv. 36).
W. A. W.
AZ'XVR (""1*5 {helper]-. 'Afo^p i [Vat
KSovp; Aid. 'A((oip:] Azwr). One of the heads
*f tbe people who signed the covenant with Nehe-
miah (Neb. x. 17). The name is probably that
of a family, and in Hebrew is the same as is else-
where represented by Azvb. W. A. W.
B.
BA'AL (7J5: BaaA : Boat), the supreme male
livinity of the Phoenician and Canaanitish nations,
as Ashtoreth was their supreme female divinity.
Both names have the peculiarity of being used in
tbe plural, and it seems certain that these plurals
designate not (as Gesenius, Tha. s. w., main-
tained) statues of the divinities, but different modi-
fications of the divinities themselves. That there
were many such modifications of Baal is certain
Brora the fact that his name occurs with numerous
adjuncts, both in the 0. T. and elsewhere, as we
shall have occasion to notice hereafter. Tbe plural
Baalim is found frequently alone (e. o. Judg. ii. 11,
I. 10; 1 K. xviii. 18; Jer. ix. 14; Hos. ii. 17),
as well as in connection with Ashtoreth (Judg. x.
6; 1 Sam. vii. 4) and with Aaherah, or, as our
version renders it, " the groves" (Judg. iii. 7; 2
Chr. xxxui. 3). There is no difficulty in deter-
mining the meaning of the name, since the word
is in Hebrew a common noun of frequent occur-
rence, having the meaning Lord, not so much, how-
ever, in the sense of Ruler as of Matter, Owner,
Potttnor. Tbe name of the god, whether singu-
lar or plural, is always distinguished from the com-
mon noun by the presence of the article (?3?3U-
D > 7^9>?)i except when it stands in connection
with some other word which designates a peculiar
modification of Baal. In the Chaldaic form the
word becomes shortened into 7JJ2), and, thence
dropping the guttural, 73, Bbx, which is the
Babylonian name of this god (Buxtorf, Lex. Chald.
el Taim., Gesen., Fiirst, Hovers; the identity of
the two words is, however, doubted by Rawlinson,
Herod, i. 318).
There can be no doubt of the very high antiqui-
ty of the worship of Baal. We find his worship es-
tablished amongst the Moabites and their allies the
Wdjanltes in the time of Hoses (Num. xxii. 41),
ind through these nations the Israelites were se-
Juced to the worship of this god under the particu-
ar form of Baal-Peor (Num. xxv. 3 IT.; Deut. iv.
J). Notwithstanding the fearful punishment which
their idolatry brought upon them in this instance,
the succeeding generation returned to the worship
af Baal (Judg. ii. 10-13), and with the exception of
■he period during which Gideon was judge (Judg.
vi. 28 ff., viii. 33) this form of idolatry seems to
have prevailed amongst them up to the time of Sam-
uel (Judg. x. 10; 1 Sam. vii. 4), at whose rebuke
the people renounced the worship of Baalim. Two
eenturwa pass over before we bear again of Baal in
•onnection with the people of Israel, though we can
scarcely conclude from this silence that his worship
was Altogether abandoned. We know that in the
•bub of Solomon the service of many gods of the
BAAL
surrounding nations was introduced, and pari ■
ly that of Ashtoreth, with which Baal is so fre-
quently connected. However this may be, the wor-
ship of Baal spread greatly, and together with that
of Asherah became the religion of the court and
people of the ten tribes under Ahab, king of Israel,
in consequence of his marriage with Jezebel (1 K.
xvi. 31-33; xviii. 19, 22). And though this idol-
atry was occasionally put down (2 K. iii. 2, x. 28)
it appears never to have been permanently or effect-
ually abolished in that kingdom (2 K. xvii. 16).
In the kingdom of Judah also Baal-worship exten-
sively prevailed. During the short reign of Ahaziah
and the subsequent usurpation of his mother Ath-
aliah, the sister of Ahab, it appears to have been
the religion of the court (2 K. viii. 27 ; comp. xi.
18), as it was subsequently under Ahaz (9 E. xvi.
3; 2 Chr. xxviii. 2), and Hanasseh (2 K. xxi. 8).
The worship of Baal amongst the Jews appears
to have been appointed with much pomp and cere-
monial. Temples were erected to him (1 K. xvi.
32; 2 K. xi. 18); his images were set up (2 K. x.
26); bis altars were very numerous (Jer. xi. 13),
were erected particularly on lofty eminences (1 K.
xviii. 20), and on the roofs of bouses (Jer. xxxii. 39);
there were priests in great numbers (1 K. xviii. 19),
and of various classes (2 K. x. 19); tbe worshippers
appear to have been arrayed in appropriate robes
(2 K. i. 22) ; tbe worship was performed by burning
incense (Jer. vii. 9) and offering burnt-sacrifices,
which occasionally consisted of human victims (Jer.
xix. 5). The officiating priests danced with frantic
shouts around the altar, and cut themselves with
knives to excite the attention and compassion of the
god (1 K. xviii. 26-28 ; comp. Lucian, be Syria den,
60; Tert. Apol 9; I.ucan, i. 566; Tibial, i. 6, 47).
Throughout all the Phoenician colonies we con-
tinually find traces of the worship of this god, part-
ly in the names of men such as Adher-bal, Asdru-
bal, Hanni-hal, and still more distinctly in Phoe-
nician inscriptions yet remaining (Gesen. Moh.
Pham. passim). Nor need we hesitate to regard
the Babylonian Bel (Is. xlvi. 1) or Belus (Herod, i.
181), as essentially identical with Baal, though per-
haps under some modified form. Rawlinson dis-
tinguishes between the second god of tbe first triad
of the Assyrian pantheon, whom he names provis-
ionally Bel-Nimrod, and the Babylonian "Bel whom
he considers identical with Herodach (Herod, i.
694 ff.; 627 ff.).
The same perplexity occurs respecting the con-
nection of this god with the heavenly bodies as we
ha™ already noticed in regard to Ashtoreth. Creu-
zer (Symb. ii. 413) and Hovers (PhOn. i. 180) de-
clare Baal to be the Sun-god ; on the other band,
the Babylonian god is identified with Zeus by He-
rodotus, and there seems to be no doubt that Bel-
Herodach is the planet Jupiter (Rawlinson, Herod.
1. c). It is quite likely that in the case of Baal
as well as of Ashtoreth the symbol of the god
varied at different times and in different localities.
Indeed the great number of adjuncts with which
tbe name of Baal is found is a sufficient proof of
the diversity of characters in which be was regard-
ed, and there must no doubt have existed a corre-
sponding diversity in the worship. It may even be
a question whether in the original notion of Baa,
there was reference to any of the heavenly bod-
ies, since the derivation of the name does not ia
this instance, as it does in the case of Ashtoreth
point directly to them. If we separate the nams
Baal from idolatry, we seem, according to its i
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BAAL
sag, to obtain simply the notion of Lord and Pro-
prietor of all. With this the idea of productive
power la naturally associated, and that power is as
naturally symbolized by the sun, whilst on the
other hand the ideas of providential arrangement
and rule, and so of prosperity, are as naturally sug-
gested by the word, and in the astral mythology these
ideas are associated with the planet Jupiter. In
point of fact we find adjuncts to the name of Baal
answering to all these notions, t. g. Bti\aifiT)r t
BaUamen (Plant. Pern. v. 9, 67) = l^OBJ"^!,
" Lord of the heavens; " fOITbsa, Baal-Hamon
(Gesen. Man. Phan. 349), the Sun-BaaL and sim-
ilarly the name of a city in the 0. T. Trarrbpa
(Cant vUi. 11); 1^721, Baal-Gad, the name
of a city (Josh. xL 17), Baal the Fortune-bringer,
which god may be regarded as identical with the
planet Jupiter (Gesen. The*. Furst). Many more
compounds of Baal in the 0. T. occur, and
amongst them a large number of cities, which are
mentioned below. We shall first mention those
names of men and of gods in which Baal is the
first element. It may be noted before proceeding
to specify the particular compounds of Baal that
the word standing alone occurs in the 0. T. in
two [three] instances as the name of a man (1 Chr.
v. 5, vin. 30, [ix. 36]). Furst considers that in
these instances the latter element of the word is
dropped.
L Ba'al-be'kith (."Via Vja : [t«? BooA
SiaWj/ojK,] BaaAfitplS; [Alex, rot- BooA. Beta fit
Sictftpnp'.BaaA 3<a0i|ic7)>: Baal fadut,] BaeJ-
berit). This form of Baal was worshipped at
Shechem by the Israelites after the death of Gideon
(Judg. viii. 33, ix. 4). The name signifies the
Covenant- Boat, and has been compared with the
Greek Ztvs fpKios or the Latin Dcutjiilim. The
meaning, however, does not seem to be the god
who presides over covenants, but the god who comes
into covenant with the worshippers. In Judg. ix.
46 be is called .Tl? b«. We know nothing
of the particular form of worship paid to this god.
2. Ba'al-ze'bub (y\2f vP? : BdoA /two:
Btehehmb), the form of Baal worshipped at Ebon
(8 K. i. 2, 3, [6,] 16). The meaning of the name
is Baal or Lord of tilt fig. Though such a desig-
nation of the god appears to us a kind of mockery,
and has consequently been regarded as a term of
tension (SeWen, Dt Diis Syrit, p. 375), yet there
seems no reason to doubt that this was the name
given to the god by his worshippers, and the plague
of flies in hot climates furnishes a sufficient reason
for the designation. Similarly the Greeks gave the
epithet aropvior to Zeus (Pausan. v. 14, § 2;
Clem. Alex. Pi-otrepL ii. 38), and Pliny (xxix. 6,
34, init.) speaks of a Fly-god Myiodet. The name
yeurs in the N. T. in the well-known form Beel-
zebub [properly Beelzebul].
3. BA'Aiy-HA'MAN (]JH ?53. Baal it gra-
ioiit.- BaAAsroV, BaAa«rm»>! [Alex. BaAtwr-
tvr:] Batman: eomp. 7jnin\ 'luarrm, Je-
.ooah it gracioui). (1.) The nam: of one of the
«rly kings of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 38, 39; 1 Chr.
'.48, 60).
(3.) (BaAWdV, [Vat. BoAarar; Alex. BoA-
Vssei; Corap. BoAaareV).) The name of one of
BAAL 207
| David's officers, who had the superintendence of
his olive and sycamore plantations (1 Chr. xxvii.
28). He was of the town of GeJerah (Josh, xv.
36) or Beth-Gader (1 Chr. ii. 51), and horn his
name we may conjecture that he was of Canaauilish,
not Jewish origin.
4. ba / al-fb / or (-n»9 Vya : b.«a<k>A> :
Bulphcgor). We have already referred to the
worship of this god. The narrative (Num. xxv.)
seems clearly to show that this form of Baal-wor-
ship was connected with licentious rites. Without
laying too much stress on the Rabbinical derivation
of the word "11379, Mates, L e. " aperire hymenem
virgineum," we seem to have reason to conclude
that this was the nature of the worship. Baal-peor
was identified by the Rabbins and early lathers
with Priapus (see the authorities quoted by Selden,
Dt Diit Syrit, i. 4, 302 ft"., who, however, dissent*
from this view). This is, moreover, the view of
Creuxer (ii. 411), Winer, Gesenius, Furst, and al-
most all critics. The reader is referred for more
detailed information particularly to Creuzer's Sym-
botik and Movers'* Phtmder. F. W. G.
BA'AL 0?55), geographical This word oc-
curs as the prefix or suffix to the names of several
places in Palestine. Gesenius has expressed his
opinion ( The*, p. 22S a) that in these cases it has
no reference to any worship of the god Baal, at the
particular spot, but merely expresses that the place
" possesses" or contains something special denoted
by the other part of the name, the word Baal bear-
ing in that case a force synonymous with that of
Bern. Without being so presumptuous as to
contradict this conclusion, some reasons may (with
considerable hesitation) be mentioned for reconsid-
ering it.
(a.) Though employed in the Hebrew Scriptures
to a certain extent metaphorically, and there cer-
tainly with the force of " possession " or " owner-
ship," — a* a « lord of hair" (2 K.i. 8), "lord of
dreams " (Gen. xxxvii. 19), Ac., Baal nirer seems
to have become a naturalized Hebrew word, but
frequently occurs so as to betray its Canaanite
origin and relationship. Thus it is several times
employed to designate the inhabitant* of town*
either certainly or probably heathen, but rarely if
ever those of one undoubtedly Hebrew. It 1* ap-
plied to the men of Jericho before the conquest
(Josh. xxiv. 11); to the men of Shechem, the an-
cient city of Hamor the Hivite, who rose to recover
the right* of Hamor's descendants long after the
conquest of the land (Judg. ix. 2-51, with Ewald's
commentary, Oetch. ii. 445-7), and in the ac-
count of which struggle, the distinction between
the D^Jja. of Shechem, and the D , tt?^— tb*
Hebrew relations of Abimelech — is carefully main-
tained. It is used for the men of Keilah, a place on
the western confines of Judah, exposed to all the at
tacks and the influences of the surrounding heathen
(1 Sam. xxiii. 11, 12), for Uriah the Hittite (2 Sam.
xi. 26), and for others (Is. xvi. 8, Ac.). Add to
this the consideration that if Baal forms part of the
name of a person we are sure to find the name
mentioned with some Hebrew alteration, as Jerub-
besheth for Jerub-baaL Hephibosheth for Merib-
uaal, Isb-bceheth for Esh-baal, and others. In
Hos. ii. 16 a remarkable instance is preserved of
the distinction, noticed above in connection with the
record of the revolt at Shechem, between the bee.
Digitized by
God£l£
208
BAAL
then Baal and the Hebrew M — "mt that day,
■ilh Jehovah, men shall call He ' Ithi,' tuid ahaH
call Me no more ' Baali,' " both words having the
sense of " my husband."
(A.) Such places called by this name or its com-
pounds as can be identified, and several of which
existed at the time of the conquest, were either
near Phoenicia, as Baal-gad, Baal-hermon, Bel-
markoa (of later times); or in proximity to some
other acknowledged seat of heathen worship, as
Baal-meon and Bamoth-Baal, near the infamous
seat of Baal-peor; or Kirjath-Baal and Baal-tamar,
which were in the district containing the early and
famous sanctuaries and high places of Oibeon and
Bethel.
(c.) On more than one occasion Baal forms part
of the names of places which we elsewhere discover
to have been elevated spots, spots in which the
worship of the Canaanites delighted. Thus Baal-
hermon is elsewhere called " Mount B." and Baal-
Peruim is (very probably) " Mount P." Baalath-
beer too is called in the parallel lists Ramath (i. e.
"height"). Compare the Vulgate rendering of
Baalah in 1 Chr. xiii. 6, ad collem Cariathiarim.
(a\) There is the consideration of the very deep
significance with which the name of Baal must
always have been invested both for the Israelites
and for their predecessors in the country ; for those
who venerated and those who were commanded to
hate him. Surely this significance must have been
sufficient to prevent that portentous name from
becoming a mere alternative for a term which, like
Beth, was in the commonest daily use.
The places in the names of which Baal forms a
part are as follows : —
1. Ba'al [BdaA; Vat. Botox: Bant], a town
of Simeon, named only in 1 Chr. iv. 33, and which
from the parallel list in Josh. xix. seems to have
been identical with Baalath-beer.
2. Ba'alab (IT5J?5 [fem- patteuor, L e. of
a town = city or ttate, Ges.] : BdaA; [in Josh. xv.
9, Vat. kjSaoA for «.'. BdaA; 11, M \ifia, Alex.]
BoAd: Baala).
(a.) Another name for Kmuath-Jeabim, or
Kibjath-Baal, the well-known town, now fCuritt
el Enab. It is mentioned in Josh. xv. 9, 10 j 1
Chr. xiii. 6 (tis ti\iy Aovft; ad colkm Caria-
thiarim). In Josh. xv. 11, it is called Mount (~!n)
Baalah, and in xv. 60, and xviii. 14, Kirjath-BaaL
From the expression "Baalah, which is Kirjath-
jesrim" (comp. "Jebusi, which is Jerusalem,"
will. 88), it would seem as if Baalah were the
artier or Canaanite appellation of the place. In 2
jam. vi. 2, the name occurs slightly altered as
Baale of Judah" (nTliT ^53), far* t
VxoWw loita, de raru Juda).
(*.) [BoAd; AM. Alex. BooAd.] A town in
the south of Judah (Josh. xv. 29), which in xU. 8
is called Balaii, and in the parallel list (I Chr. iv.
29) Biuiah.
3. Ba'alath (nbj? : [rcjBMAdV, BoXodO,
om. in 1 K.; Vat. in 2 Chr. BoXoa; Alex. Ba-
»Ai«, BaAa«, BaAaaj: Balaath, 1 K.] Bnalath),
a town of Urn named with Gibbethon, Gath-rim-
mon, and other Philistine places (Josh. xix. 44).
it is possible that the same town is referred to in 1
4. ix. 18 and 2 Chr. viii. 6 (BoAodfl). See Joseph.
tUU. viU. 6, § 1.
4. Ba'alath-bb'bb ("lfcQl n 1 ???, Baal of
BAAL
tktmtt = Holy -well: BoA«k; [Vat> Bop«; Alb
BaaA Btatippafifutl ; Aid. BaA4) BiipapiuiS i
Comp. BooAdf) Bn«we>uM :] Baalnth-Bcer), a towt
among those in the south part of Judah, given tc
Simeon; and which also bore the name of Ra-
math-Neoeb, or "the heights of the South"
(Josh. xix. 8). In another list it appears in the
contracted form of Baal. [See L]
Other sacred wells in this parched region wen
the Beer-lahai-roi, the " well of the vision of God : "
and Beer-eheba, the " well of the oath."
6. Ba'al-gad (T| b79 : BoAoydo; [Aid
Alex. BaA-ydi); Comp. BaaA-ydo"; in Josh. xiii. 5.
ra\yi\, Comp. BatKyit; xiL 7, Vat. M. BaAa-
yoSta-] Baalgad), a place evidently well known at
the time of the conquest of Palestine, and as such
used to denote the most northern (Josh. xi. 17, ci.
7) or perhaps northwestern (xiii. 6, Hamath being
to the extreme northeast) point to which Joshua's
victories extended. It was in all probability a
Phoenician or Canaanite sanctuary of Baal under
the aspect of Gad, or Fortune. [Gad.] No trace
of it* site has yet been discovered. The words
"the plain (H^pa) of Lebanon" would lead to
the supposition that It my in the great plain be-
tween the two ranges of Lebanon and Anti-Leb-
anon, which is stiD known by the tune Hebrew word
el-Bikd'a ; and it has accordingly been identified
by Been and others with Baalbec (Rob. m. 619).
But against this are the too great distance of Baal-
bec to the north, and the precise expression of the
text — '-under Mount Hermon" (Jerome: ad
radices montis Hermon). The conjecture of
Schwarz (p. 60), supported by Robinson with his
usual care, is, that the modern representative of
Baalgad is Banins, a place which long maintained
a great reputation as the sanctuary of Pan. [C*»-
arka Phiupm.]
6. Ba'al-iia'mon ()%n 31, Baal of multi-
tude: BssAauiiy: en ova habet populot), a place
at which Solomon bad a vineyard, evidently of
great extent (Cant. viii. 11 ). The only possible clue
to its situation is the mention In Judith viii. 8, of
a Belam&n or Balamon ([Rom. BcAtuuur; Vat.
Alex.] BoAoumv; [Comp. AM. BaXafui- Beth-
una.-] A. V. Balamo) near Uothaim; and there-
fore in the mountains of Ephraim, not far north of
Samaria. If so, this vineyard may have been in
one of the " fat valleys " of the " drunkards of
Ephraim, who are overcome with wine," to which
allusion U made in Is. xxviii. 1.
7. Ba'ai^ha'zok ("ISn a, Boats village:
BfAoo-*if>; [Vat. BoiAaowp;] Alex. BcSAaowp;
[Comp. BaaAao-«V : ] Baalhusor), a place "'by'
Ephraim" (Vt"037), where Absalom appears to
have had a sheep-farm, and where Amnon was
murdered (2 Sam. xiii. 23).
8. Mount Ba'aiz-hkr'mon (vja "Ft
pB"|T^, ([ T » Coot rev 'KtpuAf, Alex. t. o. t.
BoAofp/utv, Comp. AM. r. o. r. BaaA 'Epuar
mom BaaUHermun,] Judg. iii. 3), and simply Ba-
al-hermon ([BaaA 'Ej,ju6», Vat' BaiXti/i- Baa(
Hermon,'] 1 Chr. v. 23)). This is usually con-
sidered as a distinct place from Mount Hermon
but the only apparent ground for so doing is thi
statement in the latter of the above pnssaojm " nrtt«
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BAAL
Hsal-hennon. and Seuir, and" Mount Hermon;"
out It is quite possible that the conjunction ren-
dered " and " may be here, as oflm elsewhere, used
as an expletive, — " unto Uaal-bermon, even Senir,
even Mount Hermon." Perhaps this derives some
color from the fact, which we know, that this
mountain had at least three names (Deut. ill. 9).
May not Baal-hermon hare been a fourth, in use
among the Phoenician worshippers of Baal, one of
whose sanctuaries, Baal-gad, was at the foot of this
very mountain?
0. Ba'al-mk'on Q12D 3: ^BccA/uitr; [in
1 Chr., BMApoo-o-aV; Aid. Alex. BttKjiadir;
Comp. BttKutir; in Ez., most MSS. oru. :] Bnal-
swon, [Bcdmeon]), one of the towns which were
« built" by the Keubenites (Num. xxxii. 38), and
to which they " gave other names." Possibly the
•» Beth," which is added to the name in its men-
tion elsewhere, and which sometimes superseded
the "Baal" of the original name, is one of the
changes referred to. [Beth-baal-mkos : Betii-
UBOti.] It is also named in 1 Chr. v. 8, and on
each occasion with Nebo. In the time of Ezekiel
it was Moabite, and under that prosperous domin-
ion had evidently become a place of distinction,
being noticed as one of the cities which are the
" glory of the country " (Es. xxv. 9). In the days
of Eusebius and Jerome (Onom. Balmen) it was
still a " vicus maximus " called Balmano, B miles
distant from Heshbon ('Ufious, is*"*), near the
» mountain of the hot springs," and reputed to be
the native place of Elisha.
* The site is still known. " Taking a sweep on
the fine turf to the southeast " (from Huhlxm),
says Mr. Tristram (Ixuui of ItratL, p. 640), " we
passed by the ruins of ifa'in (Baal-meon), situated
on a matnekw exactly like Heshbon, and due east
of Ntbbah, shapeless sod featureless, at which a
cursory glance was sufficient." H.
10. Ba'al-pkk'azim (D , 2^5 2 : BaaUphu,
<mm\ the scene of a victory of David over the Phi-
listines, and of a great destruction of their images,
and so named by him in a characteristic passage
of exulting poetry — "'Jehovah hath burst (Ylfy
upon mine enemies before me as a burst (V!?r:)
of waters.' Therefore he called the name of that
place ' Baat-perazim,' " i. e bursts or destructions
(9 Sam. v. 20; 1 Chr. xiv. 11). The place and
the circumstance appear to be again alluded to in
Is. xxviii. 21, where it is called Mount P. Perhaps
this may point to the previous existence of a high
place or sanctuary of Baal at this spot, which would
lend more point to David's exclamation (see Gese-
nius, Jet. 844). The I.XX. render the name in its
two occurrences, respectively 'Erdra Suucowwr,
and Aioxoiri) ipapaoiv- [Vat -pi-; in 1 Chr. xiv.
II". BoiA tofairlr, Alex. -o- <u >; Vat. *ooa *o#-
<r«i*>:] the latter an instance of retention of tie
triguul word and its explanation side by side; the
former uncertain.
11. Ba al-shai/isha (ntZr?t& '3 : BtuBapt-
ri; [Vat. M. BcuOap t uro, H. B<u6Vaf»ura;< Alex.']
9*B<rapi, [Alex.l BasVcuxwa; Comp. BoiA Soai-
rrf:] BaaltaUta), a place named only in 2 K. iv.
i2; apparently not far from Gilgal (comp. v. 88).
BAAL
209
• The " onto " ha the A. T. tr mtsrpolatsd, though
tot » marked.
14
It was possibly situated in the district, or "land"
of the same name. [Shausha.]
18. Ba'aIs-ta'mak ("!?pW 2, sanctuary of
the palm: BoiA OapAp: Baaltlumar), a place
named only in Judg. xx. 33, as near Gibeau of
Benjamin. The palm-tree ("!?2W) of Deborah
(iv. 5) was situated somewhere in the locality, and
is possibly alluded to (Stanley, 145, 6). In the
days of Eusebius it was still known under the al-
tered name of BriSBaftdp ; but no traces of It have
been found by modern travellers. G.
13. Ba'ai^zk'phom Cl*®? ''S'Sf J*"* °f
Zephon: Bttk&rnpaY, B«A<rrire>«f»; [Alex. B<-
»Ao-€«W :J Beeltephon), a place in Egypt near
where the Israelites crossed the Red Sea (Ex. xiv.
2, 9 ; Num. xxxiii. 7). From the position of
Goshen and the indications anorded by the narra-
tive of the route of the Israelites, we place Baal-
zephon on the western shore of the Gulf of Sues,
a little below its head, which at this time was about
30 or 40 miles northward of the present head.
[Goshen; Red Sea, Passage ok]. Its posi-
tion with respect to the other places mentioned
with it is clearly indicated. The Israelites en-
camped before or at Pi-hahiroth, between Migdol
and the sea, before Baal-zephon, according to Ex.
(xiv. 2, 9), while in Num. Pi-hahiroth is described
as being before Baal-zepbon, and it is said that
when the people came to the former place they
pitched before Migdol (Num. xxxiii. 7); and again,
that afterwards they departed from before Pi-hahi-
roth, here in Heb. Hahiroth (v. 8). Migdol and
Baal-zephon must therefore have been opposite to
one another, and the latter behind Pi-hahiroth with
reference to the Israelites. Baal-zephon wan per-
haps a well-known place, if, as seems likely, it is
always mentioned to indicate the position of Pi-
hahiroth, which we take to be a natural locality
[Kan Sea, Passage ok; Pi-hahikotii]. The
name has been supposed to mean "place of Ty-
phon," or "sacred to Typhon," an etymology
approved by Uesenius ( Thtt. s. v.). Zephon would
well enough correspond in sound to Typhon, had
we any ground for considering the latter name to
be either Egyptian or Semitic, but aCwe have not,
the conjecture is a very bold one. Were, however,
Typhon an Egyptian word, we could not consider
Zephon in Baal-zephon to be its Hebrew transcrip-
tion, inasmuch as it is joined with the Hebrew form
773. We would rather connect Baal-zephon, as
a Hebrew compound, with the root fT^i *» if
it were named from a watch-tower on the frontier
like the neighboring ^JO, "the tower." It is
noticeable that the name of the son of Gad called
Zipbion ]V9? m &"- ( dri ' M ) " written Ze
phon flS? in Num. (xxvi. 15). The identifica-
tions of Baal-zephon that have been proposed de-
pend upon the supposed meaning "place of Ty-
phon." Forster (t'pp. ad Mich., pp. 28, 29) thinks
it was Heroopolis, 'HpaW s-oau, which some, as
Champollion (L'Sgypte tout Ut Pharaont, ii. 87
ff * consider, wrongly, to be the same as Avaris,
the stronghold of the Hycsos, both which places
were connected with Typhon (Steph. B. *. v. 'HptS;
Manetho, ap. Joseph, c. Apion. 1. 28). Avaris cannot
be Heroopolis, for geographical reasons. (Comp.,
as to the site of Avaris, Brigsoh, Gtoornphitekt
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Goo^l?
210 BAAL
Intckrifttn, i. 86 ft; M to that of Heroopoha,
Upstus, Ckron. rf. /Egypt i. 844 ff., aud p. 343,
against the two places being the same. )
R.8. P.
BAAL (^??: 'Ma; Alex. BooA' £««/)■
L A Reubenite, whon eou or descendant Beerah
was carried off by the invading army of Assyria
under Tiglath-l'ileser (1 Chr. v. 6).
2. (BdoA; [Vat. H. 1 Chr. viii. 30, BoaAoK-
«</*])• The eon of JehieL father or founder of
Gibeon, by his wife Maachah; brother of Kish,
and grandfather of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 30, ix. 36).
W. A. \V.
BA'ALAH. [Baal, No. 2.]
BA'ALATH. [Baal, Nus. 3, 4.]
BA'ALE OF JT7DAH. [Baal, No. 2, a.]
•BAALI O 1 ????: BaaAilp: Baati), as em-
ployed in Hoa. U. 16, has a twofold sense: first,
sty ifa/ii, the name of the principal god of the
Canaanites ; and, second, my lord, as applied by a
woman to her husband (Ex. xxi. 22; 2 Sain. xi. 26).
The passage is : " And it shall be at that day, saith
the Lord, that thou shalt call me Isbi, and slialt
call me no more Baali." The time is coming, the
prophet would say, when Israel shall utterly re-
nounce his idolatry, and so far from going after
heathen gods, shall not even take upon his lips so
much as a word that would revive even a thought
of the old idolatry which had been so base a vio-
lation of the covenant of marriage between Jehovah
and his people. See the next verse (17th) which
confirms this view. Consult Manger ( Comment, in
Ijbr. dot. p. 132), and Pusey (Minor Prophttt,
Part I. p. 19). The A. V. (mora.) translates both
terms (my hutband : my lord). The Vulgate trans-
lates the former (mens vir), but does not translate
the latter. H.
BA'ALIM. [Baal.]
BA'ALI8 (D s b5? : BtA<uro-a: [Vat, FA.«
B<A<io-a; Alex. -Ai-:J Baalii), king of the Bene-
Ammon (BaaiK&t wot 'Afip>) at the time of
the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar
(Jer. xl. 14).
BA'ANA (N332 [son of affliction]: Bard,
[Alex.] Baara: Bona), the name of several men.
L The son of Ahilud, Solomon's commissariat offi-
cer in Jezreel and the north of the Jordan valley
(1 K. iv. 12).
3. [(Board: Banna.) The father of Zadok,
me of those who repaired the wall of Jerusalem
liter the captivity] (Neb. iii. 4).
3. [Board: Vulg. corrupt] (1 Esdr. v. 8.)
.Baanah, 4.]
BAANAH (TO?3 [= MJS?, •» •»»»«]:
Hoard; [Vat. in 2 Sam. iv. 6, 9, Botut; 6, Bcuipa:]
Saana). 1. Son of Rimmon, a Benjamite, who
with his brother Rcchab murdered Ish-bosheth.
For this they were killed by David, and their muti-
lated bodies hung up over the pool at Hebron (2
8am. iv. 2, 6, 6, 9).
2. [Alex. Baaraat, Baara; Rom. Vat. in 1
Jhr. NooCi: in 2 Sam. om.] A Netophathite,
father of Heleb or Heled, one of David's mighty
aen (2 Sam. xxiii. 29; 1 Chr. xi. 30).
3. (Accurately Baana, HT}?2 : Board; [Alex.
iaaras:] Baana), son of Hushal, Solomon's eom-
niasaiiat officer in Aaher (1 K. iv. 16).
BABEL
4. A man who accompanied Zerubbaliel on ail
return from the captivity (Ear. ii. 2; Neh. vii. 7).
Possibly the same person is intended in Neh. x. 87.
[Baana, 3.]
BAANI'AS (Baralaf, [Vat. U.] Alex. Bar-
rotas: [Wechd Baaralaj:] Bannat). Bemaiah,
of the sons of Pharosh (1 Esdr. ix. 26; oomp. Ear.
x. 25).
BA'ABA (rTlBS [brvtuh]: BooM; [Vat.
ISaoSa;] Alex. Baaf»: Bora) we of the wives
of Shaharaim, a descendant cf .Senjamin (1 ( .nr.
viii. 8).
BAASBOAH [4 syL] (rTWSS [work of
Jehorak]: Bamriai [Vat MawaiO Batata), %
Gershonite Levite, one of the forefathers of Asaph
the singer (1 Chr. vi. 40 [25]).
BA'ASHA (WpS3 [in some eds. KIT???]:
Baao-d; Joseph. Baadrns : Baam), third sove-
reign of the separate kingdom of Israel, and the
founder of its second dynasty. The name, accord-
ing to Geaenhis, is from a root to be wicked, but
tins would seem impossible unless it has been al-
tered [Abuah], and Cahnet suggests that it may
mean in lie work, from 2 in, and I"ttp? to make,
or he who teekt H^a, and lay watte <"VHttF.
Baasha was son of Ahijah of the tribe of Issachar,
and conspired against King Kadab, son of Jero-
boam, when he was besieging the Philistine town
of Glbbethon, and killed him with his whole family.
He appears to have been of humble origin, as the
prophet Jehu speaks of him as having been " ex-
alted out of the dust " (1 K. xvi. 2). In matters
of religion his reign was no improvement on that
of Jeroboam ; he equally forgot his position as king
of the nation of God's election, and was chiefly
remarkable for his persevering hostility to Judah.
It was probably in the 13th year of bis reign [Asa]
that be made war on its king Asa, and began to
fortify Ramah as an jiriT<f;r.i<rpa against it K«
was defeated by the unexpected alliance of Asa with
Renhadad I. of Damascus, who had previously been
friendly to Baasha. Benhadad took several towns
in the N. of Israel, and conquered lands belonging
to it near the sources of Jordan. Baasha died in
the 24th year of his reign, and was honorably bu-
ried in the beautiful city of Tirzah (Cant vi. 4),
which be had made his capital. The dates of his
accession and death according to Clinton (F. B i.
321) are B. c. 963 and n. c. 931 (1 K. xv. 27, xvi
7; 2 Chr. xvi. IS). G. E. L. C.
* Flint derives the name from an obsolete root
(existing in Arabic) = valor, bobfacu. H.
BA'BEL, BAB'YLON, Ac. (^33: Bo/S-
vK&r : [Babel, Babylon] ) is properly the capital city
of the country which is called in Genesis Sbmar
("TOJtT) and in the later Scriptures Chalita, of
the bud of the Chakheans: (D'^C??). The nam*
is connected in Genesis with the Hebrew root V ^3,
" con/undere," " because the Lord did there eon-
found the langiiHge of all the earth " (Gen. xi. 9);
but the native etymology is Bnb-il, " the gate of
the god //," or perhaps more simply " the gate of
God ; " and this no doubt was the original inten-
tion of the appellation as given by Nimrod, tbougi
the other sense came to he attached to it after the
oonfdsion of tongues. Prolialily a teoiplc was tbs
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BABBL, BABYLON
tret bulkling raised by the primitive nomad*, and
in the gate of this temple justice would bi adminis-
tered in early times (comp. 2 Sam. xix. 8), after
which booses would grow up about the gate, and
in this way the name would readily pass from the
actual portal of the temple to the settlement. Ac-
cording to the traditions which the Greeks derived
from the Babylonians in Alexander's age the city
was originally built about the year b. c. 2230.
The architectural remains discovered in southern
Babylonia, taken in conjunction with the monu-
mental records, seem to indicate that it was not at
first the capital, nor, indeed, a town of very great
importance. It probably owed its position at the
head of Nimrod's cities (Gen. x. 10) to the power
and preeminence whereto it afterwards attained
rather than to any original superiority that it could
boast over the places coupled with it. Erich, Ur,
and EU/uar, appear to have been all more ancient
than Babylon, and were capital cities when Babil
was a provincial village. The first rise of the
ChakUean power was in the region close upon the
Persian Gulf, as Berosus indicated by his fish-god
Oannes, who brought the Babylonians civilization
and the arts out of the sea (ap. Syncell. p. 28, B.).
Thence the nation spread northwards up the course
of the rivers, and the seat of government moved in
the same direction, being finally fixed at Baby-
ion, perhaps not earlier than about b. c. 1700.
1. Topography of Babylon — Ancient descrip-
tion! of the city. — The descriptions of Babylon
which have come down to us in classical writers
are derived chiefly from two sources, the works of
Herodotus and of Ctesias. These authors were
both of them eye-witnesses of the glories of Baby-
lon — not, indeed, at their highest point, but be-
fore they had greatly declined — and left accounts
of the city and its chief buildings, which the his-
torians and geographers of later times were, for the
most part, content to copy. The description of
Herodotus is familiar to most persons. According
to this, the city, which was built on both sides of
the Euphrates, formed a vast square, inclosed with-
in a double line of high walls, the extent of the
outer circuit being 489 stades, or about 56 miles.
The entire area included would thus have been
about 200 square miles. Herodotus appears to im-
ply that this whole space was covered with houses,
which, he observes, were frequently three or four
stories high. They were laid out in straight streets
crossing each other at right angles, the cross streets
leading to the Euphrates being closed at the river
end with brazen gates, which allowed or prevented
access to the quays wherewith the banks of the Eu-
phrates were lined along its whole course through
the city. In each division of the town, Herodotus
says, there was a fortress or stronghold, consisting
in the one case of the royal palace, in the other of
the great temple of Belli*. This last was a species
of pyramid, composed of eight square towers placed
ore above the other, the dimensions of the basement
tower being a stade — or above 200 yards — each
way. The height of the temple is not mentioned
by Herodotus. \ winding ascent, which passed
round all the towers, led to the suminit, on which
was placed a spacious ark or chapel, containing no
statue, but regarded by tne natives as the habitation
•f the god. The temple stood in a sacred precinct
two stades (or 400 yards) square, which contained
two attars for burnt-offerings and a secret ark or
shapel, wherein was the golden image of Ba. The
•wo portions of the city were united by a uridge,
BABEL, BABYLON 211
composed of a series of stone piers with movable
platforms of wood stretching from one pier to
another. Such are the chief features of the de-
scription left us by Herodotus (i. 178-186).
According to Ctesias (ap. Diod. Sic. ii. 7, ft.'
the circuit of the city was not 480 but 360 stades —
which is a little under 42 miles. It lay, he says, on
both sides of the Euphrates, and the two parts
were connected together by a stone bridge fire
stades (above 1000 yards) long, and 30 feet broad,
of the kind described by Herodotus. At either ex-
tremity of the bridge was a royal palace, that in the
eastern city being the more magnificent of the two.
It was defended by a triple enceinte, the outer-
most 60 stades, or 7 miles round; the second, which
was circular, 46 stades, or 4 } miles ; and the third
20 stades, or 2J miles. The height of the second
or middle wall was 300 feet, and its towers were 420
feet. The elevation of the innermost circuit was
even greater than this. The walls of both the second
and the third inclosure were made of colored brick,
and represented hunting scenes — the chase of the
leopard and the lion — with figures, male and fe-
male, regarded by Ctesias as those of Ninus and
Semiramis. The other palace was inferior both in
size and magnificence. It was inclosed within a
single enceinte, 30 stades, or 3J miles in circum-
ference, and contained representations of hunting
and battle scenes as well as statues in bronze, said
to be those of Ninus, Semiramis, and Jupiter
Belus. The two palaces were joined, not only by
the bridge, but by a tunnel under the river ! Ctesias's
account of the temple of Bel'is has not come down
to us. We may gather however, that he repre-
sented its general character in much the same way
as Herodotus, but spoke of it as surmounted by
three statues, one of Bel, 40 feet high, another of
Rhea, and a third of Juno or Beltis. He seems
further to have described elaborately the famous
« hanging gardens " of Nebuchadnezzar (Diod. Sic.
ii. 10) but the description, as reported by Diodorus,
is not very intelligible. It appears that they were
a square of 400 feet each way, and rose in terraces,
the topmost terrace being planted with trees of all
kinds, which grew to a great size.
In examining the truth of these descriptions, we
shall most conveniently commence from the outer
circuit of the town. All the ancient writers appear
to agree in the fact of a district of vast size, more
or less inhabited, having been inclosed within lofty
walls, and included under the name of Babylon.
With respect to the exact extent of the circuit they
differ. The estimate of Herodotus and of Pliny (B.
ff. vi. 26) is 480 stades, of Strabo (xvi. i, § S) 386,
of Q. Curtius (v. 1 § 26) 368, of Clitarehus (ap
Diod. Sic. ii. 7) 365, and of Ctesias (ap. eund.)
360 stades. It is evident that here we have merely
the moderate variations to be expected in independ-
ent measurements, except in the first of the num-
bers. Setting this aside, the difference between
the greatest and the least of the estimates is little
more than £ per cent." With this near agreement on
the port of so many authors, it is the more sur-
prising that in the remaining case we should find
the great difference of one third more, or 33) per
cent. Perhaps the true explanation is that Herod-
otus spoke of the outer wall, which could be traced
a Ii the MUmale of Ctasiu be regarded as 100,
that of CBtarchuawUl be . . . 1001923
" Q. Curtius 130-2
>' Strabo 100-694; bvs
" Herodotus 188-8
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212
BABEL, BABYLOX
In Mi time, while the later writers, who
•peak of an inner and an outer barrier, give the meas-
urement of Herodotus's inner wall, which may hare
alone remained in their day. This ia the opinion
of M. Oppert, who even believes that he has found
traces of both inclosures, showing them to have
been really of the size ascribed to them. This con-
clusion is at present disputed, and it is the more
general belief of those who have examined the ruins
with attention that no vestiges of the ancient walls
are to be found, or at least, that none have as yet
been discovered. Still it is impossible to doubt
that a line of wall inclosing an enormous area orig-
inally existed. The testimony to this effect is too
strong to be set aside, and the disappearance of
the wall is easily accounted for, either by the con-
stant quarrying, which would naturally have com-
menced with it (Rich, first Mem. p. 44), or by
the subsidence of the bulwark into the moat from
which it was raised. Taking the lowest estimate
of the extent of the circuit, we shall have for the
space within the rampart an area of above 100
square miles ; nearly five times the size of London !
It is evident that this vast space cannot have been
entirely covered with houses. Diodorus con-
fesses tii. 9, nd Jin.) that but a small part of
the enclosure was Inhabited in his own day,
and Q. Curtius (v. 1. § 27) says that as
much as nine-tenths consisted, even in the
most nourishing times, of gardens, parks,
paradises, fields, and orchards.
With regard to the height and breadth
of the walls there is nearly as much difler-
ence of statement as with regard to their
extent Herodotus makes the height 300
royal cubits, or 337 J feet ; Ctesias 50 fathoms,
or 300 feet; Pliny and Solinus 200 royal
feet; Strabo 50 cubits, or 75 feet. Here
there is less appearance of independent meas-
urements than in the estimates of length. The
two original statements seem to be those of
Herodotus and Ctesias, which only diner ac-
cidentally, the latter having omitted to notice
that the royal scale was used The later
writers do not possess fresh data; they merely
soften down what seems to them an exaggera-
tion — 1'liny and Solinus changing the cubits
of Herodotus into feet, and Strabo the fathoms
of Ctesias into cubits. We are forced then
to fall back on the earlier authorities, who
are also the only eye-witnesses ; and surpris-
'ng as it seems, perhaps we must believe the
statement, that the vast inclosed space above
mentioned was surrounded by walls which at
have well been termed " artificial mountains," 11
being nearly the height of the dome of St.
Paul's! (See Grote's Greece, vol. ill. p. 397,
sud, on the other side, Mure's Lit. of Greece j
vol. iv. p. 546.) The ruined wall of Nineveh
was, it must be remembered, in Xenophon's
time 150 feet high (Amib. iii. 4, § 10),
and another wall which he passed in Mesopo-
tamia was 100 feet (ibul. ii. 4, § 12).
The estimates for the thickness of the
wall are the following : — Herodotus, 50 royal
cubits, or nearly 85 feet; I'liny and Solinus
BABEL, BABYLON
According, to Ctesias the wall was strengthened
with 250 towers, irregularly disposed, to guard
the weakest parts (Diod. Sic. ii. 7) ; and according
to Herodotus it was pierced with a hundred gates
which were made of brass, with brazen lintels ana
side-posts (i. 179). The gates and walls are alike
mentioned in Scripture, the height of the one and
the breadth of the other being specially noticed (Jer.
Ii. 58; conip. 1. 15, and li. 53).
Herodotus and Ctesias both relate that the banks
of the river as it flowed through the city were on
each side ornamented with quays. The stream has
probably often changed its course since the time of
Babylonian greatness, but some remains o»a quay or
embankment (E) on the eastern side of the stream
still exist, upon the bricks of which is read the
name of the last king. The two writers also agree
as to the existence of a bridge, and describe it very
similarly. Perhaps a remarkable mound (K) which
interrupts the long flat valley — evidently the an-
cient course of the river — closing in the principal
ruins on the west, may be a trace of this structure.
S. Present state, of the Ruins. — Before seeking
to identify the principal buildings of ancient Baby-
Q3
Present Statu of the Ruins of Babvlop
50 royal, or about 60 common feet; and Strabo, | ion with the ruins near Hiilah, which are unite*.
13 feet. Here again Pliny and Solinus have merely j sally admitted to mark the site, it is necessary tt
«oftened down Herodotus; Strabo, however, has a «give an account of their present character and eon.
aew number. This may belong properly to the in- ' dition, which the accompanying plan will illustrate.
Mr wall, which, Herodotus remarks (i. 181), was of About five miles above Biuah, on the opposite
<sa thickness than the outer. [or left bank of the Euphrates, occur a serial o-
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BABEL, BABYLON
trUficial mounds of enormous size, which have
been recognized in all ages as probably indicating
the site of the capital of southern Mesopotamia.
They consist chiefly of " three great mowed of
building — the high pile of unbaked brickwork
called by Rich ' Mujellibe,' but which is known to
the Arabs as ' Btbtl ' (A); the building denomi-
nated the ' Kntr ' or palace (B) ; and a lofty moiiud
(0), upon which stands the modern tomb of Am-
n'tm-ilm- Alb" (Loftus's Choi last, p. 17). Ilesides
these principal masses the most remarkable features
are two parallel lines of rampart (b' F) bounding
the chief ruins on the east, some similar but infe-
rior remains on the north and west (1 I and II),
an embankment along; the river-side (E), a remark-
able isolated heap (K) in the middle of a long val-
ley, which seems to have been the ancient bed of
the stream, and two long lines of rampart (G (■)
meeting at a right angle, and with the river form-
ing an irregular triangle, within which all the ruins
sn this side (except Babil) are inclosed. On the
west, or right bank, the remains are very slight
and scanty. There is the appearance of an inclos-
ure, and of a building of moderate size within it
(I)), nearly opposite the gruat mound of Amrnm ;
but otherwise, unless at a long distance from the
stream, this side of the Euphrates is absolutely
bare of ruins.
Scattered over the country on both sides of the
Kuphratea, and reducible to no regular plan, are a
number of remarkable mounds, usually standing
BABEL, BABYLON
213
tcMnt or BELUS
of Ancient Babylon <naanguistuU« In to*
present Ruins.
single, which are plainly of the same date with the
great mass of ruins upon the river-bank. Of these,
by far the most striking is the vast ruin called th«
BLrt-Ximrud, which many regard as the tower of
Babel, situated about six miles to the S. W. of
Hillah, and almost that distance from the Eu-
phrates at the nearest point. This is a pyramid
ical mound, crowned apparently by the ruins of a
tower, rising to the height of 153 j feet above the
level of the plain, and in circumference somewhat
more than '2000 feet. As a complete description
of it is given under the next article [Babkl, Tow-
ek <ikj no more need be said of it here. There
is sufficient reason to believe from the inscriptions
discovered on the spot, and from other document*
of the time of Nebuchadnezzar, that it marks the
site of Bonrippa, and was thus entirely beyond the
limits of Babylon (Here*. Fr. 14).
3. Identification of titu. — On comparing the
existing ruins with the accounts of the ancient
writers, the great difficulty which meets us is the
position of the remains almost exclusively on the
left bank of the river. All the old accounts agree
in representing the Euphrates as running through
the town, and the principal buildings as placed on
the opposite sides of the stream. In explanation
of this difficulty it has been urged, on the one
hand, that the Euphrates having a tendency to run
off to the right has obliterated all trace of the build-
ings in this direction (Layard's JVtn. and Bab p.
493); on the other, that by a due extension of the
area of Babylon it may be made to include the
Birt-Nimrud, and that thus the chief existing re-
mains will really lie on the opposite banks of the
river (Rich, Srcond Memoir, p. 33; Ker Porter,
TravtU, ii. 383). But the identification of the
Bin with Borsippa completely disposes of this lat-
ter theory ; while the former is unsatisfactory, since
we can scarcely suppose the abrasion of the river
to have entirely removed all trace of such gigantio
buildings ss those which the ancient writers de-
scribe. Perhaps the most probable solution is to
be found in the fact that a large canal (called She-
bil) intervened in ancient times between the Kotr
mound (B) and the ruin now called Babil (A),
which may easily have been confounded by Herod-
otus with the main stream. This woulq have had
the two principal buildings upon opposite sides;
while the real river, which ran down the long val-
ley to the west of the Kmr and Amratn mounds
would also have separated (as Ctesias related) be-
tween the greater and the lesser palace. If this
explanation be accepted as probable, we may iden-
tify the principal ruins as follows: — 1. The great
mound of Babil will be the ancient temple of Ileitis.
It is an oblong mass, composed chiefly of unbaked
brick, rising from the plain to the height of 140
feet, flatfish at the top, in length about 200 and in
breadth about 140 yards. This oblong shape is
common to the temples, or rather temple-towers,
of lower Babylonia, which seem to have had nearly
the same proportions. It was originally coated with
fine burnt brick laid in an excellent mortar, as was
proved by Mr. Layard (.Vim. and Bib. pp. 503-8);
and was no doubt built in stages, most of which
have crumbled down, but which may still be in
part concealed under the rubbish. The statement
of Berosus (F r. 14), that it was rebuilt by Nebu-
chadnezzar, is confirmed by the fact that all the
inscribed hneks which have been found in it bear
the name of that king. It formed the tower of
Um temple and was surmounted by a chapel, hot
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BABKL, BABYLON
be main shrine, the altars, and no doubt the ree-
•denees of the priest*, were at the foot, in a sacred
precinct. 2. The mound of the Katr will mark
the site of the great Palace of Nebuchadnezzar.
It in an irregular square of about 700 yards each
way, and may be regarded as chiefly formed of the
old palace-platform (resembling those at Nineveh,
BABEL, BABYLON
Susa, and elsewhere), upon which are still standing
certain portions of the ancient residence wheretc
the name of "Katr" or "I'alace" especially at-
taches. The walls are composed of burnt bricks
of a pale yellow color and of excellent quality, bound
together by a fine lime cement, and stamped with
the name and titles of Nebuchadnezzar. Thev
View of BabU, from the West
" contain traces of architectural ornament — piers,
buttresses, pilasters, Ac." (bayard, p. 506); and in
(he rubbish at their base have been found slabs
inscribed by Nebuchadnezzar and containing an
account of the building of the edifice, as well as a
few sculptured fragments and many pieces of enam-
tllrd brick of brilliant hues. On these last por-
tions of figures are traceable, recalling the state-
ments ofCtesiaa (ap. Diod. Sic.) that the brick
walla of the palace were colored and represented
hunting-scenes. No plan of the palace is to be
made out from the existing remains, which art
tossed in apparent confusion on the highest point
of the mound. 3. The mound of Amrdm a thought
TWw of the Kur
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37 M. Oppert to represent the " hanging gardens "
of Nebuchadnezzar; but this conjecture does not
teem to be a very happy one. The mound is com-
posed of poorer materials than the edifices of that
prince, and has furnished no bricks containing his
name. Again, it is far too large for the hanging-
gardens, which are said to have been only 400 feet.
each wsy. The Amrdm mound is described by
Rich as an irregular parallelogram, 1100 yards long
by 800 broad, and by Ker Porter as a triangle, the
aides of which are respectively 1400, 1 100, and R50
rest. Its dimensions therefore very greatly exceed
those of the curious structure with which it has
been identified. Most probably It represents the
BABEL, BABYLON
216
ancient palace, coeval with Babylon itself, of which
Nebuchadnezzar speaks in his inscriptions as ad
joining his own more magnificent residence. It it
the only part of the ruins from which bricks have
been derived containing the names of kings earlier
than Nebuchadnezzar; and is therefore entitled to
be considered the moat ancient of the existing re-
mains. 4. The ruins marked UD on either side
of the Euphrates, together with all the other remain*
on the right bank, may be considered to represent
the lesser Palace of Ctesias, which is said to have
been connected with the greater by a bridge across
the river, as well as by a tunnel under the channel
of the stream (I). The old coarse of the Euphrates
Chart of the country round Babylou, with limit) of the ancient City, according to Oppert.
teems to have been a little east of the present one,
passing between the two ridges marked 1 1, and
then closely skirting the mound of Amnim. so as
to have both the ruins marked D upon its right
bank. These ruins are of the game date and style.
The bricks of that on the left bank bear the name
of Nerigliasar; and there can be little doubt that
this ruin, together with those on the opposite side
of the stream, are the remains of a palace built by
him. Perhaps (as already remarked) the mound K
nay be a remnant of the ancient bridge. 5. The
two long puallel lines of embankment on the ea*t
(V F in the plan) which form so striking a feature
a the remains u represented by Porter and Rich,
I bnt which are ignored by M. Oppert, may either
be the lines of an outer and inner inclosure, ol
which Nebuchadnezzar speaks as defenses of his
[palace; or they may represent the embankments
of an enormous reservoir, which is often mentioned
by that monarch as adjoining his palace towards
! the east. H. The embankment (E) is comjiosed of
) bricks marked with the name of I.abynetus or A'«-
' burnt, and is undoubtedly a portion of the work
which Berosus ascribes to the last king (Fr. 14).
! The most remarkable (act connected with the
magnificence of Babylon, is the poorness of the ma-
terial with which such wonderful results were pro
'duced. The whine country, being alluvial, was
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BABEL, BABYLON
sntirelj destitute of stone, and even wood m
scarce and of bad quality, bang only yielded by
the palm-groves which fringed the courses of the
canals and riven. In default of theae, tho ordi-
nary materials for building, recourse was had to
the soil of the country — in many parts an excel-
lent clay — and with bricks made from this, either
ton-dried or baked, the vast structures were raised,
which, when they stood in their integrity, provoked
comparison with the pyramids of Egypt, and which
even in their decay excite the astonishment of the
traveller. A modern writer has noticed as the true
secret of the extraordinary results produced, " the
unbounded command of naked human strength '"
which the Babylonian monarchs had at their dis-
posal (Crete's Hut. of Greece, vol. iii. p. 401); but
this alone will not account for the phenomena, and
we must give the Babylonians credit for a genius
and a grandeur of conception rarely surpassed, which
led them to employ the labor whereof they had the
command in works of so imposing a character.
With only "brick fcr stone," and at first only
"slime C^r) for mortar" (Gen. xi. 8), they
constructed edifices of so vast a size that they still
remain at the present day among the most enor-
mous ruins in the world, impressing the beholder at
once with awe and admiration.
4. History of Babylon. — The history of Babylon
mounts up to a time not very much later than the
Hood. The native historian seems to have pos-
sessed authentic records of his country for above
2000 years before the conquest by Alexander (He-
ms, f'r. 11); and Scripture represents the "begin-
ning of the kingdom " as belonging to the time
of Nimrod, the grandson of Ham and the great-
grandson of Noah ((Jen. x. 6-10). Of Nimrod no
trace has been found in the Babylonian remains,
unless he is identical with the god Itel of the Baby-
lonian Pantheon, and so with the Greek Behis, the
hero-founder of the city. This identity is possible,
and at any rate the most ancient inscriptions appear
to show that the primitive inhabitants of the coun-
try were really Cushite, t. t. identical in race with
the early inhabitants of Southern Arabia and of
Ethiopia. The seat of government at this early
time was, as has been stated, in lower Babylonia,
Erech ( Warka) and Ur (Afughdr) being the cap-
itals, and Babylon (if built) being a place of no
consequence. The country was called Shinar
O^ptT), and the people the AkhuSm (conip.
Acca'd of Geo. x. 10). Of the art of this period
we have specimens in the ruins of Mugheir and
Warka, the remains of which date from at least
the 20th century before our era. We find the use
of kiln-baked as well as of sun-dried bricks already
begun ; we find writing practiced, for the bricks are
stamped with the names and titles of the kings;
we find buttresses employed to support buildings,
and we have probable indications of the system of
greeting lofty buildings in stages. On the other
hand, mortar is unknown, and the bricks are laid
either in clay or in bitumen (comp. Gen. xi. 3);
they are rudely moulded, and of various shapes and
sizes; sun-dried bricks predominate, and some large
buildings are composed entirely of them ; in these
reed-matting occurs at intervals, apparently used to
protect the mssa from disintegration. There is no
trace of ornament in the erections of this date,
which were imposing merely by their size and so-
Mity.
The first Important change which we are able to
BABEL, BABYLON
trace in the external condition of Babyko, it It
subjection, at a time anterior to Abraham, by tht
neighboring kingdom of Khun or Susiana. Berosus
spoke of a first Chjkuean dynasty consisting of
eleven kings, whom he probably represented as
reigning from B. c. 2234 to B. c. 1976. At the
last mentioned date he said there was a change,
and a new dynasty succeeded, consisting of 49
kings, who reigned 458 yeans (from B. c. 1976 to
B. c. 1518). It is thought that this transition may
mark the invasion of Babylonia from the East, and
the establishment of Elamitic influence in the coun-
try, under Chedorlaomer (Gen. xiv.), whose repre-
sentative appears as a conqueror in the inscriptions.
Ainraphel, king of Shinar, and Arioch, king of
Ellasar (Larta), would be tributary princes whore
Chedorlaomer had subjected, while he himself may
have become the founder of the new dynasty, which,
according to Berosus, continued on the throne for
above 460 years. From this point the history of
Babylon is almost a blank for above twelve centu-
ries. Except in the mention of the plundering of
Job by the Chaldeans (Job i. 17), and of the
" goodly Babylonish garment " which Achan cov-
eted (Josh. vii. 21 ), Scripture is silent with regard
to the Babylonians from the time of Abraham to
that of Hezekiah. Berosus covered this space with
three dynasties ; one (which has been already men-
tioned) of 49 Chakfcean kings, who reigned 468
years ; another of 9 Arab kings, who reigned 246
years : and a third of 49 Assyrian monarchs, who
held dominion for 526 years ; hut nothing beyond
this hare outline has come down to us on his au-
thority concerning the period in question. The
monumental records of the country furnish a series
of names, the reading of which is very uncertain,
which may be arranged with a good deal of proba-
bility in chronological order, apparently belonging
to the first of these three dynasties. Of the second
no traces have been hitherto discovered. The third
would seem to be identical with the Upper Dynasty
of Assyria, of which some account has been given
in a former article [Assyria]. It would appear
then as if Babylon, after having had a native Chal-
dran dynasty which ruled for 224 years (Brandis,
p. 17), and a second dynasty of Elamitic Chaldseans
who ruled for a further period of 458 years, fell
wholly under Semitic influence, becoming subject
first to Arabia for two centuries and a half, and
then to Assyria for above five centuries, and not
regaining even a qualified independence till the time
marked by the close of the Upper and the formation
of the Lower Assyrian empire. This is the conclu-
sion which seems naturally to follow from the ab-
stract which is all that we possess of Berosus : and
doubtless it is to a certain extent true. But the
statement is too broad to be exact ; and the mon-
uments show that Babylon was at no time absorbed
into Assyria, or even for very many years together
a submissive vassal. Assyria, which she had col-
onized during the time of the second or great Chal-
dean dynasty, to which she had given letters and
the arts and which she bad held in subjection for
many hundred years, became in ber turn (about
n. c. 1270) the predominant Mesopotamian power,
and the glory of Babylon in consequence suffered
eclipse. But she had her native kings during th*
whole of the Assyrian period, and she frequently
contended with ber great neighbor, being some-
times even the aggressor. Though much sunk
from her former greatness, she continued to be tht
second power in Asia; and retained a vitality whiot
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BABKL, BABYLON
at a later date enabled her to become once more
the head of an empire.
The line of Babylonian kings becomes exactly
known to us from the year B. c. 747. An astro-
nomical work of the geographer Ptolemy has pre-
served to us a document, the importance of which
for comparative chronology it is scarcely possible to
exagger a te. The "Canon of Ptolemy," as it is
called, gives as the succession of Babylonian
monarch*, with the exact length of the reign of
each, from the year b. c. 747, when Nabonassar
mounted the throne, to b. c. 331, when the last
Persian king was dethroned by Alexander. This
document, which from its close accordance with the
statements of Scripture always vindicated to itself a
high authority in the eyes of Christian chronologen,
has recently been confirmed in so many points by
the inscriptions that its authentic character is estab-
lished beyond all possibility of cavil or dispute. As
the basis of all accurate calculation for oriental
dates previous to Cyrus, it seems proper to tran-
scribe the earlier portion of it in this place. [The
dates B. c. are added for convenience sake.]
BABEL, BABYLON
211
Nabonassar . . .
Radius
Oahuloas and Porui
■IuIsmu ....
Uardocempaliu .
Arceanus ....
first interregnum .
Bslibus
Apa ra natilus . . .
Bigibeliu ....
Mese*im< rjacus . .
fleeond Uiterragnum
Asaridanos . . .
Seoaduchlnos . . .
CiooeUdAnus . . .
Nabopolaasar . . .
NsbuchaduesBir . .
IUoarudamii* . . .
Nerlgusolassarus
Nabonndios . . .
Cyrus
14
2
6
5
12
5
2
3
6
1
4
8
13
20
22
21
48
2
4
17
9
1
16
1?
22
27
89
44
46
49
55
56
60
68
81
101
128
144
18,-
lSk*
193
5:10
747
788
781
726
721
709
704
702
699
093
692
H88
«80
667
647
626
604
561
569
«.')
63*
Of Nabonassar, the first king in Ptolemy's list,
nothing can be said to be known except the fact,
reported by Beroeus, that he destroyed all the
annals of his predecessors for the purpose of com-
pelling the Babylonians to date from himself (Fr.
11 a). It has been conjectured that he was the
husband, or son, of Semiramis, and owed to her his
possession of the throne. But of this theory there
ia at present no proof. It rests mainly upon a
synchronism obtained from Herodotus, who makes
Semiramis a Babylonian queen, and places her five
generations (167 years) before Nitocrls, the mother
of the last king. The Assyrian discoveries have
shown that there was a Semiramis about this time,
but they furnish no evidence of her connection with
Babylon, which still continues uncertain. The im-
jediate successors of Nabonassar are still more
vjtonre than himself. Absolutely nothing beyond
the brief notation of the Canon has reached us con-
cerning Nadius (or Nabius), Chinzfnus (or Chin-
drus) and Poms, or Ehiheus, who certainly car— ot
•a the Tyrian king of that name mentioned by
tfenander (ap. Joseph. Ant. Jud. ix. 14, § 2).
Itsxdocetnpahis, on the contrary, is a monarch to
•bom great interest ttfochee. He is undoubtedly
Jm Merodaeb-BshuUe, <r Berodacr-Bantdan [Me-
I RotMcif-BALAit.vN] of Scripture, and was a pet
sonage of great consequence, reigning himself twice
: the first time for 12 years, contemporaneously wilt
I the Assyrian king Sargon, and the second time ft*
six months only, during the first year of Sa.-
nacherib ; and leaving a sort of hereditary claim to
his sons and grandsons, who are found to have
been engaged in hostilities with Ksor-haddon and
his successor. His dealings with Hezekiah suf-
ficiently indicate the independent position of Baby
Ion at this period, while the interest which he felt
in an astronomical phenomenon (2 Chr. xxxii. 31.'
harmonizes with the character of a native Chalda-an
king which appears to belong to him. Tbe Assyr-
ian inscriptions show that after reigning 12 yean
Merodach-Baladan was deprived of his crown and
driven into banishment by Sargon, who appears to
have placed Arceanus (his sou?) upon the throne
as viceroy, a position which he maintained for five
years. A time of trouble then ensued, estimated
in the Canon at two years, during which various
pretenders assumed the crown, among them a cer-
tain Hagita, or Acises, who reigned for about a
month, and Merodach-Baladan, who held the ihroue
for halfa year (Polyhist. ap. Eueeb.). Seimacherib,
bent on reestablishing the influence of Assyria over
Babylon, proceeded against Merodach-Baladan (as
he informs us) in his first year, and having de-
throned him, placed an Assyrian named Brlib, or
Belibus, upon the throne, who ruled as his viceroy
for three years. At tbe end of this time, the party
of Merodach-Baladan still giving trouble, Sen-
nacherib descended again into Babylonia, once more
overran it, removed BeUb, and placed his eldest
son — who appears in the Canon as Aparanadius —
upon the throne. Aparanadius reigned for six years,
when he was succeeded by a certain Kegibelus, who
reigned for one year; after which Meats: mordacus
held the throne for four years. Nothing more is
known of these kings, and it is uncertain whether
they were viceroys, or independent native monarch*.
They were contemporary with Sennacherib, to
whose reign belongs also the second interregnum,
extending to eight years, which the Canon inter-
poses between the reigns of Mesesimordacus and
Asaridanus. In Asaridanus critical eyes long ago
detected Esar-haddon, Sennacherib's son and suc-
cessor; and it may be regarded as certain from tbe
I inscriptions that this king ruled in person over
I both Babylonia and Assyria, holding his court
| alternately at their respective capitals. Hence we
may understand how Manasseh, his contemporary,
came to be " carried by the captains of the king
of Assyria to Babylon," instead of to Nineveh, as
would have been done in any other reign. [Esak-
habdon.] Saosduchinus and Ciniladanus (or
Cinneladanus), hit brother (Polyhist.), the suc-
cessors of Asaridanus, are kings of whose history
we know nothing. Probably they were viceroys
under the later Assyrian monarchs, who are repre-
sented by Abydenus (ap. Euseb. ) as retaining their
authority over Babylon up to tbe time of tie last
siege of Nineveh.
With Nabopolassar, the successor of Cinnela-
danus, and the father of Nebuchadnezzar, a new
en in the history of Babylon commences. Accord
big to Abydenus, who probably drew his informa-
tioc fc .m Beroeus, he was appointed to the govern-
ment of Babylon by the last Assyria!, king, at the?
moment when the Medes were about to make their
final attack; whereupon, betraying the trust re-
posed in h n, he went over to the enemy, arranged
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BABEL, BABYLON
» mintage between hi* sod Nebuchadnezzar and
the daughter of the Median leader, and joined in
the but aiege of the city. [Nineveh.] On the
uoceaa of the confederates (b. c. 625) Babylon be-
came not only an independent kingdom, but an
empire; the southern and western portions of the
Assyrian territory were assigned to Nabopolassar
in the partition of the spoils which followed on the
conquest, and thereby the Babylonian dominion
became extended over the whole valley of the
Euphrates as far as the Taurus range, over Syria,
Phoenicia, Palestine, Idumsea, and (perhaps) a por-
tion of Egypt. Thus, among others, the Jews
passed quietly and almost without remark, from
one feudal head to another, exchanging dependency
on Assyria for dependency on Babylon, and con-
tinuing to pay to Nabopolassar the same tribute
and service which they had previously rendered to
the Assyrians. Friendly relations seem to have
been maintained with Media throughout the reign
of Nabopolassar, who led or sent a contingent to
help Cyaxares in his Lydian war, and acted as
mediator in the negotiations by which that war
was concluded (Herod, i. 74). At a later date
hostilities broke out with Egypt. Neco, the son
of I'samatik I., about the year B. c. 608, invaded
the Babylonian dominions on the southwest, and
made himself master of the entire tract between
his own country and the Euphrates (2 K. xxiii. 29,
and xxiv. 7). Nabopolassar was now advanced in
life, and not able to take the field in person (Beros-
Fr. 14). He therefore sent his son, Nebuchadnez-
zar, at the head of a large army, against the
Egyptians, and the battle of Carchenush, which
soon followed, restored to Babylon the former limits
of her territory (comp. 2 K. xxiv. 7 with Jer. xlvi.
2-12). Nebuchadnezzar pressed forward and had
reached Egypt, when news of his father's death
recalled him ; and hastily returning to Babylon, he
was fortunate enough to find himself, without any
struggle, acknowledged king (b. c. 604).
A complete account of the works and exploits of
this great monarch — by far the most remarkable
jf all the Babylonian kings — will be given in a
later article. [Nebuchadnezzar.] It is enough
to note in this place that he was great both in
peace and in war, but greater in the former. Be-
sides recovering the possession of Syria and Pales-
tine, and carrying off the Jews after repeated rebel-
lions into captivity, he reduced Phoenicia, besieged
and took Tyre, and ravaged, if he did not actually
jonquer, Egypt. But it was as the adorner and
jeautifier of his native land — as the builder and
restorer of almost all her cities and temples — that
this monarch obtained that great reputation which
has handed down his name traditionally in the
East, on a par with those of Nimrod, Solomon, and
Alexander, and made it still a fa""!!" term in the
mouths of the people. Probably no single man
ever left behind him as his memorial upon the
earth one half the amount of building which was
erected by this king. The ancient ruins and the
modem towns of Babylonia are alike built almost
Delusively of his bricks. Babylon itself, the capital,
was peculiarly the object of his attention. It was
here that, besides repairing the walls and restoring
the temples, he constructed that magnificent palace,
which, with its triple inclosure, its lunging gardens,
its plated pillars, and its rich ornamentation of
enamelled brick, was regarded in ancient times as
ane of the seven wonders of the world (Strab. xvi.
BABEL, BABYLON
Nebuchadnezzar died n. c. 661, having reigns*
for 43 years, and was succeeded by Evtt-Mercdaeh,
his son, who is called in the Canon IUoarndamus
This prince, who " in the year that be began U
reign did lift up the head of Jehoiachin, king of
Judah, out of prison" (2 K. xxv. 27), was mur-
dered, after having held the crown for two years
only, by Neriglissar, his brother-in-law. [Evtjl-
Mkrodacu.] Neriglissar — the Nerigassolassar
of the Canon — is (apparently) identical with the
" Nergal-shar-ezer, Kab-Mag " of Jeremiah (xxxir.
3, 13-14). He bears this title, which has been
translated "chief of the Magi" (Gesenius), or
•■chief priest" (Col. Rawlinson), in the Inscrip-
tions, and calls himstlf the son of a " king of Baby-
lon." Some writers have considered him identical
with "Darius the Mede" (Larcber, Conringius,
Boubier); but this is improbable [Darius the
Mkdk], and he must rather be regarded as a Baby-
lonian of high rank, who having married a daughter
of Nebuchadnezzar raised his thoughts to the crown,
and finding Evil-Merodach unpopular with his sub-
jects, murdered him and became his successor.
Neriglissar built the palace at Babylon, which
seems to have been placed originally on the right
bank of the river. He was probably advanced in
life at his accession, and thus reigned but four
years, though he died a natural death, and left the
crown to his son, Laborosoarcbod. This prince,
though a mere lad at the time of his father's de-
cease, was allowed to ascend the throne without
difficulty : but when he had reigned nine months,
he became the victim of a conspiracy among his
friends and connections, who, professing to detect
in him symptoms of a bad disposition, seized him,
and tortured him to death. Nabonidus (or Laby-
netus), one of the conspirators, succeeded; be is
called by Berosus " a certain Nabonidus, a Baby-
lonian" (ap. Joseph, c Ap. i. 21), by which ft
would appear that he was not a member of the
royal family; and this is likewise evident from his
inscriptions, in which he only claims for his father
the rank of " Rab-Mag." Herodotus seems to have
been mistaken in supposing him (i. 188) the son
of a great queen, Nitocris, and (apparently) of a
former king, I-abynetus (Nebuchadnezzar?). In-
deed it may be doubted whether the Babylonian
Nitocris of Herodotus is really a historical person-
age. His authority is the sole argument for her
existence, which it is difficult to credit against the
silence of Scripture, Berosus, the Canon, and the
Babylonian monuments. She may perhaps havs
been a wife of Nebuchadnezzar; but in that case
she must have been wholly unconnected with Na-
bonidus, who certainly bore no relation to that
monarch.
Nabonidus, or Labynetus (as he was called by
the Greeks), mounted the throne in the year B. c
655, very shortly before the war broke out between
Cyrus and Croesus. He entered into alliance with
tbe latter of these monarchs against the former,
and had tbe struggle been prolonged would have
sent a contingent into Asia Minor. Events pro-
ceeded too rapidly to allow of this ; but Naboniuus
had provoked the hostility of Cyrus by the mere
fact of the alliance, and felt at once that sooner or
later he would have to resist the attack of an
avenging army. He probably employed his long
and peaceful reign of 17 year* in preparation!
against the dreaded foe, executing the defensm
works which Herodotus ascribes to his mother
(L 185), and accumtuating in th« lorn stands**
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BABEL, BABYLON
I of provisions (ib. c 190). In the year B. c.
139 the attack came. Cyrua advanced at the head
af hia irresistible hordes, but wintered upon the
Diyaleh or Gyndes, making hia final approaches
iu the «""'i"g spring. Nabonidus appears by the
ioscriptions to have shortly before this associated
with him in the government of the kingdom his
■on, Bel-ahar-ezer or Belshazzar; on the approach
of Cyrus, therefore, lie took the field himself at the
head of his army, leaving his son to command in
the city. In this way, by help of a recent die-
xivery, the accounts of Berosus and the book of
Daniel — hitherto regarded as hopelessly conflict-
ing — may be reconciled. [Bklshazzab.] Na-
bonidus engaged the army of Cyrus, but was de-
feated and forced to shut himself up in the neigh-
boring town of Borsippa (marked now by the
Birs-Nimrnd), where he continued till after the
6U1 of Babylon (Beros. ap. Joseph, c Ap. i. SI).
Belshanar guarded the city, but over-confident in
its strength kept insufficient watch, and recklessly
indulging in untimely and impious festivities (Dan.
v.), allowed the enemy to enter the town by the
channel of the river (Herod, i. 191 ; Xen. Cyrop.
vii. 7). Babylon was thus taken by a surprise, as
Jeremiah had prophesied (li. 31) — by an army of
Medea and Persians, as intimated 170 years earlier
by Isaiah (xxi. 1-9), and as Jeremiah had also fore-
shown (li. 39), during a festival. In the carnage
which ensued upon the taking of the town, llel-
shazzar was slain (Dan. v. 30). Nabonidus, on
receiving the intelligence, submitted, and was
treated kindly by the conqueror, who not only
spared his life, but gave him estates in Carmania
(Beros. vt supra ; comp. Abyd. Fr. 9).
Such is the general outline of the siege and cap-
tare of Babylon by Cyrus, as derivable from the
fragments of Berosus, illustrated by the account in
Daniel and reduced to harmony by aid of the im
portant fact, obtained recently from the monuments,
of the relationship between Belshazzar and Nabo-
nidus. It is scarcely necessary to remark that it
differs in many points from the accounts of Herod-
otus and Xenopbon; but the latter of these two
writers is in his Cyropsedia a mere romancer, and
the former is very imperfectly acquainted with the
history of the Babylonians. The native writer,
whose information was drawn from authentic and
contemporary documents, is far better authority
than either of the Greek authors, the earlier of
whom visited Babylon nearly a century after its
sapture by Cyrus, when the tradition had doubtless
*eeome in many respects corrupted.
According to the book of Daniel, it would seem as
Babylon was taken on this occasion, not by
Cyrus, king of Persia, but by a Median king, named
Darius (v. 31). The question of the identity of
(us personage with any Median or Babylonian king
known to us from profane sources, will be discussed
hereafter. [Darius thk Mede.] It need only be
remarked here that Scripture does not really conflict
on this point with profane authorities; since there
•a sufficient indication, from the terms used by the
jeni writer, that " Darius the Mede," whoever he
may have been, was not the real conqueror nor
king who ruled in his own right, but a monarch
jntroated by another with a certain delegated au-
thority (see Dan. r. 31, and U. 1).
With the conquest by Cyrua commenced the
laaay and ruin of Babylon. The " broad walls "
•are then to some extent " broken down " (Beros.
■*V. M) and the "high gate*" probably "burnt
BABEL, BABYLON
219
with fire" (Jer. li. 68). The defense* that la to
say, were ruined ; though it is not to bo supposed
that the laborious and useless task of entirely de-
molishing the gigantic fortifications cf the plana
was attempted, or even contemplated, by the con-
queror. Babylon was weakened, but it continues
a royal residence, not only during the life-time of
Darius the Mede, but through the entire period of
the Persian empire. The Persian kings held their
court at Babylon during the larger portion of the
year; and at the time of Alexander's conquests it
was still the second, if not the first, city of the
empire. It had, however, suffered considerably on
more than one occasion subsequent to the time of
Cyrus. Twice in the reign of Darius (Behist. Ins.),
and once in that of Xerxes (Ctes. Ptrt. § 23), it
had risen against the Persians, and made an effort
to regain its independence. After each rebellion its
defenses were weakened, and during the Vra period
of profound peace which the Persian empire enjoyed
from the reign of Xerxes to that of Darius Codo-
mannus they were allowed to go completely to de-
cay. The public buildings also suffered grievously
from neglect. Alexander found the great tempi*
of Uehw in so ruined a condition that it would have
required the labor of 10,000 men for two months
even to clear away the rubbish with which it was
encumbered (Strab. xvi. 1, § 5). His designs for
the restoration of the temple and the general em-
bellishment of the city were frustrated by his un-
timely death, and the removal of the seat of empire
to Antioch under the Seleucida; gave the finishing
blow to the prosperity of the place. The great city of
Seleucia, which soon after arose in its neighborhood,
not only drew away its population but was actually
constructed of materials derived from its buildings
(Plin. H. N. vi. 30). Since then Babylon ha*
been a quarry from which all the tribes in the
vicinity have perpetually derived the bricks with
which they have built their cities, and (besides
Seleucia) Ctesiphon, AI Modain, Baghdad, Kufa,
Kerbelah, Hillah, and numerous other towns, have
risen from its ruins. The " great city," " the
beauty of the Chaldees' excellency," has thus em-
phatically "become heaps" (Jer. K. 37) — she is
truly " an astonishment and a hissing, without an
inhabitant." Her walls have altogether disap-
peared — they have " fallen " (Jer. li. 44), been
" thrown down " (1. 15), been " broken utterly "
(li. 68). " A drought is upon her waters " (I. 38);
for the system of irrigation, on which in Babylonia
fertility altogether depends, has long been laid
aside; " her cities " are everywhere » a desolation "
(H. 43), her "land a wilderness; " " wild beasts of
the desert " (Jackals) " lie there," and " owls dwell
there" (comp. Layard, If in. and Bab. p. 484,
with Is. xiii. 21-23. and Jer. I. 39): the natives
regard the whole site as haunted, and neither will
the '• Arab pitch tent, nor the shepherd fold sheep
there" (la. xiii. 30).
(See for the descriptive portion*, Rich's Twu
Mtmoiri on Babylon ; Ker Porter's Travels, voL
ii. ; Layard's Nmetth and Babylon, ch. xxil. ;
Kresnel'i Two Letters to M. Afohl in the Journal
Asiatiiflie, June and July, 1868; and IxrfUn'r
Ckaldaa, ch. ii. On the identification of the ruins
with ancient site*, compare Rawlinson's Herodotus,
voL ii. Essay iv. ; Oppert's Maps and Plans; and
RenneU's Essay in Rich's Babylon and PersepoUs.
«>n the history, compare M. Niebuhr's Geschxchte
Assvr's und Babels Brandis's Rerun Assyria-
rum Tempara EmenJaU; Boaacquet'* Baarm
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220
BABEL, TOWER OF
*nd Prof out Chronology; and BawlLison's Herod
Hot, rot. i. Essays vi. sad vfii. G. B.
• A* a fitting cine to this article we subjoin
from Prof. Rawhnson's new volume (JfbaarcAses
rf the Ancient EoMtrn World, iiL 616-18) oh
aeeount of the capture of Babylon by Cyras,
which ao remarkably fulfilled the Hebrew pre-
dictiooa: — "When all was prepared, Cyrus de-
termined to wait for the arrival of a certain festi-
val, doriijg which the whole population wen wi
to engage in drinking and revelling, and then
silently in the dead of night to turn the water
of the river and make his attack. All fell out
as he hoped and wished. The festival was even
held with greater pomp and splendor than usual;
for Behhazzar, with the natural i na ok nc e of youth,
to mark his contempt for the besieging army,
abandoned himself wholly to the delights of the
season, and himself entertained a thousand lords
in his palace. Elsewhere the rest of the popula-
tion was occupied in feasting and dancing. Drunk'
en riot and mad excitement held po sse s s i on of the
town: the siege was forgotten; ordinary precau-
tious were neglected. Following the example of
their king, the Babylonians gave themselves up
for the night to orgies in which religious frenzy
and drunken excitement formed a strange and re-
volting medley.
" Meanwhile, outside the city, in silence and
darkness, the Persians watched at the two points
where the Euphrates entered and left the walla.
Anxiously they noted the gradual sinking of the
water in the river-bed; still more anxiously they
watched to see if those within the walls would ob-
serve the suspicious circumstances and sound an
alarm through the town. Should such an alarm
be given, all their labors would be lost. . . .
But as they watched no sounds of alarm reached
them — only a confused noise of revel aud riot,
which showed that the unhappy townsmen wete
quite unconscious of the approach of danger.
" At last shadowy forms began to emerge from
the obscurity of the deep river-bed, and on the
landing-places opposite the river gates scattered
clusters of men grew into solid columns, — the
undefended gateways were seized, — a war-shout
was raised, — the alarm was taken and spread, —
and swift runners started off to > show the King
of Babylon that his city was taken at one end.'
In the darkness and confusion of the night a terri-
ble massacre ensued. The drunken revellers could
make no resistance. The king, paralyzed with fear at
the awful handwriting on the wall, which too late
had warned him of his peril, could do nothing even to
check the progress of the assailants, who carried all
before them everywhere. Bursting into the palace,
band of Persians nude their way to the presence
f the monarch and slew him on the scene of
■is impious revelry. Other bands carried fire
and sword through the town. When morning
came, Cyrus found himself undisputed master of
the city." H.
BAUEL, TOWER OP. The » tower of
Babel " is only mentioned once in Scripture (Gen.
xi. 4-9), and then as incomplete. Mo reference to
It appears in the prophetic denunciations of the
punishments which were to fall on Babylon for her
•ride. It is therefore quite uncertain whether the
Building ever advanced beyond its foundations.
la however the classical writers universally in
Jhbt descriptions of Bab^o gave a prominent
BABEL, TOWER OF
place to a certain tower-like building, which the)
called the temple (Herod., Diod. Sic, Arrian, PUn
Ac), or the tomb (Strabo) of Belus, it has generally
been supposed that the tower was in course of
time finished, and became the principal temple of
the Chaldean metropolis. Certainly this may haw
been the case; but while there is some evidenct
against there is none in favor of it. A Jewish
tradition, recorded by Bochart (Pkoltg, 1. 9), de-
clared that fire fell from heaven, and split the tower
through to its foundation; while Alexander Pofy-
histor (Fr. 10) and the other profane writers who
noticed the tower (as Abydenus, Fr$. 5 and 6),
said that it had been blown down by the winds.
Such authorities therefore as we possess, rep r es en t
the building as destroyed soon after its erection.
When the Jews, however, were carried captive into
Babylonia, struck with the vast magnitude and
peculiar character of certain of the Babylonian tem-
ples, they imagined that they saw in them, not
merely buildings similar in type sad mode of con-
struction to the " tower " (b-pE) of their Script-
ures, but In this or that temple they thought to
recognize the very tower itself. The predominant
opinion was in favor of the great temple of Nebo
at Borsippa, the modern Birt-Nimrud, although
the distance of that place from Babylon is an in-
superable difficulty in the way of the identification.
Similarly when Christian travellers first began to
visit the Mesopotamian ruins, they generally at-
tached the name of " the tower of Babel " to what-
ever mass, among those beheld by them, was the
loftiest and most imposing. Kawuif in the 16th
century found the " tower of Babel " at Fehtgiah,
Pietro deUa Valle in the 18th identified it with the
ruin Babil near Hittah, while early in the present
century Rich and Ker Porter revived the Jewish
notion, and argued for its identity with the Bin.
There are in reality no real grounds either for iden-
tifying the tower with the Temple of Belus, or for
supposing that any remains of it long survived the
check which the builders received, when they were
" scattered abroad upon the face of the earth," and
"left off to build thecity" (Gen.xi.8). All then
that can be properly attempted by the modern critic
is to show (1.) what was the probable type and
character of the building; and (9.) what were the
materials and manner of its construction.
With regard to the former point, it may readily
be allowed that the Birt-Nimrvd, though it can-
not be the tower of Babel itself, which was at
Babjlon (Gen. xi. 9), yet, as the most perfect rep-
resentative of an ancient Babylonian temple-tower,
may well be taken to show, better than any other
ruin, the probable shape and character of the edifice.
This buiidirg appears, by the careful examinations
recently n.ao> of it, to have been a sort of oblique
pyramid built in seven receding stages. " I'poo a
platform of crude brick, raised a few feet above the
level of the alluvial plain, was built of burnt brick
the first or basement stage — an exact square, 379
feet each way, and 26 feet in perpendicular height
Upon this stage was erected a second, 930 feet each
way, and likewise 26 feet high; which, bowew
was not placed exactly in the middle of the first,
but considerably nearer to the southwestern end
which constituted the hack of the building. The
other stages were arranged similsriy — the thirt*
being 188 feet, and again 96 feet high; the fourtfr
146 feet square, and 15 feet high; the fifth 10*
feet square, and the same height at the fourth; ww
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BABEL, TOWER OF
sixth £2 feet square, and again the same height
Hid the seventh SO feet square and once more the
same height. On the seventh stage there wtjs
probably placed the ark or tabernacle, which seems
to have been again 15 feet high, and must have
nearly, if not entirely, covered the top of the seventh
story. The entire original height, allowing three
feet for the platform, would thus have been lab'
feet, or. without the platform, 153 feet. The whole
formed a sort of oblique pyramid, the gentler slope
facing the N. £., and the steeper inclining to the
S. W. On the N. K. side was the grand entranre.
and here stood the vestibule, a separate buildinir.
the debris from which having joined those from
the temple itself, fill up the intermediate space,
and very remarkably prolong the mound in this
direction " (Rawlinson's Ihrtxlotus, vol. ii. pp.
582-3). The Bin temple, which was called the
" Temple of the Seven Spheres," was ornamented
with the planetary colors (see the plan), but this
was most likely a peculiarity. The other chief
features of it seem to have been common to most,
if not all, of the Babylonian temple-towers. The
feature of stages is found in the temples at Warka
and Mnghtir (Loftus's Chaidaa, pp. 129 and 168)
BABEL, TOWER OF 221
which belonged to very primitive times (B. c.
I 2230); that of the emplacement, so that the foul
angles face the four cardinal points, is likewise
common to those ancient structures; while the
square form is universal. On the other hand it
may be doubted whether so large a numlier of
stages was common. The Afvghtir and Warka
temples have no more than two, and probably
never had more than three, or at most, four stages.
The great temple of Belus at Babylon (Babil)
shows only one stage : though, according to the beat
authorities, it too was a sort of pyramid (Herod..
Strabo). The height of the Bin ia 153 j feet, that
of BMl 140 (?), that of the Warka temple 100,
that of the temple <ti Mughtir 50 feet. Strabo's
statement that the tomb of Belus was a stade (606
feet) in height would thus seem to be a gross exag-
geration. Probably no Babylonian tower ever
equalled the Great Pyramid, the original height of
which was 480 feet.
With regard to the materials used in the tower,
and the manner uf its construction, more light is to
be obtained from the Warkt and Mughtir build-
ings than from the Bin. The Bin was rebuilt
from top to bottom by Nebuchadnezzar, and shows
!
Temple of Birs-Nlmrud of Dorsippa.
Jie mode of construction prevalent in Babylon at
Jie best period : the temples at Warka and Mug-
idr remain to a certain extent in their primitive
Midition, the upper stories alone having been ren-
ivated. The Warka temple is composed entirely
at aim-dried bricks, which are of various shapes
and sixes; the cement used is mu"; and reeds are
argeiy employed in the construction. It is a build-
Da; of the nWHt primitive type, and exhibits a ruder
style of art than that which we perceive from Script
ure to have obtained at the date of the tower
Burnt bricks were employed in the composition ui
the tower (Gen. xi. 3), and though perhaps it ii
somewhat doubtful what the cktmar ("'OH) used
for mortar may have been (see Kresnel in Jmtrn.
Atiattique for June, 1853, p. 9), yet on the whole
it ia moat probable that bitumen (which abound*
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222 BABEL, TOWER OF
I
mm
in Babylonia) u the substance intended. Now the
loiter buement of the Mugheir temple exhibits
thi* combination in a decidedly primitive form.
The burnt bricks are of ttnall size and of an infe-
rior quality; they are laid in bitumen: and they
Cue a mam of sun-dried brick, forming a solid wall
outside it, ten feet in thickness. No reeds are used
in the building. Writing appears on it, but of an
antique cast. The supposed date is b. c. 2300 —
a little earlier than the time commonly assigned to
the building of the tower. Probably the erection
4 the two buildings was not separated by a very
ong interval, though it is reasonable to suppose
that of the two the tower was the earlier. If we
mark its date, as perhaps we are entitled to do, by
the time of Peleg, the son of Eber. and father of Keu
(see Gen. x. 26), we may perhaps place it about B. c.
WOO.
It is not necessary to oppose that any real idea
BABYLON
of " scaling heaven " wm
present to the minds ot
those who raised eithet
the Tower of Babel, or any
other of the Babylonian
temple-towers. The ex-
juration used in Genesis
(xi. 4) is a mere hyperbole
for great height (comp.
Deut. 1. 28; Dan. iv. 11,
Ac.), and should not be
taken literally. Military
defense was probably the
primary object of such ed-
ifices in early times: but
with the wish for this may
have been combined fur-
ther secondary motives,
which remained when such
defense was otherwise pro-
vided for. Diodorus states
that the great tower of the
temple of Belus was used
by the Chaldeans as an
observatory (ii. 9), and the
careful emplacement of the
Babylonian temples with
the angles facing the four
cardinal points would be
a natural consequence, and
may be regarded as a strong
confirmation, of the reality
of this application. M.
Fresnel has recently con-
jectured that they were
also used as sleeping-places
for the chief priests in the
summer-time (Journ. An
atigut, June, 1853, pp
529-31). The upper air
is cooler, and is free from
the insects, especially mos-
quitos, which abound be-
low; and the description
which Herodotus gives of
the chamber at the top of
the Belus tower (i. 181)
goes far to confirm this in-
genious view. G. R.
BA'BI (Safii; [Tat
Batrip ;] Alex. Bn£<u '
< Beer), 1 Esdr. viii 87.
[Bkbai.J
BABTLON. [Babel.]
BABTLON (BafivXir: Babylon). The oo-
curreuue of this name in 1 Pet. v. 13 has given
rise toa variety of conjectures, which may be briefly
enumerated.
1. That Babylon tropically denotes Rome. In
support of this opinion is brought forward a tra-
dition recorded by Eusehius (H. E. ii. 15), on the
authority of Papias and Clement of Alexandria, to
the effect that 1 Peter was composed at Bom*
tEcumenius and Jerome both assert that Home
was figuratively denoted by Babylon. Although
this opinion is held by Grotius, Lardner, Cave,
Whitby, Macknight, Hales, and others, it may be
rejected as improbable. There is nothing to indi-
cate that the name is used figuratively, and tbs
subscription to an epistle is the last place we shuuU
expect to find a mystical appellation.
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BABYLOB
S. Cappellus and others take Babylon, with a»
Ittit reason, to mean Jerusalem.
3. Bar-IIebraeus understands by it the house in
Jerusalem where the Apostles were assembled on
the Day of Pentecost.
4. Others place it on the Tigris, and Identify it
with Seleucia or Ctesiphon, bat for this there is no
evidence. The two theories which remain are wor-
thy of more consideration.
5. That by Babylon is intended the small fort
of that name which formed the boundary between
Upper and Lower Egypt. Its site is marked by
the modem Baboui in the Delta, a little north of
Fostat, or old Cairo. According to Strabo it de-
rived its name from some Babylonian deserters who
had settled there. In his time it was the head-
quarters of one of the three legions which garri-
soned Egypt. Josephus (Ant. ii. 15, § 1) says it
was built on the site of Letopolls, when Cambyses
subdued Egypt. That this is the Babylon of 1 Pet.
is the tradition of the Coptic Church, and is main-
tained by Le Clerc, Mill, Pearson, and others.
There is, however, no proof that the Apostle Peter
was ever in Egypt, and a very slight degree of
probability is created by the tradition that his com-
panion Mark was bishop of Alexandria.
The most natural supposition of all is that by
Babylon is intended the old Babylon of Assyria,
which was largely inhabited by Jews at the time
m question (Joseph. AnL zv. 3, § 1 ; Philo, De Virl
p. 1033, ed. Franc. 1691). The only argument
against this view is the negative evidence from the
silence of historians as to St. Peter's having vis-
ited the Assyrian Babylon, but this cannot be
allowed to hare much weight. Lightfoot's remarks
are very suggestive. In a sermon preached at St.
Mary's, Cambridge ( Work; ii. 1144, Eng. folio ed.),
be maintained that Babylon of Assyria is intended,
because " it was one of the greatest knots of Jews
in the world," and St Peter was the minister of
the circumcision. Again, he adds, " Bosor (2 Pet.
ii. IS) speaks Peter in Babylon," it being the
Cbaldee or Syriac pronunciation of Pethor in Num.
xxii. 5. His last argument has not, perhaps, much
weight, as the same pronunciation may hare char-
acterized the dialect of Judas. Bentley gare bis
suffrage in favor of the ancient Babylon, quoting
Joseph, c. Ap. i. 7 (CriL Sncr. p. 81, ed. Ellis).
W. A. W.
* The writer above has mentioned English
names only. Of German writers who hold that the
Babylon of Assyria is meant (1 Pet v. 13), are
Steiger (on Pet EM. p. 23); De Wette (Exeg.
Uandb. in tec.); Winer (Stake, i. 134); Credner
(EM m das W. T., p. 643); Bleek (Einl in dot
If. T., p. 567); Neander (PJianamg, ii. 590);
Fronmiluer (on 1 Peter in Lange's Bibeluxsrk, p.
14), and others. Ncander thinks that the wife of
Peter (ow«*A«rr<) is meant (1 Pet v. 13), and
not the church in Babylon. H.
BABTLOK, in the Apocalypse, is the sym-
bolical name by which Rome is denoted (Rev. xiv.
I, xvii., zviii.). The power of Rome was regarded
by the later Jews as that of Babylon by their fore-
fathers (comp. Jer. Ii. 7 with Rev. xiv. 8), and
sence, whatever the people of Israel be understood
o symbolize, Babylon represents the antagonistic
principle. [Kkv klatkw.] W. A. W.
BABYLONIANS (Wjb?5, bg^JS:
•«0AeVi«: Babylomi, JBH Babjhmt). The m-
BACA, THE VALLEY OF 228
habitants of Babylon, a race of Shemitic origin,
who were among the colonists planted in the cities
of Samaria by the conquering Assyrians (Ezr. ir
9). At a later period, when the warlike Chaldav
ans acquired the predominance in the 7th cent
b. c, the names Chakuean and Babylonian became
almost synonymous (Ez. xxiii. 14, 15; comp. Is.
xlviii. 14, 20). W. A. W.
BABYLO'NISH GARMENT, literally
(n^5ttJ JTHrj : ^iAJ) wourfAq: pallium cocci-
nam) » robe of Shinar " (Josh. vii. 21). An am-
ple robe, probably made of the akin or fur of an
animal (comp. Gen. xxv. 25), and ornamented with
embroidery, or perhaps a variegated garment with
figures inworen in the fashion for which the Baby-
lonians were celebrated. Josephus (AnL v. 1, § 10)
describes it as "a royal mantle (vKafiita poiri-
Ktioy), all woven with gold." Tertullian (Dr
Hitbitu mulietri, c i.) tells us that while the Syr-
inns were celebrated for dyeing, and the Phrygians
for patchwork, the Babylonians inwove their colors.
For this kind of tapestry work they had a great rep-
utation (Pliny riii. 74: Cobra dnertot pictures
mttxrre Babylon mnxime ctlebravit, et nomen *ro-
potuit). Compare also Martial (Ep. riii 28):
Non ego prtetulerim Babvlouca plcta luperbe
Tezta, Semiramla qua variantur acu ;
and the Babylonia perutromntii of I'lautus (Stick.
ii. 2, 54; see also Joseph B. J. vii. 5, { 5; Plut
it. Cato, iv. 5). Perhaps some of the trade bi
these rich stuffs between Babylon and the Phoeni-
cians (Ez. xxvii. 24) passed through Jericho, as
well as the gold brought by the caravans of Sheba
which they may have left in exchange for the prod-
ucts of its fertile soil (Josh. vii. 21). [Jkuiciio.]
Rashi has a story that the king of Babylon had a
palace at Jericho, probably founded on the fact that
the robe of the king of Nineveh (Jon. iii. 6) ir
called rVVTH, addereth. In the BtrahUk Rabb .
(§ 85, fol." 75, 3, quoted by Gill) it is said that tht
robe was of Babylonian purple. Another story ii
the same passage is that the king of Babylon had
a deputy at Jericho who sent him dates, and the
king in return sent him gifts, among which was a
garment of Shinar. Kimchi (on Josh. vii. 21)
quotes the opinions of K. Chanina bar R. Isaac
that the Babylonish garment was of Babylonian
purple, of Kab that it was a robe of fine wool, and
of Shemuel that it was a cloak washed with alum,
which we learn from Pliny (xxxv. 52) was used in
dyeing wool. W. A. W.
BA'OA, THE VALLEY OP (p«9S
S3^n : KoiXas toS k\ov$iimhos [Alex, -poms] ■
VaUu lacrymanm), a valley somewhere in Pales-
tine, through which the exiled Psalmist sees in vis-
l ion the pilgrims passing in their march towards
the sanctuary of Jehovah at Zion (Ps. ixxxiv. 6).
The passage seems to contain a play, in the man-
ner of Hebrew poetry, on the name ~t the trees
(tTN"33; Mit-berkt) from which the valley
m Jbably derived its name, and the " tears " 0?3)
abed by the pilgrims in their Joy at thei- approach
to Zion. These tears were so abundant as to turn
the dry valley in which the Bacaim trees delighted
(Niebuhr, quoted in Winer, ». v.) into a springy
or marshy place (^3?0). That the TmBey was ■
Digitized by
GodgS
224 BACOHIDES
real locality ia most probable, from the uae of the
definite article before the name (Genu. Tha. p. 908).
A valley of the tame name (LCJ1 iC^U) 8tm
exists in the Sinaitic district (Burek. "p. 619).
The rendering of the Targum is Gehenna, «. e.
the Ge-Hinnom or ravine below Mount Zion. This
locality agrees well with the mention of Bacaim
tree* in 2 Sam. v. S3. G.
* This valley, according to the general view of
interpreters ( Hengstenberg, Tholuck, Hupfeld ) is not
an actual, but an idealized place. Human life is a
pilgrimage (Gen. xlvii. 9), and those who serve God
and have faith in Him, bear cheerfully its hardships.
His people find cause for thanksgiving and joy un-
der circumstances the most adverse and trying (9
Cor. vi. 4-10 ; Philip, iv. 6, 7 >. The later lexicogra-
phers (Dietrich, Ftirct) discard the old etymology,
and derive N!J? from the verb N3^> to fi oa ou *'
trickle. Hupfeld finds no allusion to the mulberry
tree (which complicates needlessly the idea), but
only a mark of the concinnity of the figure: the
bitter tears become to us as it were fountains of
sweet water (Die Ptalmen, it 429). Dr. Robinson
has a note against the idea of a proper name in this
passage (Pht/t. Geogr. p. 124). The " valley of
the shadow of death " (Ps. xxiii. 4) is no doubt a
similar expression. H.
BACCHIDES (BoirxtiM. » Mend of Anti-
ochus Epiphanes (Joseph. Ant. xii. 10, § 2) and
governor of Mesopotamia (iv r$ -nipav rtv iroro-
fiou, 1 Mace. vii. 8; Joseph. 1. c. ), who was com-
missioned by Demetrius Soter to investigate the
charges which Alcimus preferred against Judas Mac-
cabeeus. He confirmed Alcimus in the high priest-
hood, and having inflicted signal vengeance on the
extreme party of the Agsidseans [Assidbans] he
returned to Antioch. After the expulsion of Alci-
mus and the defeat and death of Nicanor he led a
second expedition into Judaea. Judas Maccabeus
fell in the battle which ensued at Laisa (n. c. 161):
and Bacchides reestablished the supremacy of the
Syrian faction (1 Mace. ix. 25, of jurtfifis UrBptsl
Joseph. Ant. xiii. 1, § 1). He next attempted to sur-
prise Jonathan, who had assumed the leadership
of the national party after the death of Judas; but
Jonathan escaped across the Jordan. Bacchides
then placed garrisons in several important positions,
and took hostages for the security of the present
government. Having completed the pacification
of the country (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 1, 5) he re-
turned to Demetrius (b. c. 160). After two years
he came back at the request of the Syrian faction,
in the hope of overpowering Jonathan and Simon,
who still maintained a small force in the desert;
but meeting with ill success, he turned against
those who had induced him to undertake the expe-
dition, and sought an honorable retreat. When
this was known by Jonathan he sent envoys to
Bacchides and concluded a peace (a. c. 168) with
him, acknowledging him as governor under the
Syrian king, while Bacchides pledged himself not
to enter the land again, a condition which be faith-
fully observed (1 Mace. vii. ix.; Joseph. Ant. xii.
10,11; xiii. 1). B.K. W.
« In 1 Mace. Ix. ST, hk rattn-n seems to be rafcrrad
» ta» death of Alcimus.
' NjHaPP, "tanu, de dletus quia gaudet et
BADGER-SKINS
BACCHTJ / RUS (fiuexevpof. ZoAvrm),tm»
of the " holy singers " ( T mv Upo+aKrir) who bad
taken a foreign wife '1 Eadr. ix. 24). No name
corresponding with this is traceable in the parallel
list in Ezra.
BACCHUS. [Dtojrygts.]
BACE'NOR (Btuetimp: Bacenor), apparent-
ly a captain of horse in the army of Judas Macca-
beus (2 Mace. xii. 35). Or possibly rov (Saiefiro-
pot may have been the title of one of the Jewish
companies or squadrons.
BACH'RITES, THE (^PJin: LXX.
omits [in most MSS.; Comp. 6 B«x<p0 : /*"*-
Becheritarvm), the family of Bechkr, ion of
Ephraim (Num. xxvi. 35). [Beeiah.]
BADGER-SKINS (S^Ptf J"ftV, trdth
iichithbn; tCPFI, tachath (Ez. xvi. 10): Up/ut-
to uantrOiva; Aid. ed. liyQtya.; Comp. iirdira,
al. Tttmipauiva in Ex. xxv. 5; Alex. Stp/iara
iyia in Ex. xxxv. 7; vditwOor; Aq. and Sym.
lirBiva in Ez. xvi. 10: pellet ianthinm, ianUiinut).
The Hebrew tachath, which the A. V. renders
badger, occurs in connection with 'ir, Ardth (" skin,"
"skins"), in Ex. xxv. 5, xxvi. 14, xxxv. 7, 28,
xxxvi. 19; Num. iv. 6, 8, 11, 12, 14, 25. In Es.
xvi. 10 tachath occurs without orith, and is men-
tioned as the substance out of which women's shoes
were made; in the former passages the tachath
thins are named in relation to the tabernacle, ark,
6x., and appear to have formed the exterior cover-
ing of these sacred articles. There is much ob-
scurity as to the meaning of the word tachath.
The ancient versions seem nearly all agreed that it
denotes not an animal, but a color, either black or
sky-blue; amongst the names of those who adopt
this interpretation are Bochart (Ilieroz. ii. 887),
Kosenmiiller (SchoL ad I". T., Ex. xxv. 6; Ez.
xvi. 10). Ifyneeus (de Calctit Oebraorwn, lib. i.
ch. 3), Scheuchzer (/'Ays. Sacr. in Ex. xxv. 6),
I'arkhurst (Heb. Lex. s. v.), who observes that "an
outermost covering for the tabernacle of azure or
sky-blue was very proper to represent the sky or
azure boundary of the system." Some versions
as the German of Luther and the A. V., fed ap-
parently by the Chaldee, 6 and perhaps by a certain
similarity of sound between the words tachath,
taxut, dacht, have supposed that the badger (melt j
taxut) is denoted; but this is clearly an error, foi
the badger is not found in the Bible lands. Oth-
ers, as Gesner and Harenberg (in Mvtao Brent.
ii. 312), have thought that some kind of wolf,
known by the Greek name eds and tbe Asabk
Shaghtd, is intended.' Hasseus (in ftistert. Phil
olog. Sylloge, diss. ix. § 17) and Busching, in his
preface to the Epitome of Scheuchzer's Phyt-t,
Sacra, are of opinion that tachath denotes a ceta
cean animal, the Trichechttt manatut of Unnirus
which, however, is only found in America and the
West Indies. Others with Sebald Rau ( Comment,
de tit qua ex Arab, in utum Tabernac. fuenmt
repctUa, Traj. ad Rhen. 1753, ch. ii.) are in favor
of tachath representing some kind of seal (Phoca
rituUna, Linn.). Dr. Geddes ( CrU. Hem. Ex. xxv
5) is of the same opinion. Gesenius onderstandi
superbit In colorlbos mollis" (Buxtorf, La. Bast
s. v.).
c « The fcw of the Greeks is certatalj the laakat ■
(Omit Amtu\
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BADGER-SKINS
some u Ucd of seal or badger, or other similar ( ! )
creator*," Of modem writers Dr. KJtto (/'id.
Bible on Ex. xxv. 5) thinks that lachash denote
some, clean arimal, aa in all probability the akin of
au unclean animal would not have been used for
the sacred coverings. Col. II. Smith (Cyc. Bib.
J. it. [1st ed.] art. Badger), with much plausibility,
conjectures that tachash refers to some ruminant
of the Aigocerine or Damaline groups, as these
animals are known to the natives under the names
of pacaste, thacasse (varieties, he says, of the word
tachash), and have a deep gray, or slaty (hysginus)
colored skin. Dr. Robinson on this subject (Bib.
Res. i. 171) writes: "The superior of the convent
at Sinai procured for me a pair of the sandals usu-
ally worn by the Redawin of the peninsula, made
of the thick skin of a fish which is caught in the
lied Sea. The Arabs around the convent called it
Tin, but could give no farther account of it than
that it is a large fish, and is eaten. It is a species
of Halicore, named by Ehrenberg" (Symb. Phy».
Mnnmil. ii.) Halicora Ilemprichii. The skin is
clumsy and coarse, and might answer very well for
the external covering of the tabernacle which was
constructed at Sinai, but would seem hardly a fit-
ting materia) for the ornamental sandals belonging
to the costly attire of high-bom dames in Palestine,
described by the prophet Ezekiel " (xvi. 10).
It is difficult to understand why the ancient ver-
sions have interpreted the word tachash to mean a
color, an explanation which has, as Gesenius re-
marks, no ground either in the etymology or in the
cognate languages. Whatever is the substance in-
dicated by tachash, it is evident from Ex. xxxv. 33,
that it was some material in frequent use amongst
Nostrils.
The Bri
Hahtmt Tkermaeuli, with enlarged drawing of the
bead
the Israelites during the Exodus, and the construc-
tion of the sentences where the name occurs (for
the word Mth, " skins," is always, with one excep-
- According to Bhranbarg, the Arabs on the coast
fall this animal Naka and Lotttkm. Arabian natural-
ists applied lbs term man alma, " man of the sea,"
lo this u em iui a.
» RoMnmullsr(&*iW. in r r.nb. xxr. 6) ines-
* »
■•a* the nee of the Arabfo words ir n *r t> (<*» *«•)
1*
BAG 225
tion, repeated with tachath), seems to Imply that
the skin of some animal and not a color is denoted
by it. The Arabic dachas or tnchas denotes a
dolphin, but in all probability is not restricted in
its application, but may refer to either a seal or a
cetacean. 6 The skin of the Halicore, from its
hardness, would be well suited for making soles for
shoes ; and it is worthy of remark that the Arabs
near Cape Mussendum apply the skin of these
animals for a similar purpose (Col. H. Smith, I. c).
The Halicore Tabernaruli is found in the Red Sea,
and was observed by Ruppell (Mus. Send. i. 113,
(.6), who gave the animal the above name, on the
coral banks of the Abyssinian coast. Or perhaps
taciiash may denote a seal, the skin of which ani-
mal would suit all the demands of the Scriptural
allusions. Pliny (//. A'. Ii. 55) says seal-skins
were used as coverings for tents; but it U quite
impossible to come to any satisfactory conclusion in
an attempt to identify the animal denoted by the
Hebrew word. W. H.
BAO is the rendering of several words in the
Old and New Testaments. L (D^tp^rT : ei\a-
koj: saccus.) ChOrttSm, the "bags" in which
Naaman bound up the two talents of silver for Ge-
hazi (2 K. v. 23), probably so called, according to
Gesenius, from their long, cone-like shape. The
word only occurs besides in Is. iii. 22 (A. V. " crisp-
ing-pins "), and there denotes the reticules carried
by the Hebrew ladies.
3. (D^S : pApanrwot, papairmor : stcculus,
sacceUut.) Cb, a bag for carrying weights (Deut.
xxv. 13; Prov. xvi. 11; Hie vi 11), also used as a
purse (Prov. i. 14; Is. xlvi. 6).
3. (^?? : xiSior: pera.) CM, translated "bag"
in 1 Sam. xvii. 40, 49, is a word of most general
meaning, and is generally rendered "vessel" or
" instrument." In Gen. xlii. 25, it is the "sack "
in which Jacob's sons carried the corn which they
brought from Egypt; and in 1 Sam. ix. 7, xxi. 5,
It denotes a bag or wallet for carrying food (A. V.
"vessel"; comp. Jud. x. 5, xiii. 10, 15). The
shepherd's "hag" which David had seems to have
been worn by him as necessary to his calling, ami
was probably, from a comparison of Zech. xi. 15,
16 (where A. V. " instruments " is the same word),
for the purpose of carrying the lambs which were
unable to walk, or were lost, and contained materi-
als for healing such as were sick and binding up
those that were broken (comp. Ez. xxxiv. 4, 10).
4. ("Hll*: tytevpos, Sevpis- tnccHhu.) 71*-
rdr, properly a " bundle " (Gen. xlii. 35; 1 Sam.
xxv. 29), appears to have been used by travellers
for carrying money during a long journey (Prov
vii. 20; Hag. i. 6; comp. Luke xii. 33' lob. ix.
5). In such " bundles " the priests bound up the
money which was contributed for the restoration
of the TempV under Jeboiada (2 K. xii. 10, A. V.
"put up in bags "). The " lag " (yKctaffimpoy:
locals) which Judas carried was probably a smaS
box or cheat (John xii. C, xiii. 29). The Greek
•od lirr* 1 " ('•"*"), as applying to Uw dolphin
or the seal promiscuously. The common Arabic nam*
tor the dolphin Is w»JUt> (ituffin}. Perhaps, there-
fore, tlucJuu and tuchos had a wide stgntnaatlaa
The Hebrew VVtF\ Is of obscure origu.
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God£fe
226 baoo
word b the tune as that tiled in the I XX. for
"chert" In 2 Chr. xiiv. 8, 10, 11, and originally
signified a box used by musicians for carrying the
mouth-pieces of their instruments. W. A. W.
BA'GO (Btrwi; [Vat Bum; Alex.] Baya-
Vulg. omits), 1 Esdr. viii. 40. [Bigvai.]
BAOO' AS (B«7^a»: [Old Lat] Bagoat,
[Vulg.] Vagao), Jud. xii. 11, [13.] The name is
■aid to be equivalent to eunuch in Persian (Plin.
B. N. xiii. 4, 9). Oomp. Burmann ad Ovid. Am.
li. 2, 1. B. T. W.
BAG'OI [8 syl.] (Boryot [Vat. Boaoi]: Zo-
roar), 1 Esdr. t. 14. [BiovAt.]
BAHARCMITK, THE. [Bahubtii.]
bahurim (a^na and D-njia
[young men, or warriors] : Bapaxiu [2 Sam. iii. 16,
elsewhere Baovpf/t: Vat 2 Sam. iii. 16, Baotucn;
xri. 5, xix. 16, Boovpsuj; *"'• 1°\ BaoMip; 2 K.
ii. 8, Ba0svp«Mi (and so Alex.)] ; Alex, [elsewhere]
Baoispst/t; Joseph. Baxovpfis and Baoupfr: Bahu-
rim), a village, the slight notices remaining of
which connect it almost exclusively with the flight
of David. It was apparently on or close to the
road leading up from the Jordan valley to Jerusa-
lem. Shiniei the son of Gera resided here (1 K.
ii. 8). and from the village, when David having
left the " top of the mount " behind him was mak-
ing his way down the eastern slopes of Olivet into
the Jordan valley below, Shimei issued forth, and
running along (Joseph. tiarp*x vy ) on lne ^ e ^
"rib" of the hill over against the king's party,
flung his stones and dust and foul abuie (2 3. xvi. 5),
with a virulence which is to this day exhibited in
the East towards fallen greatness, however eminent
it may previously have been. Here in the court
of a bouse was the well in which Jonathan and
Ahimaaz eluded their pursuers (ivii. 18). In his
account of the occurrence, Josephus (Ant. vii. 9,
§ 7) distinctly states that Bahurim lay off the main
road (mutts iierpmrirrtt rfli 6Sov), which agrees
well with the account of Shimei's behavior. Here
Phaltiel, the husband of Mirhal. bade farewell to
bis wife when on her return to King David at He-
bron (2 Sam. iii. 16). Bahurim must have been
very near the south boundary of Benjamin, but it
is not mentioned in the lists in Joshua, nor is any
explanation given of its being Benjamite, as from
Shimei's residing there we may conclude it was.
In the Targum Jonathan on 2 Sam. xvi. 5, we find
it given as Almon (^c?5). But the situation
of Almon (see Josh. xxl. 18) will not at all suit
the requirements of Bahurim. Dr. Barclay cou-
'ectures that the place lay where some ruins still
exist close to a Wady Jiuwaby, which runs in a
straight course for 3 miles from Olivet directly
towards Jordan, offering the nearest, though not
the beet route (Barclay, 563, 4).
Azmavktii "the Barhumlte" OprnSH :
i Baptiauirvsi [Vat BapcucuMirnri] Alex. Bar
pwiui-rns: [dt Beromi] 2 Sam. xxiii. 31), or " the
Baharumite" (^KTIPan : A Bapvui; [Vat.
B«(>jueir; Alex. Bafxrafu' Bauramites] 1 Chr. xi.
33), one of the heroes of David's guard, is the
inly native of Bahurim that we hear of except
Shimei. G.
BA'JITH (>T?n, with the definite article,
'tha house"), referring not to a place of this
BALAAM
Dame, but to the "temple" of the fake gods of
Moab, as opposed to the "high places" In Um
same sentence (Is. xv. 2, and compare xri. 12)
The allusion has been supposed to be to Beth-Baal
meon, or Keth-diblathaim, which are named in Jer
xlviii. 22, as here, with Dibon and Nebo. But
this is mere conjecture, and the conclusion of Ge-
senius is as above (Jesaia, ad loc); I .XX. Kvw»7<r-
it «>' iaurois: Atctndit domtu. G.
BAKBAK'KAR (T?ai?a [perh. voKnso
of the mount]: BaxBaxip [Vat Baxap] Bac-
bacar), a Levite, apparently a descendant of Asaph
(1 Chr. ix. 15).
BAK'BUK (p!iar?3 [oottU] : Bwr/SoiW;
[Vat Bokkovk, Bcucfhvx] Bacbuc). "Children
of Bakbuk " were among the Nethinim who re-
turned from captivity with Zerubbahel (Ezr. ii. 51 ;
Neh. vii. 53). [The name corresponds to Acub,
1 Esdr. v. 31.]
BAKBUKI'AH (n;f?3~a [toastingfrom
Jehovah] : LXX. omits pn most'MSS., but FA.*
BwtPwcias, BaK0cuasi Comp. BoKYetas, Bandar
k/oj: Becbecia]). L A Levite in the time of Ne-
hemiah (Neh. xi. 17. xii. 9).
2. [FA.* Comp. BaxBaKtas.] A Levite porter,
apparently a different person from the preceding
(Neh. xii. 25).
BAKING. [Bread.]
BAXAAM (nj'pa, I e. Bileam: BoW*.,
Joseph. BiXaftoi'. Balaam), a man endowed with
the gift of prophecy, introduced in Numbers (xxii.
5) as the son of Beor. He belonged to the Mid-
ianites, and perhaps as the prophet of his people
possessed the same authority that Moses did among
the Israelites. At any rate be is mentioned in
conjunction with the five kings of Midian, appar-
ently as a person of the same rank (Num. xxxi. 8 ;
cf. xxxi. 16). He seems to have lived at Pethor,
which is said at Deut xxiii. 4, to have been a city
of Mesopotamia (C^TO B>'). He himself
speaks of bein; " brought from Aram out of the
mountains of the East" (Num. xxiii. 7). The
reading, therefore, ?1E? ^33, Instead of > 33
TSP, which at Num. xxii 5 is found in some
MSS., and is adopted by the Samaritan, Syriac,
and Vulgate versions, need not be preferred, as the
Ammonites do not appear to have ever extended so
far as the Euphrates, which is probably the river
alluded to in this place. The name Balaam, ac-
cording to Geaenius [and Fiirst] is compounded
of va and Cy, " non-populus, fortaaag i. q. per-
egrinus;" according to Vitriuga it is ??? and
CS, the lord of the peopU ; according to Simo-
nis, V 73 and KB, the destruction of the people.
There is a Bda, the son of Beor, mentioned Gen.
xxxvi 32, as the first king of Edom. Balaam is
called in 2 Pet ii. 15, " the son of Bosor: " this
Ughtfoot ( Works, vii. 80) thinks a Chaldaism for
Beor, and infers that St Peter was then in Baby-
lon. Balaam b one of those instances which
meet us in Scripture, of persons dwelling among
heathens, but possessing a certain knowledge of the
one true God. He was endowed with a greater
than ordinary knowledge of God; he was |
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BALAAM
jf high gift* of intellect and genius; be had the
Intuition of truth, and could Bee into the life of
things, — in short, he was a poet and a prophet.
Moreover, he confessed that all these superior ad-
vantages were not his own, but derived from God,
and were his gift. And thus, doubtless, he had
won for himself among his contemporaries far and i
wide a high reputation for wisdom and sanctity.
It was believed that he whom he blessed was
blessed, and he whom he cursed was cursed. Elat-
ed, however, by his fame and his spiritual eleva-
tion, be had begun to conceive that these gifts icere
his own, and that they might be used to the fur-
therance of his own ends. He could make mer-
chandise of them, and might acquire riches and
honor by means of them. A custom existed among
many nations of antiquity of devoting enemies to
destruction before entering upon a war with them.
At this time the Israelites were marching forward
to the occupation of Palestine: they were now en-
eamped in the plains of Moab, on the east of Jor-
dan, by Jericho. Balak, the king of Moab, having
witnessed the discomfiture of his neighbors, the
Amorites, by this people, entered into a league with
the Midiam'tes against them, and dispatched mes-
sengers to Balaam with the rewards of diminution
in their hands. We see from this, therefore, that
Balaam was in the habit of using his wisdom as a
trade, and of mingling with it devices of his own
by which he imposed upon others, and perhaps par-
tially deceived himself. When the elders of Moab
and Midian told him their message, he seems to
have had some misgivings as to the lawfulness of
their request, for he invited them to tarry the night
with him, that he might learn how the Lord would
regard it These misgivings were confirmed by
the express prohibition of Uod upon his journey.
Balaam reported the answer, and the messengers
of Balak returned. The king of Moab, however,
not deterred by this failure, sent again more and
more honorable princes to Balaam, with the prom-
ise that he should be promoted to very great honor
upon complying with his request. The prophet
again refused, but notwithstanding invited the em-
bassy to tarry the night with him, that he might
know what the Lord would say unto him further;
md thus by his importunity he extorted from Uod
the permission he desired, but was warned at the
same time that his actions would be overruled ac-
cording to the Divine will. Balaam therefore pro-
ceeded on his Journey with the messenger* of Ba-
lak. But God's anger was kindled at this mani-
festation of determined self-will, and the angel of
the Lord stood in the way for an adversary against
him. The words of the Psalmist, •• He ye not like
to horn and mule which have no understanding,
whose mouths must be held with bit and bridle,
last they fall upon thee," had they been familiar to
Balaam, would have come home to him with most
tremendous tone; for never have they received a
nore forcible illustration than the comparison of
Balaam's conduct to. his Maker with his treatment
rf his ass, affords us. The wisdom with which the
neUble brute was allowed to " speak with man's
mice," and " forbid " the intractable " madness of
he prophet," is palpable and conspicuous, lie
rat taught, moreover, that even she had a spiritual
•ereeptkn to which he, though a prophet, was si
stringer; and when his eyes were opened to behcM
Jhe angel of the Lord, " he bowed down his dead
end fell flat on his face." It is hardly necessary
• ru p r****, as some do, among whom are Hengsten-
BAXAAM
227
berg and Leibnitz, that the event here referred U
happened only in a trance or vision, though such
an opinion might seem to be supported by the fact
that our translators render the word 7JD3 in xxir.
4, 16, "falling into a trance," whereas no other
idea than that of simple falling is oonveyed by it.
St Peter refers to it as a real historical event:
"the dumb ass, speaking with man'* voice, forbad
the madness of the prophet " (2 Pet ii. 16). We
are not told how these things happened, but that
they did happen, and that it pleased God thus to
interfere on behalf of His elect people, and to bring
forth from the genius of a self-willed prophet, who
thought that his talents were his own, strains of
poetry bearing upon the destiny of the Jewish na-
tion and the church at large, which are not sur-
passed throughout the Mosaic records. It is
evident that Balaam, although acquainted with
God, was desirous of throwing an air of mystery
round his wisdom, from the instructions he gave
Balak to offer a bullock and a ram on the seven
altars he everywhere prepared for him; but be
seems to have thought, also, that these sacrifices
would be of some avail to change the mind of the
Almighty, because he pleads the merit of them (xxiii.
4), and after experiencing their impotency to effect
such an object, "he went no more," we are told,
" to seek for enchantments " (xxiv. 1). His relig-
ion, therefore, was probably such as would be the
natural result of a general acquaintance with God
not confirmed by any covenant. He knew Him as
the fountain of wisdom, how to worship Him he
could merely guess from the customs in vogue at
the time. Sacrifices had been used by the patri-
archs; to what extent they were efficient could only
be surmised. There is an allusion to Balaam u>
the prophet Micah (vi. 5), where Bishop Butler
thinks that a conversation is preserved which 10-
curred between him and the king of Moab upon
this occasion. But such an opinion is hardly ten-
able, if we bear in mind that Balak is nowhere
represented as consulting Balaam upon the accept-
able mode of worshipping God, and that the direc-
tions found in Micah are of quite an opposite char
acter to those which were given by the son of Beor
upon the high places of BaaL The prophet is
recounting " the righteousness of the Lord " in de
livering His people out of the hand of Moab under
Balak, and at the mention of his name the history
of RJaam comes back upon his mind, and he is
led to make those noble reflections upon it which
occur in the following verses. " The doctrine of
Balaam " is spoken of in Rev. ii. 14, where an allu-
sion has been supposed to Nuco'Aaor, the founder
of the sect of the Nicolaitans, mentioned in v. 16,
these two names being probably similar in signifi-
cation. Though the utterance of Balaam was over-
ruled so that he could not curse the children of
Israel, he nevertheless suggested to the Moabites
the expedient of seducing them to commit fornica-
tion. The effect of this is recorded in ch. xxv
A battle was afterwards fought against the Midian
ites, in which Balaam sided with them, and was
slain by the sword of the people whom he had en-
deavored to curse (Num. xxxi. 8). (Comp- Bish-
op Butler's Sermons, serm.'vii. ; Ewald, (letch, dtt
VdOut Israel, ii. 377.) S. L.
* There are but two views that can well be taken
of this miracle of " the dumb ass speaking." Did
iJcq exert such an influence upon the beast that
a saw his messenger which men did not see, atW
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228
BALAAM
without a reasoning mind distinctly uttered the
words of a rational being? or did God exert such
an influence upon Balaam that the reproof of the
messenger of God and the beast on which he rode
sounded in his ears and sunk into bis heart ? In
either case the occurrences were realities to Balaam,
and were the result of a direct interposition of God,
more palpable on the former, but not less real on
the latter supposition.
The arguments for the subjective view (as rep-
resented by Tholuck, Hengstenberg and others) on
Balaam are the following: 1. The usual manner
in which God revealed himself in that age was by
visions and dreams, and we have no evidence that
he ever revealed himself otherwise to Balaam, whilst
in the first two cases he waited until after night,
the proper season for visions and dreams, before he
gave his answer. 2. No astonishment is indicated
at the communication of the ass, or respect such
as we should naturally expect to be exhibited to
such a messenger of God. On the other hand he
says in his impatience, " Because thou hast mocked
ne, I would there were a sword in my hand, for
aow would I kill thee." 3. At the time of the
revelation, Balaam's two servants (Num. xxii. 22)
and probably the Moabitish messengers (xxii. 35)
were with him, and yet they do not seem to have
been cognisant of any communication to the ex-
ternal senses of Balaam. 4. Balaam himself did
not perceive the messenger of God which proved so
formidable an obstruction to the ass until after its
expostulation, and God had opened his eyes. Com-
pare similar language as preparatory to a vision, or
internal illumination, in 2 K. vi. 17; IV cxix. 18.
In opposition to this view it may be said: (".)
" This occurs in a Historical Book, and unless it
is e xpre ssly stated, we should not interpret these
occurrences as seen in vision." But we reply, that
God so often revealed himself in visions, and they
were so unquestionably relied upon, that the authors
o/ the Historical Books of the Bible do not consider
it necessary to state in what way a particular
revelation is made. Compare Gen. xxii. 3; xxviii.
12 ft"., xxxii. 2. and many other passages, (4.) "We
cannot draw the line of demarcation between what
was seen in vision, and what occurred before the
eyes of all." It is not necessary that we should do
this ; one mode is as real as the other ; it is enough
when what is narrated belongs to the sphere of
ordinary experience, that we then understand it of
external events, (c.) " The language in Num. xxii.
28. as well as in 2 Pet. ii. 16, implies a direct oral
communication." But it is not necessary to so in-
terpret it. There was a direct communication in
the way of reproof from God to Balaam, and it
natters little whether God put the sound of words
into the month of the dumb beast, or into the ears
of n-u. m u coming from the beast.
R. D. C. R.
* The sin of Balaam was one of peculiar aggra-
vation, and is characterized as such in 2 Pet. ii. IS,
16, and Jude 11. To see his conduct in its true
ight, we. must call to mind the geography of the
scene. Inis professed servant and prophet of Jeho-
vah was standing at the time on one of the sum-
mits of the Abarim beyond the Jordan, from which
Moses «as permitted to behold the I -and of Promise
lust before bis death. For the range of view under
the eye of the spectator from that position, see under
Nbbo (Amer. ed.). Standing there, Balaam was
Mi • mount consecrated to pagan worship and
thronged with idolaters. Co his left hand be sees
BALAK
the dark waters of the Dead Sea with its black um
desolate shores, which were recognized among a!)
the eastern tribes as a monument of God's wrath
against the impious and ungodly. On the right lie
sees the land of the Amorites, whom Jehovah had
just overthrown as proof of His power and purpose
to destroy the wicked and to give the victory to His
people. In the valley of the Jordan lies spread
out before him the camp of Israel, divided accord-
ing to their tribes, in the midst of which is seen
the tabernacle of God, above which hangs the pillar
of cloud ; while in the distance beyond the camp
his eyes rest upon the land which he knew to be
promised to the people of Israel. Yet even in this
situation, amid so much adapted to show him how
fearful a thing it is to sin against the Infinite One,
he dared, for the reward with which Halak tempted
his avarice, to abuse bis office as a holy prophet
and to attempt, once and again, to call down curses
on those whom God had blessed. Hew much more
vivid is our conception of Balaam's apostasy and
guilt, when we thus place ourselves in imagination
where he stood in that critical hr«r of his moral
history!
In support of the internal or si bjective interpre-
tation, the reader may consult f lerder, Crist der
Ebr. Portie, i. 237; Tholuck's Wrmitckte Schrif-
ten, i. 406-432 ; Hengstenberg's lietchichte Bileams
u. trine H'tissigungrn (Berlin, 1842); and Pnyke-
cirs of Balaam (Bibl. Sncr. iii. 347-378, and 699-
743). Kurt* maintains the outward >r literal view
(Oetchichte de» A. Bundes, ii. 477-489).
loiter exegetical helps for the study of Balaam's
prophecies: Keil and Dehtnch in their Commentary
on the Pentateuch, ill. 176-202 (Clark's library);
Knobel, KxtgeL Handb. xili. 121-148; Bunsen'i
Bibelwerk, i. 261-265 ; and Wordsworth's Holy
Bible, tcith Note* and Introductions, Part n. 159-
164 (London, 1864).
Dean Stanley has grouped together with fine
effect the characteristic points of this " grandest of
all the epiwdes introduced into the Mosaic nar-
rative" (History of the Jewish Church, i. 209-218).
Bishop Hall has some good practical reflections on
Balaam's character and prophecies ( Contemplations
on Historical Passages of the 0.- and If. T., book
vii. 4). Keble's noble hymn (Christian Year:
Second Sunday after £aster) should not be over-
looked. The "sculptor's hand" has graphically
bodied forth both the sin of the apostate and the
warning from it for others, in the lines:
" No son or star so bright
In all the world of light
That they should draw to Heaven his downward eyt ;
He hears UV Almighty's word,
He sees the Angers sword,
Yet low upon the earth his heart and treasure Us."
H.
BAIiAO (o BoAn*: Balae), Rev. ii. 14.
[Balak.]
BAI/ADAN. [Mkrodach-Baladan.]
BAX.AH (nb^: BwAd" [Alex B«A#»Ae.]:
Bala), Josh. xix. 8. [Baal, Geogr. No. 2, 5.]
BAXAK (P^$: BaAd*: Balac), sod at
Zipper, king of the Moebites, at the time when
the children of Israel were bringing their journey-
ings in the wilderness to a close. According to
Gesenius the name signifies inanis, vacuus. Babk
entered into a league with Mklian and hired Balaam
to curse the Israelites; but his designs were frua
trated in the manner recorded in Num. xxii.-xxr-
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B ALAMO
1e ii mentioned alio at Josh, xxiv 9; Judg. xl.
K; Hie. vi. 5. [Balaam.] S. L
* Balak's name signifies uot inartit, vacum, but
In the active aeoas one who makes empty or desolate,
" a waiter," " spoiler " ; a complimentary title such
as a lung or conqueror might bear The writer
above quotes Gesenius in his Thetaur. i. 214; but
in his other works Gesenius defines the name in
the other way. See his Iltbr. u. Ckald. Honda.
(1835): Hoffinann's Latin ed. 1847; and Dietrich's
ed. 1883. r'iirst adopts the same explanation
(i. 194). The last book of the Bible mentions
Balak once more, and presents him in the same
character as the dupe and instrument of Balaam
in leading the people of Israel into gross idolatry
and licentiousness (Rev. ii. 14). H.
BAI/AMO. [Jud. viiL 3.1 [Baal, Geogr.
So. 6.]
BALANCE. Two Hebrew words an thus
translated in the A. V.
L D\?Trfa mrtnnyim (LXX (vyiy, Vulg.
ttatera), toe dual form of which points to the double
scales, like Lftt Manx. The balance in this form
was known at a very early period. It is found on
the Egyptian monuments as early as the time of
Joseph, and we find allusions to its use in the story
of the purchase of the cave of Macbpelah (Gen. xxiii.
16) by Abraham. Before coinage was introduced
it was of necessity employed in all transactions in
which the valuable metals were the mediums of
exchange (Gen. xliii. 31; Ex. rxii. 17; 1 K. xx.
39; Esth. UX 9; Is. xlvi. 6; Jer. xxxii. 10, Ac.).
The weights which were used were at first probably
stones, and from this the word " stone " continued
to denote any weight whatever, though its material
was in later times lead (Lev. xix. 36; Deut. xxv.
13, 15; Prov. xL 1, xx. 10. 33; Zech. v. 8). These
weights were carried in a bag (Deut. xxv. 13; Prov.
xvi. 11) suspended from the girdle (Chardin, Voy.
Hi. 433), and were very early made the vehicles of
fraud. The habit of carrying two sets of weights
is denounced in Deut. xxv. 13 and Prov. xx. 10,
and the necessity of observing strict honesty in the
matter is insisted upon in several precepts of the
Law (Lev. xix. 36; Deut xxv. 13). But the cus-
tom lived on, and remained in full force to the days
of Micah (vi. 11), and even to those of Zechariah,
who appears (eh. v.) to pronounce a judgment
against fraud of a similar kind. The earliest weight
to which reference is made is the "tS^ttTp, WsftdA
(Gen. xxxiii. 19; Josh. xxiv. 33; Job xlii. 11),
which in the margin of our version is in two pas-
sages rendered "lambs," while in the text it is
•* piece of money." It may have derived its name
from being in the shape of a lamb. We know that
weights in the form of bulls, lions, and antelopes
ware in use among the ancient Egyptians and As-
ryrians. [Homey, I. 3.] By means of the balance
the Hebrews appear to have been able to weigh
vith considerable delicacy, and for this purpose
•hey had weights of extreme minuteness, which
are called metaphorically " the small dust of the
Tatanee" (Is. xL IS). The "lltt* grsir" imi\
jf the balance in Wisd. xi. 33 is the smsU weight
rhioh causes the scale to torn. In this passage,
.s in 3 Haec. ix. 8. the Greek word «r dVrry{,
Vndered " balance," was originally applied to the
sale-pan alone.
«. HJi?, kanth (fvyoV: Uitera\ rendered "bal
BALDNESS
228
ane»" in Is. sjvi. 6, is the word generally used foi
a measuring-rod, like the Greek tawAv, and like it
too denotes the tongue or beam of a balance.
D?5, I****, rendered " weight" (Prov. xvi. 11,
LXX. frnrh) and "scales" (Is. xJ. 13, LXX.
aroBiiit) ix said by Kimchi (on Is. xxvi. 7) to be
properly the beam of the balance. In his Lexicon
be says it is the part in which the tongue moves,
and which the weigher holds in his hand. Gesenius
( The*, s. v.) supposed it was a steelyard, but there
is no evidence that this instrument was known to
the Hebrews. Of the material of which the balance
was made we have no information.
Sir G. Wilkinson describes the Egyptian balancr
as follows : — " The beam passed through a ring
suspended from a horizontal rod, immediately above
and parallel to it; and when equally balanoed, the
ring, which was large enough to allow the beam U-
play freely, showed when the scales were equally
poised, and had the additional effect of preventing
the beam tilting when the goods were taken out of
one and the weights suffered to remain in the
other. To the lower part of this ring a small
plummet was fixed, and this being touched by the
hand and found to hang freely, indicated, without
the necessity of looking at the beam, that the
weight was just" (Anc Eg. ii. 341).
The expression in Dan. v. 37, " thou art weighed
in the balances, and art found wanting," had been
supposed to be illustrated by the custom of weigh-
ing the Great Mogul on his birthday in the presence
of his chief grandees. The oeremony is described
in a passage from Sir Thomas Roe's Voyigt in
India, quoted in Taylor's Calmet, Frag. 188:
" The scales in which be was thus weighed, were
plated with gold, and so the beam on which they
hung by great chains, made likewise of that most
precious metal The king, sitting in one of them
was weighed first against silver coin, which imme-
diately after was distributed among the poor; then
was he weighed against gold; after that against
jewels (as they say); but I observed (being there
present with my lord ambassador' that he was
weighed against three several things, laid in silken
bags, on the contrary scale. .... By his weight
(of which his physicians yearly keep an exact ac-
count) they presume to guess of the present state
of his body; of which they speak flatteringly, bow-
ever they think it to be." It appears, however,
from a consideration of the other metaphorical ex-
pressions in the same passage of Daniel that the
weighing in balances is simply a figure, and may
or may not have reference to such a custom ss that
above described. Many examples of the use of the
same figure of speech among Orientals sre given in
Roberts's Oriental JlhutraUun*, p. 503.
W. A. W.
BALAS'AMUS (BudAffapoi [AM. BaAdura
uot] : Brtbamut), in 1 Esdr. ix. 43. The cone
^ponding name in the lift in Ezra is Maaseiaii.
BALDNESS (nrrtrj: tukiitptvts, tpa\a-
Kpafui • and in Lev. xili. 43, etaA.dVrvua). There are
two kinds of baldness, namely, artificial and natural.
The l»"«r seems to have been uncommon, since it
exposed people to public derision, and is perpetually
alluded to as a mark of squalor and misery (2 K.
ii. 33 Is. iii. 34, •< instead of well-set hair, bald-
ness, tod burning instead m beauty." Is. xv. 3;
Jer. xlvii. 5; Ei vii. 18, aV For this reason H
seems to have been included under the Kuxnf ****
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230
BALM
fwpd (Lot- zzL 20, LXX.) which were dinqualinoa-
lions for priesthood. A man bald on the back of
She bead ii called rnp, <pa\mKp4t, LXX., Lev.
xiii. 40, and if forehead-bald, the word used to
describe him if n33, lurcupciXcurrlas, LXX., Lev.
xiii. 41 (reca&xufer). (Gesen. «. tr.) In Lev.
ziii. 29 ff., verr careful directions are given to dis-
tinguish Bohak, " a plague upon the head and
beard" (which probably is the Mentagra of Pliny,
and is a sort of leprosy), from mere natural bald-
ness which is pronounced to be clean, v. 40 (Jahn,
Arch. BibL § 189). But this shows that even
natural baldness subjected men to an unpleasant
suspicion. It was a defect with which the Israelites
were by no means familiar, since At-ytnrrfovr &V
to ikaxt&TOus ftoiTO (paKaxpovs wdrray byOpdr
wtcy, says Herod, (iii. 12); an immunity which he
attributes to their constant sharing. They adopted
this practice for purposes of cleanliness, and gener-
ally wore wigs, some of which have been found in
the ruins of Thebes. Contrary to the general
practice of the East, they only let the hair grow as
a sign of mourning (Herod, ii. 36), and shaved
themselves on all joyous occasions : hence in (Jen.
xli. 14 we have an undesigned coincidence. The
same custom obtains in China, and among the
modern Egyptians, who shave oft" all the hair except
the shoosheh, a tuft on the forehead and crown of
the head (Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, iii. 359 ff.;
Lane, Mod. Egypt, i. ch. 1).
Baldness was despised both among Greeks and
Romans. In 1L ii. 219, it is one of the defects of
Thersites ; Aristophanes (who was probably bald
himself, Pax, 767, Eq. 650) takes pride in not
joining in the ridicule against it (ouV tvicatyty
rout (paXcucftovs, Nvb. 540). Cesar was said
" calvitii defonnitatem iniquiasime ferre," and he
generally endeavored to conceal it (Suet 6m- tS ;
comp. Dom. 18).
Artificial baldness marked the conclusion of a
Nazarite's vow (Acts xviii. 18; Num. vi. 9), and
was a sign of mourning (" quasi calvitio luctus
levaretur," Cic. Tiue. Dup. iii. 26). It is often
alluded to in Scripture; as in Mic. i. 16; Am. viii.
10; Jer. xlvii. 5, Ac.; and in Deut xiv. 1, the
reason for its being forbidden to the Israelites is
their being " a holy and peculiar people." (Cf.
Lev. xiz. 27, and Jer. ix. 26, marg.) The practices
alluded to in the latter passages were adopted by
heathen nations (e. g. the Arabs, Ac.) in honor of
various gods. Hence the expression too voKoupdtts.
rhe Abantes (6wi8ty KOfumms), and other half-
nvilized tribes, shaved off the forelocks, to avoid
the danger of being seized by them in battle. (See
tlao Herod, ii. 36, i. 82.) V. W. F.
BALM ("HX, Wrij *??, tzM: brrriyif-
t uana) occurs in Gen. xxxvii. 25 at one of the sub-
stances which the Ishmaelites were bringing from
Gilead to take into Egypt; in Gen. xliii. 11, as one
of the presents which Jacob sent to Joseph ; in Jer.
viii. 22, xlvi. 11, 11. 8, where it appears that the
balm of Gilead had a medicinal value; in Ez. xxvii.
17 (margin, " rosin " ) as an article of commerce
mported by Judah into Tyre.
Many attempts have been made to identify the
jtfrl by different writers, not one of which, how-
<■ From MauDdrell'i nscriplion of tho zwckum Dr.
Hookar unhedtadiiglv Identifies it with Bakanta
Jftfptuun, which he saw abundantly at Jericho.
BALM
-<ra, can be considered conclusive. The Syria*
rersiou in Jer. viii. 22, and the Samaritan in Gen.
xxxvii. 25, suppose cera, "wax," to be meant
others, as the Arabic version in the passages citee
in Genesis, conjecture tkeriaoa, a medical com
pound of great supposed virtue in serpent bites
Of the same opinion is Caatell (Lex. JJq*. a. v
^TJ). Luther and the Swedish version haw
" salve," " ointment," in the passages in Jeremiah
but in Ex. xxvii. 17 they read " mastic." The
Jewish Rabbis, Junius and Tremeluus, Deodatius.
its., have " balm " or " balsam," as the A. V.
(Celsius, Hierob. ii. 180) identifies the izM with
the mastic-tree (Pittacia Untitcut).
Rosenmuller {Bibl. Bot. 169) believes that the
pressed juice of the fruit of the zvefaun-tree (Eke-
agma anguttifotiut, Linn. [ ?] ), or narrow-leaved
oleaster, is the substance denoted ; " but the same
author, in another place (ScIioL in Gen. xxxvii. 25),
mentions the balsam of Mecca (Amyru opubaltnmvm.
Linn.), referred to by Strabo (xvi. 778) and Dio-
dorus Siculus (ii. 132), as being probably the tzdrl
(see Kitto, Phyt. Hut. PaL p. 273; Hasselquist,
Traveh, p. 293). Dr. Royle (Kitto's Cyci Bib.
Lit.) is unable to identify the tzM with any of the
numerous substances that have been referred to it.
Josephus (Ant. viii. 6, § 7) mentions a current
opinion amongst the Jews, that the queen of Sheba
first introduced the balsam into Judas, having
made Solomon a present of a root. If this be so —
but perhaps it was merely a tradition — the tzdrl
cannot be restricted to represent the produce of this
tree, as the word occurs in Genesis, and the plant
was known to the patriarchs as growing in the hillv
district of Gilead.
Hasselquist has given a description of (he true
balsam -tree of Mecca. He says that the exudation
from the plant " is of a yellow color, and pellucid.
It has a most fragrant smell, which is resinous
balsamic, and very agreeable. It is very tenacious
or glutinous, sticking to the fingers, and may \ e
drawn into long threads. I have seen it at a
Turkish surgeon's, who had it immediately from
Mecca, described it, and was informed of its virtues;
which are, first, that it is the best stomachic they
know, if taken to three grains, to strengthen a weak
stomach ; secondly, that it is a most excellent and
capital remedy for curing wounds, for if a few drops
are applied to the fresh wound, it cures it in a very
short time " ( Travtlt, p. 293).
The trees which certainly appear to have the best
claim for representing the Scriptural fatfrf — sup-
posing, that is, that any one particular tree is
denoted by the term — are the Pittacia letituaa
(mastic), and the Amyru opobaltamum, Linn., the
BaUamodendron opobaitamwn, or GiUadaue of
modern botanists (Balm of Gilead). One argument
in favor of the first-named tree rests upon the fact
that its name in Arabic (dun, dteru) is identical
with the Hebrew ; and the Arabian naturalists have
attributed great medicinal virtues to the resin
afforded by this tree (Dioaoor. i. 90, 91; Plin. xxiv.
7; Avicenna, edit. Arab. pp. 204 and 877, in
Celsius). The Pittacia Untitcut has been recorded
to occur at Joppa both by Rauwolf and l'oooeks
(Strand. Flor. Patent. No. 661). The derivation
of the word from a not, " to flow forth," <> is opposed
to the theory which identifies the pressed oil of tin
» H"**' , « to flow as a wound from a c'sft." rb
cognate Byrlac and Arabic have a similar meaning
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BALNTJTJS
mdmm (halaniiet JEgyptiaca [?]) with the teW,
although this oil U in rery high esteem amongst
the Arabs, who even prefer it to the balm of Mecca,
u being more efficacious in wounds and bruises
(see Mariti, ii. 353, ed. Lond.). Maundrell (Journey
from Alep. to Jena., p. 86), when near the Dead
Sea, saw the raotum-tree. He says it is a thorny
bush with small leaves, and that '■ the fruit both
In shape and colour resembles a small unripe walnut
The kernels of this fruit the Arabs bray in a mortar,
and then, putting the pulp into scalding water, the;
skim off the oyl which rises to the top: this oyl
they take inwardly for bruises, and apply it out-
wardly to green wounds. .... I procured a bottle
of it, and hare found it upon some small tryals a
very healing medicine." " This," says Dr. Robin-
ton (Bib. Set. ii. 231), " is the modern balsam or
oil of Jericho." Perhaps, after all, the Izdrl does
not refer to an exudation from any particular tree,
but was intended to denote any kind of resinous
substance which had a medicinal value. The tsOrt,
then, may represent the gum of the Pittacia len~
titeut, or that of the Baltamodendron opobauamum.
[Spices; Mastic.] Compare Winer, BibHtch.
Jie.Uwort s. v., for numerous references from ancient
and modern writers on the subject of the balm or
balsam-tree, and Hooker's Kew Garden Mite. i.
257. W. H.
BALNUTJS (BoajwGos [Vat BaAravf] :
Bonnut), 1 Esdr. ix. 31. [Bixmn.]
BALTHA'SAB (BoATdVo/) : Batthatar),
liar. i. 11, 13. [Belshazzar.]
BATHAH (H!pa, a high place). Though
frequently occurring in the Bible to denote the
derated spots or creations on which the idolatrous
rites were conducted [Hioh-puace], this word ap-
pears in its Hebrew form only in one passage (Ex.
ix. 2J), rery obscure, and full of the paronomasia
so dear to the Hebrew poets, so difficult for us to
appreciate: " What is the high-place (<"IIJ3n)
wherennto ye hie (CNSn) ? and the name of H
is called Bamah (H^S) unto this day." (LXX.
ti ioTtr a/kyta • • • • «al 4wticd\«ray TO uvo/m
airov 'ABafU [Vat Aid. 'Ajkwa; Alex. AfljWa:
Vulg. exeeUum].) Ewald (Propheten, 286) pro-
nounces this verse to be an extract from an older
prophet than Eeekiel. G.
* Ewald's idea of a quotation is purely conject-
ural. The passage is certainly obscure. Haver-
nick understands " the height " as referring to the
place of the tabernacle or of the temple, to which
the people prone to idolatry through successive ages
had been accustomed to apply (down to the prophet's
time = " unto this day") the same name, with very
much the same feeling, which they applied to the
hign places of their idol worship (see his Comm. ihb.
den Propheten Ezeehiel, p. 316). Professor Fair-
bairn says: Jehovah "gave the name Bamah to
•very place of their worship, and held by that as
the proper name; for the worship was essentially
sf a polluted and heathenish character (Eeekiel and
it Prophecy, p. 211, 2d ed.). Umbreit would And
k sarcasm in the expression: "Truly you go not
up, but down when yon repair to your 'high place'!
rbas the term (i"RpS) ever In the mouth of the
BANI
231
backsliding Israelites became a perpttual reraindft
of their abominable treachery against the gracious
God who would draw them upward, on a rery
different height, to himself" ( Comm. ub. die Pn-
pheten, iii. 115, ed. 1843). The word after all t
really appeDatire rather than a proper name (A. V
H.
BA'MOTH (ni03 [height*] : BoyuM: Ba
moth). A halting-place of the Israelites in the
Amorito country on their march to Canaan (Num.
xxi. 19, 20). It was between Nahaliel and Pisgah,
north of the Anion. Euseblus (OnomatU) caUs it
>' Baboth, a city of the Amorite beyond Jordan on
the Arnon, which the children of Israel took."
Jerome adds that it was in the territory of the
Renbenites. Knobel identifies it with " the high
places of Baal " (Num. xxii. 41), or Bamoth Baal,
and places it on the modern Jebel AUdris, the site
being marked by stone heaps which were observed
both by Seeteen (ii. 342) and Burckhardt (Syria,
p. 370). W. A. W.
BATKOTH-BAAX (VsaTliDa, high
placet of Baal: Bayt&r BadA. [Alex. Comp. Aid.
Bap&6 BadA] : BamoUibaal), a sanctuary of Baal
in the country of Moab (Josh. xiii. 17), which is
probably mentioned in the Itinerary in Num. xxi.
19, under the shorter form of Bamoth, or Bamoth-
in-the-rarine (20), and again in the enumeration
of the towns of Moab in Is. xv. 2. In this last
passage the word is translated in the A. V. " the
high places," as it is also in Num. xxii. 41, where
the same locality is doubtless referred to."> Near
to Bamoth was another place bearing the name uf
the same divinity, — Baais-meon, or Bkth-baal-
MEOM. G.
BAN (BotrdV [Alex. Aid. BdV]: Tubal), a
name in a rery corrupt passage (1 Esdr. r. 87); it
stands for Tobiah in the parallel lists in Esra and
Nehemiah.
BAN AT AS [3 syl.] (Barafas: Bantat) 1
Esdr. ix. 35. [Bexaiah.]
BA'NI 033 [buill, perh. hating potUrUy]),
the name of several men. L A Gadite, one of
David's mighty men (2 Sam. xxiii. 36; LXX. [ed.
Rom.] translate, Tlo\v9vvdiitat vior roAaaSSi
[Vat -3«; Alex. woAAvi Smuutn vioi TaMi;
Comp. Bwl & Tail: Bourn de Gadi]).
2. [Barf; Vat Bowi; Alex. Boon: Boni.] A
Levite of the line of Merari, and forefather to Ethan
(1 Chr. vi. 46).
3. [Bowl; Vat Alex, om.: BonuL] A mac
of Judah of the line of Pharez (1 Chr. ix. 4).
*• [BcwovL Bwl, etc. : Bam.] " Children of
Bani" returned from captivity with Zerubbabd
(Ear. ii. 10; Neh. x. 14; Ear. x. 29, 84; 1 Esdr.
v. 12). [Binhvi, Mami, and Maani.]
5. [Bowvf: Bunt.] An Israelite "of the son*
of Bani " (Eat. x. 38). [Bamnus.]
i 6. [Bo»l; Vat Alex. Bo»«i: Berni.] A Levitt
'Neb. iii. 17).
| 7. [BeWu, etc.: Boni.] A Levite (Neh. rill
7; ix. 4; LXX traosl. mil o." viol KoS/uu^A, 4
x. 13). [Akh».]
8. Another Levite (Neh. ix. 4; LXX. [ed
Rom.] train), viol Xurtp [Vat om.: Coiip
Aid. Alex. Xar-yt: Bani]).
• II win be
that our Translators have, In akSenat word ( s CtZT) which Is darvoid of the
1 by "high place" a totally B-dl< ^ ..Bamoth. *
Digitized by
God£f£
282 BANID
0. [BoW; Vat- Alex. Bw«: Aim.] Another
Levite, of the sons of Asaph (Neh. xi. 22).
BA'NID (BoWoj [Vat. ■»«•]; Atex. Ban;
[Aid. Ba»(J:] Bania), 1 Esdr. viii. 36. This rep-
resents a name which has apparently escaped from
the present Hebrew text (see Ear. viii. 10).
BANNATA [3 syL] (iafianmot [Vat.
-our]; Alex. Bcannuovs; [Aid. Bayvala-] Btmnus),
1 Esdr. ix. 33. The corresponding name in the
list in Eos is Zabad.
• BANNER. [Eksigk.]
BANTTOS (Bowovt: Baneai), 1 Esdr. ix. 34.
[Bahi, or Bin.nui.]
BANQUETS. These, among the Hebrews,
were not only a means of social enjoyment, but
were a part of the observance of religious festivity.
At the three solemn festivals, when all the males
appeared before the Lord, the family also had its
domestic feast, as appears from the place and the
share in it to which " the widow, the fatherless, and
the stranger " were legally entitled (Deut. xvL 11).
Probably, when the distance allowed, and no incon-
venience hindered, both males and females went up
(e. g. to Shiloh, 1 Sam. i. 9) together, to hold the
festival. These domestic festivities were doubtless
to a great extent retained, after laxity had set in as
regards the special observance by the male sex
(Neh. viii. 17). Sacrifices, both ordinary and ex-
traordinary, as amongst heathen nations (Ex. xxxiv.
15; Judg, xvi. 23), included a banquet, and Eli's
sons made this latter the prominent part. The
two, thus united, marked strongly I oth domestic
and civil life. It may even be said that some
sacrificial recognition, if only in pouring the blood
solemnly forth sa before God, always attended the
slaughter of an animal for food. The firstlings of
cattle were to be sacrificed And eaten at the sanc-
tuary if not too far from the residence (1 Sam. ix.
18; 2 Sam. vi. 1!); Ex. xxii. 29, 30; Lev. xix. 5,
6; Deut. xu. 17, 20, 21, xv. 19-22). From the
sacrificial banquet probably sprang the aVyarr) ; as
the Lord's supper, with which it fcr a while coa-
lesced, was derived from the Passover. Besides re-
ligious celebrations, such events as the weaning a son
and heir, a marriage, the separation or reunion of
friends, and sbeepshearing, were customarily at-
tended by a banquet or revel (Hen. xxi. 8, xxix. 22,
xxxi. 27, 64; 1 Sam. xxv. 2, 36; 2 Sam. xiii. 23).
At a funeral, also, refreshment was taken in com-
mon by the mourners, and thin might tend to be-
some a scene of indulgence, but ordinarily abste-
miousness seems on such occasions to have been
the rule. The case of Archelaus is not conclusive,
but his inclination towards alien usages was doubt-
ess shared by the Herodianixir.g Jews (Jcr. xvi.
>-7; Ex. xxiv. 17; Hoe. ix. 4; Keel. vii. 2; Joseph.
it B. J. ii. 1). Iiirthdav-banquets are only men-
tioned in the oases of Pharaoh and Herod (Gen.
;1. 20; Matt. xiv. 6). A leading U pic of prophetic
rebuke is the abuse of festivals to an occasion of
drunken revelry, and the growth of fashion in favor
if drinking parties. Such was the invitation typ-
.caHy given by Jeremiah to the Keehabitea (Jer.
xxxv. 5). The usual time of the banquet was the
evening, and to begin early was a mark of excess
(Is. r. 11; Eecl. x. 16). The slaughtering of the
tattle, which was the preliminary of a banquet,
accupied the earlier part of the same day (Prov. ix.
i; Is. xxii. 13; Matt. xxii. 4). The most essential
juttrials of the banqueting-room, next to the
.deeds and wine, which last was often drugged with
BANTJAS
spices (Prov. ix. 2; Cant viii. 2), were perfumes
ointments, garhuvls or loose flowers, white or brill-
iant robes, after these, exhibitions of music, singers.
and dancers, riddles, jesting, and merriment (la.
xxviii. 1; Wisd. ii. 6-8; 2 Sam. xix. 35; Is. xxv.
6, v. 12; Judg. xiv. 12; Neh. viii. 10; EccL x 19;
Matt. xxii. 11; Am. vi. 5, 6; Luke xv. 25). Seven
days was a not uncommon duration of a festival,
especially for a wedding, but sometimes fourteen
(Tob. viii. 19; Gen. xxix. 27; Judg. xiv. 12); but
if the bride were a widow, three days formed the
limit (Buxtorf, dt Onrtr. Hebr.). The reminder
sent to the guests (Luke xiv. 17) was, probably,
only usual in princely banquets on a large scale,
involving protracted preparation. " Whether the
slaves who bade the guests had the office (as the
rvcntorti or imilalmti among the Romans) of
pointing out the places at table and naming the
strange dishes, must remain undecided." (Winer,
a. v. GattmaliU.) There seems no doubt that the
Jews of the O. T. period used a common table for
all the guests. In Joseph's entertainment a cere-
monial separation prevailed, but there is no reason
for supposing a separate table for each, as is dis-
tinctly asserted in Tosephot Tr. Berach. c. vi. to
have been usual (Buxtorf; I c). The latter custom
certainly was in use among the ancient Greeks and
Germans (Horn. Od. am., xxii. 74; Tac. Germ.
22). and perhaps among the Egyptians (Wilkinson,
ii. 202, engravings). But the common phrase to
" sit at table," or " eat at any one's table," shows
the originality of the opposite usage. Tne posture
at table in early times was sitting (2tT*, 235?,
to sit round, 1 Sam. xvi 11, xx. 6, 18), and the
guests were ranged in order of dignity (Gen. xliii.
33; 1 Sam. ix. 22; Joseph. AM. xv. 2, § 4): the
words which imply the recumbent posture (arar
K\lrttr, iyawlwrtty, or 4>ojt«tofoi) belong to the
N. T. The separation of the women's banquet was
not a Jewish custom (Esth. i. 9). Portions or
messes were sent from the entertainer to each guest
at table, and a double or even five-fold share when
peculiar distinction was intended, or a special part
wss reserved (1 Sam. 1. 6; Gen. xliii. 34; 1 Sam.
ix. 23, 24). Portions were similarly sent to poorer
friends direct from the banquet-table (Neh. viii.
10; Esth. ix. 19, 22). The kiss on receiving a
guest was a point of friendly courtesy (Luke vii.
45). Perfumes and scented oils were offered for
the head, beard, and garments. It was strictly
enjoined by the Rabbis to wash both before and
after eating, which they ca&ed the COItErO ETC
and ETarirN CO : hut washing the feet seems
to have been limited to the case of a guest who was
also a traveller.
In religious banquets the wine was mixed, by
rabbinical regulation, with three parts of water, and
four abort forms of benediction were pronounced
over it. At the passover four such cups were
mixed, blessed, and passed round by the master of
the feast (aoYirpfirAiiws). It Is probable that tht
character of this official varied with that of the en-
tertainment; if it were a religious one, his office
would be quasi-priestly ; if a revel, he would be the
mere irv/UToe-idpxif or aro * t ' r bibenX. II. H
BANTJAS (BaWoj: Bamu), a name occur,
ring in the lists of those who returned from cap
tivity (1 Esdr. v. 26). Banuaa and Sudiaa ai -we>
to Hodaviah in tin parallel lists of Kara and Ne
Digitized by
Googl
BAPTISM
BAPTISM (Biwrurfu.); I. It is weU known
that ablution or bathing was common in moat
indent nation! aa a preparation for prayers and
sacrifice, or aa expiatory of sin. The Egyptian
priests, in order to be fit for their sacred offices,
bathed twice in the day and twice in the night
(Herod, ii. 87). The Greeks and Romans used to
bathe before sacrifice (Ko latiatum, u( lacrificem,
Plant. AuhJar. iii 6. 43) and before prayer —
" Hno sancte nt poacas, Tlberlno In gurglto msrgis
Mane caput bis terque, «t noctem nomine purgas."
Pen. Sol. 11. 16.
At the celebration of the Eleuainian mysteries,
in the second day of the greater mysteries, the myt-
(» went in solemn procession to the sea-coast,
where they were purified by bathing (see Diet of
Ur. ami Rom. Antiq. p. 453). But, above all,
when pollution of any kind had been contracted,
as by the being stained with blood in battle, puri-
fication by water was thought needful before acts of
devotion could be performed or any sacred thing be
taken in hand (see Soph. Ajax, 665 ; Virg. JCn. ii.
719, Ac). Even the crime of homicide is said to
have been expiated by such means.
" Omne neAts omnemque mall purgamina caoatm
Credebant nostri tollers posse senes.
BAPTISM
£88
Ah ! nimlum house, qui tristla crlmlna easdis
riumlnea tolll posse putetis aqua. *'
Ovid, Ftuti, 11. 85, 86, 46, 46.
There is a natural connection in the mind be-
tween the thought of physical and that of spiritual
pollution. In warm countries this connection is
probably even closer than in colder climates; and
hence the frequency of ablution in the religious
rites throughout the East.
II. The history of Israel and tbe Law of Moses
abound with such lustrations. When Jacob was
returning with his wives and children to Bethel, he
rnjoiiied his household to "put away all their
strange gods, and to be clean, and change their gar-
nienU " (Geo. xxxv. 2). When the Almighty was
shout to deliver the Ten Commandments to Moses
in the sight of the people of Israel, he commanded
Moses to " sanctify them to-day and to-morrow, and
let them wash their clothes " (Ex. xix. 10). After
tbe giving of that Law all kinds of ceremonial pol-
lutions required purification by water. He that ate
that which died of itself was to wash his clothes
sod to bathe his flesh (Lev. xvii. 15); be that
touched man or woman who was separated for any
legal uncleanness, or who touched even their gar-
ments or their bed, was to wash hu clothes and
bathe himself in water (see Lev. xv.; comp. Deut.
xiiii. 10); be that touched a dead body was to be
unclean till even, and wash his flesh with water
(Lev. 1x8. 4, 6); he that let go tbe scapegoat or
that burned the skin of the bullock sacrificed for
a sin-offering, was to wash his clothes and bathe
his flesh in water (Lev. xvi. 36, 28); he that gath-
ered the ashes of the red heifer was to wash his
clothes and be unclean till the evening (Num. xU. ,
10). Before great religious observances su-jh puri-
fications were especially solemn (see John xi. 55).
And in tbe later times of the Jewish history there
ippaar to have been public baths and buildings set
•part for tbli purpose, one of which was probably
sae pool of Betbesda with its five porches men-
joaed in John v. 2 (see Spencer, De Legg. Htb.
%. Wf
It was natural that, of all people, the priest*
most especially should be required to purify them-
selves in this manner. At their consecration Aarou
and his sous were brought to the door of tbe taber-
nacle and washed with water (Ex. xxix. 4) ; and
whenever they went into the sanctuary they were
enjoined to wash their hands and their feet in the
laver, which was between the altar and the taber-
nacle, " that they died not " (Ex. xxx. 20). In Sol-
omon's temple there were ten hwers to wash the
things offered for the burnt-offering, and a molten
sea for the ablution of priests (2 Chr. iv. 2, 6).
The consecration of the high-priest deserves espe-
cial notice. It was first by baptism, then by unc-
tion, and lastly by sacrifice (Ex. xxix. 4, xl. 12-15;
Lev. viii.).
The spiritual significance of all these ceremonial
washings was well known to the devout Israelite.
" I will wash my hands in innocency," says the
Psalmist, " and so will I compass thine altar " (Ps.
xxvi. 6). " Wash me thoroughly from mine iniq-
uity, and cleanse me from my sin." " Wash me
and I shall be whiter than snow " (Ps. Ii. 2, 7 ;
comp. lxxiii. 13). Tbe prophets constantly speak
of pardon and conversion from sin under the same
figure. •' Wash you, make you clean " (Is. i. 16).
" When the Lord shall have washed away the filth
of the daughter of Zion " (iv. 4). " Jerusalem,
wash thine heart from wickedness" (Jer. iv. 14).
" In that day there shall be a fountain opened to
the bousr of David and to the inhabitants of Jeru-
salem for sin and for uncleanness" (Zecfa. xiii. 1).
Tbe significant manner in which Pilate washed his
hands, declaring himself innocent of the blood of
Jesus, was an expressive picturing to the people in
forms rendered familiar to their minds from the
customs of their law.
From the Gospel history we learn that at that
time ceremonial washings had been greatly multi
plied by traditions of the doctors and elders (see
Mark vii. 3, 4), and the testimony of the Evan-
gelist is fully borne out by that of the later writ-
ings of the Jews. The most important and prob-
ably one of the earliest of these traditional customs
was the baptizing of proselytes. There is an uni-
versal agreement among later Jewish writers that
all the Israelites were brought into covenant with
God by circumcision, baptism, and sacrifice," and
that the same ceremonies were necessary in admit-
ting proselytes. Thus Maimonides (/uure Bini,
cap. 13), " Israel was admitted into covenant by
three things, namely, by circumcision, baptism, and
sacrifice. Circumcision was in Egypt, as it is said,
'None uncircumcised shall eat of the pasaover.'
Baptism was iu the wilderness before the giving of
the Law, as it is said, ' Thou shall sanctify them
to-day and to-morrow, and let them wash their
garments.' " And be adds, " So, whenever a Gan
tile desires to enter into the covenant of Israel, and
place himself under the wings of the Divine Majesty,
and take the yoke of tbe Law upon him, he must
be circumcised, and baptized, and bring a sacrifice;
or if it be a woman, she must be baptized and
bring a sacrifice." The same is abundantly tes-
tified by earlier writers, as by the Jerusalem and
Babylonian Talmud, although no reference to this
custom can be found in Philo, Joeephus, t>r the
Tarp-im of Onkelos Its earliest mention appean
to oe in the Targum of Jonathan on Ex. xii. 44.
• la-im nVaoi rrVnsa,
Digitized by
Goo^T£
234 BAPTISM
' Tboo shalt circumcise him and baptize him." °
It abould be added, that men, women, and children,
were all baptized, and either two or three witnesses
were required to be present. 6 Some modern writer*
— Lardner. Eraeiti, l)e Wette, Meyer, 1'aulus, and
others — have doubted or denied that this baptism
ot proselytes had been in use among the Jews from
times so early as those of the Gospel; but it is
highly improbable that, after the rise of Christian-
ity, the Jews should have adopted a rite so distinct-
ively Christian as baptism had then become. The
frequent use of religious ablution, as enjoined by
the Law, had certainly become much more frequent
by the tradition of the elders. The motive which
may have led to the addition of baptism to the first
commanded circumcision is obvious, — circumcision
applied only to males, baptism could be used for the
admission of female proselytes also. Moreover,
many nations bordering upon Canaan, and amongst
whom the Jews were afterwards dispersed, such as
the Ishmaelites and the Egyptians, were already
circumcised, and therefore converts from among
them could not be admitted to Judaism by circum-
cision. There seems, indeed, no good reason to
doubt that the custom which may so naturally have
grown out of others like it, and which we find pre-
vailing not long after the Christian era, had really
prevailed from the period of the Captivity, if not,
as many think, from times of still more remote
antiquity (see Bengel, Utbtr das Alter der J id,
Proselytentnufe, Tubing., 1814, quoted by Kuinoel
on Matt. iii. 6).
HI. The Baptism nf John. — These usages of
the Jews will account for the readiness with which
ill men flocked to the laptism of John the Baptist
rhe teaching of the prophets by outward signs was
familiar to the minds of the Israelites. There can
be m question but that there was at this period a
geneial expectation of the Messiah's kingdom, an
expectation which extended beyond Judo* and
prevailed throughout all the east (" Orient* toto,"
Sueton. Vtspas. c. iv.). Conquest had made
Judsea a province of Rome, and the hope of de-
liverance rested on the promisee of the Redeemer.
The last words of Malachi had foretold the coming
of the Angel of the Covenant, the rising of the
Sun of Righteousness, to be preceded by the
prophet Ehjah, to turn the hearts of the fathers to
the children and of the children to the fathers
(Mai. iii. 1, iv. 2, 6). The Scribes therefore taught
that "Elias must first come" (Matt. xvii. 10:
for this expectation of Elias among the Rabbins,
see Lightfoot, Harmony on John i. 21, vol. iv. p.
102; Wetstein on Matt. xi. 13). And so, when
John preached and baptized, the people, feeling the
call to repentance, came to him as to one who was
at the same time reproving them for their sins, and
giving hope of freedom from the afflictions which
their sins had brought upon them. He proclaimed
thd near approach of the kingdom of heaven — a
phrase taken from Dan. ii. 44, vii. 14, in use also
among the Jews in later times (see Wetstein and
Lightfoot, H. B. on Matt. iii. 2) — and preached
% baptism of repentance " for the remission of sins "
Mark i. 4). They readily coupled in their own
ninds the necessity of repentance and the expecta-
a Full Information on this subject will be found in
Jghttbot, en Matt. Ui. 6, Works, xi. 58 ; Hammond on
K. Matt ill. 8 ; Schoettgen, H. H. ; Wetstein on Matt
I 6 : Buxtorf. Lex. OaU. « Kabvin. s. T. ">3; Qod-
BAPTISJd
tion of the Messiah, according to a iery prevalent
belief that the sins of Israel delayed the comiiui
of Christ and that their repentance would hasten
it John's baptism, corresponding with the custom
of cleansing by water from legal impurity and with
the baptism of proselytes from heathenism to Juda-
ism, seemed to call upon them to come out from
the unbelieving and sinful habits of their age, and
to enlist themselves into the company of those who
were preparing for the manifestation of the deliver-
ance of Israel.
Naturally connected with all this was an spec-
tation and >' musing " whether John binuelf '• were
the Christ or not" (Luke iii. IS); and when he
denied that he was so, the next question which
arose was whether he were Elias (John i. 21).
But when he refused to be called either Christ ot
Elias, they asked, " Why, then, baptizest thou ? "
(John i. 25.) It was to them as a preparation for
a new state of things that John's baptism seemed
intelligible and reasonable. If he were not bring-
ing them into such a state or making them ready
for it, his action was out of place and unaccountable.
There has been some uncertainty and debate as
to the nature of John's baptism and its spiritual
significance. It appears to have been a kind of
transition from the Jewish baptism to the Chris-
tian. All ceremonial ablutions under the La«
pictured to the eye that inward cleansing of thi
heart which can come only from the grace of God,
and which accompanies forgiveness of sins. So
John's baptism was a " baptism of repentance for
remission of sins " (£aVr urpa fteravolas els 4d>#-
<ru> aftaprmy, Mark i. 4); it was accompanied
with confession (Matt iii. 6); it was a call to
repentance; it conveyed a promise of pardon; and
the whole was knit up with faith in Him that should
come after, even Christ Jesus (Acts xix. 4). It
was such that Jesus himself deigned to be baptized
with it, and perhaps some of his disciples received
no other baptism but John's until they received the
special baptism of the Holy Ghost on the great day
of Pentecost Yet John himself speaks of it as a
mere baptism with water unto repentance, pointing
forward to Him who should baptize with tie Holy
Ghost and with fire (Matt iii. 11). And the dis-
tinction between John's baptism and Christian bap-
tism appears in the case of Apollos who, though
instructed in the way of the Lord," the faith of
Jesus Christ, and fervent in spirit, speaking and
teaching diligently the things of the 1-ord, yet
knew only the baptism of John; "whom when
Aquila and Priscilla had heard, they took him unto
them, and expounded unto him the way of God
more perfectly " (Acts xviii. 26, 27). Even more
observable is the case of the disciples at Ephesus,
mentioned Acta xix. 1-6. They were evidently
numbered among Christians, or they would not
have been called disciples, fudhrrai. But when
they were asked if they had received the Holy
Ghost since they had believed, they said that they
had not even heard if there was a Holy Ghost bd
answer which may have signified either that they
knew not as yet the Christian doctrine of the per-
sonality of the Spirit of God, not having been bap-
tized in the name of the Trinity, or that they has
wyn, Hosts and Aaron, bk. 1. e. S ; SeMao, Dt Jan
Nat. a Gmt. U. 25 ; Wall, Hist, of Inf. Baptism, 1st
troduct. ; Kuinoel on Matt iii. 6.
» Sea Lightfoot, as abova.
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BAPTISM
I nothing of the visible coming of the Spirit
n the miniculona gifts of tongues ami prophecy.
At all events their answer at once suggested to St.
Paul that there must have been some defect in
their baptism; and when he discovers that the;
had been baptized only unto John's baptism, he
tells them that John baptized only with a baptism
of repentance, " saying unto the people that tLey
should believe on Him which should come after
him, that is on Jesus Christ. When they heard
this they were baptized in the name of the Lord
Jesus, and when Paul had laid his hands upon
them the Holy Ghost came on them, and they
spake with tongues and prophesied." A full dis-
cussion of this history would lead, perhaps, too far
from the ground of Biblical exegesis and land us in
the region of dogmatic theology. Yet we cannot
but draw from it the inference that there was a
deeper spiritual significance in Christian baptism
than in John's baptism, that in all probability for
the latter there was only required a confession of
sins, a profession of faith in the Messiah, and of
a desire for repentance and conversion of heart
(furiroia), but that for the former there was also
a confession of faith in the Father, the Son, and
the Holy Ghost (comp. Matt, xxviii. 19) ; that after
Christian baptism there was the laying on of the
Apostles' hands and the consequent effusion of the
Holy Ghost manifested by miraculous gifts (comp.
Acta viii. 17); that though Christian baptism was
never repeated, yet baptism in the name of Christ
was administered to those who had received John's
baptism, with probably the exception of such as
after John's baptism had been baptized at Pente-
cost with the Holy Ghost and with fire.
On the whole it may appear obvious to conclude
that, as John was a greater prophet than any that
before him had been born of woman, and yet the
least in the kingdom of heaven was greater than
be, so his baptism mirpassed in spiritual import all
'ewiah ceremony, but fell equally short of the sac-
rament ordained by Christ
IV. The Baptism of J asm. — Plainly the most
important action of John as a baptist was his bap-
tizing of Jesus. John may probably not have
known at first that Jesus was the ( "hrist (see John
i. 31). He knew Him doubtless as his kinsman
in the flesh, and as one of eminently holy life; but
the privacy of the youth of Jesus, and the humil-
ity of his carriage may have concealed, even from
those nearest to Him, the dignity of bis pawn.
Yet, when He came to be baptized, John would
have prevented Him, saying, " I have need to be
baptized of Thee, and comest Thou to me? " He
knew that his own mission was from God, and that
it was to call sinners to repentance, warning them
to flee from the wrath to come, and to prepare for
the kingdom of God; but he was so conscious of
the superior holiness of the Lord Jesus, that be
thought it unfit that Jesus should submit to bap-
tism from him. The answer of Jesus, " Suffer it
to be so now, for so it becometh us to fulfill all
ighteousness," may probably have meant that our
Lord, who had taken on Him the form of a serv-
ant, and was born under the Law, was desirous
•4 submitting to every ordinance of God (-way
IuokootSfj/k = virra ri tuau&uara rov ©«oD).
He had been circumcised in his infancy; He had
lean subject to his mother and Joseph ; He would
sow go through the transitional dispensation, ba-
ng ba p tised by John in preparation for the lring-
BAPTISM
236
Nc doubt it was his will in the first place, by
so suDmitting to baptism, to set to his seal to the
I teach.ng and the ministry of John. Again, as He
I was to be the Head of his Church and the Captain
of our salvation, He was pleased to undergo that
rite which He afterwards enjoined on all his fol-
lowers. And, once more, his baptism consecrated
the baptism of Christians forever; even as after-
wards his own partaking of the Eucharist gave
still further sanction to his injunction that His
disciples ever after should continually partake of it
But, beyond all this, bis baptism was his formal
setting apart for his ministry, and was a most im-
portant portion of his consecration to be the High
Priest of God. He was just entering on the age
of thirty (Luke iii. 23), the age at which tho Le
rites began their ministry and the rabbis their
teaching. It has already been mentioned that the
consecration of Aaron to the high-priesthood was
by baptism, auction, and sacrifice (see Lev. viii. 1 ).
All these were undergone by Jesus. Fust He was
baptized by John. Then, just as the high-priest
was anointed immediately after his baptism, so
when Jesus had gone up out of the water, the
heavens were opened unto Him, and the Spirit of
God descended upon Him (Matt. iii. 16); and thus,
as St. Peter tells us, " God anointed Jesus of Naza-
reth with the Holy Ghost and with power " (Acta
x. 88). The sacrifice indeed was not till the end
of his earthly ministry, when He offered up the
sacrifice of Himself; and then at his resurrection
and ascension He fully took upon Him the office of
priesthood, entering into the presence of God for
us, pleading the efficacy of his sacrifice, and bless-
ing those for whom that sacrifice was offered. Bap-
tism, therefore, was the beginning of consecration ;
unction was the immediate consequent upon the
baptism; and sacrifice was the completion of the
initiation, so that He was thenceforth perfected, or
fully consecrated as a Priest for evermore (««» rbv
atuva. rrrfAeictytfVoi, Heb. vii. 28; see Jackson
on the Creed, book ix. sect. i. ch. i.).
In this sense, therefore, Christ " came by water "
(1 John v. 6); for at baptism He came to his
offices of a Priest and an Evangelist; lie came
forth, too, from the privacy of his youth to man-
ifest Himself to the world. But He came " not by
water only," as the Cerinthians, and before them
the Nicolaitans, had said (Iren. iii. 11), but by
blood also. He had come into the world by birth
of the Virgin Mary; He came forth to the world
by the baptism of John. Both at his birth and
at his baptism the Spirit announced Him to be
the Son of God. Thus came He not by baptism
only, but by baptism and birth. His birth, his
baptism, and the Holy Spirit at both of them, were
the three witnesses testifying to the one truth {(It
to ?», v- 8), namely, that Jesus was the Son of
God (v. 5).
V. Baptism if the Disciples of Christ.
Whether our Lord ever baptized has been doubted.
The only passage which may distinctly bear on the
question is John iv. 1, 2, where it is said "that
Jesus made and baptized more disciples than John,
though Jesus himself baptized not, but his dis-
ciples." We necessarily infer from it, that, as soon
as our Lord began his ministry, and gathered to
Him a company of disciples, He, like John the
Bantist, admitted into that company by the ad-
ministration of baptism. Normally, however, to
say the least of it, the administration of baptism
was by tin. .lauds of bis disciples. Some suppos
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BAPTISM
that the first-called disciples had all receired
baptism at the hands of John the Baptist, as must
have pretty certainly been the case with Andrew
(see John . 86, 87, 40); and that the; were not
again baptized with water after they joined the
aompany of Christ Others believe that Christ
himself baptized some few of his earlier disciples,
who were afterwards authorized to baptize the rest.
But in an; case the words above cited seem to
show that the making disciples and the baptiz-
ing them went together; and that baptism was,
even during our Lord's earthly ministry, the formal
mode of accepting his service and becoming at-
tached to his company.
After the resurrection, when the Church was to
be spread and the Gospel preached, our Lord's own
commission conjoins the making of disciples with
their baptism. The command, " Make disciples of
all nations by baptizing them " (Matt, xxviii. 19),
is merely the extension of his own practice, " Je-
ms made disciples and baptized them " (John iv.
1).° The conduct of the Apostles is the plainest
comment on both ; for so soon as ever men, con-
vinced by their preaching, asked for guidance and
direction, their first exhortation was to repentance
Mid baptism, that thus the convert should be at
Dnce publicly received into the fold of Christ (see
Acts ii. 38, viu. 12, 36, ix. 18, x. 47, xvi. IS, 33,
Baptism then was the initiatory rite of the Chris-
tian Church, as circumcision was the initiatory rite
of Judaism. The contrast between them is plain :
the one was a painful and dangerous, the other is a
simple and salutary rite. Circumcision seemed a
suitable entrance upon a religion which was a yoke
of bondage; baptism is a natural introduction to a
law of liberty ; and as it was light and easy, like
the yoke of Christ, so was it comprehensive and ex-
pansive. The command was unlimited, " Make
disciples of all nations by baptizing them." The
arms of mercy were extended to receive the world.
The "Desire of all nations" called all nations to
accept his service. Baptism therefore was a wit-
ness to Christ's reception of all men — to God's
ove for all his creatures. But again, as circum-
cision admitted to the Jewish covenant — to the
privileges and the responsibility attaching to that
covenant, so baptism, which succeeded it, was the
mode of admission to the Christian covenant, to
its graces and privileges, to its duties and service.
It was to be the formal taking up of the yoke of
Christ, the accepting of the promises of Christ.
The baptized convert became a Christian as the
circumcised convert had become a Jew; and as
the circumcised convert bad contracted an obli-
gation to obey all the ordinances of Moses, but
therewith a share in all the promises to the seed
of Abraham, so the baptized convert, while con-
tracting all the responsibility of Christ's service,
had a share too iu all the promises of God in
Chris*.
It is obviously difficult to draw out the teaching
ot the New Testament on the rite of baptism and
its significance, without approaching too near to
she regions of controversy. We shall endeavor
therefore merely to classify the passages which refer
*o it, and to exhibit them in their simplest form,
and to let them speak their own language.
a Ma0timiffnn wirra tA Win) fiawrtfavnt avrovv
;Mott. sarin. 19), compared with ttafirrac *«*i «*l
Um'bt (John Iv. 1\.
BAPTISM
VI. The Types of liapii$m. — l. St Peter (1
Pet. iii. 21) compares the deliverance of Noah it
the Deluge to the deliverance of Christians in bap-
tism. The passage is not without oonsiderabkt
difficulty, though its general sense is pretty readily
apparent. The apostle had been speaking of those
who had perished " in the days of Noah when the
ark was a-preparing, in which few, that is eight
souls, were saved by water." According to the
A. V., he goes on, '• The like figure whereunto bap-
tism doth now save us." The Greek, in the best
MSS., is *0 «tai -juts intrvwov rw au^ti 0ir-
Ttoyui. Grotiue well expounds irrlrvwop
by avrlffroiyoK, " accurately corresponding." The
difficulty is in the relative 5. There is no anteced-
ent to which it can refer except {Soros, "water; "
and it seems as if pJarrurfia must be put in appo-
sition with t, and as in explanation of it. Noah
and his company were saved by water, " which wa-
ter also, that is the water of baptism, correspond-
ingly saves us." Even if the reading were f, it
would most naturally refer to the preceding Soorot.
Certainly it could not refer to ki/Jstov, which is
feminine. We must then probably interpret, that,
though water was the instrument for destroying the
disobedient, it was yet the instrument ordained of
God for floating the ark, and so for saving Noah
and his family ; and it is in correspondence with
this that water also, namely, the water of baptism,
saves Christians. Augustine, commenting on these
words, writes that •• the events in the days of Noah
were a figure of things to come, so that they who
believe not the Gospel, when the Church is build-
ing, may be considered as like those who believed
not when the ark was prejuring ; whilst those who
have believed and are baptized <i. e. are saved by
baptism) may be compared to those who were for-
merly saved in the ark by water " (KpuL 164, torn,
ii. p. 579). "The building of the ark," he says again,
"was a kind of preaching." " fne waters of the
Deluge presignified baptism to those who believed
— punishment to the unbelieving " (lb.).
It would be impossible to give any definite ex-
planation of the words, "baptism doth $me us,"
without either expressing a theological opinion or
exhibiting in detail different sentiments. The
apostle, however, gives a caution which no doubt
itaelf may have need of an interpreter, when be
adds, " not the putting away the filth of the flesh,
but the answer (frcpeVii/ia) of a good conscience
towards God." And probably all will agree that
he intended here to warn us against resting on the
outward administration of a sacrament, with no
corresponding preparation of the conscience and
the soul. The connection in this passage between
baptism and "the resurrection of Jesus Christ"
may be compared with CoL ii. 12.
2. In 1 Cor. x. 1, 2, the passage of the Red Sea
and the shadowing of the miraculous cloud are
treated as types of baptism. In all the early part
of this chapter the wanderings of Israel in the wil-
derness are put in comparison with the life of the
Christian. The being under the cloud and the
passing through the sea resemble baptism; eating
manna and drinking of the rock are as the spiritual
food which feeds the Church; and the different
temptations, sins, and punishments of the Israelites
on their journey to Canaan are beM ip as a warn-
ing to the Corinthian Church. It appears that the
Rabbins themselves speak of a baptism in the olous*
(see Wetstein in A. I, who quotes Plrke R. Eliezer
44; see also Schoettgen i» h, L) The passage Vast
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BAPTISM
he condition of bondmen in Egypt tu through
Jm Red Sea, and with the protection of the lumin-
ra* cloud. When the sea me puaed, the people
■ere no longer subjects of Pharaoh ; but were, un-
der the guidance of Moses, forming into a new
commonwealth, and on their way to the promiied
land. It ii sufficiently apparent bow this may re-
Mmble tfle eolisting of a new convert into the body
of the Christian Church, hit being placed in a new
relation, under a new condition, in a spiritual com-
monwealth, with a way before him to a better coun-
try, though surrounded with dangers, subject to
temptations, and with enemies on all sides to en-
counter in his progress.' 1
3. Another type of, or rather a rite analogous to,
baptism, was circumcision. St. Paul (Col. ii. 11)
speaks of the Coloasian Christiana as baring been
riremncised with a circumcision made without
bands, when they were buried with Christ in bap-
tism, in which they were also raised again with
Him («V £ w<pier/ir/6Srr« cvrraeWsTCf
■Are? tVre? jSarrfo-yxari. "The aorist participle,
as so often, is contemporary with the preceding
past verb." — Attbrd in k. I. ' The obvious reason
for the comparison of the two .Ut* is, that circum-
eiaion was the entrance to the Jewish Church and
the ancient covenant, baptism to the Christian
Church and to the new covenant; and perhaps also,
that the spiritual significance of circumcision bad
a resemblance to the spiritual import of baptism,
namely, " the patting off the body of the sins of
the flesh," and the purification of the heart by the
grace of God. St. Paul therefore calls baptism the
circumcision made without hands, and speaks of
the putting off of the sins of the flesh by Christian
circumcision (iy tj? wtpiTO/tp tou XpurroS), i- ft.
by baptism.
4. Before leaving this part of the subject we
ought perhaps to observe that in more than one
instance death is called a baptism. In Matt. xx.
82, Hark x. 39, our Lord speaks of the cup which
He had to drink, and the baptism that He was to
be baptized with ; and again in Luke xii- 60, » I
have a baptism to be baptized with." It is gen-
erally thought that baptism here means an inunda-
jon of sorrows; that, as the baptized went down
into the waters, and water was to be poured over
him, so our Lord meant to indicate that He him-
self had to pass through " the deep waters of afflic-
tion" (see Kuinoel on Matt. xx. 33; Schleusner,
». »■ 0awrl(a>)- u To baptize " was used as synon-
ymous with "to overwhelm;" and accordingly in
after times martyrdom was called a baptism of
Uood. But the metaphor in this latter case is
stridently different; and in the above words of our
Lord baptism is used without any qualification,
whereas in passages adduced from profane authors
we always find some words explanatory of the mode
jf the immersion. 6 Is it not then probable that some
BAPTISM
887
a The Fathers consider the baptism of the sea and
the cloud to be so a type of baptism, that the sea rep- j
resented the water, and the cloud rep r es en ted the I
gatrit (drag. Nae. Oral, xxjdx. 634: ifiimn *U>S-
-e>, AAA' «V Han, «u epe rovrov «V n^Ap alb-tar
Java, nm«M ti tovto JV. at *«1 ElavAu taw 4 M-
Mv* tov ttartx, *, rv^Af tov tlnv^arov. Soe Suicer,
I. • lUmnv.) EJv tot MWsV K socording to some,
tj tbe ministry of Moms ; or, according to others,
jrxlsr the guidance of Moses (as ChrysostgTheophy-
mei. and others, >n h. I. n Most plainly, however, and
to the eptnlon of the meat weighty commentator*,
to"* SDdant and modern. K mesas " Into the rettgha
deeper significance attaches to the compsiison of
death, especially of our Lord's death, to baptism
when we consider too that tbe connection of bap-
tism with the death and resurrection of Christ ii
so much insisted on by St. Paul? (See below.)
VII. Noma of Baptism. — From the types of
baptism referred to in tbe New Testament, we may
perhaps pass to the various names by which bar>-
tism seems to be there designated.
1. " Baptism " (/M«-r«r/*o: the word ftarruruAs
occurs only three times, namely, Mark vii. 8; neb.
vi. 9, ix. 10). The verb /3aar({>u> (from $d*rt,v,
to dip) is the rendering of X 72 , ~ by the LXX. in
2 K. v. 14; and accordingly the Rabbins used
nVatO for fiiwrurfui- The Latin Fathers ret
der 0awrl(*i* by tingert (e. o. TertulL adv. Proa
c. 36, " Novissime mandavit ut tingerent in Patron
Filium et Spiritum Sanctum"); by mergere, (at
Ambros. Dt SacromenUi, lib. ii. c. 7, " Interroga-
tus es, Credis in Deum Patrem Omnipotentem V
Dixisti, Credo; et mersisti, hoc est sepultus es "),
by mergitort (as Tertullian, Dt Corona UililU, c.
3, "Detune ter mergitaraur"); see Suicer, a. t.
iirat&u. By the Greek Fathers, the word (karri-
(tiy is often used frequently figuratively, for to im-
merse or overwhelm with sleep, sorrow, sin, Ac
Thus Irwb ufans fttam{,iiuiros (It Snror, buried
in sleep through drunkenness. So fivplais 0am-
tfritvot tpp6vTto-ir, absorbed in thought (Chry-
sost.). Tats /JaovrdVais ifuunlait 0e$amvui-
yai, overwhelmed with sin (Justin M.). See Suicer,
'■ v. $awrl(u. Hence 0i.ma\a properly and lit-
erally means immersion.'
3. "The Water" (to Stup) is a name of bap-
tism which occurs in Acts x. 47. After St Peter's
discourse, tbe Holy Spirit came visibly on Corne-
lius and his company; and tbe apostle asked,
" Can any man forbid the water, that these should
not be baptized, who have received the Holy
Ghost? " In ordinary cases the water had been
first administered, after that the Apnetles laid on
their hands, and then the Spirit was given. But
here the Spirit had come down manifestly, before
the administration of baptism ; and St. Peter ar-
gued, that no one could then reasonably withhold
baptism (calling it "tbe water") from those who
had visibly received that of which baptism was tbe
sign and seal. With this phrase, re Soap, " the
water," used of baptism, compare "the breaking
of bread " as a title of the Eucharist, Acts ii. 43.
8. " Tbe Washing of Water" (to Kovrpbr rot
BSotoi, "the bath of tbe water"), is another
Scriptural term, by which baptism is signified
It occurs F.ph. r. 26. « The whole passage runs,
" Husbands love your own wives, as Christ also
loved the church and gave himself for it, that He
might sanctify and cleanse it by the washing of
and law of Moses," who was the mediator of the old
Covenant. " Baptised Into Moses," therefore, Is anti-
thetical to the expression, "baptised Into Christ,"
Bom. vi. 8, Gal. 111. 37.
6 As, "His menere malls." — Tlrg. JBn. vi. 612.
Tp <n>fU>opa' ^pairrurptW. — Hellodor. JSMop
ii. 8.
■- It Is unquestionable, however, that in Mark vli.
4 f3jt*Tt£Vcr6iu Is used, where Immersion of the whole
body Is not intended, gee Ughtfcot, m *. (Tor the
opp. rite opinion, see D» rVette ns loc. (JKngef . Bnmdh •
300; and Meyer m lot. , Xomm. M. d. N. T. ad. 19641
Sea aapeeteUy Frltasobe, Boamf. Jtarat, p. 3M H.)
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288 BAPTISM
water with the word " (Tra alrrt)y 4/yidVrp Ka0a-
Atras r£ Kovrpv Toy S9aros ly &r)fiari t " that
He might sanctify it, having purified it by the
[well-known] larer of the water in the word," Elli-
Mtt). There appears clearly in these words a ref-
erence to the bridal bath; but the allusion to bap-
tism is clearer still, baptism of which the bridal
bath was an emblem, a type or mystery, signifying
to us the spiritual union betwixt Christ and His
Church. And as the bride was wont to bathe be-
fore being presented to the bridegroom, so washing
in the water is that initiatory rite by which the
Christian Church is betrothed to the Bridegroom,
Christ.
There is some difficulty in the construction and
interpretation of the qualifying words, 4y Mfiori,
" by the word." According to the more ancient
interpretation they would indicate, that the out-
ward rite of washing and bathing is insufficient
and unavailing, without the added potency of the
Word of God (comp. 1 Pet Hi. 21, " Not the put-
ting away the filth of the flesh," Ac); and as the
Kovrpby rod Stars* had reference to the bridal
bath, so there might be an allusion to the words
of betrothal. The bridal bath and the 'words of
betrothal typified the water and the words of bap-
tism. On the doctrine so expressed the language
of Augustine is famous : " Detrahe verbum, et quid
est aqua nisi aqua ? Accedit verbum ad eJeraen-
tum, et fit sacramentum " ( Tract. 80 in Johan.).
Yet the general use of j>r)na in the New Testament
and the grammatical construction of the passage
seem to favor the opinion, that the Word of God
preached to the Church, rather than the words made
use of in baptism, is that accompaniment of the
laver, without which it would be imperfect (see H-
licott, ad A. L).
4. " The washing of regeneration " (kovrphr
waktyytytoias, "the bath of regeneration ") u a
phrase naturally connected with the foregoing. It
occurs Tit. iii. 5. All ancient and most modern
commentators have interpreted it of baptism. Con-
troversy has made some persons unwilling to ad-
mit this interpretation ; but the question probably
should be, not as to the significance of the phrase,
but as to the degree of importance attached in the
words of the apostle to that which the phrase in-
dicates. Thus Calvin held that the " bath " meant
Saptism ; but he explained its occurrence in this
xmtext by saying, that " Baptism is to us the seal
>f salvation which Christ hath obtained for us."
rhe current of the apostle's reasoning is this. He
xlls Titus to exhort the Christians of Crete to be
submissive to authority, showing all meekness to
Ul men : » for we ourselves were once foolish, err-
ng, serving our own lusts ; but when the kindness
jf God our Saviour, and his love toward man ap-
peared, not by works of righteousness which we
lerformed, but according to his own mercy He
owed us, by (through the instrumentality of) the
wth of regeneration, and the renewing of the Holy
3host (Juk Kovrpov mKtyytrtvtas ical iwajtatyA-
vtms Tlrd/mro! aytov), which He shed on us
abundantly through Jesus Christ our Saviour, that,
being justified by his grace, we might be made
heirs of eternal life through hope (or according to
hope, Kttr' Aw(ta)." The argument is, that
Christians should be kind to all men, remembering
hat they themselves had been formerly disobedient,
jot that by God's free mercy in Christ they had
Man transplanted into a better state, even a state
if salvation ((mow iums); and that by means
BAPTISM
of the bath of regeneration and the renewal of tin
Holy Spirit If, according to the more aneieu
and common interpretation, the laver means bap-
tism, the whole will seem pertinent Christians
are placed in a new condition, made members of
tile Church of Christ, by baptism, and they are
renewed in the spirit of their minds by the Holy
Ghost. One question naturally arises in this pas-
sage. Does hyuKoiyibotMs depend on \oirrpovi of
on 8ii? If we adopt the opinion of those who
make it, with wa\tyyeyeffl at, dependent on Xotr
rpov, which is the rendering of the Vulgate, we
must understand that the renewal of the Holy
Ghost is a grace corresponding with, and closely
allied to, that of regeneration, and so immediately
coupled with it But it seems the more natural
construction to refer braKtwr&atmt n. i. to 8uf,
if it were only that the relative, which connects
with the verse following, belongs of necessity to
Tlytinaros. Dean Alford, adopting the latter
construction, refers the " washing " to the laver of
baptism, and the " renewing " to the actual effect,
that inward and spiritual grace of which the laver
is but the outward and visible sign. Yet it is to
be considered, whether it be not novel and unknown
in Scripture or theology to speak of renewal as
tile spiritual grace, or thing signified, in baptism.
There is confessedly a connection between baptism
and regeneration, whatever that connection may
be. But " the renewal of the Holy Ghost " has
been mostly in the language of theologians (is it
not also in the language of Scripture?) treated as
a further, perhaps a more gradual process in 4>e
work of grace, than the first breathing into the
soul of spiritual life, called regeneration or new
birth.
There is so much resemblance, both in the
phraseology and in the argument, between this pas-
sage in Titus and 1 Cor. vi. 11. that the latter
ought by all means to be compared with the for-
r. St Paul telh the Corinthians, that in their
heathen state they had been stained with heathen
vices ; " but," he adds, " ye were washed " (lit. ye
washed or bathed yourselves, Artkov<ra<rf)t), " but
ye were sanctified, but ye were justified in the
name of the Lord Jesus Christ, and by the Spirit
of our God." It is generally believed that here is
an allusion to the being baptised in the name of
the Lord Jesus Christ ; though some connect
sanctified " and "justified " as well as " washed,"
with the words " in the name," Ac. (see Stanley,
in he.). But, however this may be, the reference
to baptism seems unquestionable.
Another pannage containing very similar thoughts,
clothed in almost the same words, is Acts xxii. 16,
where Ananias says to Saul of Tarsus, "Arise,
and be baptized, and wash away thy sins, calling
upon the name of the Lord " (AukttAj /SoVtiitbi
ical itwiXovmu ras ipaprlas <rov t cVixo&fotEiM-
yos rb irofia ainov). See by all means Calvin's
Commentary on this passage.
5. "Illumination" (<fx»ricr^i). It has been
much questioned whether <parl(t<rtw, "enlight-
ened," in Heb. vi. 4, x. 33, be used of baptism oi
not Justin Martyr, Clement of Alexandria, and
almost all the Greek Fathers, use ^wrur/ioi as a
synonym for on/rfism. The Syriac version, th*
most ancient in existence, gives this sense to the
word in both the passages in the Epistle to the He-
brews. Chrysostom, Theodoret, Theophyiact, aw
other Greek commentators so interpret it; and the;
are followed by Eraesti, Hkhsdis, sad many nod'
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BAPTI8M
m interpreters of the highest authority (Weteteia
sites from Orac. Sibytt. i. BJoti QvrlCtafhu)- On
the other hud, it is now very commonly alleged
that the use is entirely eocjsiastical, not Script-
ural, and that it arose from the undue esteem for
baptism in the primitive Churah. It is impossible
to enter into all the merits of the question here.
If the usage be Scriptural, it is to be found only
in the two passages in Hebrews above mentioned ;
but it may perhaps correspond with other figures
and expressions in the New Testament. The pa-
tristic use of the word may be seen by referring to
Suicer, $. v. ^xbtict^s, and to Bingham, E. A.
bk. xi. ch. i. § 4. The rationale of the name, ac-
cording to Justin Martyr, is, that the catechumens
before admission to baptism were instructed in all
the principal doctrines of the Christian faith, and
hence "this laver is called illumination, because
those who learn these things are illuminated in
their understanding" (ApuL ii. 94). But, if this
word be used in the sense of baptism in the Epistle
to the Hebrews, as we have no mention of any
training of catechumens in the New Testament,
we must probably seek for a different explanation
of its origin. It will be remembered that ewro-
ystyl* was a term for admission into the ancient
mysteries. Baptism was without question the ini-
tiatory rite in reference to the Christian faith (cf.
rata $awricfuiTa ptas uufyrttss, Can. AposL i.).
Now, that Christian faith is more than once called
by St. Paul the Christian " mystery." The "mys-
tery of God's will " (Eph. i. 9), " the mystery of
Christ" (Cot iv. 3; Eph. ill. 4), "the mystery of
the Gospel " (Eph. vi. 19), and other like phrases
are common in his epistles. A Greek could hard-
ly fail to be reminded by such language of the
religions mysteries of his own former heathenism.
But, moreover, seeing that " in Him are bid all the
treasures of wisdom and knowledge," it seems
highly probable, that in three memorable passages
St. Paul speaks, not merely of the Gospel or the
faith, but of Christ himself, as the great Mystery
ol God or of godliness. (1.) In Col. i. 27 we read,
"the glory of this mystery, which is Christ in
you," toC /uxmiplov toutou, tt tarty Xpiorbj
«V ifuf. (2.) In Col. ii. 3, Lachmann, Tregelles,
and Ellicott, as we think on good grounds, adopt
the reading toS fuxrTjjptov toC ©job, Xpurrov,
rightly compared by Bp. Ellicott with the preced-
ing passage occurring only four verses before it, and
interpreted by him, "the mystery of God, even
Christ" (3.) And it deserves to be carefully con-
ddered, whether the above usage in Colossians does
lot suggest a dear exposition of 1 Tim. iii. 16,
a rrjs tlwtPttas nwrrfipior bs i<paytpMT\ k. t. A.
'or, if Christ be the " Mystery of God," He may
well be called also the "Mystery of godliness;"
sod the masculine relative is then easily intelligible,
as being referred to Xpurr6s understood and im-
plied inuKrrfljptor: for, in the wards of Hilary,
■« Deus Christus est Sacramentum."
But, if all this be true, as baptism is the initia-
tory Christian rite, admitting us to the service of
tod and to the knowledge of Christ, it may not
nprobably have been called aWrur/i^f and after-
wards (p&rayaryla, as having reference, and as ad-
mitting to the mystery of the Gospel, and to Christ
aimself, who is the Mystery of God.
Vin. — From the names of baptism we must
now pass to a (few of the more prominent passages,
«ot already considered, in which baptism is re-
BAPTISM
23d
1. The passage in John iii. 5 — " Except a man
be born of water and of the Spirit, he cannot enter
into the kingdom of God " — has been a well-estab-
lished battle-field from the time of Calvin. Hook-
er's statement, that for the first fifteen centuries
no one had ever doubted its application to baptism,
is well known (see Ecel. Pol v. lix.). Zuinglius
was probably the first who interpreted it other-
le. Calvin understood the words " of water and
of the Spirit " as a t> 8ict Ivoty, " the washing or
cleansing of the Spirit" (or rather perhaps "by
the Spirit "), " who cleanses as water," referring to
Matt. iii. 11. ("He shall baptize you with the
Holy Ghost and with fire") as a parallel usage.
Stier ( Words nf the Lord Jesus, in h. 1.) observes
that Liicke has rightly said that we may regard
this interpretation by means of a iv JiA Svotr,
which erroneously appealed to Matt. iii. 11, as now
generally abandoned. Stier, moreover, quotes with
entire approbation the words of Meyer (on John
iii. 6) : — " Jesus speaks here concerning a spiritual
baptism, as in chap. vi. concerning a spiritual feed-
ing; in both places, however, with reference to their
visible auxiliary means." That our Lord probably
adopted expressions familiar to the Jews in tins
discourse with Nicodemus, may be seen by refer-
ence to Lightfoot, H. B. in toe.
2. The prophecy of John the Baptist just referred
to, namely, that our blessed Lord should baptize
with the Holy Ghost and with Ore (Matt. iii. 11),
may more properly be interpreted by a tv Sia Siwiv.
Bengel well paraphrases it: — " Spirilut Sunctus,
quo Christus baptizat, igueam vim habet; atque
ea vis ignea etiam conspicua fuit oculis hoiuiuum "
(Acts ii. 3). The Fathers, indeed, spoke of a
threefold baptism with fire: first, of the Holy
Ghost in the shape of fiery tongues at Pentecost;
secondly, of the fiery trial of affliction and tempta-
tion (1 Pet. i. 7); thirdly, of the fire which at the
last day is to try every man's works (1 Cor. iii. 13).
It is, however, very improbable that there is any
allusion to either of the last two in Matt. iii. 11.
There is an antithesis in John the Baptist's lan-
guage between his own lower mission and the Di-
vine authority of the Saviour. John baptized with
a mere earthly element, teaching men to repent,
and pointing them to Christ; but He that should
come after, i ipxinevot, was empowered to bap-
tize with the Holy Ghost and with fire. The water
of John's baptism could but wash the body ; the
Holy Ghost, with which Christ was to baptize
should purify the soul as with fire.
3. Gal. iii. 27 : " For as many as have been bap-
tized into Christ have put on Christ." In the
whole of this very important and difficult chapter,
St. Paul is reasoning on the inheritance by the
Church of Christ A the promises made to Abra-
ham. Christ — i. e. Christ comprehending his
whole body mystical — is the true seed of Abra-
ham, to whom the promises belong (ver. 16). The
Law, which came after, could not disannul the
promises thus made. The Law was fit to restrain
I (or perhaps rather to manifest) transgression (ver.
23). The Law acted as a pedagogue, keeping us
for, and leading us on to, Christ, that He might
oestow on us freedom and justification by faith in
Him (ver. 24). But aflei the coming of faith we
are no longer, like young children, under a peda-
gogue, but we are free, as heirs in our Father's
house (ver. 2J ; comp. ch. iv. 1-5). " For y \11
are God's sons (filii emancipati, not wcutci, bat
viol, Bengel and Ellicott) through the faitb in.
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240 BAPTISM
Christ Jems. For u man; as have been baptised
into Christ, bare put on (clothed yourselves in)
Christ (see Schoettgen on Rom. xiii. 14). In Him
Is neither Jew nor Greek, neither bond nor free,
neither male nor female; for all ye are one in
Christ Jesus" (ver. 26-28). The argument is
plain. All Christians are God's sons through union
with the Only-begotten. Before the faith in Him
came into the world, men were held under the tute-
lage of the Law, like children, kept as in a state
of bondage under a pedagogue. But after the
preaching of the faith, all who are baptised into
Christ clothe themselves in Him; so they are es-
teemed as adult sons of his Father, and by faith
in Him they may be justified from their sins, from
which the Law could not justify them (Acts xiii.
89). The contrast is between the Christian and
the Jewish church: one bond, the other free; one
infant, the other adult. And the transition-point
is naturally that when by baptism the service of
Christ Is undertaken, and the promises of the Gos-
pel are claimed. This is represented as putting on
Christ, and in Him assuming the position of full-
grown men. In this more privileged condition
there is the power of obtaining justification by
faith, a justification which the Law had not to offer.
4. 1 Cor. xii. 13: •• For by one Spirit (or in one
spirit, 4y M xytifiaTi) we were all baptized into
one body, whether Jews or Greeks, whether bond
or free, aud were all made to drink of one Spirit."
lite resem blance of this passage to the last is very
clear. In the old dispensation there was a marked
division between Jew and Gentile: under the Gos-
pel there is one body in Christ. As in Gal. iii.
16, Christ is the seed (to ott/o/xo), so here He is
the body (to o~a)pa), into which all Christians be-
come incorporated. All distinctions of Jew and
Gentile, bond and free, are abolished. By the
grace of the same Spirit (or perhaps "in one spirit"
of Christian love and fellowship (comp. F.ph. ii. 18),
without division or separate interests) all are joined
in baptism to the one body of Christ, his universal
church. Possibly there is an allusion to both
sacraments. " We were baptized into one body,
we were mode to drink of' one Spirit ($r Zl»*vpa
AroT(<r8ti/Mi< : Lacbm. and Tisch. omit fit). Both
our baptism and our partaking of the cup in the
communion are tokens and pledges of Christian
unity. They mark our union with the one body
of Christ, and they are means of grace, in which
#e may look for one Spirit to be present with bless-
ng (comp. 1 Cor. x. 3, 17 ; see Wateriand on the
Kwkarist, ch. x., and Stanley on 1 Cor. xii. 13).
5. Rom. vi. 4 and Col. ii. 12, are so closely par-
Jlel that we may notice them together. As the
tpostle in the two last-considered passages views
baptism as a joining to the mystical body of Christ,
io in these two passages he goes on to speak of
Christians in their baptism as buried with Christ
ji his death, and raised again with Him in his
resurrection." An the natural body of Christ was
laid in the ground and then raised up again, so
His mystical body, the Church, descends in bap-
tism into the waters, in which also (ir $, sc. $ar-
-fe-futrt, Col. ii. 12) it is raised up again with
Jurist, through " faith in the mighty working of
God, who raised Him from the dead." Probably,
n in the former passages St. Paul had brought
forward baptism as the symbol of Christian unity,
i " Monk) in baptismate, vol eerie aqua suparruao,
i refert" (Bengal).
BAPTISM
to in those now before us he refere to it a* the
token and pledge of the spiritual death to sin and
resurrection to righteousness ; and moreover of the
final victory over death in the fast day, throngr
the power of the resurrection of Christ. It is
said that it was partly in reference to this passage
in Colossians that the early Christians so geLeraDy
used trine immersion, as signifying thereby the
three days in which Christ lay in the grave (see
Suicer, t. r. aras'iW,!!. a).
IX. Recipients of Baptism. — The command to
baptize was co-extensive with the command to preach
the Gospel. All nations were to be evangelized ;
and they were to be made disciples, admitted into
the fellowship of Christ's religion, by baptism
(Matt, xxviii. 19). Whosoever believed the preach-
ing of the Evangelists was to be baptized, his faith
and baptism placing him in a state of salvation
(Mark xvi. 16). On this command the Apostles
acted; for the first converts after the ascension
were enjoined to repent and be baptized (Acts ii.
37 ). The Samaritans who believed the preaching
of Philip were baptized, men and women (Acts
viii. 12). The Ethiopian eunuch, as soon as be
professed his faith in Jesus Christ, was baptized
(Acts viii. 37, 38). Lydia listened to the things
spoken by Paul, and was baptized, she and her
house (Acts xvi. 15). The jailer at Philippl, the
very night on which he was convinced by the earth-
quake in the prison, was baptized, he and all his,
straightway (Acts xvi. 33).
All this appears to correspond with the general
character of the Gospel, thkt it should embrace
the world, and should be freely offered to all men.
" Him that cometh unto me I will in no wise cast
out" (John vi. 37). Like the Saviour himself,
Baptism was sent into the world "not to condemn
the world, but that the world might be saved "
(John iii. 17 ). Every one who was oouvinced by
the teaching of the first preachers of the Gospel,
and was willing to enroll himself in the company
of the disciples, appears to have been admitted to
baptism on a confession of his faith. There is no
distinct evidence in the New Testament that there
was in those early days a body of catechumens
gradually preparing for baptism, such as existed in
the ages immediately succeeding the Apostles, and
such as every missionary church has found it neces-
sary to institute. The Apostles, indeed, frequently
insist on the privileges of being admitted to the
fellowship of Christ's Church in the initiatory
sacrament, and on the consequent responsibilities
of Christians; and these are the grounds on which
subsequent ages ha™ been so careful in preparing
adults for baptism. But perhaps the circumstances
of the Apostles' sge were so peculiar as to account
for this apparent difference of principle. Convic-
tion at that time was likely to be sudden and
strong ; the church wss rapidly forming; the Apos-
tles had the gift of discerning spirits. AD this
led to the admission to baptism with but little for-
mal preparation for it. At all events it is evident
that the spirit of our Lord's ordinance was compre-
hensive, not exclusive; that all were invited tc
come, and that all who were willing to come were
graciously received.
The great question has been, whether the invi-
tation extended, not to adults only, but to infants
also. The universality of the invitation, Ouist'i
declaration concerning the blessedness of infants
and their fitness for his kingdom (Mark x. 14)
the admission of infanta to d'ramcitxn aud to tfcs
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BAPTISM
baptism of Jewish proselytes, the mention of whole
households, and the subsequent practice of the
Church, have been principally relied on by the ad-
vocates of infant baptism. The silence of the New
Testament concerning the baptiam of infanta, the
constant mention of faith as a prerequisite or con-
dition of baptiam, the great spiritual blessings which
seem attached to a right reception of it, and the
responsibility entailed on those who have taken its
obligations on themselves, seem the chief objections
urged against paedobaptism. But here, once more,
we must leave ground which has been so exten-
sively occupied by controrersialiata.
X. The Mode of Baptism. — The language of
the New Testament and of the primitive fathers
sufficiently points to immersion aa the common
mode of baptism. John the Baptist baptized in
the river Jordan (Matt. iii.). Jeans is represented
aa >' coming up out of the water " (&ra0alr*v cure
rev SSaret) after his baptism (Mark I. 10)."
Again, John is said to have baptized in Ainon be-
cause there was much water there (John iii. 23;
see alao Acta viii. 36). The comparison of bap-
tiam to burying and ruing up again (Rom. vi. ;
CoL ii.) has been already referred to as probably
derived from the custom of immersion (see Suicer,
s. r. braivw; Schoettgen, in Rom. vi.; Vossius,
De Baptismo, Diss. i. thes. vi.). On the other
hand, it has been noticed that the family of the
jailer at Philippi were all baptized in the prison on
the night of their conversion (Acts xvi. 33), and
that the three thousand converted at Pentecost
(Acta ii.) appear to have been baptized at once : it
being hardly likely that in either of these cases
immersion should have been possible. Moreover
the ancient church, which mostly adopted immer-
oon, was satisfied with affusion in case of clinical
baptiam — the baptism of the sick and dying.
Questions ami Answers. — In the earliest times
of the Christian Church, we find the catechumens
required to renounce the Devil (see Suioer, «. v. eWo-
rajmrofuu) and to profess their faith in the Holy
Trinity and in the principal articles of the Creed
(see Suioer, i. 653). It is generally supposed
that St. Peter (1 Pet iii. SI), where he speaks of
the "answer (or questioning, Aru4nuu0 of a
good conscience toward God " as an important con-
stituent of baptism, refers to a custom of this kind
as existing from the first (see however, a very dif-
ferent interpretation in Bengelii Gnomon). The
"form of sound words" (3 Tim. i. 13) and the
" good profession professed before many witnesses "
(1 Tim. vi 13) may very probably have similar sig-
BAPTI8M
241
XI. The Formula of Baptism. — It should
seem from our lord's own direction (Matt, xxvili.
19) that the words made uw of in the administra-
tion of baptism should be those which the church
has generally retained, " I Iwptize thee in the name
f the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy
tboat:" yet, wherever baptism is mentioned in
the Acts of the Apostles, it is only mentioned as
in " the name of the Lord Jesus," or " in the name
of the Lord " (Acts ii. 88, viii. 16, x. 48, xix. 6\
The custom of the primitive church, as far as we
can learn from the primitive Fathers, war always
to baptize in the names of the three Penons of
the Trinity (see Suioer, i. *. fkurWfai) • and there
is little doubt that the expressions in the Buuk of
Acts mean only that those who were baptized with
Christian baptism were baptized into the faith of
Christ, into the death of Christ, not that the fbrn.
of words was different from that enjoined by our
Lord in St Matthew.
Sponsors. — There is no mention of sponsors in
the N. T., though there is mention of the " ques-
tioning " (hnpJrnuM). In very early ages of the
Church, sponsors (called ardocyoi, soontores, sus-
ceptoret) were in use both for children and adults.
The mention of them first occurs in TertuUlan —
for infants in the De Baptismo (c. 18), for adults,
as is supposed, in the De Corona Miliat (c. 3:
" Inde susoepti lactis et mellis coucordiam pnegust-
amus." See Suicer, s. v. araSixofuu)- In the
Jewish baptiam of proselytes, two or three sponsors
or witnesses were required to be present (see above,
Lightfoot on Matt iii. 6). It is so improbable
that the Jews should have borrowed such a custom
from the Christians, that the coincidence can hard-
ly have arisen but from the Christians continuing
the usages of the Jews.
XII. Baptism for the Dead. — 1 Cor. xv. 2».
" Else what shall they do who are baptized for toe
dead (Mp riv reitp&r), if the dead rise not at
-all? Why are they then baptized for the dead "
(or, "for them?" lachmann and Tisch. read
aoriy).
1. TertuUlan tells us of a custom of vicarious
baptism (vicarmm baptisma) as existing among the
Marcionitea (De Resur. Vanus, c. 48 ; Adv. Mar-
don. lib. v. c 10); and St. Chryaostom relates of
the same heretics, that, when one of their catechu-
mens died without baptism, they used to put a liv-
ing person under the dead man's bed, and asked
whether he desired to be baptized ; the living man
answering that he did, they then baptized him in
place of the departed (Chrya. Horn. xl. in 1 Cor.
xv.). Epiphanius relates a similar custom among
the Corinthians (Hares, xxviii.), which, he said,
prevailed from fear that in the resurrection those
should suffer punishment who had not been bap-
tized. The Corinthians were a very early sect;
according to Irenseut (iii. 11), some of their errors
had been anticipated by the Nicoiaitans, and St.
John is said to have written the early part of his
Gospel against those errors; but the Marcionitea
did not come into existence till the middle of the
2d century. The question naturally occurs, Did
St. Paul in 1 Cor. xv. 29 allude to a custom of
this kind, which even in his days had begun t~i
prevail among heretics and ignorant persona? If
so, he no doubt adduced it as an argumtmtum ad
hommem. " If the dead rise not at all, what ben-
efit do they expect who baptize vicariously for the
dead ? " The very heretics, who, from their belief
that matter was incorrigibly evil, denied the possi-
bility of a glorious resurrection, yet showed by then
superstitious practices that the resurrection was to
be expected ; for, If there be no resurrection, theii
baptism for the dead would lose all its significance
It is truly said, that such accommodations to the
opinions of others are not unoommon in the writ-
ings of St Paul (eomp. Gal. iv. 21-31 ; and see
Stanley, ad h. L). St Ambrose (in 1 ad Cor. xv.)
seems to have acquiesced in this interpretation.
His words are, '• The Apostle adduces the example
a • With iwi in Hark L 10 (T. ft), as quoted abo»»
. would be only " from " ; but Uchmann, Tbohendorf
sal TsasnUas read U then, which would afro wiJ» • v *« being used there).
16
the remark In the body of the page. Bee alao Acw
vBt 89, where the A. T. errs In .'ust ths opposite wa]
- - - - ■ ij.
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242
BAPTISM
of those who were to secure of the future resurrec-
tion that the; even baptized for the dead, when by
accident death had come unexpectedly, fearing that
the unbaptized might either not rise or rise to evil."
Perhaps it may be said, that the greater number of
modern commentators have adopted this, as the
simplest and most rational sense of the apostle's
words. And — which undoubtedly adds much to
the probability that vicarious baptism should hare
been very ancient — we learn from ljghtfoot (on
1 Cor. xv.) that a custom prevailed among the Jews
of vicarious ablution for such as died under any
legal uncleanneas.
It is, however, equally conceivable, that the pas-
sage in St. Paul gave rise to the subsequent prac-
tice among the Marcionites and Cerinthians. Mis-
interpretation of Scriptural passages has undoubt-
edly been a fertile source of superstitious ceremony,
which has afterwards been looked on as having
resulted from early tradition. It is certain that
the Greek Fathers, who record the custom in ques-
tion, wholly reject the notion that St. Paul alluded
to it.
2. Chrysostom believes the apostle to refer to
the profession of faith in baptism, part of which
was, " 1 believe in the resurrection of the dead,"
Tturrfim th ptKpwv it>itrrcurir. " In this faith,"
be says, " we are baptized. After confessing this
among other articles of faith, we go down into the
water. And reminding the Corinthians of this,
St. Paid says, If there be no resurrection, why art
thou then baptized for the dead, t. e. for the dead
bodies (t( ical fiawrLfo inrep taV yrirp&r; rovr-
lori, ri>¥ ow/idVw) ? For in this faith thou art
baptized, believing in the resurrection of the dead "
(Horn. xl. in I Cor. xv.; cf. Horn. xiii. tit Epist. ad
Corinth.). St. Chrysostom is followed, as usual,
by Tbeodoret, Theophylact, and other Greek com-
mentators. Indeed, he had been anticipated by
Tertnllian among the Latins (Atk. Mm dm. lib. v.
c. 10), and probably by Epiphanius among the
Greeks (Hares, xxviii.).
The former of the two interpretations above
mentioned commends itself to us by its simplicity;
the latter by its antiquity, having almost the gen-
eral consent of the primitive Christians in its fa-
vor (see Suicer, i. 642); though it is somewhat
difficult, even with St. Chrysoetom's comment, to
reconcile it wholly with the natural and grammati-
cal construction of the words. In addition to the
above, which seem the most probable, the variety
jf explanations is almost endless. Among them the
bUowing appear to deserve consideration.
S. " What shall they do, who are baptized when
death is close at hand ? " Epiphan. Hares, xxviii.
3, where according to Bengel inrip will have the
sense of near, cine upon.
4. "Over the graves of the martyrs." That
such a mode of baptism existed in after ages, aee
Euseb. H. E. iv. 15; August. De Civ. Dei, xx.
9. Tnssius adopted this interpretation; but it is
very unlikely that the custom should have prevailed
in the days of St. Paul.
5. " On account of a dead Saviour; " where an
manage of number in the word rtupmv must be
understood. See Rosenmulkr, in foe
6. u What shall they gain, who are baptized for
the sake of the dead in Christ V " t. e. that so the
irAtW/ia of believers may be fitted up (comp. Rom.
ti. U, 35; Heb. xi. 40). that '< God may complete
th« number of his elect, and hasten his kingdom."
BAPTISM
7. "What shall they do, who an baptised la-
the place of the dead ? " t. e. who, as the ranks of
the faithful are thinned by death, come forward U.
be baptized, that they may fill up the company of
believers. See also Olahausen as above, who ap-
pears to hesitate between these last two interpre-
tations.
On the subject of Baptism, of the practice of
the Jews, and of the customs and opinions of the
early Christians with reference to it, much infor-
mation is to be found in Vossius, De Baptumo;
Suicer, «. re. araiim, Pawrtfa, ot-aoV yo/uu, *Ai-
rucor, Ac.; Wetstein, as referred to above; Bing-
ham, Keel Ant. bk. xi. ; Vieecomes, Diuertatumet,
lib. i.; Lightfoot, Nor. Hebr.; and Scboettgen,
Hot. Hebr., as referred to above. E. H. B.
* The most elaborate recent work on baptism is
J. W. F. Hiding's Das Salcrament der Taufe, %
Ude. Erlangen, 1846-48. See also the art. Tatfe
(by Steitz) in Herzog's ReaUhncgkL xv. 438-485.
References to the controversial literature on the
subject cannot well be given here. The essay, how-
ever, of Dr. T. J. Conant, The Meaning and U$t
vf Baptkein philvloyically and historical!;/ investi-
gated, published as an Appendix to his revised ver-
sion of the Gospel of Matthew (New York, Amer.
Bible Union, 1860), and also issued separately, de-
serves mention for its copious collection of passages
from ancient authors. A
Supplement to Baptism.
The "Laying on of Hands" was considered in the
ancient church as the " Supplement of Baptism."
I. Imposition of hands is a natural form by
which benediction has been expressed in all ages
and among all people. It is the act of one supe-
rior either by age or spiritual position towards an
inferior, and by its very form it appears to bestow
some gift, or to manifest a desire that some gift
should be bestowed. It may be an evil thing that
is symbolically bestowed, as when guiltiness was
thus transferred by the high-priest to the scape-
goat from the congregation (Lev. xvi. 31); but,
in general, the gift is of something good which God
is supposed to bestow by the channel of the laying
on of hands. Thus, in the Old Testament, Jacob
accompanies his blessing to Ephraim and Manasseh
with imposition of hands (Gen. xlviii. 14); Joshua
is ordained in the room of Moses by imposition of
hands (Num. xxvii. 18; Deut. xxxiv. 9); cures
seem to have been wrought by the prophets by
imposition of hands (2 K. v. 11); and the high-
priest, in giving his solemn benediction, stretched
out his hands over the people (Lev. ix. 22).
The same form was used by our Lord in blessing
and occasionally in healing, and it was plainly
regarded by the Jews as customary or befitting
(Matt. xix. 13; Mark viii. 23, x. 16). One of the
promises at the end of St. Mark's Gospel to Christ's
followers is that they should cure the sick by lay.
ing on of hands (Mark xvi. 18); and accordingly
we find that Saul received his sight (Acts ix. 17)
and Publius's father was healed of his fever (Acta
xxviii. 8) by imposition of hands.
In the Acta of the Apostles the nature of the
gift or blessing bestowed by the Apostolic impost
tion of hands is made clearer. It is called the gift
of the Holy Ghost (viii. 17, xix. 6). This gift of
the Holy Ghost is described as the fulfillment of
Joel's prediction — "I will pour out my Spirit upoa
all flesh, and your sons and your daughters shal
prophesy, and your young men shall see viai mm
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BAPTISM
and your old men shall dream dream* ; and on my
■erranti and on my handmaidens I will poor out in
those days of my Spirit, and they shall prophesy "
(ii. 17, 18, and 88). Accordingly visible super-
natural powers were the result of this gift — powers
which a Simon Magti* could see, the capacity of
bestowing which he could covet and propose to
purchase (viii. 18). In the case of the Rphnaian
disciples these powers are stated to be, Speaking
with tongues and Prophesying (xix. 8). Sometimes
they were granted without the ceremony of impo-
sition of hands, in answer to Apostolic prayer (hr,
31), or in confirmation of Apostolic preaching (x.
44). But the last of these cases is described as
extraordinary (xi. 17), and as having occurred in
an extraordinary manner for the special purpose of
impressing a hardly-learned lesson on the Jewish
Christians by its very strangeness.
By the time that the Epistle to the Hebrews
wae written we find that there existed a practice
and doctrine of imposition of hands, which is pro-
nounced by the writer of the Epistle to be one of
the first principles and fundamentals of Christianity,
which he enumerates in the following order: — (1.)
Tnedoctrineof Repentance; (2.) of Faith; (8.) of
Baptisms; (4.) of laying on of Hinds; (6.) of the
Resurrection; (6.) of Eternal Judgment (Heb. vL 1,
2). Laying on of Hands in this passage can mean
enly one of three things — Ordination, Absolution,
or that which we have already seen in the Acta to
have been practiced by the Apostles, imposition of
hands for the gift of the Holy Ghost on the bap-
tised. The meaning of Ordination is excluded by
the context We have no proof of the existence
of the habitual practice of Absolution at this period
nor of its being accompanied by the laying on of
hands. Everything points to that laying on of hands
whkh, as we have seen, immediately succeeded bap-
tism in the Apostolic sge, and continued to do so
in the ages immediately succeeding the Apostles.
The Christian dispensation is specially the dia-
Mnsation of the Spirit. He, if any, is the Vicar
<vbom Christ deputed to fill his place when He de-
parted (John xvi. 7). The Spirit exhibits himself
not only by his gifts, but also, and still more,
by Ins graces. His gifts are such si those enu-
merated in the Epistle to the Corinthians : " the
gift of healing, of miracles, of prophecy, of dis-
cerning of spirits, of divers kinds of tongues, of
interpretation of tongues" (1 Cor. xii. 10). His
graaes are, " love, joy, peace, long-suffering, gentle-
neat, goodness, faith, meekness, temperance " (Gal.
v. 82, S3): the former are classed ss the extraordi-
ary, the latter as the ordinary gifts of the Spirit.
It was the will of the Spirit to bestow his gifts
_ different ways at different times, as well as in
different ways and on different persons at the same
time (1 Cor. xii. 6). His extraordinary gifts were
poured out in great abundance at the time when
the Christian Church was being instituted. At
no definite moment, but gradually and slowly,
these extraordinary gifts were withheld and with-
Yawn. When the Church was now contemplated
« i no longer in course of formation, but as having
been now brought into being, his miracles of
power ceased to be wrought (see Trench, 'H Ihe
Jkftroefcs, Introduction, and Jeremy Taylor, On
Confirmation). But He continued his miracles of
grace. His ordinary gifts never ceased being dis-
satmd through the Church, although after a time
*e ex tr a o rdinary gifts were found no ->nger.
With the ApostoBe age, and with the age suo-
BAPTI8M
248
eeedmg the Apostles, we may suppose that the eon-
sequences of the imposition of hands which mani-
fested themselves in visible works of power (Acta
viii., six.) ceased. Nevertheless the practice of
the imposition of hands continued. WhyV Br
cause, in addition to the visible manifestation o»
tile Spirit his invisible working was believed to be
thereby increased, and his divine strength there-
in imparted. That this was the belief in the Apos-
tolic days themselves may be thus seen. The cer-
emony of imposition of hands was even then habit -
ual and ordinary. This may be concluded from
the passage already quoted from Heb. vi. 2, where
Imposition is classed with Baptisms as a funda-
mental: it may possibly also be deduced (as we
shall show to have been believed) from 2 Cor. i. 91,
22, compared with Eph. i. 18, iv. 30; 1 John ii
20; and it may be certainly inferred from subse-
quent universal practice. But although all the
baptized immediately after their baptism received
the imposition of Kuoda, yet the extraordinary
gifts were not given to all. "Are all workers
of miracles? have all the gifts of healing? do
all speak with tongues? do all interpret?" (1
Cor. xii. 29). The men thus endowed were,
and must always have been, few among many.
Why, then, and with what result*, was imposition
of hands made a general custom ? Because, though
the visible gifts of the Spirit were bestowed only
on those on whom He willed to bestow them, yet
there were diversities of gifts and operations (ib.
11). Those who did not receive the visible gifts
might still receive, in some cases, a strengthening
and enlightenment of their natural faculties. " To
one is given by the Spirit the word of wisdom, to
another the word of knowledge by the same Spirit"
(to. 8); while all in respect to whom no obstacle
existed might receive that grace which St. Pain
contrasts with and prefers to the " best gifts," si
11 more excellent" than miracles, healing, tongues,
knowledge and prophesying (ib. 31), greater too
than "faith and hope" (xiii. 13). This is the
grace of " charity," which ii another name for the
ordinary working of the Holy Spirit in the heart
of man. This was doubtless the lielief on which
the rite of Imposition of Hands became universal
in the Apostolic age, and continued to be univer-
sally observed in the succeeding ages of the Church.
There are numberless references or allusions to it in
the early Fathers. There is a possible allusion to
it in Tbeophilus Antiocbenua, A. d. 170 (AdAatol
1. i. c 12, al. 17). It is spoken of by Tertullian,
A. d. 200 (De BapL c viii. ; De Ruurr. Cam. t.
viii.); by Clement of Alexandria, A. D. 200 (npud
Euseb. 1. iii. c. 17); by Origen, A. D. 210 (Bom.
vil. in Ezrk.); by Cyprian, A. D. 250 (Ep. pp. 70,
73); by Firmilian, a. d. 250 (raWCypr. Ep. p.
75, $ 8); by Cornelius, a. d. 260 (npud Euseb. 1.
vi. c 43); and by almost all of the chief writers
of the 4th and 5th centuries. Cyprian (loc. cit.)
derives the practice from the example of the Apostles
recorded in Acts viii. Firmilian, Jerome, and Au-
gustine refer in like manner to Acta xix. " The
Fathers," says Hooker, "everywhere impute unto
it that gift or grace of the Holy Ghost, not which
makeih us first Christian men, but, when we are
made such, aasisteth us in all virtue, anneth us
against temptation and sin. . . . The Fathers
therefore, bounc thus persuaded, held confirmation
as an ordinance Apostolic, always profitable in
God's Church, although not always accompanied
with equal largeness of those external effect* which
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244
BAPTISM
jave it countenance at the first" (Eccl PoL ». M,
i).
II. Time of Confirmation. — Originally Impo-
sition of Hands followed Immediately upon Bap-
tism, to closely aa to appear as part of the bap-
tismal ceremony or a supplement to it. This is
elearly stated by Tertullian (De Baft, vii , viii.),
Cyril (Cateck. MgsL iii. 1), the author at the
ApoatoHcal Constitutions (vii. 43), and all early
Christian writers; and hence it is that the names
aippayU, Xpuruia, sigiUum, signncuhm, are applied
to Baptism as well as to Imposition of Hands.
(See Euseb. H. E. ui. 33; Greg. Nax. Or. p. 40;
Ilerra. Past Ui. 9, 16; TertulL De Spectac. hit.)
Whether it were an infant or an adult that was
baptized, confirmation and admission to the Eu-
marist immediately ensued. This continued to be
Ate general rule of the Church down to the ninth
century, and is the rule of the Kartern Churches to
the present time. The way in which the difference
in practice between East and West grew up was the
fallowing. It was at first usual for many persons
to be baptized together at the great festivals of
Easter, Pentecost, and Epiphany in the presence of
the bishop. The bishop then confirmed the newly-
baptized by prayer and imposition of hands. But
by degrees it became customary lor presbyters and
deacons to baptize in other places than the cathe-
drals and at other times than at the great festivals.
Consequently, it was necessary either to give to
presbyters the right of confirming, or to defer con-
firmation to a later time, when it might be in the
power of the bishop to perform it. The Eastern
Churches gave the right to the presbyter, reserving
only to the bishop the composition of the chrism with
which the ceremony is performed. The Western
Churches retained it in the hands of the bishop.
(See Cone. Carthag. iii. can. 36 and iv. can. 36;
Cone. ToltL i. can. 20; Cone. Autistndor. east. 6;
Cone. Braear. i. can. 36 and ii. can. 4 ; Cone. JSKber.
can. 38 and 77.) Tertullian says that it was usual
(or the bishop to make expeditions (exeurrat) from
the city in which he resided to the villages and re-
note spots in order to lay his bands on those who
aad been baptized by presbyters and deacons, and to
•way for the gift of the Holy Spirit upon them
(ConL Lucif. iv.). The result was that, in the
West, men's minds became accustomed to the sev-
erance of the two ceremonies which were once so
closely joined — the more, aa it was their practice
to receive those who had been neretieally or schis-
matically baptised, not by rebaptiam, but only by
imposition of hands and prayer. By degrees the
severance became so complete as to be sanctioned
and required by authority. After a time this ap-
pendix or supplement to the sacrament of baptism
became itself erected into a separate sacrament by
the Latin Church.
HI. Namtt of Confirmation. — Tbe title of
• Confirmatio " is modern. It is not found in the
»rly Latin Christian writers, nor is there any
jreek equivalent for it: for rtXtiuxris answers
gather to " consecratio " or u perfectio," and refers
liber to baptism than confirmation. Tbe ordinary
Greek word is xputm"- which, like the Latin " unc-
Bo," expresses the gift of the Holy Spirit's grace,
jo this geut.il sense it is used in 1 John ii. 20,
■ Te have an unction from the Holy One," and in
t Cor. i. 21, " He which hath amnttled us is God,
who bash also sealed us and given the earnest of
•he Spirit in our hearts." So early a writer as
Ttotatnss) not only mentirns tbe art ef
BABABBAS
as being in use at the same time with the inipssf
tion of hands (De Bapt. vii. and viii.), but hi
speaks of it as being "de pristina discipline, " even
in his day. It is certain, therefore, that it must
have been introduced very early, and it has been
thought by some that the two Scriptural passages
above quoted imply its existence from the very be-
ginning. (See Chrysostom, Hilary, Tneodoret,
Comm. in tic. and Cyril in CatecJi. 8.)
Another Greek name is a-ippayts. It was so
called as being the consummation and seal of the
grace given in baptism. In the passage quoted
from the Epistle to the Colossians " sealing " by
the Spirit is joined with being "anointed by God."
A similar expression Is made use of in Eph. i. 13,
"In whom also after that ye believed ye were
Mealed with that Holy Spirit of promise;" and
again, "the Holy Spirit of God, whereby ye are
teaied unto the day of redemption " (Eph. iv. 80).
The Latin equivalents are sigillum, sjgna cu k mt , and
(the most commonly used Latin term) consignatio.
Augustine (De 7Vm. xv. 86) sees a reference in
these passages to the rite of confirmation.
IV. Definition* of Confirmation. — The Greek
Church does not refer to Acts viii., xix., and Heb.
vi. for the origin of confirmation so much aa to 1
John ii. and 2 Cor. 1. Regarding it as the eon-
summation of baptism she condemns the separation
which has been effected in the West. The Russian
Church defines it as " a mystery in which the bap-
tized believer, being anointed with holy chrism in
the name of the Holy Ghost, receives the gifts of
the Holy Ghost for growth and strength in the
spiritual life" (Longer Catechism). The Latin
Church defines it as " unction by chrism (accom-
panied by a set form of words), applied by the
Bishop to tbe forehead of one baptized, by means
of which be receives increase of grace and strength
by the institution of Christ" (Liguori after Bei-
larmine). The English Church (by implication) aa
"a rite by means of which the regenerate are
strengthened by the manifold gifts of the Holy
Ghost the Comforter, on the occasion of their rat-
ifying the baptismal vow " ( Confirmation Service).
Were we to criticise these definitions, or to describe
the ceremonies belonging to the rite in different sges
of the Church, we should be passing from our legit-
imate sphere into that of a T h eolog i cal Dictionary.
Literature. — Hooker, Ecclesiastical Potitj), bk
v. § 66, Oxf. 1863; Beuarmine, De Sacramentc
ConfirmativnU. in libro De Controversas, torn. iii.
CoL Agr. 1629; DauV, De Conjtrmatkme et Ex-
tremd Unctione, Genev. 1659; Hammond, De Cut-
Urmatione, Oxon. 1661; Hall, On Imposition of
'llamls, Works, ii. 876, Lond. 1661; Pearson,
Lectio V. in Acta ApostoUirtm, Minor Works, L
362, Oxf. 1844; Taylor, A Discourse of Confirma-
tion, Works, v. 619, Lond. 1864; Wheatly, lOut-
trati- n of Book of Common Prayer, c ix. Oxt
1846; Bingham, Ecclesiastical Antiquities, bk. xH.
Und. 1856; Liguori, Theobgia Morons, iii. 468
Paris, 1845: Hey. Lectures on LHrimly, Caw
1841; Mill, Protection on Heb. vi. 2, Camb. 1848?
Palmer, Origines Liturgica: On Confirmatum
Lond. 1845; Bates, College Lectures on Christian
Antiquities, Lond. 1845; Bp. Wordsworth, Cats-
chesu, \/xA. 1857; Dr. Wordsworth, K#es t»
Greek Test on Acts via., xix. and Heb. vi-, Lond
1860, and On Confirmation, Lond. 1861; Wsl
On Confirmation, Lond. 1869. F. M.
BABAB-BAS (BsvcWu, KJS "*. — f
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BABACHEX,
Abb", see Siinonis (hum. -V. T. 38), a robber
Kyorfis, John zriii. 40), who had committed
nurder in an insurrection (Hark xv. 7 j Lake xziii.
19) in Jerusalem, and was lying in prison at
Jbe time of the trial of Jesus before Pilate. Wheu
-he Roman governor, in his anxiety to save Jesus,
proposed to release him to the people in accordance
with the custom that he should release one prisoner
to them at the Passover, the whole multitude cried
out, Abe rovror, KriKvcrov li iipur roe Bapafi-
0aV: which request was complied with by Pilate.
According to many [Jive, two of them a tecanda
mm] of the cursive, or later MSS. in Matt, xxvii.
17, his name was 'Iiprour Bapa$$as ; Pilate's ques-
tion there running, rim HKrrt aroAeVw tfur ;
'Iirffew BsuxaSjSfer, 1) 'IncoOr rbr Kryifxtnav Xpur-
reV; and this reading is supported by the Armenian
version, and cited by Origen (on Matt. vol. v. 85).
ft has in consequence been admitted into the text
by Fritzache and Tiachendorf.o But the contrast
in ver. 90, " that they should ask Barabbas, and
destroy Jesus," seems fatal to it. H. A.
BAB'ACHEL (brO^S [whom God has
Hated]: BapaxrfJA.-* Barackel), "the Buzite,"
lather of Elihu (Job xxxii. 3, 6). [Buz.]
• BARACHI'AH, Zech. i. 1, 7, A.V. ed.
1811, and other early editions. Bekkchiah 7.
BARACHI'AS [Bopa^'cu: Birackiut], Matt
ixiii. 85. [Zacharias.]
BA'RAK (p"$, lightning, as in Ex. xix. 18:
Bapdx, LXX.: [ Barac, Vulg.:] comp. the family
name of Hannibal, Bare* = " fulraen belli " ), son
>f Abinoam of Kedeah, a refuge-city in Mount
Naphthali, was incited by Deborah, a prophetess
of Kphraim, to deliver Israel from the yoke of
Jabiu. Jabin (•> prudent ") was probably the dy-
nastic name of those kings of northern Canaan, whose
capital city was Hazor on I-ake Merom. Sisera,
his general and procurator, oppressed a promiscuous
population at Harosheth. Accompanied, at his own
express desire, by Deborah, Barak led his rudely-
armed force of 10,000 men from Naphthali and
Zebulon to an encampment on the summit of Tabor,
where the nine hundred iron chariots of Jabin
would be useless. At a signal given by the proph-
etess, the little snny, seizing the opportunity of
a providential storm (Joseph, v. 5, § 4) and a wind
that blew in the faces of the enemy, boldly rushed
down the bill, and utterly routed the unwieldy boat
of the Canaaoites in the plain of Jezreel (Esdraelon),
" the battle field of Palestine'' (Stanley. 8. <t P.
p. 331). From the prominent mention of Taanach
(Judg. v. 19, « sandy soil ") and of the river Ki-
shon, it is most likely that the victory was partly
due to the suddenly swollen waves of that impet-
uous torrent (ysuidfMovf, LXX.), particularly its
western brancti called 1 Megiddo. The victory was
decisive, Harosheth taken (Judg. iv. 16), Sisera
murdered, and Jabin ruined. A peace of 40 years
osued, and the next danger came from a different
quarter. The victors composed a splendid epini-
4an ode in commemoration of their deliverance
Judg. v.).
It is difficult to decide the date of Barak. He
appears to have been a contemporary of Shamgar
Judg. v. 6). If so, he oould not bare been so
' Tkebendorf adopted this reading In his second
e edition (1848), but rejected ft in his semtA
• ism, and Id the ebrhlh. now (1887) ki oo>~»
BARBARIAN 245
much as 178 years after Joshua, whete he is gen-
erally placed. Lord A. Hervey supposes the nar-
rative to be a repetition of Josh. xi. 1-12 ( Gcneat-
oj/iet, p. 328 ft). A great deal may be said for
this view; the names Jabin and Hasor; the
mention of subordinate kings (Judg. v. 19: of.
Josh. xi. 2 if.); the general locality of the battle
the prominence of chariots in both narratives, ana
especially the name Misrephoth-maim, which seems
to mean " burning by the waters," as in the marg.
of the A. V., and not "the flow of waters."
Many chronological difficulties are also thus re-
moved, but it is fiur to add that in Stanley's
opinion (S. A P., p. 393, note) there are geo-
graphical difficulties in the way. (Ewald, Gesch.
da Vollca Israel: Lord A. Hervey, Genealogies,
pp. 225-346 ff.) [Deborah.] F. W. F.
* The means we have at present for illustrating
the local scene of Barak's victory over Sisera im-
part a new interest to the narrative, and furnish a
remarkable testimony to its accuracy. Though the
song of Deborah and Barak was written thousands
of years ago, so many of the places mentioned in
it have survived to our time and been identified
that this battle-field lies now mapped out before us
on the face of the country almost as distinctly as if
we were reading the account of a contemporary
event. Dr. Thomson, who has had his home for
a quarter of a century almost in sight of Tabor,
at the foot of which the battle was fought, has
given a living picture of the movements of the hos-
tile armies, and of the localities referred to, show-
ing that nearly all these still exist and bear their
ancient names, and occur precisely in the order
that the events of the narrative prutuppose. The
passage is too long for citation (Land and Boot, i.
141-144), but will be found to illustrate strikingly
the topographical accuracy of Scripture. Stanley
has given a similar description ( Sin. and Pal p. 831,
Amer. ed.). We have monographs on the song of
the conquerors (Judg. v.) from HoDmann, Comment,
philol.-crti. (lips. 1818); Bottcher, Athrenlese mm
AU. Tttt. (p. 16 ff.); Gumpach, AUtatnmentliche
Stndten (Heidelberg, 1853); and Sack, Lieder in
den kutorischtn Bicker da A. T. (1864). The
exegetical articles (embracing translation and notes;
of Dr. Robinson (Bibl. Repot, i. 568-612) and of
Prof. Robbins (BtU. Sic-:, xii. pp. 597-443) are
elaborate and valuable. The Commentaries on
Judges (those of Studer, Keil, liertheau, CasseD
give special prominence to the explanation of this
remarkable ode. There is a spirited though free
translation of the song in Mibnan'3 History of
the Jews, i. pp. 292-230 (Amer. ed.). H.
BARBARIAN (0d>3opor). na« /t*i "EAAnr
Bippapos is the common Greek definition, quoted
by Serv. ad Virg. jKn. ii. 504; and in this strict
sense the word is used in Rom. i. 14, " I am debtor
both to Greeks and barbarians;" where Luther
used the term " Ungrieche," which happily expresses
its force. * EAAtjks ko) QipQapoi is the constant
division found in Greek literature, but Thucydidee
(i. 3) points out that this distinction is subsequent
to Homer, in whom the word does not occur, al-
though be terms the Carians 0ap$ap6<payi>i (/£
ii. 867, where Eustathius connects the other form
Kipfjayoi with Kip). At first, according to Stra-
ta (xiv. p. 662), it was only used nor' ovacutroroiUu
of pubUsauon, assigning his reasons at eonsUsrabh
length, has also Tregellee's Account of Iht Pnnifl Ik »
of Ike Ortttc A T., pp. 194-196 A
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246
BARBAROUS
#») tsV Svctkfifwt «ol o-K/.tyws ml r p sntaa u
KaAaiyrmy, and lU generic use was subsequent.
It often retains this primitive meaning, at in 1 Cor.
(it. 11 (of one using an unknown tongue), and
Acts xxviii. 4 (of the Maltese, who spoke a I*unic
dialect). So too fecit. Aqam. 9018, x«AiilaW
SIktiv "Kyntra QtnAiy fiipfiapw KwrnMSrn:
and even of one who spoke a patois, 4Vf Atefitos
by vol tr <parv 0ap$ap<f rsSptuipsrar, Plat. Pro-
tag. 341 c (it is not so strong a word as *aAf-v-
yXwavos, Donaldson, Cral. § 88); and the often
qnoted line of Or. Trul. v. 10, 87, —
** Barbaras hie ego sum quia non inietUgor ufli."
The ancient Egyptians (like the modern Chinese)
had an analogous word for all roiij *cfj acuity
e/uryA&ro-ovs, Herod, ii. 158; and fiap0aoos is
used in the LXX. to express a similar Jewish dis-
tinction. Thus in Pa. cziii. 1, Kabs $if$apos is
osed to translate T$f ', "peregrino sermone utens"
(Schleusn. I'het. s. v.), which is also an onomato-
pneian from XV ?, to stammer. In 1 Cor. t. 13, 1
Tim. iii. T, we hare of f{e>, and Matt. vi. 88, tA> foVij,
usedHebraistically for D"".T2, D^H (in Terr much
the same sort of sense se that of fidpfiapoi) to dis-
tinguish all other nations from the jews ; and in
the Talmudists we find Palestine opposed to
rVYSHt*, just as Greece was to Barbaria or 4 0dp-
$apof. (cf. Cic. Fin. ii. 15; Lightfoot, Ctrnturiii
Chorogr. ad iniL) And yet so completely was
the term Qdpftapoi accepted, that even Josephus
and Philo scruple as little to reckon the Jews
among them {Ant. xi. 7, § 1, Ac.), as the early
Romans did to apply the term to themselves
("Demophilus scripsit, Marcus vertit barbare;"
Plant. Ann. prol. 10). Very naturally the word
after a time began to involve notions of cruelty and
contempt (Bripbs /3ap0dpov, 2 Mace. iv. 25, xv. 2,
Ac), and then the Romans excepted themselves
from the scope of its meaning (Cic. dt Rep. i. 37,
J 68). Afterwards only the savage nations were
called barbarians ; though the Greek Constantino-
politans called the Romans " barbarians " to the
.-cry last. (Gibbon, c. 51, vi. 351, ed. Smith;
Winer, s. ».) F. W. F.
* BARBAROUS (fiipfiapoi), as empbyed in
Vets xxviii. 2 (A V.), means "foreign," a sense
oow obsolete, and designates there the Melitaeans
is speaking a different language from the Greeks.
The inhabitants of Melita ( Malta ), were a Phoenician
■ace and spoke the Punk. >'. e. Phoenician, as spoken
it Cartilage. A misunderstanding of the term ren-
iered " barbarous " in Acts xxviii. 2 led Coleridge
to deny that the Melitteans could be meant there,
because they were highly civilized. The " no little
kindness" which "the barbarous people showed "
to the wrecked mariners obliges us to acquit them of
iny want of humanity. " Barbarians " (see above)
would be less inexact, but leans now towards the
tame objectionable meaning. H.
BARHUIIITE, THE. [Bahukim.]
BARI'AH (rr-19 [a bali\: m#f; [Vat.
Mapti.j Alex. Btpm. Baria), one of the sons of
3heniaiah, a descendant of the royal family of Ju-
f ah (1 Chr. ill. 22).
BAR-JEWS. [Kltmab.]
BAR-JOTSTA. [Prdl]
BARLEY
BAR'KOS (DTp"!? [painter] : Bapcos, [Ys»
Bopitovs; in Neh.] BookovI, [Alex. Bopirot-r:]
Brrcot). "Children of Barkos" were among the
Nethinim who returned from the captivity witl
Zerubbabd (Ear. U. 53; Neb. vii. 66).
BARLEY (rn'siB, mt'diih ; k/hM, : hordnm)
the well-known useful cereal, mention of which is
made in numerous passages of the Bible. Plinj
(//. If. xviii. 7) states that barley is one of the
most ancient articles of diet. It was grown by the
Egyptians (Ex. ix. 31 ; Herod, ii. 77 ; Diodor. i. 34;
Plin. xxii. 26); and by the Jews (Lev. xxvii. 16;
Deut. viii. 8; Ruth ii. 17, Ac), who used it for
baking into bread, chiefly amongst the poor (Jndg.
vii. 13; 2 K. iv. 42; John vi. 9, 13); for making
into bread by mixing it with wheat, beans, lentiles,
millet, Ac. (Es. iv. »); for making into cakes (Ex.
iv. IS); ss fodder for horses (1 K. iv. 28). Com-
pare also Juvenal (viii. 164); and Pliny (H. N.
xviii. 14; xxviii. 21), who states that though bar-
ley was extensively used by the ancients, it had in
his time fallen into disrepute and was generally
used as fodder for cattle only. Soninni says that
barley is the common food for horses in the East
Oats and rye were not cultivated by the Jews, and
perhaps not known to them. [Ryk.] (See she
Kitto, Phyt. H. of PaL 214.) Barley is men-
tioned in the Mishna as the food of horses and
The barley harvest is mentioned Ruth i. 22, ii.
23; 2 Sam. xxi. 9, 10. It takes place in Palestine
in March and April, and in the hilly districts as
late as May ; but the period of course varies ac-
cording to the localities where the corn grows.
Mariti (TV-or. 416) says that the barley in the
plain of Jericho begins to ripen in April. Niebuhr
(Back, ton Arab. p. 160) found barley ripe at the
end of March in the fields about Jerusalem. The
barley harvest always precedes the wheat harvest,
in some places by a week, in others by fully three
weeks (Robinson, Bib. Ret. ii. 99, 278). In Egypt
the barley is about a month earlier than the wheat ;
whence its total destruction by the hail-storm (Ex.
ix. 31). Barley was sown at any time between
November and March, according to the season.
Niebuhr states that he saw a crop near Jerusalem
ripe at the end of March, and a field which had
been just newly sown. Dr. Kitto adduces the
authority of the Jewish writers as an additional
proof of the above statement (Phyt. B. PaL 229).
This answers to the winter and spring-sown wheat
of our own country ; and though the former is gen-
erally ripe somewhat earlier than the latter, yet
the harvest-time of both is the same. Thus it was
with the Jews: the winter and spring-sown barley
were usually gathered into the garners shout the
same time ; though of course the my Intt spring-
sown crops must have been gathered in some tims
after the others.
Major Skinner (Adrenhtret in an Overland Jour
nty to India, i. 330) observed near Damascus a fiekl
newly sown with barley, which had been submitted
to submersion similar to what is done to rice-fields.
Dr. Kojle (Kitto's Cyd. Bib. Lit. art. •' Barley ")
with good reason supposes that this explains Is
xxxii. 20: "Blessed are ye that sow beside at
waters;" snd demurs to the explanation wiuc v
many writers have given, namely, that allusion a
made to the mode in which rice is cultivated. Wt
cannot, however, at all agree with this writer, that tht
passage in Ecd. xi. 1 ha* any reference to irrigs
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BARLEY
Sao of newly sown bsrley-fle.ds. Salomon in the
xmtext is enforcing obligations to liberality of that
ttpecial nature which looks noi tor a recompense:
u Bishop Hall says, " Bestow thy baneficenoe on
those from whom there is no probability of a re-
turn of kindness." It is clear that, if allusion is
made to the mode of culture referred to above,
either in the case of rice or bnrley, the force and
moral worth of the lesson is lost; for the motive
of such a sowing is expectation of an abundant re-
turn. The meaning of the passage is surely this:
" Be liberal to those who are as little likely to repay
thee again, as bread or corn cast into the pool or the
river is likely to return again unto thee." Barley,
as an article of human food, was less esteemed than
wheat. [Bread.] Compire also Calpumius ( Eel.
iii. 84), Pliny (//. <V. xviii. 7), and Livy (xxvil. 13),
who tells us that the Roman cohorts who lost their
standards were punished by having barley bread
given them instead of wheaten. The Jews accord-
ing to Tract. S tnhedr. c. 9, § 5, had the following
tw : " Si quis loris casus reciderit jussu judicum
areas inditus kordto cibatar, donee venter ejus rum-
patur." That barley bread is even to this day little
esteemed in Palestine, we have the authority of
jndern travellers to show. Dr. Thomson (Land
and Book, p. 449) says " nothing is more common
than for these people to complain that their oppres-
sors have left them nothing but barley brerid to
eat." This fact is important as serving to elu-
cidate some passages in Scripture. Why, for in-
stance, was bsirley meal, and not the ordinary meal-
offering of whett flour, to be the jealousy-offering
(Num. r. IS)? Because thereby is denoted the
low reputation in which the implicated parties were
held. The homer and a half of barley, as part of
the purchase-money of the adulteress (Hoe. iii. 2),
baa doubtless a similar typical meaning. With this
circumstance in remembrance, how forcible is the ex-
pression in Kzekiel (xiii. 19), " Will ye pollute me
among my people for handful* of bnrtey 1 " And
how does the knowledge of the fact aid to point out
the connection between Gideon and the barley-cake,
in the dream which the " man told to his fellow "
(Judg. trii. 13). Gideon's " family was poor in
Manaaseh — and he was the least in his father's
house;" an i doubtless the Midianites knew it.
Again, the Israelites had lieen oppressed by Hidian
for the space of seven years. Very appropriate,
therefore, is the dream and the interpretation there-
of. The despised and humble Israelitish deliverer
was as a mere vile barley-cake in the eyes of his
enemies. On this passage Dr. Thomson remarks,
" If the Midianites were accustomed in their ex-
temporaneous songs to call Gideon and his band
" cikee of barley bread," as their successors the
haughty Bedawln often do to ridicule their ene-
mies, the application would be all the more nat-
ural." That barley was cultivated abundantly in
Palestine is clear from Deut. viii. 8; 2 Chr. ii.
10, IS.
The cultivated barleys are usually divided into
"two-rowed" and "six-rowed" kinds. Of the
Brat the flordevm dutickmn, the common summer
barley of England, is an example; whilo the H.
BARNABAS
24?
" The Habrr* word ™H T& Is derivee from "1 ytf\
kemn ; so called from the long, rough awns whkb am
attached to the husk. Similarly, korJtum Is from
Smtn.
• 'The nodes of Barnabas in CM. U. 18 was later.
kexattiehum, or winter barley of brmers, wiE
serve to represent the latter kind. The kind usually
grown in Palestine is the H. diitichum. It is tor.
well known to need further description.'' W. H.
BAB/NABAS (rtr«Dr->3 : Bapyifrxs
[Barnabat], a name signifying vlbs *apoic\V<«>> .
" son of prophecy," or " exhortation " (or, but not
so probably, ' consolation," as A. V.), given by
the Apostles (Acts ir. 36) to Juaicr-H (or Joses, as
the Rec Text), a Levite of the island of Cyprus,
who was early a disciple of Christ (according to
Euseb. H. K. i. 12, and Clem. Alex. Strom, ii.
176 Sylb., one of the Seventy), and in Acts (/. c. )
is related to have brought the price of a field which
he had sold, and to have laid it at the feet of the
Apostles. In Acts ix. 27, we find him introducing
the newly-converted Saul to the Apostles at Jeru-
salem, in a way which seems to imply previous ac-
quaintance between the two. On tidings ccinmn
to the church at Jerusalem that men of Cyprus and
Cyrene had been, after the persecution which arose
about Stephen, preaching the word to Gentiles at
Antioch, Barnabas was sent thither (Acts xi. 19-
26), and being a goc-i man, and full of the Holy
Ghost, he rejoiced at seeing the extension of the
graoe of God, and went to Tarsus to seek Saul,
as one specially raised up to preach to the Gentiles
(Acts xxvi. 17). Having brought Saul to An-
tioch, he was sent, together with him, to Jerusa-
lem, upon a prophetic intimation of a coming
famine, with relief to the brethren in Judas (Acts
xi. 80). On their return to Antioch, the two,
being specially pointed out by the Holy Ghost (Acts
xiii 2) for the missionary work, were ordained by
the church and sent forth (a. d. 45). From this
time, though not of the number of the Twelve,
Barnabas and Paul enjoy the title and dignity of
apostles. Their first missionary journey is related
in Acts xiii., xiv. ; it was confined to Cyprus and
Asia Minor. Some time after their return to An-
tioch (A. D. 47 or 48). they were sent (a. d. SO)
with some others, to Jerusalem, to determine with
the Apostles and Elders the difficult question re-
specting the necessity of circumcision for the Gentile
converts (Acts xv. 1 ff.). On that occasion, Paul
and Barnabas were recognized as the Apostles of
the uncircumcision. After another stay in Antioch
on their return, a variance took place between Bar-
nabas and Paul on the question of taking with
tbem, on a second missionary journey, John Mark,
sister's son to Barnabas (Acts xv. 36 ff.). "The
contention was so sharp that they parted asunder; "
and if we may judge from the hint furnished by
the notice that Paul was commended by the hreth
ren to the grace of God, it would seem that Bar-
nabas was in the wrong. He took Mark, and
sailed to Cyprus, his native island. And here the
Scripture notices of him cease: those found in
Gal. ii. 1, 9, 13, belong to an earlier period ; * see
above. From 1 Cor. ix. 6, we infer that Barnabas
was a married man ; and from Gal. I c, and the
circumstances of the dispute with Paul, his char-
a-ver seems not to have possessed that thoroughness
of purpose and determination which was found in
If we place Paul's rebuke of Peter (GM. H. 11) In thf
Interval between the apostle's second and third mission-
ary Journey, Acts iviiJ. 28 (Neander, P/laiuung, I
851; Baomgartsn, Apoadguch. li. 851 and otters)
As to character, soma of the Germans compare Bar
nabas with Malanethon and Paul with Luther. B
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248
8ARODIS
flie grot Apostle. As to his further labors and
death, traditions differ. Some say that he neat
to Milan, and became first bishop of the church
there : the Clementine Homilies make him to have
been a disciple of our Lord himself, and to have
preached in Rome and Alexandria, and converted
tTlement of Rome: the Clementine Recognitions,
to have preached iu Rome, even during the life-time
of our Lord. There is extant an apocryphal work,
probably of the fifth century, Ada el Panto Bar-
nabat in Cipro, which relates his second missionary
journey to Cyprus, and his death by martyrdom
there; and a still later encomium of Barnabas, by
a Cyprian monk Alexander, which makes him to
have been brought up with St. Paul under Gamaliel,
and gives an account of the pretended finding of
his body in the tune of the Emperor Zeno (474—
490). We have an Epistle in 91 chapters called
..y the name of Barnabas. Of this, the first four
chapters and a half are extant only in a barbarous
I .atin version ; the rest in the original Greek." Its
authenticity has been defended by some great
names; and it is quoted as the work of Barnabas
by Clem. Alex, (seven times), by Origen (thrice),
and its authenticity, but not its authority, is sl-
owed by Euseb. (B. E. iii. 25) and Jerome ( Cntal
Scriptor. EcclesiasL c 6: see Pearson, Vindicia
Ignatiana, pt. i. c. 4). But it is very generally
given np now, and the Epistle is believed to hare
been written early in the second century. The
matter will be found concisely treated by Hefele,
in the prolegomena to his edition of the Apostolic
Fathers, 1 vol. 8vo., Tubingen, 1847; and more
at length in his volume, Das Sendschreiten det
Ap. Barnabas, dv., Tubingen, 1840; and in He-
berle's article in Herzog's Cyclopaedia. [See aku
Norton's Genuineness of the Gospels, 3d ed., vol.
i. Add. Notes, pp. cel.-cclviii., Cambr. 1846, and
Donaldson's ffisL of Christian Literature and
Doctrine, i. 201-211, Lond. 1864. — A.] H. A.
BABCKDIS (Baptotls [Vat. Alex. -»«„]:
Kahulu), a name inserted in the list of those " serv-
ants of Solomon " who returned with Zerubbabel
(I Esdr. v. 34). There is no corresponding name
fa the list of Ezra or Nehemiah.
* BARREL. The Hebrew word (TS : Agpfe:
hydria) so rendered in 1 K. xvii. 12, 14, 16, xviii.
38, is everywhere else translated Pitchek, which
see. In the passages referred to, "pail" (timer,
De Wette) would be a better rendering than
"barrel"; Coverdale and Sharpe have "pitcher."
A.
BAR'SABAS. [Joseph Barsabas; Judas
Barsabas.]
BAKTACUS (BaprdW: Bezax), the father
of Apame, the concubine of king Darius (1 Esdr.
iv. 29). "The admirable" (<i Bavfiaaris) was
protahly an official title belonging to his rank.
the Syriae version has "?' ">'. a name which re-
calls that of Artachaeas ('Aprax<ui|s)< *t>« ">
named by Herodotus (vii. 22, 117) as being in a
high position in the Persian army under Xerxes,
and a sp°raal favorite of that king (Simonia, Onom.;
Smith's Did. of Biog. i. 369).
BARTHOLOMEW (Bap0oKofuuof, i. e.
* The neently discovered Coder Sumtiau, pub-
1 by Teschendorf In 1862 and 1868, contains the
i epbtls in Oresk. The portion supplied by the
Tw*x Hmmtiaa isgtvan literally in thasseond edition
BARTOLfiUS
tQ7£t ^5, «0" of Tabnai: coup, (he LXX
[»oKafii, Bo\pJ; Alex.] BoXfuu, BoKotuu, Jost
XT. 14, 9 Sam. xhX 87, and Bo\o/uuos, Joseph
Ant xx. 1, § 1; Barlhohmaus), one of the Twelvr
Apostles of Christ (Matt. x. 3; Mark iii. 18; Loks
vi. 14; Acta i. 18). His own name nowhere ap-
pears in the three first Gospels ; and it has been
not improbably conjectured that he is identical with
Nathanael (John i. 46 if.). Nathanael there ap-
pears to have been first brought to Jesus by Philip;
and in the three first catalogues of the Apostles
(cited above) Bartholomew and Philip appear to-
gether. It is difficult also to imagine, from the
place assigned to Nathanael in John xxi. 2, that he
can have been other than an apostle. If this may
be assumed, he was born at Carta of Galilee; and
is said to have preached the gospel in India (Euseb.
//. E. v. 10, Jerome, Vxr. llhuL 36), meaning
thereby, probably, Arabia FUix ('IrJoi ol koAov-
fitroi tbiai/ions, Sophron.), which was sometimes
called India by the ancients (Mosheim, De Rebus
Christ, ante Constant it. Commentarii, p. 206).
Some allot Armenia to him as his mission-field,
and report him to have been there flayed alive and
then crucified with his head downwards (Assemann.
BibL Or. iii. 2, 20). H. A.
BARTIMJeTUS [A V. Bartuoc'us] (Be?
Tipcuos, t. «• *t?EHp "l$, son of Timai), a blind
beggar of Jericho who (Mark x. 46 ff.) sat by the
wayside begging as our I>ord passed out of Jericho
on his last journey to Jerusalem. Notwithstanding
that many charged him to hold his peace, be con-
tinued crying, "Jesus, thou son of Davk!, have
mercy on me! " Being called, and his blindness
miraculously cured, on the ground of his faith, by
Jesus, he became thenceforward a disciple. Nothing
more is known of him. H. A.
* The account of this miracle as related by all
the Synoptists is comparatively full (Matt. xx. 29-
84; Mark x. 46-52; Luke xviii. 35-43). Inpointof
vividness of description and moral suggestiveness
it is hardly surpassed by any similar narrative in
the Gospel. For the circumstances under which
the miracle was performed and its import as a
symbol of the spiritual relations which men sustain
to Christ as the great Healer, the remarks of Trench
(Miracles of our Lord, pp. 11-15,841 ff., Amor,
ed.) deset re to be read. Westvott classes it among
"the miracles of personal faith" so signally exempli-
fied here, both in its degree and its reward (In-
troduct to the Study of die Gospels, p. 467, Aroer.
ed.). See also his Characteristics of the Gospel
Miracles, pp. 48-59. Le Clerc's rule explains
the apparent discrepancy that Matthew speaks of
two blind men ss healed at this time, hut Mark
and Luke of only one: " Qui plura narrat, paucion
complectitur ; qui pauciora memorat, plura non
negat." It has been thought more difficult U
explain bow iAike should seem to say that Jesus
was approaching Jericho when he performed the
cure, while Matthew and Mark say that be per-
formed it as be was leaving Jericho. One reply to
this statement is that Jesus may have healed two
blind men, one before be entered the city and ths
other on his departure from it; the former being
the instance that Luke mentions, the latter that
of Dr Mil's Patrum Apost. Opera, Up» 1868, and b
critically edited, wUh the rest of the epistis, in Bi"
genfcki 1 * Novum Test, extern Otnonem neeftum, iua
n\, Up.. im A
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BARUCH
araieii Mark mentbns, while Matthew speaks of thn
two cases together. So Wieseler (Synopte der vitr
Etang. p. 3J2) and Ebrard (Kritik der Evany.
Gttchick. p. 467 ff., 2te Aufl.). Neander (note in his
I Attn Jttu Christi, p. 614, 4te Aufl.) inclines to
.he same new. It is possible also, as Bengel sug-
gests (Gnomon Jf. T. i. 140), that Bartinueus having
failed in his first application when Jesus arrived at
Jericho, renewed his request the next day in com-
pany with another blind man, as Jesus left the house
of Zaccheus and the city on his way to Jerusalem.
Two additional words in Luke xriii. 38, " And (on
the morrow) he cried" Ac., would thus conciliate
the two accounts perfectly; and, really, the con-
fessedly fragmentary character of the narratives
allows us, without violence, to suppose that omis-
sion. Trench favors this last explanation. H.
BATHJCH (TFP?. Messed = Benedict: Bo-
000% > Joseph. Bapovxos- Btrueh). L Son of
Neriah, the friend (Jer. xxxii- 12), amanuensis
(Jer. xxivi. 4 ff.; 32) and faithful attendant of
Jeremiah (Jer. xxxvi. 10 ff. ; Joseph. Ant.x.§,§'i;
B. c. 903), in the discharge of his prophetic office.
He was of a noble family (Joseph. Ant. x. 9, $ 1,
i£ ixuriiiiou <rf6Spa oiniasi comp. Jer. li. 69;
Bar. II, De trtbu Simeon, Vet Lat), and of dis-
tinguished acquirements (Joseph. L c. ttj worpjfy
yK&rrn Iiapep6yrcn irtwaittvuitiot); and his
brother Seraiah held an honorable office in the court
of Zedekiah (Jer. li. 59). His enemies accused
him of influencing Jeremiah in favor of the Chal-
deans (Jer. xliii. 3; cf. xxxvii. 13); and he was
thrown into prison with that prophet, where he
remained till the capture of Jerusalem b. c. 586
(Joseph. Ant. x. 9, $ 1). By the permission of
Nebuchadnezzar he remained with Jeremiah at Mas-
phatha (Joseph. I. c); but was afterwards forced
to go down to Egypt with " the remnant of Judah
that were returned from aft nations " (Jer. xliii. 6 ;
Joseph. Ant. x. 9, § 6). Nothing is known cer-
tainly of the close of his life. According to one
tradition he remained in Egypt till the death of
Jeremiah, and then retired to Babylon, where he
died in the 12th year after the destruction of Jeru-
salem (Bertholdt, EinL 1740 p.). Jerome, on the
Xher hand, states " on the authority of the Jews "
(Hebrai tradunt), that Jeremiah and Baruch died
■a Egypt " before the desolation of the country by
Naboebodonoaor " (Comm. in Is. xxx. 6, 7, p.
406). [Jkrkmiah.J B. F. W.
2. The son of Zabbai, who assisted Nehemiah
in rebuilding the walls of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 30).
3. A priest, or family of priests, who signed the
covenant with Nebemiah (Neh. x. 6).
4. The son of Col-hozeh. a descendant of Perec,
ut Pharex, the son of Judah (Neh. xi. 6).
BA'RUOH, THE BOOK OF, is remark-
able as the only book in the Apocrypha which is
formed on the model of the Prophets ; and though
t U wanting in originality, it presents a vivid re-
jection of the ancient prophetic fire. It may be
aivided into two main parts, i. — iii. 8, and ill. 9-
*od. The first part consists of an introduction
JL 1-14), followed by a confession and prayer (i.
16-iii. 8). The second part open* with an abrupt
tddress to Israel (iii. 9-iv. 30), pointing ou> Uw
rin of the people in neglecting the divine teaciing
sf Wisdom (ill. 9-iv. 8), and introducing a ucble ,
suuent of Jerusalem over her children, through.
which hope still gleams (hr. 9-30). After th-i the]
BABUCH, THE BOOK OF 249
tone of the book again changes suddenly, «ud th<
writer addresses Jerusalem iu wurds of triumphaut
joy, and paints in the glowing colors of Isaiah the
return of God's chosen people and their abiding
glory (Iv. 30-v. 9).
1. The book at present exists in Greek, and in
several translations which were made from the
Greek. The two classes into which the Greek
MSS. may be divided do not present any very re-
markable variations (Fritzache, EM. § 7); but the
Syro-Hexaplarlc text of the Milan MS., of which
a complete edition is at length announced, is said
to contain references to the version of Theodotion
(Eichhom, EM. in die Apoc. Schrijt p. 388 n.),
which must imply a distinct recension of the Greek,
if not an independent rendering of an original He-
brew text. Of the two Old Latin versions which
remain, that which is incorporated in the Vulgate
is generally literal ; the other (Carus, Rom. 1688 ;
Sabatier) is more free. The vulgar Syriac and
Arabic follow the Greek text closely (Fritzache,
L c).
2. The assumed author of the book is undoubtr
edly the companion of Jeremiah, though Jann
denied this ; but the details are inconsistent with
the assumption. If the reading in i. 1 be correct
(er«; De Wette con/, junvl, EM § 321 a; comp.
2 K. xxv. 8), it is impossible to fix " thefJU gear "
in such a way as to suit the contents of the book,
which exhibits not only historical inaccuracies but
also evident traces of a later date than the begin-
ning of the Captivity (iii. 9 ff., iv. 22 ff.; i. 3 ff.
Comp. 2 K. xxv. 27).
3. The book was held in little esteem among the
Jews (Hieron. Prof, in Jerem. p. 834 . . . nee
habetur apud Hebrmoe ; Epiph. de mens, ov Ktivrat
i-wurroKal (Bopoiv) wap' 'EBpalots); though it is
stated in the Greek text of the Apostolical Const!
tutions that it was read, together with the Lamen-
tations, " on the tenth of the month Gorpieus "
«'. e. the day of Atonement; Const. Ap. v. 20, 1)
But this reference is wanting in the Syriac version
(Bunsen, Anal. Antt-Nic. ii. 187), and the asser-
tion is unsupported by any other authority. There
is no trace of the use of the book In the New Tes-
tament, or in the Apostolic Fathers, or in Justin
But from the time of Ireneus it was frequently
quoted both in the East and in the West, and gen-
erally as the work of Jeremiah (Iken. Adv. Bar.
v. 36, 1, significant Jeremias, Bar. Iv. 36-v. ; Tek-
tuli. c. GnosL 8, Hieremia, Bar. (Eplst.) vi. 3
ff.; Clem. Pad. 1. 10, § 91, J.i Itotulov, Bar. iv.
4; id. Pad. ii. 3, $ 86, tela ypcupt. Bar. iii. 16-
19; Okig. ap. Euseb. //. E. n. 25; 'Upiulas obi
epiivoi* koI rp «WtoAj} (? ); Cypr. Test. Lib.
ii. 6, apud ffieremiam, Bar. iii. 35, Ac.). It was,
however, " obelized " throughout in the LXX. as
deficient in the Hebrew (Cud. Chis. ap. Daniel,
Ac., Rome, 1772, p. xxi.). On the other hand it
is contained as a separate book in the Pseudo-Lao-
dicene Catalogue, and in the Catalogues of Cyril
of Jerusalem, Athanasius, and Nicepborur ; but it
is not specially mentioned in the Conciliar cat-
alogues of Carthage and Hippo, probably as be-
ing included under the title Jeremiah. (Comp
[Athan.] Syn. S. Script, ap. Credner, Zur Gesch
des Kan. 138. Hilab. ProL m Psalm. 15.) It
is omitted by those writers who reproduced in the
main ti_- Hebrew Canon (e. g. Melito, Gregory Na-
zianzen, Epipnanius). Augustine quotes the words
y{ Baruch (iii. 16) as attributed " more commonly
to Jeremiah " (quidam . . . soriba ejus athibun.
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250 BARUCH, THE BOOK OF
runt . . . $ed Jerama cdcbratw kabetur.de Civ.
tviii. 33), and elsewhere uses them as such (e.
Fault, xii. 43). At the Council of Trent Baruch
mi admitted into the Romish Canon; but the
Protestant churches have unanimously placed it
among the Apocryphal books, though Whiston
maintained ita authenticity (/. c infra).
4. Considerable discussion has been raised as to
the original language of the book. Those who
advocated its authenticity generally supposed that
it was first written in Hebrew (Huet, Dereser, Ac.;
but Jabn is undecided: BerthoUt, hint. 1766), and
this opinion found many supporters (Itendtsen,
Uruneberg, Movers, Hitzig, l)e W'ette, EM,
§ 323 ). Others again have maintained that the
Cireek is the original text (Kichhorn, t.M. 388 ff. ;
BerthoUt, Einl. 1757; Ilavernick, ap. Lie Wette,
L c). The truth appears to lie between these two
extremes. The two divisions of the book an dis-
tinguished by marked peculiarities of style and
language The Hebraic character of the first part
(i.-iii. 8) is such as to mark it as a translation
and not as the work of a Hebraizing Greek : e. y.
. 14, 15, 22, ii. 4, 9, 25, iii. 8; and several obscu-
rities seem to be mistranslations: e. y. i. 2, 8, ii.
18, -2tf. The second part, on the other band, which
is written with greater freedom and vigor, closely
approaches the Alexandrine type. And the imita-
tions of Jeremiah and Daniel which occur through-
out the first part (cf. i. 15-18 = Dan. ix. 7-10; ii.
1, 2= Dan. ix. 12, 13; ii. 7-19 = Dan. ix, 13-18)
give place to the tone and imagery of the Psalms
and Isaiah.
6. The most probable explanation of this con-
trast is gained by supposing that some one thor-
oughly conversant witn the Alexandrine transla-
tion of Jeremiah, perhaps the translator himself
(Hitzig, KriUsche), found to* Hebrew fragment
which forms the basis of the book already attached
to the writings of that prophet, and wrought it up
into its present form. The peculiarities of lan-
guage common to the LXX. translation of Jer-
emiah and the first part of Baruch seem too great
to be accounted for in any other way (for instance
the use of Sto/uirnt, onrooToA<i, &ipfiv<ns (fiofL-
&ctv), awouuopit, uirra, airoorpf<pfiii (neut.),
ipyiCtoDai TIM, Sropa iiriKa\f7o8at M Tift),
and the great discrepancy which exists between the
Hebrew and Greek texts as to the arrangement of
the later chapters of Jeremiah, increases the prob-
ability of such an addition having I een made to
the canonical prophecies. These verbal coincidences
jease to exist in the second part, or become very
•are; but this also is distinguished by ch: racteristic
words: e. y. 6 oiaVror, o £7101, iriytiv. At the
same time the general unity (even in language,
>. g. xapiuwwr)) and coherence of the book in
u present form point to the work of one man.
(Fritzaebe, EM. § 5; Hitzig, Psalm, ii. 119;
Ewsld, Gesch. d. Volkei hr. iv. 2.12 n.) Bertholdt
appears to be quite in error (EM 1743, 1762) in
**"g" i **g iii. 1-8 to a separate writer (De Wette,
EM § 322).
6. There are no certain data by which to fix the
time of the composition of Baruch. Ewsld (I. c.
>p. 230 ff.) assigns it to the close of the Persian
period; and this may be true as for as the Hebrew
aortion is concerned; but the present bonk must
be placed considerably later, probably about the
time of the war of liberation (c. B. C. 160), or
aosnewhit earlier.
7 The Epistle of Jeremiah, wbieh, according
BASOAHA
to the authority of some Greek MSS., stand* hi
the English version as the 6th chapter of Baruch,
is the work of a later period. It consists of > the
torical declamation against idols (cotnp. Jer. x.
Mix.) in the form of a letter addressed by Jer
emiah " to them which were to be led captive U
Babylon." The letter is divided into clauses bj
the repetition of a common burden: they are nc
yods; fear them not (w. 16, 23, 29, 66); hoic can
a man (Attar or say that they are yodt f (w. 40, 44,
56, 64). The condition of the text is closely anal-
ogous to that of Baruch; and the letter found the same
partial reception in the Church. The author showr
an intimate acquaintance with idolatrous worship
and this circumstance, combined with the purit}
of the Hellenistic dialect, points to Egypt as th<
country in which the epistle was written. There
in no positive evidence to fix its date, for the sup-
posed reference in 2 Msec. ii. 2 is more than un-
certain ; but it may be assigned with probability to
the first century u. o.
8. A Syriac first Kpistle of Baruch " to the nine
and a half tribes " (comp. 2 Ksdr. xiii. 40, Vers.
Arab.) is found in the London and Paris I'olyglott*.
This is made up of commonplaces of warning, en-
couragement, and exhortation. Fritzsche {EM.
§ 8) [with whom Davidson agrees (Introd. to the
0. T. iii. 424)] considers it to be the production
of a Syrian monk. It is not found in any other
language. Whiston (A CuUtction of Authentic
Records, Ac. London, 1727, i. 1 ff., 25 ff.) en-
deavored to maintain the canonicity of this epistle
as well as that of the Book of Baruch.
B.F.W.
• The " First Epistle of Baruch " has also been
published in Lagarde's Libri Vet. Test. Apocr. Syr-
iace, Berl. 1861, and a Latin translation (taken
from the London I'olyglott) may be found in Fa-
bricius's Cod. psrodirjnyr. V. 7\, ii. 145 ff. Gins-
burg, in the 3d ed. of Kitto's Ojclvji. ofBibl Lit.,
gives a full analysis of the epistle, and expresses
his surprise that this " interesting relic ' ' of antiquity
has been so unjustly neglected. He supposes it to
have been written by a Jew about the middle of
the second century B. c. A.
BAR'ZELAI [3 syl.], 1 Esdr. v. 38, marg
[but Bkkzelus in the text. See Addvs].
BARZILXAI [3 syL] O^P.3, iron: hep
(tk\l [Vat. Alex. -As.; in Ear.,' BtpCtWat, etc;
in Neh., Alex. BufcAAtu] : BeneUai). 1. A
wealthy Gileadite who showed hospitality to David
when he fied from Absalom (2 Sam. xvii. 27). On
the score of his age, and probably from a feeling
of independence, he declined the king's offer of
ending his days at court (2 Sam. xix. 32-89).
David before his death recommended his sons to
the kindness of Solomon (1 K. ii. 7). [Toe de-
scendants of his daughter, who married into a
priestly family, were unable, after the Captivity, t<
prove their genealogy (Ear. ii. 61; Neh. vii. 6?
See 1 Esdr. v. 38).]
2. A Meholathite, whose son Adriel married
MichaL Saul's daughter (2 Sam. xxi. 8).
R. W. B.
BAS'ALOTH (Bo<raA«V ; [Alex. BaoAwfl
[Aid. BotraAa^O Phainlm) 1 Esdr v. 31
[Bazuth.]
BAS'CAMA (ii B«»rcpa: Jos. Baa-mi : Ba»
cama ), a place in Guead (»i; tV roAooSiTir) when
Jonathan Maccabeus was killed by Trypho, anc
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BASHAN
i which hit boon wen afterward* disinterred
conveyed to Modin by hit brother Simon (1
so. xui. 33; Joseph. AnL xiii. 6, § 6). No
trace of the name has yet been ducovered. G.
BA'SHAN (almost invariably with the definite
article, ItPSn : Bcurdv: Bruin), a district on
the east of Jordan. It is not, like Argob and other
district* of Palestine, Hi^mg,ii»h««i by one constant
designation, but is sometimes spoken of as the
"land of liashan" ('sH V7!*?» I Chr. v. 11; and
comp. Norn. xxi. 33, xxxii. 83), and sometimes as
••all Bashan " (3 .' *»J ; Deut. iii. 10, 13; Josh,
xii. 6, xiii. 12, 30), but most commonly without
any addition. It was taken by the children of Is-
rael after their conquest of the land of Sihon from
Anion to Jabbok. They " turned " from their
road over Jordan and "went up by the way of
Bashan " — probably by very much the same route
as that now followed by the pilgrims of the Hajj
and by the Romans before them — to EJrei on the
western edge of the Ltjah. [Edkki.] Here they
encountered Og king of Bashan, who " came out "
probably from the uatural fastnesses of Argob, only
to meet the entire destruction of himself, his sons,
and all his people (Num. xxi. J3-35; Deut. iii. 1-
3). Argob, with its 60 strongly fortified cities,
evidently formed a principal portion of Bashan
(Deut. Iii. 4, 5), though still only a portion (13),
there being besides a large number of unwilled
towns (5). Its chief cities were Ashtaroth (i. e.
Beeshterah, comp. Josh. xxi. 37 with 1 Chr. vi.
71), Edrei, (>olan, Solcah, and possibly Mali an aim
(Josh. xiii. 30). Two of these cities, namely, Go-
lan and Beeshterah, were allotted to the Levites
of the family of (iershom, the former as a " city
of refuge " (Josh. xxi. 37; 1 Chr. vi. 71).
The limits of Bashan are very strictly defined.
It extended from the "border of Gilead" on the
south to Mount Harmon on the north (Deut. iii. 3,
10, 14; Josh. xii. 8; 1 Chr. v. 33), and from the
Arabah or Jordan valley on the west to Salchah
(Sulkhad) and the border of the Geshurites, and
the Maacathites on the east (Josh. xii. 3-5 ; Deut.
iii. 10). This important district was bestowed on
the half-tribe of Manasseh (Josh. xiii. 39-31), to-
gether with " half Gilead." After the Manasaites
had assisted their brethren in the conquest of the
country west of the Jordan, they went to their tents
and to their cattle in the possession which Moms
had given them in Bashan (xxii. 7, 8). It is just
named in the list of Solomon's commissariat dis-
tricts (1 R. iv. 13). And here, with the exception
of one more passing glimpse, closes the history of
Bashan as far sa the Bible is concerned. It van-
ishes from our view until we meet with it as being
devastated by Hazael in the reign of Jehu (2 K. x.
33). True the "oaks "of its forests and the wild
tattle of its pastures — the "strong bulls of Ba-
shan " — long retained their proverbial fame (Ex.
xxvii. 6; Ps. xxii. 13), and the beauty of its high
downs and wide sweeping plains could not but
strike now and then the heart of a poet (Am. Iv.
1; Ps. Ixviii. 15; Jer. L 19; Mic vii. 14), but his-
tory it has none; its very name seems to have giv— •
alace as quickly as possible to one which had a
sonnection with the story of the founder of the
aUion (Gen. xxxi. 47-48), ar i therefore more claim
to use. Even so early as the time of the conquest,
■» Gilead " seems to have begun to take the first
•last at the designation of the country beyond the
BASHAN
251
Jordan, a place which it retained afterwards to lbs
exclusion of Bashan (comp. Josh, xxii* 9, 15, 33;
Judg. xx. 1; Ps. lx. 7, cvili. 8; 1 Chr. xxvii 21
2 K. xv. 39). Indeed " Bashan " is most fre-
quently used as a mere accompaniment to the name
of Og, when his overthrow is alluded tn in the na-
tional poetry.
After the Captivity, Bashan is mentioned as di-
vided into four provinces — Gaulanitis, Auranitis,
Trachonitia, and Batanaea. Of these four, all but
toe third have retained almost perfectly their an-
cient names, the modern LejuJi alone having su-
perseded the Argob and Trachonitis of the Old and
New Testaments. The province of Jaulan is the
most western of the four; it abuts on the sea of
Galilee and the lake of Merom, from the former of
which it rises to a plateau nearly 3000 feet above
the surface of the water. This plateau, though
now almost wholly uncultivated, is of a rich soil,
and its N. W. portion rises into a range of hills
almost everywhere clothed with oak forests (Porter,
ii. 259). No less than 127 ruined villages are scat-
tered over its surface; [Golan.]
The Hauian is to the S. E. of the last named
province and S. of the igoA ; like Jaulan, its sur
face is perfectly flat, and its soil esteemed amongst
the most fertile in Syria. It too contains an im-
mense number of ruined towns, and also many
inhabited villages. [Hauran.]
The contrast which the rocky intricacies of the
Ltjah present to the rich and flat plains of the
Hainan and the Jaulan has already been noticed.
[Aroob.]
The remaining district, though no doubt much
smaller in extent than the ancient Bashan, still
retains its name, modified by a change frequent in
the Oriental languages. Ard-tl-Batiumyth lies on
the east of the ltjah and the north of the rango
of Jtbtl Hauran or ed Druzt (Porter, ii. 57). It
is a mountainous district of the most picturesqiK
character, abounding with forests of evergreen oak,
and with soil extremely rich; the surface studded
with towns of very remote antiquity, deserted it is
true, but yet standing almost as perfect as the day
they were built.
For the boundaries and characteristics of these
provinces, and the most complete researches yet
published into this interesting portion of Palestine,
see Porter's Damatcut, vol. ii. [and his Giant CUUt
qf Bathan, I860]. G.
* We have a valuable work for information con
corning some parts of Bashan in the Reistbtricht
do. Hauran u. die Trachimen by Dr. John Wetz
stein, Prussian Consul at Damascus (Berlin, 1860).
He explored especially that region of almost fab-
ulous wonders, Et-Ltjuh, the supposed Ahoob, and
by his testimony ftilly confirms the accounts of
other travellers. An excellent map (drawn by Hie
pert) accompanies the book, showing, in addition to
the names of places, the roads ancient and modem
and various geographical features, ss Wadyt at val-
leys, streams, lakes, and mountains. He paid spe-
cial attention to the inscriptions (Semitic, Greek,
and Latin) found there in great numbers, some of
which are copied in this volume. It contains also
illustrations (woodcuts) of the architectural remains
of *bts district.
It should be mentioned that Dr. Wetzatoin dla-
se.itsfrom the view of the groat body of scholars that
EULtjak (tils orthography Is Ltg&) is the Argob
of Scripture. His reasons for doing so ar) mainly
negative in tueir character, and are w twei"hed hj
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252
BASHAN-HAVOTH^JAIB
«o the other tide. He thinks the country
joold bever have been subjugated by the Hebrews.
He states u proof of tie inaccessibility and
itrength of thin almost impregnable position that
Ibrahim Pssha, whose armies made Constantino-
ple itself tremble, in 1838 stormed the place de-
fended by only 5000 men for 6 months, sacrificed
30,000 regular troops, and was obliged at last to
withdraw, wholly baffled in his attempt. But the
Bible represents the conquests of Moses on the
east of the Jordan as confessedly extraordinary
(Deut. xxxi. 4: Josh. ii. 10, ix. 10. Ac.). If it be
necessary to insist on that consideration, we must
say that the success of the Hebrew arms could not
be doubtful in a warfare in which they stood un-
der a leadership guided and upheld by divine co-
operation. He argues also that the territory con-
quered by the Hebrews on the east of the Jordan
could not hare included the present El-Ltjah,
and hence that Argob must be sought elsewhere.
But the boundaries of the Hebrew territory be-
yond the Jordan are vaguely described : tbey were
not the same at all periods, and it is going be-
yond our knowledge to affirm that tbey could not
at the time of the first Hebrew invasion have
embraced the region of Argob. For the positive
grounds on which the identification of El-lsjak
with Argob rests, see under Aiiuob and Chkbei.
The Prussian Consul mentions a striking fact in
illustration of the fertility of the country assigned
to Reuben, Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh,
and of its adaptation to the wants of a nomadic
and pastoral people such as many of these Hebrews
were (Num. iiiii. 1-5, 33). He says (Rate-
bericht, p. 82) that the provinces there of KanHra
and GolAn are the best watered and richest for
pasturage not only of Penea but of all Syria;
so that the wandering tribes of nomads alone feed
there more than 300,000 camels six months in the
year ; while, as ascertained from the bureau of
-ax-registration at Damascus, 42 other Bedouin
tribes range there (nomaiHnren) during the entire
year. Hence the agricultural population have for
centuries been driven away and the cities once
found in that quarter lie now in ruins. H.
BA'SHAN-HA'VOTH-JAIR, a name
given to Argob after its conquest by Jair (Deut. iii.
14). [Havotii-Jair.]
BASH'EMATH.or BAS'MATH (nc»3?,
fragrant : BaaeuAe [etc.] : Basemath). 1. Daugh-
ter of Ishmael, the hut married of the three wives
if Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 3, 4, 13), from whose son,
feud, four tribes of the Edomites were descended.
When first mentioned she is called Mahalath (Gen.
xxviii. 9); whilst, on the other hand, the name
Bashemath is in the narrative (Gen. xxvi. 34) given
to another of Esau's wives, the daughter of Elon
the Hittite. It is remarkable that all Esau's wives
receive different names in the genealogical table of
the Edomites (Gen. xxxvi.) from those by which
(bey have been previously mentioned in the history.
rh» diversity will be best seen by placing the names
(id* by side: —
Gskiaumt Naaaaim
(Gen. xxxvi. 2, 8). (Gen. xxvi. 34; xxrtli. 9).
1. Adah, <t. of Hon. 2. Bashemath, d. of Bon.
J. AhoUfaamah, d. of Anan. 1. Judith, d. of Baeri.
i. Bashemath,d.ofIshmu>l. ,8. Mahalath. d.oflshmael.
Whatever be the explanation of this diversity of
■unes, there is every reason for supposing that they
BASIN
refer to the same persons respectively; and we ma)
well conclude with Hengstenberg that the ehangs
of all the names cannot have arisen from accident
and further, that the names in the genealogica.
table, which is essentially an Edomitish document,
are those which these women respectively bore ai
the wives of Esau (Hengstenberg, Auth. d. Pad. ii
277, Eng. transL ii. 226). This view is confirmed
by the fact that the Seirite wife, who is called Judith
in the narrative, appears in the genealogical account
under the name of Ahoubaiiah, a name which
appears to have belonged to a district of Idumea
(Gen. xxxvi. 41). The only ground for hesitation
or suspicion of error in the text is the occurrence
of this name Bashemath both in the narrative and
the genealogy, though applied to different persons.
The Samaritan text seeks to remove this difficulty
by reading Mahalath instead of Bashemath in the
genealogy. We might with more probability sup-
pose that this name (Bashemath) has been assigned
to the wrong person in one or other of the passages;
but if so it is impossible to determine which is er-
roneous.
2. [Bao-cu/uiO; Alex. VLaatuaB-] A daughter
of Solomon and wife of one of his officers, called
in A. V. Basmato (1 K. iv. 15). F. W. G.
* According to the Mssoretic pointing, the name
in English in all the passages should be Basemath;
for the sibilant is 27 and not tt\ The Bishops'
Bible has Basemath, except In 1 K. Iv. 16, where it
is Basmath, *■ in A. V. H.
BASIN. (1.) rnTD: «WA»: pluala; from
p^lT, to scatter (Qe*. p. 434); often in A V. bowl.
(S.) 1?N: Kfmrtp: crater. (J.) I'lS?: eraser;
in A V. sometimes am, from ~1?3, cower, a cup
with a lid. (4.) *1D, wrongly in LXX. (Ex. xii.
22) eipa, and in Vulg. Umen (Ges. p. 966)
1. Between the various vessels bearing in the
A. V. the names of basin, bowl, charger, rap an)
dish, it is scarcelv possible now to ascertain thi
precise distinction, as very few, if any remains are
known up to the present time to exist of Jewish
earthen or metal ware, and as the same words are
variously rendered in different places. We can
only conjecture as to their form and material from
the analogy of ancient Egyptian or Assyrian speci-
mens of works of the same kind, and from modern
Oriental vessels for culinary or domestic purposes.
Among the smaller vessels for the Tabernacle or Tern
ple-eervice, many must have been required to receive
from the sacrificial victims the blood to be sprinkled
for purification. Moses, on the occasion of the
great ceremony of purification in the wilderness,
put half the blood in " the basins" nijSTT, or
bowls, and afterwards sprinkled it on the people
(Ex. xxiv. 6, 8, xxix. 21; Lev. i. 5, 16, iii. 2, 8,
18, Iv. 5, 34, viii. 23, 24, xiv. 14, 25, xvi. 16, IS,
Heb. ix. 19). Among the vessels cast in metal,
whether gold, silver, or brass, by Hiram for Solomon
besides the laver and great sea, mention is made
of basins, bowk, and cups. Of the first (*??."???
marg. boalt) he is said to hare made 100 (2 Cht
iv. 8; 1 K. vii. 46, 46. Cf. Ex. xxv. 29 and 1 Chr
xxviii. 14, 17). Josephus, probably with great
exaggeration, reckons of <ptd\cu and awovScia,
20,000 in gold and 40,000 in silver, besides at
equal number in each metal of Kparryns, fot tbj
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BASKET
tfierings of flour mixed with oil (Ant. via. S ^ 7,
8. Comp. Birch, But. of Pottery, i. lbi). ,
2. The "basin" from which our Lord washed
the disciples' Oct, vnrHip, was probably deeper and
larger than the hand-basin for sprinkling, I'D
(Jer. Hi. 18), which, in A. V. " caldrons," Vulg.
lebetts, is by the Syr. rendered basins for washing
the feet (John xiii. 5). (Schleusner, Pnusius.)
[WASHING of Feet and Ha.nks.]
H. W. P.
BASKET. The Hebrew terms used in the
description of this article are as follows: (1.) 7D,
so called from the twigt of which it was originally
made, specially used as the Greek koyovv (Horn.
Od. ill. 442), and the Latin cnnittrum (Virg. sEn.
i. 701) for holding bread (Gen xl. 16 if.; Ex. xxix.
3, 23; Lev. viii. 2, 28, 81; Num. vi. 15, 17, 19).
("he form of the Egyptian bread-basket is delineated
in Wilkinson's Ane. Egypt, iii. 22'i, after the speci-
mens represented in the tomb of Rameses III.
BAT
258
Egyptian Banket*. (From Wilkinson.)
foesp were made of gold (comp. Horn. Od. x. 356),
and we must assume that the term ml passed from
its strict etymological meaning to any vessel applied
to the purpose. In Judg. vi. 19, meat is served up
in a si/, which could hardly have been of wicker-
work. The expression v "lh ^D (Gen. xl. 16)
is sometimes referred to the material of which the
baskets were made (koto fialyi, Symm.). or the
white color of the peeled sticks, or hstly to their
teing " full of boles " (A. T. margin), i. e. open
•cork basket*. (S.) ."YlbpbD, a word of kindred
origin, applied to the basket used in gathering
grapes (Jer. vi. 9). (3.) H^, in which the first
Egyptian Baskets. (From WllKnson.)
fruits of the harvest were presented (Dr:t. xxvi.
2. 4). From its being coupled with the kneading-
bowl (A. V. "itore"; Deut. xxvili 5, 17), we
may infer that it was alsc used for household pir-
poses, perhaps to bring the com to the mill. The
•qnrralent term in the LXX. for this and the preced-
ing Hebrew words is icdpTaAAoj, which specifically
means a basket that tapers downwards (ro^piMM
itiis to xora, Suid.J, similar to the Koman cm-bit
This shape of basket appears to have been familial
to the Egyptians (Wilkinson, 11. 401). (4.) -^b?,
so called from its similarity to a bird-cage or trap
bcApraWot is used in the latter sense in Eodna,
xi. 30), probably in regard to its having a lid: H
was osed for carrying fruit (Am. viii. 1, 2); the
LXX. gives 07701 : Symm. more correctly k6KoBos ;
the Vulg. tmctnvs. (5.) TFT, used like the Greek
xaXoOar (LXX.) for carrying fruit (Jer. xxiv. 1,
•2), as well as on a larger scale for carrying clay to
the brick-yard (Ps. Ixxxi. 6; xi^irot, LXX.; pott,
A. V.), or for holding bulky articles (2 K. x. 7;
KipraXKoi, LXX.): the shape of this basket and
the mode of carrying it usual among the brick-
makers in Egypt is delineated in Wilkinson, ii. 99,
and aptly illustrates Ps. ixxxi. 6.
The name Sallai (Neh. xi. 8, xii. 20) seems to
indicate that the manufacture of baskets was a
recognized trade among the Hebrews.
In the N. T baskets are described under the
three following terms, x6<pirof, OTcvpls, and o-op-
voVij. The last occurs only in 2 Cor. xi. 33, in
describing St. Paul's escape from Damascus: the
word properly refers to anything twisted like a rope
(/Rsch. Suppl. 791) or any article woven of rope
(s-Aryjio n in vxoiylov, Suid.) ; fish-baskets
specially were so made (orb avomtov rrkryudmov
tit incotoxhv b&i**i Etym. Mag.). With regard
to the two former words, it may be remarked that
K&ptvoi is exclusively used in the description of the
miracle of feeding the five thousand (Matt. xiv. 20,
xvi. 9; Mark vi. 43; Luke ix. 17; John vi. 13;,
and o-rvpls in that of the four thousand (Matt. xv.
37 ; Marx viii. 8) ; the distinction is most definitely
brought out in Mark viii. 19, 20. The mrvpfr is
also mentioned as the means of St. Paul's escape
(Acts ix. 25). The difference between these two
kinds of baskets is not very apparent. Their eor -
atruction appears to have been the same ; for nitpiros
is explained by Suidas as oTvcior wAtm-oV, while
irrvpls is generally connected with aittipa. The
owvpls (sporti, Vulg.) seems to have been most
appropriately used of the provision basket, the
Koman tportula. Hesychius explains it as to rap
irvpwv 07701 ; compare also the expression ttiwrop
airo tnrvplSot (Athen. viii. 17). The n6<pivoi
seems to nave been generally larger. According to
Etym. Mag. it is j8o0i> koI koIaok x^>PVua'' "
used by the Romans (Colum. xi. 3, p. 460) it con-
tained manure enough to make a portable hot-bed
[Met. of Ant., CorHINUs] : in Rome itself it was
constantly carried about by the Jews (quorum
cuphimu futnumqw mptlkx, Juv. iii. 14, vi. 542'
Greswell (Ma. viii. pt. 4) surmises that the use
of the cophinui was to sleep in, but there is little
to support this. W. L. B.
BAS'MATH (nnip} [fragrant]: f, Ba<r-
fUfiAB [Alex. MaatuaS]: Batemnth), a daughtel
of Solomon, married to Ahimaaz, one of his com-
missariat officers (1 K. iv. 15). [Bashemath.]
BAS'SA (BooW; Alex. [AM.] Bo>«ro: Vulg
not recognizable), 1 Esdr. v. 16. [Bkzai.]
BASTA1 [2 syl.] (Bwtat: ffattm), 1 Esdi
v. 13. [Besai.]
BATONS, 'ataWph: n *r,pl,: vaper
tXo). There b no doubt whatever that the A V
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254
BAT
b correct in its rendering of this word : the ilenvsv-
tton of the Hebrew name," the authority of the old
versions, which are all agreed upon the point,* and
the context of the paaaagea where the Hebrew word
occurs, are conclusive as to the meaning. It is true
that in the A. V. of l-ev. xi. ID. and Deut, xiv. 18,
the 'ataUeph closes the lisU of "fouls that shall
not be eaten;" but it must lie remembered that
the ancient* considered the bat to partake of the
nature U a bird, and the Hebrew uph, " fowls,"
Bat. ( Tfipkoxaus perforata* )
which literally means " a wing," might be applied
to an; winged creature: indeed this seems clear
from Lev. xi. 20, where, immediately after the
'nlaUeph is mentioned, the following words, which
were doubtless suggested by this name, occur: •• All
fowls that creep, going upon all four, shall be an
abomination unto you." Besides the passages cited
above, mention of the bat occurs in Is. ii. 20: "In
that day a man shall cast his idols of silver and his
idul« of gold .... to the moles and to the bats : "
and in Haruch vi. 22 [or F.pist. of Jer. 22], in the
passage that so graphically sets forth the vanity of
the Babylonish idols : " Their owes are blacked
through the smoke that cometh out of the temple ;
upon their bodies and heads sit bats, swallows, and
lirds, and the cats also."
{rVunotopluu tridm*.)
Bats delight to take up their abode in caverns
and dark places. Several species of these animals
■as dark,'
■oiirht":
and f]V "fljtag"
(Ctett/), "the night
: wtcTtpii. from rvf,
Um evantig.
BATH
are found hi Egypt, some of which occur doubtless
in Palestine. Mobutu Kupptlii, I'etpcrUUo pipit-
trelha var. dZgyptnu, V. auritut var. jEgypt.
Tapkowmu ptrforaUu, Nycteru Tkebaicn, Rhino
pomn microptyllitm, Rhinolophvt liWtu, occur ic
the tombs and pyramids of Egypt.
Many travellers have noticed the immense num-
bers of bats that are found in caverns in the East
and Layard says that on the occasion of a visit to
a cavern these noisome beasts compelled him U.
retreat (Nineteh and Babylon, p. 307). To this
day these animals find a congenial lurking abode
"amidst the remains of idols and the sculptured
re p r e s en tations of idolatrous practices" (Script.
Nat. B. p. 8): thus forcibly attesting the meaning
of the prophet Isaiah's words. Bats belong to the
order Cheiroptera, class Mammalia. W. H.
BASTARD. Among those who were excluded
from entering the congregatioi., that is, from inter-
marrying with pure Hebrews (SekJen, Table Talk,
s. v. "Bastard"), even to the tenth generation,
was the mamzer ("'TJJD, A. V. "bastard"), whc
was c lassed in this respect with the Ammonite and
Moabite (Ueut. xxiii. 2). The term is not, how
ever, applied to any illegitimate offspring, bom out
of wedlock, but is restricted by the Rabbins to the
issue of any connection within the degrees prohibited
by the l-aw. A mamzer, according to the Mishna
( Yebamoth, ir. 13), is one, says li. Akiba, who is
born of relations between whom marriage is forbid-
den. Simeon the Temanite says, it is every one
whose parents are liable to the punishment of
" cutting off" by the hands of Heaven; R. Joshua,
every one whose parents are liable to death by the
bouse of judgment, as, for instance, the offspring
of adultery. The ancient versions (LXX., Vulg.,
Syr.), add another class, the children of a harlot,
and in this sense the term manzer at mamer sur-
vived in Pontifical law (Selden, De Succ. m Bon.
Defunct., c. iii.):
• sfanseribus scortmn, sed mocha nothis dedit ortum "'
The child of a oat, or non-Israelite, and a mamzer
was also reckoned by the Talmudists a mamzer, as
was the issue of a slave and a mamzer, and of a
mamzer and female proselyte. The term also occurs
in Zech. ix. 6, " a bastard shall dwell in Ashdod,"
where it seems to denote a foreign race of mixed
and spurious birth. Dr. Geiger infers from this
passage that mamxer specially signifies the issue
of such marriages between the Jews and the women
of Ashdod as are alluded to in Neb, xjii. 23, 24,
and applies it exclusively to the Philistine bastard.
W. A. W.
BATH, BATHING. This was a prescril«d
part of the Jewish ritual of purification in cases of
accidental, leprous, or ordinary uncleanness (l.ev.
xv. pau., ivi. 28, xxii. 6; Num. xix. 7, 19; 2 Sam.
xi. 2, 4 ; 2 K. v. 10) ; as also after mourning which
always iin]Jied defilement, c g. Kuth iii. 3; 2 Sam.
iii. 20. The high-priest at his inauguration (Le»
xiii. 6) and on the day of atonement, once before
each solemn act of propitiation (xvi. 4, 34),' was
also to bathe. This the rabbis have multiplied intc
ten times on that day. Maimon. ( ConsHt. de Vatii
Sand. r. 3) gives rules for the strict privacy of tin
Bat, perhaps, from Untta, klaela (an' Wedgwood, IHa
Engl. Etjrmol.).
» With Um •xespttou of the Byitae, atria* saw
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BATH
high-priest in Lathing. Tuere were bath-room* in
lh) bur Temple over the Jnvmbers Ab&ntt and
Hnpparvah for the priest* use (Ughtfoot, Otter,
of Temp. p. 34). A bathing-chamber was probably
included in houses even of no great rank in cities
from early times (2 Sam. xi. 2); much more in
those of the wealthy in later times; often in gardens
(Susan. 15). With this, anointing was customarily
ioined ; the climate making both these essential
alike to health and pleasure, to which luxury added
the uae of perfumes (Susan. 17; Jud. x. 3; Estb.
ii. 13). The '• pools," such as that of Siloam, and
Hezekiaha (Neh. iii. 16, 16; 2 K. xx. 80; Is. xxii.
11; John ix. 7), often sheltered by porticoes (John
v. 3), are the first indications we have of public
bathing accommodation. Ever since the time of
Jason (Prideaux, ii. 168) the Greek usages of the
bath probably prevailed, and an allusion in Josephus
{\avff6fiMvo$ ffTparutrtK^Ttpovj B. J. i. 17, § 7)
seems to imply the use of the bath (hence, no doubt,
a public one, as in Home) by legionary soldiers.
We read also of a castle luxuriously provided with
a volume of water in its court, and of a Ilerodian
palace with spacious pools adjoining, in which the
guests continued swimming, Ac in very hot weather
from noon till dark (.Joseph. Ant. xii. 4, § 11, XV.
3, § 3). The hot baths of Tiberias, or more strictly
of Eramaus (Euaeb. Onomatt. AtoV^i, query \lpAB ?
Honfrerius) near it, and of Calhrrhoe, near the
Eastern shore of the Dead Sea, were much resorted
to. (Keland, i. 46; Joseph. Ant. xviii. 2, xvii. 6.
$ 5, B. J. i. 33, § 5 ; Amm. Marcell. xiv. 8 ;
Stanley, 373, 2S5. ) The parallel cuatunis of ancient
Egypt, Greece, and Rome, are too well known to
need special allusion. (See Diet, of Or. and Rom.
Ant., art. Balnea). H. H.
* The N. T. passages should be noticed. In
John xiii. 10 (where AfAovusVoi is opposed to
rfyoofai) there is an unquestioned reference to the
practice of bathing, especially before partaking of
the Passover meal. For Xovrpiv in Eph. v. 26
and Tit. iii. 6, variously rendered as "bath" or
u bathing," see Baptism IT. 3, 4; and Meyer and
EUicoU on those passages. Whether /JawrlowTiu in
Hark vii. 4 refers to bathing the body after coming
from market (l)e Wetto, Meyer), or washing by
immersion what has been purchased and brought
from market (Lange, Blank), is a point about which
interpreters differ. As to the means for bathing
which the Jews anciently possessed in the tanks
and reservoirs within and around Jerusalem, and
which to some extent the inhabitants of that city
possess at present, see Water; under Jkhusa-
i.KM. The traveller in the East finds the syna-
gogues of the modern Jews, e. g. those at Saftd
in Galilee, furnished with large bathing rooms for
the performance of the washings which they prac-
tice in connection with their worship. The syna-
gogues at Jerusalem have a similar arrangement.
H.
BATH. [Mkasub.es.]
BATH-BAB3IM, the date or Oyt|7
ZyS'ynS), one of the gates of the ancient <ntv
H Heshbon, by (^?) which were two " pools," ■
whereto Solomon likens the eyes of bu beloved
iCant vii. 4 [5]). The •■ Gate of BatL-rabbim "
BATH-ZACHABIAb
265
at Heshbon would, according to the Oriental cus-
tom, be the gate pointing to a town of that name.
The only place in this neighborhood at all resem-
bling Bath-rabbim in sound is Kabbah (Amman),
but the one tank of which we gain any intelligence
as remaining at Hetban, is on the opposite (S.) aide'
of the town to Amman (Porter, Handbook, p. 298).
Future investigations may settle thin point. The
IJCX. and Vulg. translate: 4r wt/Aoii fiiryarpoi
roKKitV, in porta Jitia muhttudinit. G.
BATHSHEBA [rawer Bath<heT»] ("D3
yjtp, 8 Sam. xi. 3, &.; also called Bath-shua,
5 ! a#"nS, in 1 Chr.iii.5: Bnpirafiti; [Alex.Bijff-
onBn in 3 Sam. and 1 K. i. 11;] Joseph. BftoVo-
04 : [Betheabee;] i. e. daughter of an oath, or,
daughter ofteren, sc. yean), the daughter of Elian i
(2 Sam. xi. 8), or Ammid (1 Chr. iii. 5), the so.,
of Ahithophel (2 Sam. xxiii. 34), the wife of Uriah
the Hittite. It is probable that the ennity or
Ahithophel towards David was increased, if not
caused, by the dishonor brought by him upon his
family in the person of Bathsheba. The child
which was the fruit of her adulterous intercourse
with David died: but after marriage she became
the mother of four sons, Solomon (Matt. i. 6),
Shimea, Shobab, and Nathan. When, in David's
old age, Adorajah, an elder son by Haggitb, at-
tempted to set aside in his own favor the succession
promised to Solomon, Bathsheba was employed by
Nathan to inform the king of the conspiracy (IK.
i. 11, 15, 23). After the accession of Solomon,
she, as queen-mother, requested permission of her
son for Adomjah to take in marriage Abishag the
Shunammite. This permission wss refused, and be-
came the occasion of the execution of Adordjah
(1 K. ii. 24. 25). [David.] Bathsheba mu said
by Jewish tradition to have composed and recited
Prov. xxxi. by way of admonition or reproof to her
son Solomon, on his marriage with Pharaoh's
daughter. (Jalmet, Did. a. v.; Com. a Lapid. on
Proe. xxxi. H. W. P.
BATH-SHU'A (OTttrn? {daughter of an
oath]: Vat. and Alex, n Bnpo-ajScc: Bethtabte),
a variation of the name of Bathsheba, mother' of
Solomon, occurring only in 1 Chr. iii. 5. It is per-
haps worth notice that Shua was a Canaanite name
(comp. 1 Chr. ii. 3, and (ten. xxxviii. 2, 12 — where
•' Bath-shua " is really the name of Judah'a wife),
while Bathsheba's original husliand was a Hittite.
BATH ZACHARI' AS (quasi rTnjT. ffj
[houee of Z.]: hmBfaxapla; Alex, and Joseph.
BtiCaxapla- Brthzachara), a place, named only
1 Mace. vi. 32, 33, to which Judas Maccabeus
marched from Jerusalem, and where he encamped
for the relief of Bethsura (Bethzur) when the latter
was besieged by Antiochus Eupator. The two
places were seventy stadia apart (Joseph. Ant. xii.
9, § 4), and the approaches to Bathzachuria were
intricate and confined — o~r*vr\% oCmjs ttjs irap6-
Sov (Joseph. B.J.i. 1, § 5, and comp. the passage
cited »' ove, from which it is evident that Josephus
knew the spot). This description is met in every
respect by the modern Beit Sakdrteh, which has
I been discovered by Robinson at nine miles north
of Beit lur, " on an almost isolated promontory or
••Tbs"
-ha Vulg
ash-pools " of to. A. V. Is from /»*»*» of » • Trtotaun (Land of bmd, p. 640)
The Oebnw word Bsrsoth Is simply a pool southeast of Haban.
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266
BATTLE-AXE
tell, jotting ji-t between two deep valleys, and con-
nected with Cio high ground south by a low neck
between tin- farads 01 ie valleys, the neck forming
the only place of access to what roost ban been
an almost impregnable position" (Rob. ail. 283,
284). The place beg in the entangled country west
of the Hebron road, between four and five miles
*outh of Bethlehem. [Bbtrzdb ] U.
• BATTLE-AXE (Jer. U. 90). [Axe, 7j
Mai i.. |
• BATTLEMENT. [House.]
BA'VAI [2 syl.] ("35 [of Persian origin,
Ot»y. Botf; (Vat. BcSci; Comp. Bajfaf.] Bo-
mi), son of Henadad, ruler (~)W) of the "dis-
trict " (7Tbg) of Keilih in the time of Nebemiah
v .\eh. Ui. 18).
BAY-TREE (l"n?&" ttrdeh: K 4Spot toS
.uBdrov: ctdrm Libani). It is difficult to see
upon what grounds the translators of the A. V.
nave understood the Hebrew word of Ps. xxxvii.
45 to signify a •■bay-tree": such a rendering is
entirely unsupported by any kind of evidence.
Host of the Jewish doctors understand by the term
tzrich "a tree which grows in its own soil" — one
that has never beeu transplanted; which is the
interpretation given in tbe margin of the A. V.
Some versions, as the Vulg. and the Arabic, follow
the LXX., which reads " cedar of Lebanon," mis-
taking the Hebrew word for one of somewhat simi-
lar form.* Celsius (Hitrob. i. 194) agrees with the
author of tbe sixth Greek edition, which gives av-
-ixO"* (itx¥a, " ono born in the land " ) as the
meaning of the Hebrew word : with this view Kabbi
Solomon ind Hammond (Comment. on ft. xxxvii.)
coincide. Dr. Koylo (Kitto's CycL Bib. Lit. art.
"Esrach") suggests the Arabic Athruk, which he
says is described in Arabic works on Materia Med-
ics as s tree having leaves like the ghnr or •' bay-
tree." This opinion must be rejected as unsup-
ported by any authority.
Perhaps no tree whatever is intended by the word
tzroch, which occurs in several passages of the He-
brew Hible, and signifies " a native," in contradis-
tinction to " a stranger," or "a foreigner." Comp.
I.ev. ivi. 29 : "Ye shall afflict your souls ....
whether it be one of your own country (IT ""TSP,
haezrach) or a stranger that sojoumeth among
you." The epithet "green," as Celsius has ob-
served, is by no means the only meaning of the
Hebrew word; for tbe same word occurs in Dan.
iv. 4, where Nebuchadneszar uses it of himself:
" I was jtouriihing in my palace." In all other
passages where the word ezr&ch occurs, it evidently
is spoken of a man (Cels. Hiervb. i. 190). In sup-
port of this view we may observe that tbe word
'ranslated " in great power " c mure literally signi-
fies " to be formidable," or " to cause terror," and
that the word which the A. V. translates "spread-
ing himself,"'' more properly means to "make
bare." The passage then might be thus para-
phrased : " I have seen the wicked a terror to oth-
ers, and behaving with barefaced audtcity, just as
some proud native of tbe land." In the Levitical
Law the oppression of the stranger was strongly
6 nn«t
T?, i
r(&W)
BDELLIUM
forbidden, perhaps therefore some reference to soak
acts of oppression is made in these words of the
psalmist. W. H
BAZXITH (n>b?a [a Gripping, noted
nest]). •• Children of B." were amongst the N«
thiicim who returned with Zerubbabel (Neb.. Til
54). In Ear. ii. 62, tbe name is given as Baz-
vara (rwb?3 [which means the same]). LXX.
in both placet Bao-aAttf; [but Vat. in Ear. Boew-
Smt, in Neh. BcuraasJ:] Bedutk. [Basaloth.]
BAZXUTH (n^Sa: ,Ba<r«\«it\- [V«t.
Bao-aoWt:] Bohtth). Bazuth (Est. 0. 52).
BDELLIUM (nVia, beddlach: aVflpaf,
KpimoWmn bdellium), % precious substance, the
name of which occurs to Gen. ii. 12, with " gold "
and "onyx stone," as one of the productions of
the land of Havilah, and in Num. xi 7, where
manna is in color compared to bdellium. There
are few subjects that have been more copiously dis-
cussed than this one, which relates to tbe nature
of the article denoted by the Hebrew word bedd-
lach ; and it must be confessed that notwithstand-
ing tbe labor bestowed upon it, we are still at much
in the dark at ever, for it is quite impossible to say
whether beddlach denotes a mineral, or an animal
production, or a vegetable exudation. Some writ-
ers bsve supposed that the word should be written
btrdlach (beryl), instead of beddlach, as Wahl (in
Otter. Ana, p. 856) and Hartmann (de Mulier.
Hebraic, iii. Mfl), but beryl, or aqua marine, which
is only n pale variety of emerald, is out of tbe
question, for tbe bdellium wss white (Ex. xvi. 31,
with Num. xi. 7), while the beryl is yellow or red,
or faint blue; for the same reason tbe &y6pa( ("car-
buncle") of tbe LXX. (in Gen. /. c.) must be re-
jected ; while Kpi<rra\Koy ("crystal") of the
same version, which interpretation is adopted by
Keland (de Situ ParatHri, § 12), is mere conjecture.
The Greek, Venetian, and the Arabic versions, with
some of tbe -Jewish doctors, understand "pearls"
to be intended by the Hebrew word ; and this in-
terpretation Bochart (flieroz. iii. 592) and Gese-
nius accept; on the other hand the Gr. versions of
Aquila, Theodotion, and Symmachus, Josephus
(Ant. iii. 1, § 6), Salmasius (llgL lalri. p. 181),
Celsius (Hierob. i. 324), Sprengel (Hut. Rei Herb.
i. 18, and Comment, in Diotcor. L 80), and a few
modern writers believe, with the A. V., that bedd-
lach = bdellium, i. e. an odoriferous exudation from
a tree which is, according to Ksempfer (Aman.
Exot. p. 668) the Borauut JlabeUiformU, Una., of
Arabia Felix; compare Pliny (H. JV. rii. 9, § 19),
where a full description of the tree and the gum it
given. The aromatic gum, according to Diotcori-
des (i. 80) was called prfStAxov or &6\. x °*< «nd
according to Pliny brochon, malacha, maldacon,
names which seem to be allied to the Hebrew bedd-
lach. Plautus ( Cure. i. 2, 7) uses the word bdell-
ium.
As regards the theory which explains beddlach
by " pearls," it must be allowed that the evidence
in its favor it very inconclusive; in the first phot
it assumes that Havilah is some spot on the Persian
Gulf where pearls are found, a point however, which
is fairly open to question ; and secondly, it most b#
m^rjp. Sss the Hebrew Uxteoos, s. •».
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BEALIAH
remembered that there ire other Hebrew word* fori
■ pearls," namely, Dar," and according I* Bochart, I
Penlnta,' though there is much doubt as to the
mewling of this latter word.
The fact that then, "a stone," is prefixed to
Mhnm, " onyx," and not to beddiich, seems to ex-
elude the latter from being a mineral; nor do we
think it a sufficient objection to say " that such a
production as bdellium is net Tamable enough to
be classed with gold and precious stones," for it
«ould be easy to prove that resinous exudations
were held in very high esteem by the ancients, both
Jews and Gentiles; and it is more probable that
the sacred historian should mention, as far as may
oe in a few mrfj, the varied productions, vegeta-
ble as well as mineral, of the country of whirh he
was speaking, rather than confii. • his remarks to
its mineral treasures, and since there is a similarity
of form between the Greek 08lA\ior, or hJlUKkov,
and the Hebrew btddlach, and as this opinion Is
well supported by authority, the balance of proba-
bilities appears to us to be in favor of the transla-
tion of tie A. V., though the point will probably
always be left an open one.' W. H.
BBALI'AH (rP^a, remarkable so con-
taining the names of both thai and Jah: BaoAid;
[Vat. FA. Batata; Alex. BaaJio:] Bnaha,, s
Benjamite, who went over to David at Ziklag (1
Chr. xii. 5).
BE'ALOTH (nHbya, the plur. fern, form
of Baal: BaK/uurif, Alex. BoAmfl: BahOi), •
U wn iu the extreme south of Judah (Josh. xv. 24).
BE'AN, Childhkh [Sons] or (viol BcuaV;
Joseph, vial rov Ba&vov- /Hi Bean), a tribe, appar-
ently of predatory Bedouin habits, retreating into
"towers" {-ripyous) when not plundering, and who
wens destroyed by Judas Maccabeus (1 Mace. v. 4).
The name has been supposed to be identical with
Be ok ; but in the absence of more information
this must remain mere conjecture, especially as it is
very difficult to tell from the context whether the
residence of this people was on the east or west of
Jordan. G.
BEANS (VeVpoV: K tapn: /aba). There
appears never to have been any doubt about the
correctness of the translation of the Hebrew word.
Beam are mentioned with various other things in
9 Sam. xvii. 38, as having been brought to David
at the time of his Sight from Absalom, and again
in Ex. iv. 9, beniu are mentioned with "barley,
lentiles. millet, and Atones," which the prophet was
ordered to put into one vessel to be made into
bread. Pliny (H. ff. xviii. 12) also states that
beans were used for a similar purpose. Beans are
cultivated in Palestine, which country grows many
of the leguminous order of plants, such as lentils,
kidney-beans, vetches, Ac. Beans are in blossom
in Palestine in January; they have been noticed in
flower at Lydda on the 23d, and at Sidon and Acre
even earlier (Kitto, Phf$. B. PaUtL 215); they
~l?,Hsb.; „>. Arab.
*CT0"3f.
• TsMdsrtvattonor nVta b* lotfu.- >nt runt's
mjjtolafj from Via, manan, Jtnen, "to <U»ttU,"
taw root 7J or TO (Greek 0MAA-«r 'a In tsvor
* saw Msunm.
17
BEAR 257
continue in flower till March. In Egypt beans are
sown in November and reaped in the middle of
?ebruary; but in Syria the harvest is later. Dr.
Kittc (ibid. 319) says that the "stalks are cut
down with tbe scythe, and these are afterwards cut
and crushed to fit them for the food of cattle; the
beans when sent to market are often deprived of
their skins by the action of two small mill-sfunes
(if the phrase may be allowed) of clay dried in the
sun." Dr. Shaw (Trattk, 1. 257, 8voed. 1808)
says that in Northern Africa beans are usually full
podded at the beginning of March, and continue
during tbe whole spring; that they are "boiled and
stewed with oil and garlic, and are the principal
food of persons of all distinctions."
Herodotus (ii. 37) states that the Egyptian
priests abhor the sight of beans, and consider them
impure, and that the people do not sow this pulse
at all, nor indeed eat what grows in their country;
but a passage in Diodorus implies that the abati -
nenco from this article of food was not general.
The remark of Herodotus, therefore, requires limit-
ation. The dislike which Pythagoras is said to
have maintained for beans has been by some traced
to the influence of the Egyptian priests with that
philosopher (see Smith's Did. of Gr. and Rom.
Biog. art. " Pythagoras ").
Hitler (BUrophyt. ii. 1.10), quoting from the
Sfiihna, says that the high-priest of the Jews was
not allowed to eat either eggs, cheese, flesh, bruised
beana (fabat frttat), or lentils on the day befon
the sabbath.
The bean ( Vicia /aba) it too well known to need
description; it is cultivated over a large portion of
the old world from the north of Europe to the south
of India; it belongs to the natural order of plants
called Lcguminom. W. H.
BEAB Ofy Heb. and Ch., or 3'"W,di»: tfr
rot, ipxos, \<ikos in Prov. xxvili. 15; /Upipra
Prov. xvii. 12, as if the word were 3K5: trans,
urso). This is without doubt the Syrian bear
( Urtux Syriaau), which to this day is met with
occasionally in Palestine. Ehrenberg says that
this bear is seen only on one part of the summit
of Lebanon, called Macbnei, the other peak, Gebet
Sanin, being strangely enough free from these ani-
mals. The Syrian bear is more of a frugivorous
habit than the brown bear (Urtm arctot), but
when pressed with hunger it is known to attack
men and animals ; it is very fond of a kind of chick-
pea ( O'cer arietimu), fields of which are often laid
waste by its devastations. Tbe excrement of the.
Syrian bear, which is termed in Arabic, Bar-td~
Aib, is sold in Egypt and Syria as a remedy in
ophthalmia; and the skin is of considerable value.
Most recent writers are silent respecting any species
of bear in Syria, such as Shaw, Volney, Haasel-
quist, Burckhardt, and Schulz. SeeUen, however,
notices a report of the existence of a hear in the
province of Hasbeiya on Mount Hermon. Kkedef
supposed this bear must be the Vrtut nrctia, foi
Vl9, from VVg, " to roll," In allusion to itt
•arm. I*t bulla; Dutch, hot. "» bean." The Aisv
bio word J -J, fil, la Identical. Oesen. TVs. a. v
2=T, from SD^t, lenle mctttm ; but Bochart
oonjeetnrss an Arabic root — "to be hairy." Fosskal
(Doer. An. p. tr.) mi ntkms t ic oOt *"**i ssa-ssew
the Arabian Duma, b this ths tfrns mm— '
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BEARD
858
which opinion, however, ha Menu to haw had
no authority; and a recent writer, Dr. Thomson
(Land and Boot, p. 573), saya that the Syrian
bear U still found on the higher mountains of this
country, and that the inhabitants of Hennon stand
in great fear of him. Hemprich and Ehreuberg
(Syn/mlai Pliy$. pt. i.) inform us that during the
summer months these bears keep to the snow}' ]>aru
of Lebanon hut descend in winter to the villages
and garden* t is probable also that at this period
in former days they extended their visits to other
Syrian Bear (tag Sgriaau).
parts of Palestine; for though this species was in
ancient tunes far more numerous than it is now,
yet the snowy summits of Lebanon were probably
always the summer home of these animals. Now
we read in Scripture of bears being found in a
wood between Jericho and Bethel (2 K. ii. 24); it
is not improbable, therefore, that the destruction
of the forty-two children who mocked Eliaha took
place some time in the winter, when these animals
inhabited the low lands of Palestine.
The ferocity of the bear when deprived of its
young is alluded to in 2 Sam. xvii. 8; Prov. xvii.
12; Hos. xiii. 8; its attacking flocks in 1 Sam.
xvii. 34, Ac ; its craftiness in ambush in Lam. ill.
10. and that it was a dangerous enemy to man we
learn from Am. r. 19. The passage in Is. ttx. 11,
would be better translated, " we groan like bears,"
in allusion to the animal's plaintive groaning noise
(see Bochart, HUrot. ii. 135; and Hor. Kp. xvi.
51, '■ circumgemit ursus ovile " ). The bear is men-
tioned also in Rev. xiii. 2: in Dan. vii. 5; Wisd.
ri. 17; Ecclua. xlvii. 3. YV. H.
BEARD 0j7t: wsVyaw: Aaron). Western
Asiatics have always cherished the beard as the
badge of the dignity of manhood, and attached to
it the importance of a feature. The Egyptians, on
the contrary, sedulously, for the most part, shaved
the hair of the race and head, and compelled their
slaves to do the like. Herodotus (i. 36 ) mentions
it as a peculiarity of the Egyptians, that they let
the beard grow in mourning, being at all other
times shaved. Hence Joseph, when released from
prison, "shaved his beard" to appear before Pha-
raoh (Gen. xli. 14). It was, however, the practice
among the Egyptians to wear a false beard made
of plaited hair, and of a different form according
to the rank of the persons, private individuals being
represented with a small beard, scarcely two inches
long, kings with one of considerable length, square
• *Mr. Tristram not only found "the tracks of
•ears " In the snow, on the sides of Harmon (Land of
bntt, p. 007), bat even In Wadii Hamam (m Ban-
tu*;, on the west aide of tin lake «■» QaUlse. saw to
BEARD
at the bottom, and gods with oi t *urU >g up at
the end (Wilkinson, Arte. Egypt. suppL plate 77
part 2). The enemies of the Egyptians, in»fculli»g
probably many of the nations of Canaan, Syria,
and Armenia, Ac., are represented nearly always
bearded. On the tomb of Beni Hassan is repre-
sented a train of foreigners with aases and cattle,
who all have short beards, a* have also groups of
various nations on aafether roonnment.
Beards. Egyptian, rrom Wilkinson (top row). Of
other nations from n*^«iuwi and Layud (bottom
row).
Egyptians of low cute or mean condition are
represented sometimes, in the spirit of caricature,
apparently with beards of slovenly growth (Wil-
kinson, ii. 127). In the Ninerite monuments is a
series of battle-views from the capture of Lachiah
by Sennacherib, in which the captives have beards
very like some of those in the Egyptian monu-
ment!.
There is, however, an appearance of convention-
alism both in Egyptian and Assyrian treatment of
the hair and beard on monument*, which prevents
our accepting it as characteristic Nor ia it possi-
ble to decide with certainty the meaning of the
precept (Lev. xix. 27, xxi. 5) regarding the "cor-
ners of the beard." It seems to imply something
in which the cut of a Jewish beard bad a ceremo-
nial difference from that of other western Asiatics;
and on comparing Herod, iii. 8 with Jer. ix. 26,
xxv. 23, xlix. 32, it is likely that the Jews retained
the hair on the sides of the race between the ear
and eye (a-poVadioi), which the Arabs and others
shaved away. Size and fullness of beard are aa< 1
to be regarded, at the present day, as a mark of
respectability and trustworthiness. The beard ia
the object of an oath, and that on which blessings
or shame are spoken of as resting (D'Arrieux,
Manirt et Coutumtt da Arabtt). The custom
was and is to shave or pluck it and tie hair <ut ic
mourning (Is. 1. 6, xv. 2; Jer. xli. 5, xkiii. 37-
Ezr. ix. 3; Bar. vi. 31 [or Epist. Jer. 31]); to neg-
lect it in seasons of permanent affliction (2 Sam.
xix. 24), and to regard any insult to it as the '.eat
outrage which enmity can inflict. Thus David
resented the treatment of his ambassadors by Ha-
nun (2 Sam. x. 4); so the people of God are figu-
ratively spoken of as " lieard " or " hair " which
he will shave with " the razor, the king of Assyria '
(Is. vii. 20). The beard was the object of saluta
tion, and under this show of friendly reverend
his surprise " a brown Syrian bear clmnfily bnt res
Idly clamber down the rocks and cross the ravine" (t
M7). ■•
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BEAST •
roaa beguiled Amaaa (2 Sam. xx. 9). The dress-
jig, trimming, anointing, Ac of the beard, wai
s ar to r m od with much ceremony by persons of
wealth and rank (Pa. cxxziii. 2). The removal of
the beard was a part of the ceremonial treatment
proper to a leper (Lev. xiv. 9). There ia no evi-
dence that the Jewa compelled their alarea to wear
beards otherwise than they wore their own; al-
though the Romans, when they adopted the fash-
ion of shaving, compelled their slaves to cherish
their hair and beard, and let them shave when
manumitted (Uv. xxxiv. 52, xlr. 44). U. H.
BEAST. The representative in the A. V. of
the following Hebrew words: n^HS, "V3J3,
TVp (HT>n, Chald.).
1. BehtmAh {nypy-.* T « TevjHfareJo, t*
rrtyq. to Snpla- jumimkan, btttio, mimtmtia,
ptau: "beast," " cattle," A. T.), which ia the
general name for "domestic cattle " of any kind,
b used also to denote " any large quadruped," as
apposed to fowls and creeping things (Gen. vii. 2,
vi. 7, 20; Ex. ix. 25; Lev. ri. 2; 1 K. iv. 88;
Prov. xxx. 90, Ac.); or for « beasts of burden,''
horses, mules, etc, as in 1 K. xviii. 5, Neb. ii. 12,
14, etc.; or the word may denote "wild beasts,"
as in Drat, xrxii. 24, Hab. ii. 17, 1 Sam. xvii. 44.
[Bxiikmotii, note ; Ox.]
2. BFir (TB3 : to tpopua, t4 (crf/i-i,: ju-
maUum: "beast," "cattle") ia used either col-
lectively of "all kinds of cattle," like the Latin
peau (Ex. xxii. 4; Num. xx. 4, 8, 11 ; Ps. Ixxviii.
48), or specially of " beasU of burden " (Gen. xlv.
17). Thu word has a more United sense than the
preceding, and is derived from a root, "1?3, " to
3. Orayd* (n»rt: topUr, (io», «*>, Teren-
ce*, KrSjvot, fjnrrroV, fnoidAorror, Pparii:
/em, ammantia, animal: "beast," "wild beast."
This word, which is the feminine of the adjective
T1, " living," ia used to denote any animal. It
Is, however, very frequently used specially of " wild
beast," when the mmning is ofteu more fully ex
pressed by the addition of the word iTTtsTI (hat-
tideh, wOd beast), "of the field " (Ex.xriil. 11;
Lev. xxvi. 22; Deut vii. 22; Ho., ii. 14, xtti. 8
Jer. xit », Ac). Similar b the use of the Chaldee
ST/n (oiesnl).* W. H.
BE'BAl [2 syL] 03? [Pehievi, fnthtrlg]:
Ezr.,] BoiBoi, [Vat. Bo£«i, Alex. BoAu; in
eh.,] BajSf, BtM [etc.; in 1 Esdr. B*/3af,
Zebet:) Btbai).
1. " Sons of Bebai," 623 (Neh. 628) in number,
returned from Babylon with Zeruhbahel (Ezr. ii.
11; Neh. vii. 16; 1 Esdr. v. 13). and at a later
atriod twenty-eight more, under Zechariah the son
af Bebai, returned with Earn (Ear. viii. II). Four
af this family had taken foreign wives (l'*r. x. 28;
I Esdr. ix. 29). The name occurs also among those
who sealed the covenant (Nab. X. 15) [B»ei.]
e.
aVaas Mas issms I rest QH^, "tahadsaa*.'
«■ wart 0**3 ■ waosMsd by t»» A. T. «wlld
Ma of she assart" tn la. aft.. », xxxtr. 14; Jer. L
The root is 7T!|, "to be dry ; " whence "%
BJCOHBB 359
2. (Bafil [Vat. Alex. Boflst]) Fathat of Zaob*-
riah, who was the leader of the twenty-eight mas
of bis tribe mentioned above (Ezr. viii. 11).
BE'BAl [2 syl.] (Alex. [Comp. Aid.] BqBof :
[Sin. AflfXBoi/*;] Vat. omits; Vulg. omits), a place
named only in Jud. xv. 4. It is possibly a men
repetition of the name Chobai occurring next to it.
BB-CHER OSS: [in Gen.] Bo X 4p, [Alex.
Xo&up; in Num., Comp. B«x<p> tne others omit;
in 1 Chr., BaxffS Alex. Boxop, Vat. A0avf 1 in
ver. 8, in ver. 6 omita:] Beehor, [in Num. Beeher:!
Jirtt-born, but according to Geseu. a young coma,
which Simonis also hints at, Onom. p. 399).
1. The second son of Benjamin, according to the
list both in Gen. xtvi. 21, and 1 Chr. vii. 6; but
omitted in the list of the sons of Benjamin in 1
Chr. viii. 1, as the text now stands. No one, how-
ever, can look at the Uebrew text of 1 Chr. viii 1,
bseta Woa s'arnM TVin 7D;?a,
without at least suspecting that T"l"D3l, hit jfrsr-
born, is a corruption of ^?3, Beeher, and that
the suffix 1 is a corruption of 1, and belongs to
the following v3tTH, so that the genuine sense
in that case would be, Benjamin begat Beta, Beeher,
and AthbeL, in exact agreement with Gen. xlvi. 21.
The enumeration, the secmd, the third, etc, must
then have bean added siuce the corruption of the
text. There is, however, another view which may
be taken, namely, that 1 Chr. viii. 1 is right, and
that in Gen. xlvi. 21 and 1 Chr. viii. 8, ~33> ai a
proper name, ia a corruption of "1-3, first-born,
and so that Benjamin had no son of the name of
Beeher. In favor of this view it may be said that
the position of Beeher, immediately following Bab
the first-born in both passages, is just the position
it would be in if it meant " first-born; " that Be-
eher b a singular name to give to a second son ;
and that the discrepance between Gen. xlvi. 21.
where Athbfl is the third son, and 1 Chr. viii. 1,
where he b expressly called the ttcond, and the
omission of Ashbel in 1 Chr. vii. 6, would all be
accounted for on the supposition of ~C3 having
been accidentally taken for a proper name, instead
of in the sense of " first-born." It may be added
further that in 1 Chr. viii. 38, the same confusion
has arisen in the case of the sons of AzeL of whom
the second u in the A. V. called Bveheru, in Ha-
rm* *nys, but which in the LXX. b rendered
TrpareroKot abrov, and another name, ' Kai , added
to make up the six son* of Azel. And that the
LXX. are right in their rendering b made highly
probable by the very same form being repeated in
ver. 39, " and the tone of Ethek hit brother were
Ulam hitjirtMorn, VTQ3, Jthmh the second,"
Ac The support too which Beeher as a proper
nasne derives from the occurrence of the samr name
in Nam ixvi. 35, b somewhat weakened by the
fact thai Bend (BoodJ, LXX.) b substituted for
Beeher in 1 Chr. vii. 20, and that it b omitted
«» assart;" D"? -
a ssar t region," Jackals, hyenas, to.
In uniting the word to
1 a dry or
Boohart Is wrong
"wild es*»(11ra ft
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860
BECHEK
ifctogether in the LXX. version of Num. xxvi. 35.
Monster, which U perhaps the strongest argument
of all, in the enumeration of the Benjamite families
in Num. xxri. 38, there la no mention of Becher
or the Bachrites, but Aahbd and the Aahbelites
immediately follow Beta and the Belaites. Not-
withstanding, however, all this, the first supposition
was, it can scarcely be doubted, substantially the
true one. Becher was one of Benjamin's three sons,
Bela, Becher, AshbeL and came down to Egypt with
Jacob, being one of the fourteen descendants of
Rachel who settled in Egypt, namely, Joseph and
his two sons Manasseh and Ephraim, Benjamin and
his three sons above named, Gera, Naaman, Ehi
0nN>«di»» D^n^, Ahiram, Num. xxri. 38, and
mriH, Aharah, 1 Chr. viU. 1, and perhaps
nVTH and n«.n& rer. 4 and 7), and Ard
(T^J. but In 1 Chr. viii. 8, TJrjl, Addar), the
sons' of Bela, Muppim (otherwise Shuppim, and
Shephuphan, 1 Chr. tu. 12, 15, viii. 5; but Shu-
pham, Num. xxvi. 39) and Huppim (Huram, 1
Chr. viii. 6, but Hupham, Num. xxvi. 39), appar-
ently the sons of Ahiram or Ehi (Aher, 1 Chr. vii.
12), and Rosh, of whom we can give no account,
as there is no name the least like it in the parallel
passages, unless perchance it be for Joash (&"$ V),
a son of Becher, 1 Chr. vii. 8." And so, it is wor-
thy of observation, the LXX. render the passage,
only that thejr make Ard the son of Gera, great-
grandson therefore to Benjamin, and make all the
others sons of Bela. As regards the posterity of
Becher, we have already noticed the singular fact
of there being no family named after him at the
numbering of the Israelites in the plains of Moab,
as related in Num. xxvi. But the no less singular
circumstance of there being a Becher, and a family
of Baehrittt, among the sons of Ephraim (ver. 36),
seems to supply the true explanation. The slaugh-
ter of the sons of Ephraim by the men of Gath,
who came to steal their cattle out of the land of
(kwhen, in that border affray related in 1 Chr. vii.
21, had sadly thinned the house of Ephraim of its
males. The daughters of Ephraim must therefore
have sought husbands in other tribes, and in many
esses must have been heiresses. It is therefore
highly probable that Becher, 6 or his heir and bead
•f his house, married an Ephraimitish heiress, a
daughter of Shuthdah (1 Chr. vii. 20, 21), and so
that his house was reckoned in the tribe of Ephra-
im, just as Jair, the son of Segub, was reckoned in
the tribe of Manasseh (1 Chr. ii. 22; Num. xxxii.
H), 41). The time when Becher first appears
unong the Ephraimites, namely, just before the en-
tering into the promised land, when the people were
numbered by genealogies for the express purpose of
dividing the inheritance equitably among the tribes,
is evidently highly favorable to this view. (See
Num. xxvi. 62-56, xxvii.). The junior branches
of Becher's family would of course continue in the
tribe of Benjamin. Their names, as given in 1
3bx. vii. 8, were Zemira, Joash, Elieter, Elioenai,
a We an men inclined to think It Is a corruption
sf OH, «r DK"\ and belongs to the preceding
'TO*, Bri, as JUmvm la certainly the right name,
is apnan by Num. xxvi. 88.
» This vknr suggests Be Bosstbiuty of flecker being
BBCHOEATH
Omri, Jerimoth, and Abfah; other branches pw
ted the fields round Anathoth and Alameth,
called Alemeth vi. 60, and Ahnon Joan. xxi. 18.
Which of the above were Becher's own sons, and
which were grandsons, or more remote descendants
is perhaps impossible to determine. But the most
important of them, as being ancestor to king Saul,
and his great captain Abner (2 Sam. iii. 37 ), the
last-named Abiah, was, it seems, literally Becher's
i. The generations appear to have been as fol-
lows: Becher— Abiah (Aphiah, 1 Sam. ix. 1) —
Bechorath ' — toot — Abiel (Jehiel, 1 Chr. Ix. 35)
— Ner — Kish — SauL Abner was another son
of Ner, brother therefore to Kish, and uncle to
Saul Abiel or Jehiel seems to have been the first
of his bouse who settled at Gibson or Gibeah (1
Chr. viii. 29, ix. 36), which d perhaps he acquired
by his marriage with Haachah, and which became
thenceforth the seat of his family, and was called
afterwards Gibeah of Saul (1 Sam. xi. 4; Is. X. 29).
From 1 Chr. viii. 6 it would seem that before this
Gibeon or Geba had been possessed by the sons of
Ehud (called Abihud ver. 3) and other sons of Bela.
But the text appears to be very corrupt.
Another remarkable descendant of Becher was
Sheba the son of Bichri, a Benjamite, who headed
the formidable rebellion against David described in
2 Sam. xx. ; and another, probably, Shimd the son
of Gera of Bahurim, who cursed David as be fled
from Absalom (2 Sam. xvi. 6), since he is said to
be " a man of the family of the house of Saul."
But if so, Gera must be a different person from the
Gera of Gen. xlvL 21 and 1 Chr. viii. 3. Perhaps
therefore nr^SPia is used in the wider sense of
tribe, as Josh. vii. 17, and so the passage may only
mean that Shimei was a Benjamite. In this case
he would be a descendant of Bela.
From what has been said above it will be seen
how important it is, with a view of reconciling ap-
parent discrepancies, to bear in mind the different
times when different passages were written, as well
as the principle of the genealogical divisions of the
families. Thus in the case before us we have the
tribe of Benjamin described (1.) as it was about the
time when Jacob went down into Egypt; (2.) as it
was just before the entrance into Canaan ; (8.) as it
was in the days of David: and (4.) as it was eleven
generations after Jonathan and David, i. e. in Here
kiah's reign. It is obvious how in tnese later times
many new beads of bouses, called tntu of Bny'amin,
would have sprung up, while older ones, by failure
of lines, or translation into other tribes, would have
disappeared. Even the non-appearance of Becher
in 1 Chr. viii. 1 may be accounted for on this prin-
ciple, without the necessity for altering the text.
8. Son of Ephraim, Num. xxvi. 36, ouTed Bend
1 Chr. vii. 20. Same as the preceding.
A. C. H.
BECHCRATH (tT$0& \JnUorn\: B«-
x lp [Vat. -v«i|>]; Alex. Btx-pcti- BechoratA),
son of Aphiah, or Abiah, and grandson of Becher
according to 1 Sam. ix. 1; 1 Chr. vii. 8. [Ba>
CHIH.] A. C H.
really the Ant-born of Benjamin, but having
his birthright tw the sake of she Hphratmtn»Ti
Itanee.
e It Is possible that Bechorath may be the
psnon as Backer, and that the order has baas
dentally Inverted.
* Oomp. 1 Chr. vB. 14, vm. 0, «, », tt, 81
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BECTILETH
BECTILETH, thk puuk >r (rl vMor
tMierJuaie [Vat. -r««-] ; Alex. BtWfAtf. [and to
gu.u; 8in.» BairouXux]: Syr. A.\> < frJ3 K*JS
^ Lnise «/" tlaughUr), mentioned in Jud. ii. 21,
u lying between Nineveh and Cilicia. The name
has been compared with BaJcralaAAi, a town of
Syria named by Ptolemy; Bactiali in the Peutin-
ger Tables, which place it 21 miles from Antioch.
The moat important plain in thia direction U the
Bekaa, or valley lying between the two chains of
Lebanon. And it U possible that Bectileth is a
corruption of that well-known name: if indeed it
be a historical word at all. G.
BSD and BED-CHAMBER. We may dis-
tinguish in the Jewish bed fire principal parts : —
(1.) the substratum; (2.) the covering; (8.) the
pillow; (4.) the bedstead or analogous support for
1.; (6.) the ornamental portions.
bedad 261
dined at a banquet (Esth. i. 6). Thus ii nana
the comprehensive and generic term. The propel
word for a bedstead appears to be tETI^i ■mi
Deut. iii. 11, to describe that on which lay the
giant Og, whose vast bulk and weight required one
of iron.
(From Fellows, Aria Miner.)
1. This substantive portion of the bed was lim-
ited to a mere mat, or one or more quilts.
2. A quilt finer than those used in 1. In sum-
mer a thin blanket or the outer garment worn by
day (1 Sam. xix. 13) sufficed. This latter, in the
case of a poor person, often formed both 1. and 2
and that without a bedstead. Hence the law pro-
vided that it should not be kept in pledge after
sunset, that the poor man might not lack his need
fill covering (Deut. xxiv. 13).
3. The only material mentioned for this, is that
which occurs 1 Sam. xix. 18, and the word used is
of doubtful meaning, but seems to signify some
fabric woven or plaited of goat's hair. It U clear,
however, that it was something hastily adopted to
serve as a pillow, and is not decisive of the ordi
nary use. In Ex. xiii. 18 occurs the word HD5
(rpoaKnpixaiov, LXX.), which seems to be the
proper term. Such pillows are common to this
day in the East, formed of sheep's fleece or goat's
skin, with a stuffing of cotton, Ac. We read of a
"pillow" [rower's cushion; see Ship, 13.] also, in
the boat in which our Lord lay asleep (Mark iv.
88) as he crossed the lake. The block of stone
meh as Jacob used, covered perhaps with a gar-
ment, was not unusual among the poorer folk, shep-
herds, Ac.
4. The bedstead war not always necessary, the
Uvan, or platform along the side or end of ac Ori-
ental room, sufficing as a support for the bedding.
(See preceding cut.) Yet some slight and portable
hune seems implied among the senses of the word
nraa, which is used :or a "bier" (2 Sat-, iii.
U), and for the ordinary bed (2 K. iv. 10), for the
Her on which a sick person might be carried (] '
3ani xiz. 15), for Jacob's bed of a^okness (Gen. '
-irii 31), and for the coach on which guests re '
Bed and Head-rout. (Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians.)
& The ornamental portions, and those which
luxury added, were pillars and a canopy (Jud. xiii.
9); ivory carvings, gold and silver (Joseph. Ant.
xii. 21, 14), and probably mosaic work, purple and
fine mien, are also mentioned as constituting parts
of beds (listh. i. 6; Cant. iii. 9, 10) where the word
fVlBM, LXX. ipoptiov, seems to mean "a litter"
(Prov. vii. 16, 17; Amos vi. 4). So also are pel
fumes.
There is but little distinction of the bed from
sitting furniture among the Orientals, the same ar-
ticle being used for nightly rest, and during the
day. This applies both to the divan and bedstead
in all its forms, except perhaps the litter. Then
was also a garden-watcher's bed, nyPHJ, ren-
dered variously in the A. V. "cottage" and "tadge,"
which seems to have been slung like a hammock,
perhaps from the trees (Is. i. 8, xxiv. 20).
Josephus (Ant xii. 4, 11) mentions the bed
chambers in the Arabian palace of Hyrcanus.
Pillow or Head-rest. (Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptian*.)
The ordinary furniture of a bed-chamber in pri-
vate life is given in 2 K. iv. 10. The " bed-cham-
ber" in the temple where Joash was hidden, was,
as Calmet suggests (Diet, of Bib., art. Bedt),
probably a store-chamber for keeping beds, not a
mere bedroom, and thus better adapted to con-
ceal the fugitives (2 K. xi. 2; 2 Chr. xxii. 1L
rfltSBTJ ^70 " chamber of beds," not the usual
33tpO TICJ "eiamber of reclining," Ex. vili.
3 and jnstim,.'
The position of the bed-chamoer in the moat re-
mote and secret parts of the palace seems marked
in the passages Ex. rilL 8; 2 K. vi. 12. H. H.
BET)AD (Tl? [sejxwotfoti] : BajxU; fCoom
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868 BKDAJAH
BoSdS:] Bated), the father of one of the kings of
idora, «Hadad ben-Bedad" (Gen. xxxvi. 86; 1
Ohr. L 46).
•BKDA'IAH (3 syL), Ear. x. 86. [Bkdb-
UB.]
BET>AN 07$ [Kfni, Gee.]: [Bopd*:]
Badan). 1. Mentioned 1 Sue. xii. 11, u a Judge
ef Israel between Jerubbaal (Gideon) and Jephtbah.
Aa no men name ooeura in the book of Judges,
various conjectures have been formed as to the per-
son meant, most of which are discussed in Pole
(Synopsis, in loc.). Some maintain him to be the
Jair mentioned m Judg. x. 3, who, it must then
be supposed, was also called Bedan to distinguish
him from the older Jair, son of Manaaseh (Num.
xxxii. 41), a Bedan being actually named among
the descendants of Manssseh in 1 Chr. vii. 17.
The Chaldee Paraphrast reads Samson for Bedan
in 1 Sam. xii. 11, and many suppose Bedsn to be
another name for Samson, either a contraction of
Ben-Dan (the son of Dan or Danite), or eke mean-
ing «n or into Dan (5) with a reference to Judg.
xiii. 26. Neither explanation of the word is very
probable, or defended by any analogy, and the order
of the names does not agree with the supposition
that Bedan is Samsou, so that there is no real ar-
gument for it except the authority of the Para-
phrast The LXX., Syr., and Arab, all have
Barak, a very probable correction except for the
order of the names. Ewald suggests that it may
be a Suae reading for Abdon. After all, as it is
clear that the book of Judges is not a complete
record of the period of which it treats, it is possible
that Bedan was one of the Judges whose names
are not preserved in it, and so may perhaps be com-
pared with the Jael of Judg. v. 6, who was prob-
ably also a Judge, though we know nothing about
the subject except from Deborah's song. The only
objection to this view is, that as Bedan is mentioned
with Gideon, Jephthah, and Samuel, he would seem
to have been an important Judge, and therefore not
likely to be omitted in the history. The same ob-
jection applies in some degree to the views which
identify him with Abdon or Jair, who are but cur-
sorily mentioned. G. E. L. C.
2. (Bo8a>; [Tat. (OvXap) jSaSau;] Alex. Bo-
tar.) Son of Ulam, the son of Gilead (1 Chr.
vil. 17). W. A. W.
BEDE IAH [3 syl] (rP"|3 [itrvant of Jt-
\ovah]: BaSafa; [Vat. Bangui:] Badaiat), one
ut the sons of Bani, in the time of Ezra, who had
taken a foreign wife (Ear. x. 36). [The A. V. ed.
1611, etc, reads Bedoiah.]
BEB (i"n'n'!t,<i debdrah: fifaurm, /uKur-
a&V- apu). Mention of this insect occurs in
Dent. I. 44, « The Amorite* which dwelt in that
mountain came out against you, and chased you as
'tea do ; " in Judg. xiv. 8, " There was a swarm of
lees and honey in the carcase of the lion ; " in Ps.
vxviii. 12, "They compassed me about like beet;"
uid in Is. vii. 18, " It shall come to pass in that
lay that the Lord shall hiss for the fly that is in
the uttermost parts of the rivers of Egypt, and for
• from *155> o**** *■** : eoegit (tatamen). Or*.
Is*. S.T.
» 1* Is vary envious to o u s ui is that to she passsgs
.' Dsut. 1. 44, the Syriao verrioo, ths Targum of On-
sasss, and an Arable MS., vssd, "Chased you as bass
the free that bin the land of Assyria." That Pal
estine abounded in bees is evident from the de s uln
lion of that land by Hoses, for it was a land " flow-
ing with milk and honey; " nor is there any resent
for supposing that this expression is to be understood
otherwise than in its literal sense. Modern trav-
ellers occasionally allude to the bees of Palestine
Dr. Thomson (Land and Book, p. 299) speaks of
Immense swarms of bees which made their home
in a gigantic cliff of Wady Kurn. "The people
of M'alia, several years sgo," be says, " let a man
down the face of the rock by ropes. He was en-
tirely protected from the assaults of the bees, and
extracted a large amount of honey; but he wss so
terrified by the prodigious swarms of bees that he
could not be induced to repeat the exploit." This
forcibly illustrate* Dent, xxxii. 18, and Ps. lxxxi-
16, ss to " honey out of the stony rock," and the
two passages out of the Psalms and Judges quoted
above, aa to the fearful nature of the attacks of
these insects when irritated.
Maundrell (Trav. p. 66) says that in passing
through Samaria he perceived a strong smell of
honey and of wax ; and that when he wss a mile
from the Dead Sea be saw bees busy among the
flowers of some land of saline plant. MariU ( 7Vot.
ill 189) a s s ur e s us that bees are found in great
multitudes amongst the hills of Palestine, and that
they collect their honey in the hollows of trees and
in clefts of rocks; (oomp. Land and Book, p. 666).
That bees are reared with great success in Pales-
tine, we have the authority of Haaselquist ( Trm.
p. 236) and Dr. Thomson (to. p. 253) to show.
Fjigti.h naturalists, however, appear to know but
little of the species of bees that are found in Pal-
estine. Dr. Kitto says (Pays. B. Pal p. 491)
there are two species of bees found in that country,
Apu longicornu, and Apu tnelHfica. A. lonoi-
cornu, however, which = Eucera kmgicor, is s
European species; and though Klug and Ehren-
berg, in the Symbcla Phynea, enumerate many
Syrian species, and amongst them some species of
the genus Eucera, yet E. kmgicor. is not found in
their list. Mr. F. Smith, our best authority on the
Hymenoptera, is inclined to believe that the honey-
bee of Palestine is distinct from the honey-bee (A.
melUfica) at this country. And when it is remem-
bered that the last-named writer has described ss
many as seventeen species of true honey-bees (the
genus Apu), it is very probable that the species of
our own country and of Palestine are distinct.
There can be no doubt that the attacks of bees in
Eastern countries are more to be dreaded than they
arc in more temperate climates- Swarms in the
East are far larger than they are with us, and, on
account of the heat of the climate, one can readily
imagine that their stings must give rise to very
dangerous symptoms. It would be easy to quote
from Aristotle, iElian, and Pliny, in proof of what
has been stated; but let the reader consult Mungo
Park's Travels (ii. 87, 88) ss to the incident which
occurred at a spot he named " Bees' Creek " from
the circumstance. Compare also Ovdmann ( Yer
much. Samml. pt. vi. c. 20). We can well, there-
fore, understand the full force of the Psalmist's
complaint, " They came about me like bees." »
that an smoked ; " showing how ancient ths ei
of taking baas' nests by means of sunk*,
allusion Is made to this pmettee In etsastesl to
Wasps' nests wen taken In the same way. 6s
chart (Mra. HI. 860).
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BBS
Tin passage «U)ut the fwarm of ten and Hooey
D the lion's carcase (Jndg. xiv. 8) admits of easy
sxpbnation. The lion which Samson slew had
been dead tome little time before the beea had taken
■p their abode in the carcase, for it is expressly
stated that "after a time," Samson returned and
■aw the bees and hone; in the lion's carcase, so that
" if/' as Oedmann has well observed, " any one here
represents to himself a corrupt and putrid carcase,
the occurrence ceases to have any true similitude,
for it is well known that in these countries at cer-
tain seasons of the year the heat will in the course
of twenty-four hours so completely dry up the moist-
ure of dead camels, and that without their under-
going decomposition, that their bodies long remain,
like mummies, unaltered and entirely free from
oflensive odor." To the foregoing quotation we
may add that very probably the ante would help
to consume the carcase, and leave perhaps in a
short time little else than a skeleton. Herodotus
(v. 114) speaks of a certain Onesilus who had been
taken prisoner by the Amathusians and beheaded,
and whose head having been suspended over the
gates, had become occupied by a swarm of bees;
compare also AMrovandus (De IntecL 1. 110). Dr.
Thomson (Land and Book, p. 566) mentions this
occurrence of a swarm of bees in a lion's carcase as
an extraordinary thing, and makes an unhappy con-
jecture, that perhaps " hornets," debabir in Arabic,
are intended, " if it were known," says he, " that
they manufactured honey enough to meet the de-
mands of the story." It is known, however, that
hornets do nut make honey, nor do any of the
family Vapida, with the exception, as far as has
been hitherto observed, of the Brazilian JVectarina
mtMifict. The passage in b. vii. 18, " the Lord
shall hiss for the bee that is in the land of Assyria,"
has been understood by some to refer to the prac-
tice of " calling out the bees from their hives by a
hissing or whistling sound to their labor in the
Holds, and summoning them again to return " in
the evening (Harris, Nat. H. of Bible, art. Bet).
Bochart (Itierot. til. 358) quotes from Cyril, who
thus explains this passage, and the one in Is. v. 26.
Columella, Pliny, Lilian, Virgil, are all cited by
Bochart in illustration of this practice ; see numer-
ous quotations in the Hierotoicon. Mr. Denham
(in Kitto's Cgc. Bib. lit. art Bet) makes the fol-
lowing remarks on this subject: — "No one hi*
offered any proof of the existence of such a cus-
tom, and the idea will itself seem sufficiently strange
to all who are acquainted with the habits of bees."
That the custom existed amongst the ancients of
catting swarms to their hives, must be familiar to
every reader of Virgil,
" Tumitusque eis, st M&rtis quaU cymbals oiroom,"
sod it is curious to observe that this practice has
Jontinued down to the present day. Many a cot-
•ger believes the bees will more readily swarm if
ee beats together pieces of tin or iron. As to the
ral use In the custom, this is quite another matter;
jut no careful entomologist would hastily adopt
any opinion concerning it.
In all probability however, the expression in
Isaiah has reference, as Mr. Denham says, " to the
rustomof the people in the East of udHng the at-
tention of say one by a significant kin, or rather
WsC."
The LXX has the following euloghun on the
seem Prov. vi 8: 'Gotoths Vee, and learn how
Vsaeni the is, and what a noble work the produces,
BEBLZBBUL
208
whose labors longs and private men use for the*,
health; the is desired and honored by all, sad
though weak in strength, yet since she values wis-
dom, she prevails." This paassge is not found in
any Hebrew copy of the Scriptures : it exists, how-
ever in the Arabic, and it is quoted by Origen,
Clemens Akxandrinus, Jerome, and other ancient
writers. As to the proper name, see Deborah.
The bee belongs to the family Apidte, of the
Hgmenopterout order of insects. W. H.
* On this subject of bees in Palestine, Mr. Tris-
tram furnishes important testimony (Land of
Itratl, pp. 86, 87). After speaking of " bee-keep-
ing " in that country, carried so far that almost
"every house po s s es ses a pile of bee-hives in its
yard," he adds respecting the number of wild bees
as follows: "The innumerable fissures and clefts
of the limestone rocks, which everywhere flank the
valleys, afford in their recesses secure shelter for
any number of swarms, and many of the Bedouin,
particularly in the wilderness of Judaea, obtain
their sul«istence by bee-hunting, bringing into Je-
rusalem jais of that wild honey on which John the
Baptist fed in the wilderness and which Jonathan
had long before unwittingly tasted, when the comb
had dropped on the ground from the hollow of the
tree in which it was suspended. The visitor to the
Wady Kurn, when he sees the busy multitudes of
bees about its clefts, cannot but recall to mind the
promise, ' With honey out of the stony rock would
1 have satisfied thee.' There is no epithet of the
land of promise more true to the letter, even to the
present day, than this, that it was ' a land flowing
with milk and honey.' " H.
BEELI'ADA (5"T^b5a = tnoim by Baal:
'EaioJV; [Vs*. FA. BaAeyJair;] Alex. BoAAioSa:
Baaliada), one of David's sons, born in Jerusalem
(1 Chr. xiv. 7). In the lists in Samuel the name
is Euada, FJ being substituted for Baal.
BEEli'SARTJS (Bf«A<ra>f: Beelmro), 1
Esdr. v. 8. [BiLSHAN.]
BEELTETH'MUS (BtcVctf/wsiAlex. [Bo
tArcOpoi,] BMATt/utf: BaUhemw), an officer of
Artaxerxee residing in Palestine (1 Esdr. ii. 16,
35). The name is a corruption of DSl? 'I?9
= lord of judgment, A. V. "chancellor; "the titlt
of Rehum, the name immediately before it (£17.
iv. 8).
BEEI/ZEBUL (B.,K(t0oiK: Beebdub), the
title of a heathen deity, to whom the Jews ascribed
the sovereignty of the evil spirits (Matt. x. 35, xii.
24; Mark iii. 33; Luke xi. 15 6*.). The comet
reading is without doubt BeekebtU, and not Beel-
zebub [A. V.] at given in the Syriac, the Vulg., and
some other versions; the authority of the MSS.
is decisive in favor of the former, the alteration
being easily accounted for by a comparison with
2 K. i. 2, to which reference is made in the passages
quoted. [Baal, p. 207, No. 2.] Two questions
preset', themselves in connection with this subject
;i.) How are we to account for the change of the
final letter of the name? (2.) On what grounds
did — e Jews assign to the Bsal-eebub of Ekron the
Deoulia.' position of 6 Spx*" T »* Stuporta* ? The
sources of information at our command for the an-
swer of these questions are scanty. The names are
not ban' elsewhere. The LXX. translate. Baal-
sebub Bda? wis, as also does Josephot (Ant. fax
% § 1); and the Talmudioal writers are silent as
the subject.
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964
BBELZEBUIi
1. The explanations offered in reference to the
change of the name ma y be ranged into two classes,
according aa they are based on the found or the
meaning of the word. The former proceed! on the
usnmption that the name Beelzebub was offensive
to the Greek ear, and that the final letter was al-
tered to aroid the doable b, just as Habakknk be-
tame in the LXX. 'Afi0axovfi (Hi trig, Vorbemert.
in Habakkuk), the choice of L, aa a substitute for
6, being decided by the previous occurrence of the
letter in the former part of the word (Bengel,
Gnomon in Matt. z. 35, comparing MeKxo"*- in the
LXX. as=Michal). It is, however, by no means
dear why other names, such as Magog, or Eldad,
should not have undergone a similar change. We
should prefer the assumption, in connection with
this view, that the change was purely of an acci-
dental nature, for which no satisfactory reason can
oe assigned. The second class of explanations car-
ries the greatest weight of authority with it These
proceed on the ground that the Jews intentionally
changed the pronunciation of the word, so as either
to give a significance to it adapted to their own
ideas, or to cast ridicule upon the idolatry of the
neighboring nations, in which case we might com-
pare the adoption of Sychar for Sychem, iieth-aven
for Beth-el. The Jews were certainly keenly alive
to the significance of names, and not unfrequenUy
indulged in an exercise of wit, consisting of a play
upon the meaning of the words, as in the case of
Nabal (1 Sam. xxv. 25), Abraham (Gen. xvii. 5),
and Sarah (Gen. xvii. 15). Lightfoct (ExtrcUn.
turns, Halt. xii. 34) adduces instances from the
Talmudical writers of opprobrious puns applied to
idols. The explanations, which are thus based on
etymological grounds, branch off into two classes ;
some connect the term with 7 ! DT, habitation, thus
making Beelzebul - oUoSt onroVijs (Matt. x. 25),
the lord of the dwelling, whether as the "prince of
the power of the air" (Kph. ti. 2), or as the
prince of the lower world (Paulus, quoted by
Olshausen, Comment, in Matt x. 25), or as inhab-
iting human bodies (Schleusner, Lex. s. v.), or as
tccupying a mansion in the seventh heaven, like
Saturn in Oriental mythology (Movers, PhDniz. i.
960, quoted by Winer, RealteSrt. art Beelzebub ;
eomp. MichaeJis, Suppl. ad Lex. p. 205, for a sim-
ilar view). Others derive it from v3T, dung (a
vord, it must be observed, not in use in the Bible
udf, but frequently occurring in Talmudical writ-
es), thus making Beelzebul, literally, the lord of
lung, or the dunghill; and in a secondary sense, as
u btl was used by the Talmudical writers as = idol
or idolatry (comp. Lightfoot, Exercit. Matt xii. 24;
Luke xi. 15), the lord of idols, prince of false
gods, in which case it = ipx oty r ^ ,y icufxofiotv.
It is generally held that the former of these two
lenses is more particularly referred to in the N.
r. (Carpzov. Appar. p. 498, comparing the term
S^T^vS as though connected with 7v3, dung;
Olshausen, Comment, in Matt x. 25). The latter,
jowever, is adopted by Lightfoot and Schleusner.
We have lastly to notioe the ingenious conjecture
at* Hug (as quoted by Winer) that the fly, under
which Baal-zebub was represented, was the Scara-
" There is no oonnertlon between the " gathering "
a var. 16 aod that in xx. 8. From the A. T. It might
a* Marred that the former passage referred to the
■teat itawillhsil in the latter ; but the two words no-
BBKB
bams piiularim or dumghiB betJe, in wUah east
Bsau-xebub and Beebebul might be used indiner-
ently.
2. The second question hinges to i certain extent
on the first The reference in Matt x. 35 [xii. 24]
may have originated in a fancied ream Manon between
the application of Ahaziah to Baal-eebub, and tuat
of the Jews to our Lord for the ejection of the un-
clean spirits. As no human remedy availed for the
cure of this disease, the Jews naturally referred it
to some higher power and selected Baal-eebub as
the heathen deity to whom application was made in
case of severe disease. The title aWwr ray Sue
uorlw may have special reference to the nature of
the disease in question, or it may have been educed
from the name itself by a fancied or real etymology.
It is worthy of special observation that the notices
of Beelzebul are exclusively connected with the sub-
ject of demoniacal possession, a circumstance which
may account for the subsequent disappearance of
the name. W. L. B.
SEVER (~K2 = i«fl: to <(>p4ap. puteus).
1. One of the latest halting-places of the Israel-
ites, lying beyond the Arnon, and so called because
of the well which was there dug by the " princes "
and " nobles " of the people, and is perpetuated in
a fragment of poetry (Num. xxi. 16-18)." This
is possibly the Bkkk-elim, or "well of heroes,"
referred to in Is. xt. 8. The "wilderness" (")$1C)
which is named as their next starting point in the
last clause of verse 18, may be that before spoken of
in 13, or it may be a copyist's mistake for "TKBO.
It was so understood by the LXX., who read' the
clause, ko) ftwft «y«aroi— "and from the weu,"
i. e. "from Beer."
According to the tradition of the Targumista —
a tradition in part adopted by St Paul (1 Cor. x.
4) — this waa one of the appearances, the last before
the entrance on the Holy Land, of the water which
had " followed " the people, from its first arrival at
Rephidim, through their wanderings. The water
— so the tradition appears to have run — waa grant-
ed for the sake of Miriam, her merit being that, at
the peril of her life, she had watched the ark in
which lay the Infant Moses. It followed the march
over mountains and into valleys, encircling the en-
tire camp, and furnishing water to every man at
his own tent door. This it did till her death
(Num. xx. 1), at which time it disappeared for a
season, apparently rendering a special act necessary
on each future occasion for its evocation. The
striking of the rock at Kadesh (Num. xx. 10) waa
the first of these: the digging of the well at Beer
by the staves of the princes, the second. Miriam's
well at last found a home in a gulf or recess in the
sea of Galilee, where at certain seasons its water
flowed and was resorted to for healing purposes
(Targums Onkelos, and Ps. Jon. Num. xx. 1, xxi.
18, and also the quotations from the Talmud in
Lightfoot on John v. 4 [and Wetstein on 1 Cor.
x. 4]).
2. A place to which Jotham, the son of Gideon,
fled for fear of his brother Abimelech (Judg. ix
21). There is nothing in the text or elsewhere M
indicate its position (LXX. Tat Bai4>; the Alex.
dared "gather" are radSeaUr
eh. xx., f\D\A In nt
-bij; »
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BEERA
satirely altera the passage — «ol i-rooeiBn h iStf
cai tfuyw tit Papii Vulg. in Btrn). O.
* Some have thought this second Beer to be the
tame as Beeroth (which see), to which the objection
is that Jotham would not hare been secure in a
place so near Shecheni. Dr. Robinson heard of
a deserted village el-Bireh near the border of the
plain of Pbilistia, of course much more remote
from Shechem, and affording an opportunity of
read; escape thence into the desert if necessary;
and he inquires whether Beer may not possibly
nave been there {Res. ii. 132). A name like this
must have been given to many places. H.
BEERA (f TH3 [o teefl] : Bntpii [Vat.
BajaiXa:] Bera), ton of Zophah, of the tribe of
Asher (1 Chr. vii. 37).
BEE'RAH (HTM2 [o well]: Btiiki Alex.
B«jpa: Bttra), prince (S^C?^) of the Reuben-
ites, carried away by Tlglath-Pileser (1 Chr. v. 6).
BETER-EXIM (D^M ~IN3, veU of heroes:
tppiap toS AiXefp [Sin. AiXijii, Comp. Aid. 'EXtfp] :
pufetu Elim), a spot named in Is. xv. 8 as on the
" border of Moab," apparently the south, Eglaim
being at the north end of the Dead Sea. The
name points to the well dug by the chiefs of Israel
on their approach to the promised land, close by
the "border of Moab" (Num. mi. 16; oomp. 13),
and such is the suggestion of Gesenius (Jesaia,
633). [Beer, 1.] Itoer-elim was probably chosen
by the Prophet out of other places on the boundary
on account of the similarity between tne sound of
the name and that of HirP "J* —the "howling"
which was to reach even to that remote point
(Ewald, Proph. i. 333). G.
BEETtl (" l.»3,/oirt<imi«, Geeen.; illustrious,
Flint: « [Btwy, Alex.] Btnp, Gen., Bf7jp«(, Hos. :
Bteri). 1. The father of Judith, one of the wives
of Esau (Gen. xxvi. 34). There need be no ques-
tion that Judith, daughter of Beeri, is the same
person as is called in the genealogical table (Gen
xxxvi. 9) Aholibamah, daughter of Anah, and con-
sequently Beeri and Anah must be regarded as
names of the same person. There is the further
difficulty that Beeri is spoken of as a Hittite,
whilst Anah is called a Horite and also a Hivite,
and we have thus three designations of race given
to the same individual. It is stated under Anah
<hat Hivite is most probably to be regarded as an
•rror of transcription for Horite. With regard to
•be two remaining names the difficulty does not
«ero to be formidable. It is agreed on all hands
.hat the name Horite ("" *V~) signifies one who
dwells in a hole or cave, a Troglodyte: and it see
in the highest degree probable that the inhabitants
of Mount Seir were so designated because they in-
habited the numerous caverns of that mountainous
region. The name therefore does not designate
them according to their race, but merely according
to their mode of life, to whatever race they might
belong. Of their race we know nothing except in-
lead what the conjunction of these two names ir
Terence to the same individual may teach us: and
Vom this ease we may fairly conclude that these
■YoglodrU* or Horites belonged in part at least to
■ • AeeoriUf to flint, Brktdrtr, "explainer " (not
Brartrlous " as repre se nt e d above). ff
' «"»<f the very fcw '•Msmwhieh the two wonts
BEEBUTH 5J65
the widely extended Canaauitish tribe ot the Hlt-
tites. On this supposition the difficulty vanishes,
and each of the accounts gives us just the infor-
mation we might expect. In the narrative, when
the stress is laid on Esau's wife beiug of the race
of Canaan, her father is called a Hittite; whilst
in the genealogy, where the stress is on Esau's con-
nection by marriage with the previous occupant* of
Mount Seir, he is most naturally and properly de-
scribed under the more precise term Horite.
2. Father of the prophet Hosea (Hos. i. 1).
F. W. O.
BE'ER-LAHAI'-RO'I Ofjh Tib IMS
well of the living and seeing [<7«fJ : <pptap oZ
Mnmv elSov; to <ppiap j-ijr bp&atw. jnUewti-
vends el videntis me), a well, or rather a living
spring » (A. V. fountain, comp. Gen. xvi. 7), bev
tween Radeeh and Bend, in the wilderness, " in
the way to Shur," and therefore in the "south
country " (Gen. xxiv. 62), which, according to the
explanation of the text, was so named by Hagai
because God saw her Crf") there (Gen. xvi. 14).
From the fact of this etymology not being in agree-
ment with the formation of the name, it has been
suggested (Ges. Thts. 175) that the origin of- the
name is Lechi (comp. Judg. xv. 9, 19). It would
seem, however, that the Lechi of Samson's advent-
ure was much too far north to be the site of the
well Lachai-roi.
By this well Isaac dwelt both before and after
the death of his father (Gen. xxiv. 62, xxv. 11).
In both these passages the name is given in the
A. V. as " the well Uhai-roi."
Mr. Rowland announces the discovery of the well
Lahai-roi at Afoyk or MoifaAi, a station on the
road to Beer-eheba, 10 hours south of RuheiUh ;
near which is a hole or cavern bearing the name
of Beit Hagar (Rittor, Sinai, 1086, 7); but this
requires confirmation.
This well is not to be confounded with that near
which the life of Ishmael was preserved tn a subse-
quent occasion (Gen. xxi. 19) and which, according
to the Moslem belief, is the well Zem-eem at
Mecca. G.
BEEUOTH (."TVISa, wells: Bvpdr.Ben-
pu9i, Bfjpcie : Beroth) one of the four cities of the
Hivites who deluded Joshua into a treaty of peace
with them, the other three being Gibeon, Che-
phirah, and Rirjath-Jearim (Josh. ix. 17). Beeroth
was with the rest of these towns allotted to Benja-
min (xviii. 25), in whose possession it continued at
the time of David, the murderers of Ishbosheth be-
ing named as belonging to it (2 Sam. iv. 2). Frew
the notice in this place (verse 2, 3) it would appear
that the original inhabitants had been forced from
the town, and had taken refuge at Gittaim (Neh
xi. 33), possibly a Philistine city.
Beeroth is once more named with Chephirah and
Rirjath-Jearim in the list of those who returned
from Babylon (Ear. ii. 25; Neh. vii. 29 « 1 Esdr.
v. 19). [Beroth.]
Beeroth was known in the times of Eusebiu*.
and his description of its position ( Onom. Beerrth,
with the corrections of Reland, 618, 9; Rob. i.
452, note) agrees perfectly with that of the modern
el-Bireh. which stands at about 10 miles north of
}*?, .am, a Bring sjtrmg, and 1H3, Beer w trtt
octal well are apr'M to the sai ""
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BBEROTH
Jerusalem by the great road to Ndbhu, jott be-
low a ridge which bounds the prospect northwards
from the Hoi; city (Rob. i. 451, 2; U. 262). Mo
mention of beeroth beyond those quoted shore is
found iu the Bible, but one link connecting it with
the N. T. has been suggested, and indeed embodied
in the traditions of Palestine, which we may well
wish to regard as true, namely, that it was the place
at which the parents of " the child Jesus " discovered
that he was not among their " company " (Luke ii.
4-i-46 )■ At any rate the spring of il- Birth is even
to this day the customary resting-place for caravans
going northward, at the end of the first day's
j»umey from Jerusalem (Stanley, 215 ; Lord Nu-
gent, ii. 112; Schubert in Winer, a. v.).
Besides Kimoion, the father of Baanah and Re-
ehab, the murderers of Islibosheth [2 Sam. iv. 2, 5,
8] we find Nahari "the BeerothHe" 0n""IM3>n:
Brfiiapeuds: [Vat. 1 Alex. Bipoftuot:] * Sam-
Eriii. 37), or " the Berothite " CO" 1 ?'?: * Bnp-
M; [Alex. BtmwS,] 1 Chr. xi. 39), one of the
« mighty men " of David's guard. G.
• As liable to less molestation from the Samari-
tans, especially when the object of going to Jerusa-
lem was to keep the festivals (comp. Luke ix. 53),
it may be presumed that the Galilean caravans
would usually take the longer route through Persea;
and hence in returning they would be likely to
make the first day's bait near the eastern foot
of the Mount of Olives (about 2 miles). It is not
customary in the East to travel more than 1 or 2
hours the first day; and in this instance they
would encamp earlier still, because to go further
would have been to encounter the night-perils
of the desert between Jerusalem and Jericho.
The avroSla (Luke ii. 44) shows that the holy
family travelled in a caravan. Books of travel
abundantly illustrate this custom as to the extent
of the first day's journey. See, for example,
Maundrell's Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem
(1697) p. 1; Richardson's Travels along the Medi-
.erranean, ii. 174; Beldam's Recollections of
Scenes in the East, i. 281 ; Miss Martineau's Eastern
Life, U. 194 ; Burckhardt's Reisen in Sj/rien, i. 113.
It is not surprising, under such circumstances, that
Jems was not missed till the close of this first brief
day. The time to Beeroth (Bit eh) would be
greater, but not so great as to make the separation
a cause of anxiety to the parents; and so much the
less, as one of the objects of stopping so soon was
jo see whether the party was complete — whether
ill had arrived at the place of rendezvous. On this
incident, see Life of our Lord, by Mr. Andrews, p.
103. H.
BEETIOTH of the Children of Ja'akah
Hi??^? fhtf? : Bip*0 Mr W M ; [V«t-]
Alex. Ieutci/i; Beroth filiorum Jacan), the wells of
the tribe of Bene-Jaakan, which formed one of the
baking-places of the Israelites in the desert (Deut.
I. 6). In the lists in Num. xxxiii., the name is
riven as Bkne-Jaakah only. G.
BEETROTHITE. [Beeroth.]
BE'ER-SHE'BA (73^ "*?3, V%0.%
a • Dr. rrtodr. Strauss in his M*m'» WaUfahrt nach
•tnaaltm (I. 68) with the accuracy so characteristic
4 that charming work, nukes ths first day's Journey
J the pilgrims but 1 J hour, alter starting from Alex-
i their march. B.
BEER-SHEBA
weU of ncearing, or of seven: tpiap ipmurpiC,
and vo/ap rov opicov, in Genesis; Bnpo*a£#e is
Joshua and later books; Jos. Bnfxrov/jai- t/mm
St (bptaf Ktyoiro &*'■ Bersabec), the name of out
of tiie oldest places in Palestine, and which formed
according to the well-known expression, the southern
limit of the country.
There are two accounts of the origin of the
name. 6 1. According to the first, the well was dug
by Abraham, and the name given, because there he
and Abimelech the king of the Philistines "sware"
(TO3IT3) both of them (Gen. xxi. 31). But the
compact was ratified by the setting apart of " seven
ewe lambs;" and as the Hebrew word for " seven "
is 372'.'. • Sntba, it is equally possible that this is
the meaning of the name. It should not be over-
looked that here, and in subsequent earlier notices
of the place, it is spelt Beer-shaba (?2P 2).
2. The other narrative ascribes the origin [or re-
affirmation] of the name to an occurrence almost
precisely similar, in which both Abimelech the king
of the Philistines, and Phichol his chief captain,
are again concerned, with the difference that the
person on the Hebrew side of the transaction is
Isaac instead of Abraham (Gen. xxvi. 31-38). Here
there is no reference to the " seven " lambs, and we
are left to infer the derivation of Shibeah (ny^tP,
not " Shebah," as in the A. V.) from the mention
of the "swearing" (IS?^) in Ter. 31.
If we accept the statement of verse 18 as refer-
ring to the same well as the former account, we shall
be spared the necessity of inquiring whether these
two accounts relate to separate occurrences, or
refer to one and the same event, at one time ascribed
to one, at another time to another of the early heroes
and founders of the nation. There are at present
on the spot two principal wells, and five smaller
ones. They are among the first objects encountered
on the entrance into Palestine from the south, and
being highly characteristic of the life of the Bible,
at the same time that the identity of the site is be-
yond all question, the wells of Beer-sheba never fail
to call forth the enthusiasm of the traveller.
The two principal wells — apparently the only
ones seen by Robinson — are on or close to the
northern bank of the Waay es-Seba.'. They lie
just a hundred yards apart, and are so placed as to be
visible from a considerable distance (Bonar, Land
of Prom. 1 ). The larger of the two, which lies to
the east, is, according U the careful measurements
of Dr. Robinson, 12J feet diam., and at the time
of his visit (Apr. 12) was 44} feet to the surface
of the water: the masonry which incloses the well
reaches downward for 28 j feet.
The other well is 5 feet diam. and was 42 feet to
the water. The curb-stones round the month of
both wells are worn into deep grooves by the action
of the ropes of so many centuries, and '■ look as if
frilled or fluted all round." Round the larger
well there are nine, and round the smaller five
large stone troughs — some much worn and broken,
others nearly entire, lying at a distance of 10 or 12
feet from the edge of the wefl. There were formerly
ten of these troughs at the larger well The circfc
* • Two accounts, one probably of the origin, ant
the other of a naswal, of the name, after a long »
tsrral. B.
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BEER-SHEBA
■round U carpeted with a sward of fine abort gran
with crocuses and lilies (Bonar, 6, 6, 7). The
water is excellent, the best, as Dr. R. emphatically
records, which be had tasteu since leaving Sinai.
The five leaser wells — apparently the only ones
seen by Van de Yekie — are according to his account
and the casual notice of lionar, in a group in the
bed of the wady, not on its north bank, and at so
great a distance from the other two that the latter
were misaad by Lieut. T.
On some low hills north of the large wells are scat-
tered toe foundations and ruins of a town of moder-
ate size. There are no trees or shrubs near the spot.
So much for the actual condition of Beer-sheba.
After the <ii gg in g of the well Abraham planted
a "grove" (^VN, Uket) as a place for the wor-
ship of Jehovah, and here he lived until the sacrifice
of Isaac, and for a long time afterwards, xzi. 23 —
xrii. 1, 19. Here also Isaac was dwelling at the
time of the transference of the birthright from
Esau to Jacob (xxri. 33, xxviii. 10), and from the pa-
triarchal encampment round the wells of his grand-
father, Jacob set forth on the journey to Mesopo-
tamia which changed the course of his whole life.
Jacob does not appear to have revisited the place
until he made it one of the stages of his journey
down to Egypt. He then halted there to offer
sacrifice to "the God of his father," doubtless
under the sacred grove of Abraham.
From this time till the conquest of the country
we lose sight of B., only to catch a momentary
g^T— 1 of it in the lists of the " cities" in the ex-
treme south of Judah (Josh. xv. 38) given to the
tribe of Simeon (xix. 2; I Ohr. iv. 28). Samuel's
ions were judges in Beer-sheba (1 Sam. viii. 2), its
distance no doubt precluding its being among the
lumber of the •> holy cities" (LXX. roij ifyuuriti-
■wtt wdAwri) to which be himself went in circuit
every year (vii. 16 ). By the times of the monarchy
U had become recognized as the most southerly
place of the country. lis position as the place of
arrival and departure for the caravans trading be-
tween Palestine and the countries lying in that
direction would naturally lead to the formation of
a town round the wells of the patriarchs, and the
great Egyptian trade begun by Solomon must have
increased its importance. Hither Joab's census
extended (2 Sam. xxiv. 7; 1 Chr. xxi. 2), and here
Ebjah bade farewell to his confidential servant
(•"VJ» * ) before taking his journey across the
desert to' Sinai (1 K. xix. 3). From Dan to Beer-
sheba (Judg. xx. 1, Ac. ), or from Beer-sheba to Dan
(1 Chr. xxi. 2; comp. 2 Sam. xxiv. 2), now became
lie established formula for the whole of the prom-
sed land; just as "from Geba to B." (2 K. xxiii.
), or "from B. to Mount Ephraim " (2 Chr. xix.
v was that for the southern kingdom after the
itruption. After the return from the Captivity
,ba formula is narrowed still more, and becomes
from B. to the Valley of Hinnom " (Neh. xi. 30).
• Than is a correspondence worth noting b etwee n
Aw word n way " or " manner " in this formula
(If^nrn, sttsnuy « the road "), and th. word * Mot,
< (as way " ( A. V. incorrectly " that way "). by which
■M sww rstsjwo ht designated in the Ae» of the
i f ost l ss (sss lx. 2. see.).
<> Boehart, Qtmmim, Fnrst, JaUonssi, and others,
I to assign to this war* an ■gypttan origin,
, or Wummt, i. «■ t— si isfniii. S9un,taA
Usr wK*is?t Um number, believe m» were Is
BEHEMOTH 26?
One of the wives of Ahaidah, king of Judah,
Zlbiah mother of Joash, was a native of Beer-shebs
(2 K. xU. 1; 2 Chr. xxiv. 1). From the incidental
references of Amos, we find tbat, like Bethel am 1
Gilgal, the place was at this time the seat of an
idolatrous worship, apparently connected in some
intimate manner with the northern kingdom (Am.
v. 5, viii. 14). But the allusions are so slight that
nothing can be gathered from them, except that in
the latter of the two passages quoted above we have
perhaps preserved a form of words or an adjuration
used by the worshippers, " Live the ' way' of Beer-
sheba ! " ° After this, with the mere mention that
Beer-sheba and the villages round it (" daughters")
were re-inhabited after the Captivity (Neh. xi. 30),
the name dies entirely out of the Bible records; like
many other places, its associations are entirely con-
fined to the earlier history, and its name is not ever
once mentioned in the New Testament.
But though unheard of, its position insured a
continued existence to Beer-sheba. In the time of
Jerome it was still a considerable place (oppidan.
Quaest. ad Gen. xvii. 30 ; or vicut ffrandU, Onom.),
the station of a Roman presidium ; and later it is
mentioned in some of the ecclesiastical lists as an
episcopal city under the Bishop of Jerusalem (Be-
laud, p. 630). Its present condition has been already
described. It only remains to notice that the place
retains its ancient name as nearly similar in sound
as an Arabic signification will permit — Btr es-Sebi
— the " well of the lion," or " of seven.' G.
BEESHTERAH (rrnt£55 : « Boo-opd,
Alex. Bfffopa; [Comp. Aid. Bif<r8<pd-] Botra),
one of the two cities allotted to the sons of Gershom,
out of the tribe of Manasseh beyond Jordan (Josh.
xxi. 27). By comparison with the parallel list in
1 Chr. vi. 71, Beesbterah' appears to be identical
with Ashtaroth. In fact the name is considered
by Gesenius as merely a contracted form of Beth-
Ashtaroth, the house of A. (The*. 196 ; comp.
175). [Boson.] G.
BEETLE. See Chargtl ^nCI), *• •
Locust.
BEHEADING. [Puxwhmkmts.]
BEHB7MOTH (THOn?:* t^pU: Be
hemoth). This word has long been considered one
of the dubia vexata of critics and commentators,
some of whom, as Vatablus, Drusius, Urotius ( CriL
Sac. Annul, aid Job. xl.), Pfeifier (Dubia vexata S
S., p. 594, Dreed. 1679), Castell (Ux. HepL p.
292), A. Schultens (Comment, in .lob xl.), Micha-
elis c (Suppl. ad Lex. Htb. No. 308), have under-
stood thereby the elephant; while others, is Bo-
chart (Hieroz. iii. 705), Ludolf (Bui. jEthiop. i.
11), Shaw (Trav. ii. 299, 8vo. Lond.), Scheuchser
(Phta. Sac. on Job xl.), Rosenmiiller (Not. an
Boehart. Hieroz. iii. 705, and Schol ad VtL TeM.
in Job xL), Taylor (Appendix to CahneCt Diet.
BibL No. Irv.), Harmer (Observations, ii. 819),
the plural majauitiM of n^713> Bossnmullert ob-
jection to the Coptic origin of the word is worthy of
observation, — that, If this was the case, the LXX.
interp re ters woutu not have given ftepia as its repre-
ssntattre.
."|10ri3 by jummta, and
thteks the name of the elephant has dropped oat
" aUhl vUstur noma •Upb-oUJ lortt b"»Q <
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268
BEHEMOTH
Uesenius (The*. s. ▼. rrmn?), Fiirst (Concord.
Beb. a. v.), uid English commentators generally,
believe the hippopotamus to be denoted by the
origin*, word. Other critics, amongst whom is
I^ee (Comment, on Job il., and Lex. ffeb. s. t.
niBilj); consider the Hebrew term as a plural
noun for "cattle" in general; it being left to the
reader to apply to the Scriptural allusions the par-
ticular animal, which may be, according to Lee,
"either the horse or wild ass or wild bull "(!);<•
compare also Reiske, Conjectural in Job. p. 167. Dr.
Mason Good (Book of Job literally translated, p.
473, Lond. 1712) has hazarded a conjecture that
the behemoth denotes some extinct pachyderm like
the mammoth, with a view to combine the charac-
teristics of the hippopotamus and elephant, and
so to fulfill all the Scriptural demands; compare
with this Michaelis (Sup. ad Lex. Beb. No. 208),
and Hasieus (in Dhaeriat. SyUog. No. vii. § 37
and § 38, p. 50G), who rejects with some scorn the
notion of the identity of behemoth and mammoth.
Dr. Kitto (Picl. Bib. Job id.) and Col. Hamilton
Smith (Kitto's Cycl. Bib. Lit., art Behemoth), from
being unable to make all the Scriptural details cor-
respond with any one particular animal, are of
opinion thai, behemoth is a plural term, and is to
be taken " as a poetical personification of the great
pachrdermata generally, wherein the idea of hip-
popotamus is predominant." The term behemoth
would thus be the counterpart of leviathan, the
animal mentioned next in the book of Job ; which
word, although its signification in that passage is
restricted to the crocodile, does yet stand in Script-
ure for a python, or a whale, or some other huge
monster of the deep. [Leviathan.] We were
at one time inclined to coincide with this view, but
a careful study of the whole passage (Job xl. 15-24)
has led us to the full conviction that the hippopot-
amus alone is the animal denoted, and that all the
details descriptive of the behemoth accord entirely
with the ascertained habits of that animal. 1 '
Gescnius and Koscnmuller have remarked that,
since in the first part of Jehovah's discourse (Job
Hippopotamus amphibius.
xxxviil.. xxxix.) land animah and birds are men-
tioned, it suits the general purpose of that discourse
setter to suppose that aquatic or amphibious creat-
ures are spoken of in the last half of it; and that
jince the leviathan, by almost universal consent,
denotes the crocodile, the behemoth seems clearly
to point to the hippopotamus, his associate in the
a Most disappointing are the arjrumenti of the late
Professor Lm as to " Behemoth " and "Leviathan,"
toth critically and loologioaUy.
» • Se» Dr. Count's note ( Thtmlation of Job, p. IK)
«i accordance with this opinion. H.
* a meant traveller In Igvpt, the Rev. J. L. Errrng-
BEHEMOTH
Nile. Harnier ( Obtere. ii. 31!)) says '■> then J *
great deal of beauty in the ranging the description
of the behemoth and the leviathan, for in ths
Mosaic pavement the people of an Eg} ptian barqut
are represented as darting spears or some sucb
weapons at one of the river-horses, as another of
them is pictured with two sticking near his shoulders
.... It was then a customary thing with the old
Egyptians thus to attack these animals (see also
Wilkinson, Anc. Hgypt. iii. 71); if so, how beauti-
ful is the arrangement : there is a most happy
gradation; after a grand but just representation
of the terribleness of the river-horse, the Almighty
is represented as going on with his expostulatious
something after this manner : — ' But dreadful ai
this animal is, barbed irons and spears have some-
times prevailed against him; but what wilt thou
do with the crocodile? Canst thou fill his skin
with barbed irons? ' " Ac., Ac. In the Lithottrotum
Prcmettinum, to which Mr. Harnier refers, there
are two crocodiles, associates of three river-horses,
which are represented without spears sticking in
them, though they seem to be within shot.
It has been said that some parts of the descrip-
tion in Job cannot apply to the hippopotamus: the
20th verse for instance, where it is said, "the
mountains bring him forth food." This passage,
many writers say, suits the elephant well, but can-
not be applied to the hippopotamus, which is never
seen on mountains. Again, the 24th verse — " his
nose pierceth through snares " — seems to be spoken
of the trunk of the elephant, " with its extraordinary
delicacy of scent and touch, rather than to the
obtuse perceptions of the river-horse." In answer
to the first objection it has been stated, with great
reason, that the word hirim (fi s "]n) is not neces-
sarily to be restricted to what we understand com-
monly by the expression ■' mountains." In the
Prtenestine pavement alluded to above, there are
to be seen here and there, as Mr. Harmer has
observed. " hillocks rising above the water." In
Ez. xliii. 15 (margin), the altar of God, only ten
cubits high and fourteen square, is called " the
mountain of God." " The eminences of Egypt,
which appear as the inundation of the Nile de-
creases, may undoubtedly be called mountain* in
the poetical language of job." But we think there
is no occasion for so restricted an explanation. The
hippopotamus, as is well known, frequently leaves
the water and the river's bank as night approaches,
and makes inland excursions for the sake of the
pasturage, when he commits sad work among the
growing crops (Hasselquist, Trac. p. 188). No
doubt he might be often observed on the hill-sides
near the spots frequented by him. Again, it most
be remembered that the " mountains " are men-
tioned by way of contrast to the natural habits of
aquatic animals generally, which never go far from
the water and the banks of the river: but the behe-
moth, though passing much of his time in the
water and in '• the covert of the reed and fens,"
eateth grass like cattle, and feedeth on the hill-sides
in company with the beasts of the field.' There is
much beauty in the passages which contrast the
habits of the hippopotamus, an amphibious animal,
ton, writes to us — " The valley of the Blue in Upper
SSTpt and Nubia Is In parts so very narrow that tios
mountains approach within a lew hundred yards, anr
even leas, to the river's bank ; the hippopotamus then
fore might well be said to get lis food from tlw mem
tains, on the sides of which it would grow."
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BEHEMOTH
irith those of herbivorous land-quadrupeds: but if
Jie elephant is to be understood, the whole descrip-
tion is comparatively speaking tame.
With respect to the second objection, there is
little doubt that the marginal reading is nearer the
Hebrew than that of the text. " Will an; take
him in his sight, or bore his nose with a gin V "
Perhaps this refers to leading him about alive with
a ring in his nose, as, says Koeenmuller, "the
Arabs are accustomed to lead camels," and we ma;
add the Fjigliah to lead bulls, " with a ring passed
through the nostrils." The expression in verse 17,
"he bendeth his tail like a cedar," has given occa-
sion to much discussion ; some of the advocates for
the elephant maintaining that the word tinib C2JJ)
mar denote either extremity, and that here the
elephant's trunk is intended. The parallelism, how-
ever, clearly requires the posterior appendage to be
«jjmifi»H by the term. The expression seems to
allude to the stiff, unbending nature of the animal's
tail, which in this respect is compared to the trunk
of a strong cedar which the wind scarcely moves.
The description of the animal's lying under " the
shady trees," amongst the " reeds " and willows, is
peculiarly applicable to the hippopotamus." It has
been argued that such a description is equally appli-
BEHEMOTH
269
« " At every turn then occurred deep, still pools,
and occasional sandy islands densely clad with lofty
reeds. Above and beyond these reeds stood trees of
l"i~"« age, beneath which grew a rank kind of grass
on which the sea-cow delights to pasture " (O. Cum-
ining, p. 297).
> ?|!JS Bochart says, " near thee," i. «. not our
tram thy own country. Qesenius and Koeenmuller
translate the word " pariter atque Is." Cary (noti on
t. c) understands it " at the same time as I made
thee."
1 , ?n, "grass," not « hay," as the Vulg. has
It, and some commentators : it Is from the Arabic
yj&^, "to be green." The Hebrew word occurs
m Num. xj. 6, In a limited sense, to denote " leeks.'
«* Q*'7 seems to refer here to the bones of the
ap more particularly ; the marrow bones.
< EPS! perhaps hers denotes the rib bones, as Is
prooabls from the singular number bt")5 VtpO"
which appears to be distributive sod thereby emphatic.
See Bosenmuil. Schol. in /. e.
/ " With theee apparently oomraned teeth the hip-
popotamus oan out the grass as neatly as if It were
mown with the scythe, and Is able to sever, ss If with
shears, a tolerably stout and thlok stem " (Wood's
Mai. Hist. i. 762). 3^7' perhaps — the Greek apm).
See Bochart (lii. 722),' who cites Meander (Thtriac
MS) as comparing the tooth of this animal to a scythe.
n» next venw explains the purpose and use of the
" scythe " with which Ood has provided his creature ;
namely, in order that be may eat the grass of the
blue.
' Q ,l ?$?" i "ICV? : *»* »<u^«"* IMon: sub
■w e re . A. Behnltena, rbJowlng the Arabia writers
toadtas sad Abulwalid, was the first Kuropssn com-
aasilatnr to propose " the lotus-tree " as the slpimca-
Uen of the Hebrew VlfcjPf , whloh occurs only n this
sad the following verse' at Job. He identtfles the
word aim the AreNe JLi, whloh according
cable to the elephant ; but this is hardly the case, for
though the elephant is fond of frequent ablutions, and
is frequently seen near water, yet the constant habit
of the hippopotamus, as implied in verses 21, 22,
seems to be especially made the subject to which
the attention is directed. The whole passage (Jot
xl. 15-24) may be thus literally translated : —
" Heboid now behemoth, whom 1 made with thee ; *
be esteth grass « like cauls.
n Heboid now, his strength is In his loins, and his
power in the muscles of bis belly.
"He bendeth his tali like a cedar: the sinews of bat
thighs Interweave one with another.
"His bones'* are as tubes of copper; hU (solid)
bones each one * ss a bar of forged Iron.
"He is (one of) the chief of the works of Ood; his
Maker bath furnished him with his scythe (tooth)./
" For the bills bring him forth abundant (bod, and
all the beasts of the field have their pastime there.
« Beneath the shady trees 9 he lieth down, in UV
covert of the reed, and fens.*
" The shady trees oovsr him with their shadow ; the
willows of the stream surround him.
" Lo ! the river swelleth proudly sgainst him, yet
he Is not alarmed : he Is securely confident though s
Jordan' burst forth against his mouth.
'. Will any one capture him whan in his sight ? *
will any on* bom bis nostril In the snare ? "
• •
to some authorities is another nam* (Or the wV m
(*idr\, the lotos of the ancient " lotopbagl," Zizypkus
lotus. It would appear, however, from Abu'Uadll, cited
by Celsius (HUrob. 11. 191), that the Dhai Is a spedas
distinct from the Sidr, which latter plant was also
known by the names Salam and Nabk. Sprengel
identifies the Dhal with the Jujube-tree (Zizyphus
vulgaris). But even If it were proved that the ,N3
and the jL^ were identical, the explanation of the
Jv_^ by Freytag, " Arbor qua) remote a flumtnibos
noonlsi pluvUl rigatur, aliis lotus, Kara. Bj." does not
warrant us in sssociatlng the tret with the reeds and
willows of the Nil*. Qesenius, strange to say, supposes
the reeds, out of which numerous birds are flytug In
the subjoined woodcut from Sir 0. Wilkinson's work,
and which are apparently Intended to represent the
papyrus reeds, 'to be the lote lilies. Ills words are
" At any rate, on a certain Egyptian monument abieh
represents the chsse of the hippopotamus, I observe
this animal concealing himself in a wood of water-
lotnaas — in loti aquatic* sylvd " (Wilkinson, Manners
and Customs, 111. 71). We prefer the rendering of the
A. V. " shady trees ; " and so read the Vulg., Kimobi,
and AbenBna, the Syriao and the Arabic, with Bochart
BosenmuUsr takes D s 7)$?, " more Amman pre
O s V?y, ut DK^» j pro DD^> supra vU. 6, et
Pa. lvitt'S" (SWot. ad Jo*. xL 21).
* See woodcut. Compare also Bellooius, quoted by
Bochart : " Vlvit arundlnibus et oannis ssoohari et
tfaUis papyri herbs*. "
' Vnlt * om ^J» "*° descend." The mm.
of Jordan Is used poetically for any river, ae the Greek
poets use Ida for any mountain and Achelous for any
water (Boeenmttll. Schol.), or perhatw In Its original
meaning, ae simply a " rapid river." (See Stanley, 8
t P. } 87.) This vers* seems to refer to the inunda-
tion of the Nile.
* This seems to be the meaning implied. Compare
it the ease of Lriuhon, oh. xli. 2, 6 ; but sss also
Oa.-v'e rendering " He reeeivetb H (the river) up ss
his —as.
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270 BEKAH
This description agrees in every particular with
the hippopotiCnus, which we fully believe to be the
representative of the behemoth of Scripture.
According to the Talmud, Behemoth is some
huge land-animal which daily consumes the grass
off a thousand hills; he is to hare at some future
period a battle with leviathan. On account of his
grazing on the mountains, he is called " the bull
of the high mountains." (See Lewysohn, ZooL
ties Talmud*, p. 355.1 "The 'fothers,' for the
most part," says Cary (Job, p. 403) " surrounded
the object with an awe equally dreadful, and in the
behemoth here, and in the leviathan of the next
thspter, saw nothing but mystical r e presentati o ns
BBLA
of the devil; others again have here pictured U
the msel ves some hieroglyphic monster that has m
real existence; but these wild imaginations are sur
passed by that of BoUuchis, who in the behemoU
actually beholds Christ! "
The akin of the hippopotamus is cut into whips
by the Dutch colonists of S. Africa, and the monu-
ments of Egypt testify that a similar use was mads
of the skin by the ancient Egyptians (Anc. EgypL
iii. 78). The inhabitants of S. Africa bold the
flesh of the hippopotamus in high esteem; it is said
to be not unlike pork.
The hippopotamus belongs to the order Padit/-
dtrmala, doss Mammalia. W. H.
Oban of tha Blppopocamas. (Wilkin—.)
BE'KAH. [Wkiohto.]
BEL. [Baal.]
BEL AND DRAGON. [Dakhx, Atocbt
"HAL ADDITIONS TO.]
BETLA (9*?! : BoXA, and BaAl, and BoAoV,
lien. xiv. 2, 8: Bela; a ticallowing vp, or destruc-
tion. In the liber Norn. Bebr., in St. Jerome's
works, torn. 11., it is corrupted to ZaW, in the
Cod. Reg.; but in the Cod. Colbert, it is written
BdAAa," and interpreted KaranovruriUt (see Ps.
hr. (liv.) 9, Sept). Jerome appears to confound it
with by?, where be renders it "habeas, sive
desoraw;" and witn nbj, when he says,
« BaQa, abeorpta sive imtUrata").
X. [BcAdV Bab.] One of the five cities of tin
plain which was spared at the intercession of Lot,
mi resolved the name of Zoar C^TC), tmaOuu,
Us little one (Gen. xiv. S, six. 9>). It by on
the southern extremity of the Dead Sea, on the
frontier of Hoab and Palestine (Jerome on Is. xv.).
and on the route to Egypt; the connection in which
it is found, Is. xv. 5; Jer. xlviii. 84; Gen. xiii. 10.
We first read of Bela in Gen. xb. 8, 8, where it
is named with Sodom, Gomorrha, Admah, and
Zeboiim, as forming a confederacy under their
respective kings, in the vale of Siddim, to resist the
supremacy of the king of Shinar and his associates.
It is singular that the king of Bela is the only one
of the five whose name is not Riven, and this sug-
gests the probability of Bela having been his own
name, as well ss the name of his city, which may
have been so called from him. The tradition of the
Jews was that It was called Bela from having been
repeatedly engulfed by earthquakes; and in the
passage Jer. xlviii. 84, "From Zoar even unto
Horonaim (have they uttered their voice) as at
heifer* of three yean old," and Is. xv. 5, they
• BaAA* Is also the U3CS
.a
of Bm, flan. * Than can be no doubt that In both
orr of the dlstnsasd MeaMtes is eempend to the lontnj
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BELA
ibsurdly boded an allusion to iU deetraetkm by
three earthquakes (Jerome, Quasi. Btb. n Gen,
riv.). There is nothing improbable in itself in toe
supposed allusion to the twaUawmg up of the eity
by an earthquake, which 'S"_'3. exactly expresses
(Num. xri. 30); but the repeated occurrence of
3? 7t)> *nd words compounded with it, as names
of men, rather favors the notion of the city hairing
been caDed Bela from the name of its founder.
This is rendered yet more probable by Btla being
the name of an Edomitiah king in Gen. xxxvi. 33.
For further information see De Saulcy's Narrative,
'. 467-481, and Stanleys & <f P. 285. [Zoab.]
3- LBoXxdc: Btla, B ,U in IChr.] Son of Beer,
who reigned over Edom in the city of Dinhabah,
eight generations before Saul, king of Israel, or
about the time of the Exodus. Bernard Hyde, fol-
lowing some Jewish commentators (Simon. OnomasL
142, note), identifies this Bela with Balaam the son
of Beor; but the evidence from the name does not
seem to prove more than identity of family and
race. There is nothing whatever to guide us as to
the age of Beor, or Bosor, the founder of the house
from which Bela and Balaam sprang. As regards
the i.ame of Beta's royal or native city Dinhabah,
which Flint and Geseuius render "place of plunder,"
it may be suggested whether it may not possibly
be a form of fTJirn, the Chaldee for gold, after
the analogy of the frequent Chaldee resolution of
the dagesh forte into nun. There are several names
of places and persons in Idumea which point to
gold as found there — as Dizahab, Deut. i. 1,
" place of gold; " Mkzahah, " waters of gold," or
"gold-streams," Gen. xxxvi. 39." Compare Dehe-
bris, the ancient name of the Tiber, famous for its
yellow waters. If this derivation for Dinhabah be
true, its Chaldee form would not be difficult to
account for, and would supply an additional evidence
of the early conquests of the Chaldee* in the direction
of Idumea. The name of Beta's ancestor Beor,
"152, is of a decidedly Chaldee or Aranuean form,
like fleor "15?, Pethor "■TV?, Rehob -P *, aud
others; sod we are expressly told that Balaam the
•on of Beor dwelt in I'ethor, which is by the river
of the land of the children of his people, i. t. the
river Knphrates ; and be himself describes his home
as being in Aram (Num. xxii. 6, xxiii. 7). Saul
again, who reigned over Edom after Samlah, came
from Rehoboth by the river Euphrates (Gen. xxxri.
37). We read in Job's time of the Chaldeans
making incursions iuto the land of Uz, and carrying
off the camels, and slaying Job's servants (Job i.
17). In the time of Abraham we have the king
of Shinar apparently extending bis empire so as to
make the kings on the borders of the Dead Sea his
tributaries, and with his confederates extending his
aioquests into the very country which was after-
wards the land of Edom (Gen. xiv. 8). Putting
all this together, we may conclude with some con-
Sdence that Bela the son of Beor, who reigned over
Edom, was a Chaldean by birth, and reigned in
Kdom by conquest. He may have been contem-
<a
T of comparison k) very
is boon aJtu tram her The
frequently omitted in Hebrew
In n^TTTQ, n the golden dty," Is. xtr. 4, the
Is eouMral (Gem. in v.).
BKLIAIi 271
porery with Moses and Balaam. Haded, rf which
name there were two kings (Gen. xxxvi. 36, 39), hi
probably soother instance of an Aranuean king of
Edom, as we find the name Benhadad as that of the
kings of Syria, or Aram, in later history (1 K. xx.).
Compare also the name of Hadad-ezer, king of
Zobah, in the neighborhood of the Euphrates (3
Sam. viii. 3, 4c.). The passage Gen. xxxvi. 31-39,
is given in duplicate 1 Chr. i. 43-61.
3. [BoAd, Boa*', etc.: Btla]. Eldest son of
Benjamin, according to Gen. xlvi. 21, 6 Num. xxvi.
38, 1 Chr. vii. 8, viii. 1, and head of the family of
the Belaites. The houses of his family, according
to 1 Chr. viii. 3-6, were Addar, Gera, Abihud (read
Ehud Tin??, for "TOTO**), Abishua, Naaraan,
Ahoah, Shupham, and Haram. Of these Ehud is
the most remarkable. The exploit of Ehud the
son of Gera, who shared the peculiarity of so many
of his Benjamite brethren, in being left-handed
(Judg. xx. 16), in slaying Eglon the king of Hoab,
sad delivering Israel from the Moabitiah yoke, is
related at length Judg. iii. 14-30. The greatness
of the victory subsequently obtained may be meas-
ured by the length of the rest of 80 years which
followed. It is perhaps worth noticing that as we
have Husham by the side of Bela among the kings
of Edom, Gen. xxxvi. 34, so also by the side of
Bela, son of Benjamin, we have the Benjamite fam-
ily of Hushim (1 Chr. vii. 12), sprung apparently
from a foreign woman of that name, whom a Ben-
jamite took to wife in the land of Hoab (1 Chr.
viii. 8-11 ). [Bkcher.]
4- [BoAsk; Alex. BoA<: Bala.] Son of Ahaz,
a Keubenite (1 Chr. v. 8). It is remarkable that
his country too was "in Aroer, even unto Nebo
and Baai-meon; and eastward he inhabited unto
the entering in of the wilderness from the river
Euphrates " (8, 9). A. C. H.
BE'LAH. [Bela, 3.]
BET.AITES, THE ( N S V?!? : « boa! ; [Vat.
Alex. -a«: Beltiita]), Num. xxvi. 38. [Bela, 3.]
BEI/EMUS WiKt/uf- Balmrma), 1 Esdr.
ii. 16. [BtSHLAM.]
BEXIAX. The translators of our A. V., fol-
lowing the Vulgate, have frequently treated the
word '3?l73 ** a proper name, and given it in
the form Behal, in accordance with 2 Cor. vi. 16
This is particularly the case where it is connected
with the expressions KV, man of, or *|2 sou o/:
in other instances it is translated tacked or some
equivalent term (Deut. xv. 9; Ps. xli. 8, ci. 3
Prov. vi. 12, xri. 27, xix. 28; Nab. i. 11, 16).
There can be no question, however, that the word
is not to be regarded as a proper name in the 0. T. ;
its meaning is uorthlemneu, and hence rtcldtuneu.
lawletmtss. Its etymology is uncertain : the first
part * 73 = without ; the second part has been va-
riously connected with ^S? yoke, as in the Vulg.
(Judg. xix. 22) Belial, id ttt abtque jugo, in the
sense of unbridled, rebeUimu ; with ■*^?^> ft? at-
and, as = without ascent, that is, of the loiett con-
dition; and lastly with '"•T?*, tuefuhuu = wUAom
o In A. V. "Bolah," the V bring iwtdsred by ■
Camp. Ssnun [8; Uraotr, 21.
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272
BELLOWS
Mie/Mneti, that in, good for nothing (Gesen. The-
•oar. p. 309): the latter appears to be the moat
probable, not only in regard to sense, but also as
explaining the unusual fusion of the two words, the
s at the end of the one and at the beginning of the
other leading to a r/vwV, originally in the pronun-
ciation, and afterwards in the writing. The ex-
pression Km or man uf Belial must be understood
as meaning simply a worthless, lawless fellow (tit
pdvofios, LXX.): it occurs frequently in this sense
in the historical books (Judg. xix. 22, xx. 13; 1
Sara. i. 16, ii. 12, x. 27, xxv. 17, 25, xxx. 92; 9
Sam. xvi. 7, xx. 1; IK. xxi. 10; 2 Chr. xiii. 7),
and only onoe in the earlier books (Deut. xiii. 13).
The adjunct EC'S is occasionally omitted, as in
Sam. xxiii. 6, and Job xxxiv. 18, where ^5^21
stands by itself, as a term of reproach. The later
Hebrews used f>ai«L and u»p4 in a similar manner
(Matt. v. 22) : the latter is perhaps the most anal-
ogous; in 1 Sam. xxv. 25, Nabal P3J = /ia>p6s)
is described as a man of Belial, as though the terms
were equivalent
In the N. T. the term appears in the form Be-
\lap and not BtAtuA, as given in the A. V. The
change of \ into p was common ; we hare an in-
stance even in Biblical Hebrew DTttO (Job
xxxviii. 32) for JTlbTO 2 K. xxiii. S); in Chal-
dee we meet with rWHn for D^bfT, and vari-
ous other instances; the same change occurred in
the Doric dialect (^aOpos for <pav\os), with which
the Alexandrine writers were most familiar. The
term as used in 2 Cor. vi. 15 is generally under-
stood as an appellative of Satan, as the personifica-
tion of all that was bad: Beugel (Gnomon in loc. )
explains it of Antichrist, as more strictly the oppo-
site of Christ (iimnem collurUrm antichrutirmam
notart videtttr). W. I. B.
BELLOWS (HSO: ^wnrWjp, LXX.). The
word occurs only in Jer. vi. 29, " The bellows are
burned;" where their use is to heat a smelting
furnace. They were known even in the time of
Moses, and perhaps still earlier, since the operations
of a foundry would be almost impossible without
them. A picture of two different kinds of bellows,
both of highly ingenious construction, may be found
in Wilkinson, Anc. HgyjiL iii. 338. " They con-
sisted," he says, " of a leather, secured and fitted
into a frame, from which a long pipe extended for
carrying the wind to the fire. They were worked
. Bellows, (f. CttOii, JUtJurrDatm Ut Art!
da Anritnt t^yptitnt)
t] toe feet, the operator standing upon them, with
BELLS
one under each foot, and pressing them alternate!)
while he pulled op each exhausted skin with •
string he held in his hand. In one instance we
observe from the painting, that when the man left
the bellows, they were raised as if inflated with an
and this would imply a knowledge of the ralve
The pipes even in the time of Thothmes HI., [sup-
posed to be] the contemporary of Moses, appeal
to have been simply of reed, tipped with a metal
point to resist the action of the fire."
Bellows of an analogous kind were early known
to the Greeks and Romans. Homer (//. xviii. 470}
speaks of 20 <f>G<rai in the forge of Hepluettoa, and
they are mentioned frequently by ancient authors
{Diet, of Ant., art. Follis). Ordinary hand-bel-
lows, made of wood and kid's-okin, are used by the
modern Egyptians, but are not found in the old
paintings. They may however have been known,
as they were to the early Greeks. F. W. F.
BELLS. There are two words thus translated
in the A. V., namely, fiOPS, Ex. xxriii. 38 (from
D37B, to itrike; xdiuvts, LXX.), and n'lbSQ,
Zech. xiv. 20 (to «V1 rb* %i>avw> rev bm,
LXX.; A. V., niarg. "bridle*," from V?^, to
trUct).
In Ex. xxriii. 33 the bells alluded to were the
golden ones, according to the Rabbis 72 in number
(Winer, s. v. Schelkn), which alternated with the
three-colored pomegranates round the hem of the
high-priest's ephod. The object of them was " that
his sound might be beard when he went in unto the
holy place, and when he came out, that he die not "
(Ex. xxriii. 35), or " that as he went there might
be a sound, and a noise made that might be heard
in the temple, for a memorial to the children of his
people " (Ecclus. xlv. 9). No doubt they answered
the same purpose as the bells used by the Brah-
mins in the Hindoo ceremonies, and by the Roman
Catholics during the celebration of mass (comp.
Luke i. 21). To this day bells are frequently
attached, for the sake of their pleasant sound, to
the anklets of women. [Anklet.] The 'little
girls of Cairo wear strings of them round their
feet (Lane, Mod. Egypt, ii. 370, and at Knojar,
Mungo Park saw a dance "in which many per-
formers assisted, all of whom were provided with
little bells fastened to their legs and arms."
In Zech. xiv. 20 "bells of the horses" (where
our marg. Vers, follows the LXX.) is probably a
wrong rendering. The Hebrew word it almost the
same as E*FI ?SQ " a pair of cymbals," aad as
they are supposed to be inscribed with the words
" Holiness unto the Lord," it is more probable that
they are not bells, but " concave or flat pieces of
brass, which were sometimes attached to horses for
the take of ornament" (Jahn, Arcli. Bibl § 96).
Indeed they were probably the same at the
D'O'intP, firivloKot (It. iii 18; Judg. riii. 91),
lunula of gold, diver, or brass used as ornaments,
and hung by the Arabians round the necks of their
camels, as we still see them in England on the har-
ness of horses. They were not only ornamental,
but useful, as their tinkling tended to enliven the
animals: and in the caravans they thus served the
purpose of our modern sheep-bells. The compari-
son to the KciWts used by the Greeks to test
horses seems out of place; and hence Archbiahot
Seeker's explanation of this verse at meaning that
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BELMAIM
war-horses wuuld become useless, and their trap-
pings would be converted to sacred purposes, is
untenable. The general meaning, as oLvious from
the context, is that true religion will then be uni-
versally professed. F. W. F.
BELMAIM (B*U*V; [Vat] Alex. b«X£<h/i;
[Sin. A$€K0atfi; Comp. BcA/iatuO Behna), a
place which, from the terms of the passage, would
appear to have been south of Dothaim (Jud. vii.
3). Possibly it is the same as Belmem, though
whether this is the case, or indeed whether either
of them ever had any real existence, it is at present
impossible to determine. [Judith.] The Syriac
has Abel-mechola. G.
BEI/MEN ([Kom. Comp.] B<\u<V; [Sin.]
Alex. BcA/uur; L Vat BaiA/iaw] : Valg. omits),
a place named amongst the towns of Samaria as
lying between Beth-horon and Jericho (Jud. iv. 4).
The Hebrew name would seem to have been Abel-
maim; but the onlj place of that name in the
O. T. was far to the north of the locality here
alluded to. [Abeumaim.] The Syriac version
has Abel-meholah, which is more consistent with
the context [Abel-meholah ; Bklmaim.]
G.
BKLSHAZ'ZAB (tSHt&bs, Dan. v. 1,
*od -)-3tgH ! p3, vii. 1: BoAToVop [Alex. Bopra-
rap in Dan. v. 1]: BalUuar), the last king of
Babylon. According to the well-known scriptural
narrative, be was warned of his coming doom by
the handwriting on the wall which was interpreted
by Daniel, and was slain during a splendid feast in
bis palace. Similarly Xenophon (Cyrop. vii. 6, 3)
tens us that Babylon was taken by Cyrus in the
night, while the inhabitants were engaged in feast-
ing and revelry, and that the king was killed. On
the other hand the narratives of Berosus in Jose-
phus (c. Apion. i. 30) and of Herodotus (i. 184 ff.)
differ from the above account in some important
particulars. Berosus calls the last king of Babylon
Nabonnedus or Nabonadius (NcUnt-ml or JVaionn-
kii, L e. Webo bltwet, or maiet protperoui), and
says that in the 17th year of his reign Cyrus took
Babylon, the king having retired to the neighbor-
ing city of Borsippus or Borsippa (Birs-i-Nimrud),
called by Niebuhr (Led. on Anc. But. xil.) "the
Chaldean Benares, the city in which the Chaldssans
had their most revered objects of religion, and where
they cultivated their science." Being blockaded in
that city, Nabonnedus surrendered, his life was
spared, and a principality or estate given to him in
Carmania, where he died. According to Herodotus
the last king was called Labynetus, a name easy to
reconcile with the Nabonnedus of Berosus, and the
Nabannidochus of Megasthenes (Euseb. Prop.
Ecang. ix. 41). Cyrus, after defeating Labynetus
hi the open field, appeared before Babylon, within
which the besieged defied attack and even block-
ade, as they had walls 300 feet high, and 75 feet
thick, forming a square of 15 miles to a side, and
had stored up previously several years' provision.
But he took the city by drawing off for a time the
waters of the Euphrates, ud then m^whjng in
with his whole army along lis bed, during a great
Babylonian festival, while the people, feeling per-
fectly secure, were scattered over the whole city in
recklaa amusement. These discrepancies have
lately been cleared up by the discoveries of Sir
Hani; Rawlinson; and the histories of .nofant
•risers, far from contradicting the Scripture, -larra-
18
BEL8HAZZAB 278
tive, are shown to explain and confirm it. In 1854
he deciphered the inscriptions on some cylinders
found in the ruins of Um-Qeer (the ancient Ur of
the Chaldees), containing memorials of the works
executed by Nabonnedus. From these inscriptions
it appears that the eldest son of Nabonnedus was
called Bel-ahar-ezar and admitted by his father to
a share in the government This name is com-
pounded of Bel (the Babyloni*n god), Shar (a king),
and the same termination as in Nabopolassar, Neb-
uchadnezzar, 4c., and is contracted into Belsbaz-
zar, just as Neriglissar (again with the same ter-
mination) is formed from Nergal-sharezar. In a
communication to the Athemeum, No. 1377, Sir
Henry Rawlinson says, " we can now understand
how Belshazzar, as joint king with his father, may
have been governor of Babylon, when the city was
attacked by the combined forces of the Medes and
Persians, and may have perished in the assault
which followed ; while Nabonnedus leading a force
to the relief of the place was defeated, and obliged
to take refuge in Borsippa, capitulating after a
short resistance, and being subsequently assigned,
according to Berosus, an honorable retirement in
Carmania." In accordance with this new we
arrange the last Chaldsean kings as follows : — Neb-
uchadnezzar, his son Evil-merodach, Neriglissar,
Laborosoarchod (bis son, a boy, killed in a conspir-
acy), Nabonnedus or Labynetus, and Belshazzar.
Herodotus says that Labynetus was the son of
Queen Nitocris; and Megasthenes (Euseb. Chr.
Arm. p. 60) tells us that he succeeded Laborosoar-
chod, but was not of his family. Na/Saw(8oxo»
iwoSfUcvwri Bao'iA^a, rpotrfiKoyrd of ov8«V- la
Dan. v. 2, Nebuchadnezzar is called the father of
Belshazzar. This of course need only mean grand-
father or ancestor. Now Neriglissar usurped the
throne on the murder of Evil-merodach (Beros. op.
Joseph. Apian, i.): we may therefore well suppose
that on the death of his son Laborosoarchod, Neb-
uchadnezzar's family was restored in the person of
Nabonnedus or Labynetus, possibly the i>«n of that
king and Nitocris, and father of Belshazzar. The
chief objection to this supposition would be that
if Neriglissar married Nebuchadnezzar's daughter
(Joseph, c. Apion. i. 21) [20, Didot's ed.], Nabon-
nedus would through her be connected with Laboro-
soarchod. This difficulty is met by the theory of
Rawlinson (Herod. Essay viii. § 25), who connects
Belshazzar with Nebuchadnezzar through his mo-
ther, thinUng it probable that Nabu-nahit, whom
he does not consider related to Nebuchadnezzar,
would strengthen his position by marrying the
daughter of that king, who would thus be Belshaz-
zar's maternal grandfather. A totally different
view is taken by Marcus Niebuhr (Getchichte At-
mr'i und Babeti Kit Phui, p. 91), who considers
Belshazzar to be another name for Evil-merodach,
the son of Nebuchadnezzar. He identifies their
characters by comparing Dan. v. with the language
of Berosus about Evil-merodach, Tpocrris riv
xpayiidTuy tripus Kai accA-ywr- He considers
that the capture of Babylon described in Daniel,
was not by the Persians, but by the Medes, under
Astyagea (i. e. Darius the Mede), and that between
the reigns of Evil-merodach or Belshazzar, and Ne-
riglissar, we must insert a brief period during which
Babylon was subject to the Medes. This solves a
difficulty as to the age of Darius (Dan. v. 31; cf.
Rawlinson, Essay iii { 11), but most people will
probably prefer the actual facts discovered by Sir
Henry Rawiinaon to the theory (though doubtleas
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BELTESHAZZAR
very ingeta*-.*) of Niebubr. On Rawlinson's view,
Betohara a r died b. c. 638, on Niebuhr's b. c. 55t.
G. E. L. C.
BELTESHAZ'ZAR. [Daniel.]
BEN 0? [mm]: LXX. omits: Sen), a Levite
"of the noond degree," one of the porters ap-
pointed by David to the service of the ark (1 Cbx.
xv. 18).
BENATAH [3 syL] (!»n^5 and H^3 =
built by J ah: Bavodas- BanaXai), the name of sev-
era) Israelites: —
1. Benaiahu; the eon of Jehoiada the chief
priest (1 Chr. xxvii. 5), and therefore of the tribe
of I-evi, though a native of Kabzeel (2 Sam. xxiii.
80; 1 Chr. xi. 23), in the south of Judah; set by
David (1 Chr. xi. 25) over his body-guard of Chere-
thiles and Pelethites (2 Sam. viii. 18; 1 K. i. 38;
1 Chr. xviii. 17; 2 Sam. xx. 23) and occupying
a middle rank between the first three of the Gib-
borim, or "mighty men," and the thirty "valiant
mm of the armies" (2 Sam. xxiii. 22, 23; 1 Chr.
xi 25, xxvii. 6 ; and see Kennicott, Dim. p. 177).
The exploits which gave him this rank are nar-
rated in 2 Sam. xxiii. 20, 21 ; 1 Chr. xi. 22. He
was captain of the host for the third month (1 Chr.
xxvii. 5).
Benaiah remained faithful to Solomon during
Adonyah's attempt on the crown (1 K. i. 8, 10), a
matter in which he took part in his official capacity
as commander of the king's body-guard (1 K. i. 39.
38, 44); and after Adonyah and Joab had both
been put to death by his hand, he was raised by
Solomon into the place of the latter as commander-
in-chief of the whole army (ii. 35, iv. 4).
Benaiah appears to have had a son, called after
bis grandfather, Jehoiada, who succeeded Ahitho-
pbel about the person of the king (1 Chr. xxvii.
84). But this to possibly a copyist's mistake for
" Benaiah the son of Jehoiada."
3. [Vat. Alex. om. in 2 Sam.; Vulg. in 2 Sam.
and 1 Chr. xi. Banaia.] Benaiah the Pirathon-
m; an Ephraimite, one of David's thirty mighty
men (2 Sam. xxiii. 30; 1 Chr. xi. 31), and the cap-
tain of the eleventh monthly course (1 Chr. xxvii.
14).
3. [In 1 Chr. xv. 18, Bora/a.] Bksaiahu; a
Levite in the time of David, who " played with a
psaltery on Alamoth " (1 Chr. xv. 18, 20, xvi. 5).
4. [1 Chr. xt. 94, Bogota; Vat. Alex. FA.
Bajrtu.] Benaiahv; a priest in the time of Da-
vid, appointed to blow the trumpet before the ark
(1 Chr. xv. 24, xvi. 6).
. 5. [Vat. om.] Benaiah ; a Levite of the sons
ef Asaph (2 Chr. xx. 14).
<*• [Vat. Oatm Bovoiat.] Benaiahu; a Le-
vite in the time of Hezddah, one of the " overseers
(B"<Tp9) of offerings " (9 Chr. xxxi. 13).
7. [Vat. om.; Alex. Barauf- Sonata.] Be-
naiah; one of the "princes" (CWTOW) of the
families of Simeon (1 Chr. Iv. 86).
8. Bk.saiah; four laymen in the time of Ezra
who had taken strange wives. [Bavoia: Vulg. 1,
Banta ; 3, Banta* ; 4, Banaia.] 1 (Exr. X. 95).
[Baahias.] 9 (Ear. x. 30). [Naidus.] 3 (En-.
X. 86), and 4 (x. 43). [Banaias.]
9. Benaiahu; father of Pelatiab, " a prince of
Ike people" in the time of Esekiel (xi. 1, 18).
B«M-AM'MI C9S15, m* of my kindred),
BENB-KHDEM
the sob of the younger daughter of Lot, set! tbt
progenitor of the Ammonites (Gen. xix. 38). The
reading of the LXX. and Vulgate differs from tat
Hebrew text by inserting the name of Amnion as
well as the exclamation which originated it: not
ixiXttrt to tro/ia airtoi 'A^iar \tyovo~u TA.
yirovs iuu [Alex. Amur o mos rov ytvovs /urn]
Amman, id aUJMutpopuU ma.
BEN'R-BETtAK (P13 - *?.? [eoruof hght-
nmg or of Barak]: Baraj£a*dV;Alex. BornSa-
pax- el Bane el Barach: Syr. ■ ■ 3 , ^ V ***) on*
of the cities of the tribe of Dan, mentioned only in
Josh. xix. 45. The paucity of information which we
possess regarding this tribe (omitted entirely from
the lists in 1 Chr. ii.— viii., and only one family
mentioned in Num. xxvi.) nu>kes it impossible to
say whether the "sons of Berak " who gave their
name to this place belonged to Dan, or were, as we
may perhaps infer from the name, earlier settlers
dispossessed by the tribe. The reading of the
Syriac, Baal-debac, to not confirmed by any other
version. By Eusebius the nanie is divided (comp.
Vulg.), and Bapaxaf is said to have been then a
village near Aiotus. No trace hat been found of
it- G.
• Knobel (Jama, p. 471) identifies it with Ibn
Abrak, an hour's distance from d- TtMdkjek ( Je-
hud), according to Scholz (Rate, p. 956). A.
BEN'E-JA'AKAN 0^7? VIS, children
[sons] of Jaakan [perh. tngaciout, wite, FUrtt] :
Bara/a! Alex. Barucay: Benejaacan), a tribe who
gave their name to certain wells in the desert which
formed one of the halting-places of the Israelites
on their journey to Canaan. [Beeroth Bk.ne-
jaakan.] In Num. xxxiii. 31, 32, the name to
given in the shortened form of Bene-jaakan. The
tribe doubtless derived its name from Jaakan, the
son of Ezer, son of Sen- the Horite (1 Chr. i. 42),
whose name to also given in Genesis as Akan.
[Akanj Jakan.]
The situation of these wells has not been yet
identified. In the time of Eusebius ( Onom. Btroth
JU. Jadn, 'laxfl/i) the spot was shown 10 miles
from Petra on the top of a mountain. Robinson
suggests the small fountain el- Tniyibth, at the bot-
tom of the Pass er-Rvb&y under Petra, a short
distance from the Arabah. The word fleeroth,
however, suggests not a spring but a group of ar-
tificial wells.
In the Targ. Ps. Jon. the name is given in Num-
bers as Aktha, Hnpy "n'O. G.
BKN'E-KBDEH (EHP. "OB, At children
[tons] of Ike East), an appellation given to a people,
or to peoples, dwelling to the east of Palestine. It
occurs in the following passages of the O. T. : (1.)
Gen. xxix. 1, " Jacob came into the land of the
people of the East," in which was therefore reck-
oned Haran. (2.) Job 1. 3, Job was " the greatest
of all the men of the East" [Job]. (8.) Judg.
vi. 3, 83, vii. 12, viii. 10. In the first three pat-
sages the Bene-Kedetn are mentioned together with
the Hidianites and the Amalekites: and in the
fourth the latter peoples seem to be included in the
common name: " Now Zebah and Zalmunna [werej
in Karkor, and their hosts with them, about fifteea
thousand [men], all that were left of aD the hotel
of the children of the East" In the events to
which then passages of J edges relate, we find s
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BEN HAD AD
furious reference to the language spoken by them
eastern tribe*, which was understood by Gideon and
bis servant (or one of them) as mey listened to the
talk in the camp; and from this it is to be inferred
that they spoke a dialect intelligible to an Israelite :
in inference bearing on an affinity of race, and
thence on the growth of the Semitic languages.
(4.) IK. It. SO, "Solomon's wisdom excelled the
wisdom of all the children of the East country."
(S.) Is. xi. 14 ; Jer. xlix. 98 ; Ez. xxv. 4, 10. From
the first passage it is difficult to deduce an argu-
ment, but the other instances, with their contexts,
are highly important. In Ezekiel, Amnion is de-
livered to the " men of the East," and its city
Kabbah is prophesied to become "a stable for
camels, and the Ammonites a couching-place for
flock* ; " referring, apparently, to the habits of the
wandering Arabs; while "palaces" and "dwell-
ings," also mentioned and thus rendered in the A.
V., may be better read "camps" and "tents."
The words of Jeremiah strengthen the supposition
just mentioned: "Concerning Kedar, and con-
cerning Hazor, which Nebuchadrezzar king of
Babylon shall smite, thus saith the Lord, Arise ye,
go up to Kedar, and spoil the men of the East.
Their tents and their flocks shall they take away :
they shall take to themselves their curtains [i. e.
tents'], and all their vessels, and their camels."
Opinions are divided as to the extension of the
appellation of Bene-Kedem ; some (as Rosenmuller
and Winer) holding that it came to signify the
Arabs generally. From a consideration of the pas-
sages above cited, and that which makes mention
of the land of Kedem, Gen. xxv. 6 [Ishmael],
we think (with Geseuius) that it primarily signified
the peoples of the Arabian deserts (east of Palestine
and Lower Egypt), and chiefly the tribes of Ish-
mael and of Keturah. extending perhaps to Meso-
potamia and Babylonia (to which we may suppose
Kedem to apply in Num. xxiii. 7, as well as in Is.
ii. 6); and that it was sometimes applied to the
Arabs and their oountry generally. The only pos-
itive instance of this latter signification of Kedem
ooours in Gen. x. 30, where " Sephar, a mount of
the East," is by the common agreement of scholars
situate in Southern Arabia [Arabia; Sephab].
In the O. T. 3"}?, with its conjugate forms,
teems to be a name of the peoples otherwise called
Bene-Kedem, and with the same limitations. The
same may be observed of {/ ivarokfi in the N. T.
(Matt. ii. 1 ft). D-1J? ^9, D}i? ^JS r&\
DTH?. VlSt tod D T?. ( m the passages above re-
hired to), are translated by the LXX. and In the
Vulg., and sometimes transcribed (KcS^i) by the
fcf-ner; except LXX. in 1 K. iv. 30, and LXX.
and Vulg. in Is. ii. 6, where they make Kedem to
relate to ancient time. E.8.F.
BENHADAD [more correctly Bek-hadad]
(Tien?, «" ofBaiodt vtbi'Msp: Benadad\
Ike name of three kings of Damascus. Hadad or
Adid was a Syrian god, probably the Sun (Hacrob.
Saturnalia, i. 33), still worshipped at Damascus in
the time of Josephus (Ant. it. 4, 6), sod from it
■everal Syrian names are derived, as Hadadezer,
. e. Hadad has helped. The "son of Hadad,"
herein*, means worshipper of Hadad. Damascus,
•Bar having been taken by David (9 Sam. viiL 5,
•J, was aVafvored from subjection to his successor
BBNHADAD 276
by Bacon (1 K. xi. 94), who "was an adversary tt
Israel all the days of Solomon."
Bkichadad I. wss either ton or grandson to
Bexon, and in his time Damascus wss supreme in
Syria, the various smaller kingdoms which sur-
rounded it being gradually absorbed into its terri-
tory. Benhadad must have been an energetic sod
powerful sovereign, and his alliance was courted
both by Baaaha of Israel and Asa of Judah. He
finally dosed with the latter on receiving a large
amount of treasure, and conquered a great part of
the N. of Israel, thereby enabling Asa to pursue
his victorious operations in the 3. From 1 K. xx.
34, it would appear that he continued to make war
upon Israel in Omri's time, and forced him to
make "streets" in Samaria for Syrian residents.
[Arab.] This date is b. o. 950.
Bbnhadad II., son of the preceding, and also
king of Damascus. Some authors call him grand-
son, on the ground that it was unusual in antiquity
for the son to inherit the father's name. But Ben-
hadad seems to have been a religious title of the
Syrian kings, as we see by its reappearance as the
name of Hazael's son, Benhadad III. Long wars
with Israel characterized the reign of Benhadad II.,
of which the earlier campaigns are described under
Ahab. His power and the extent of his dominion
are proved by the thirty-two vassal kings who ac-
companied him to his first siege of Samaria. Some
time after the death of Ahab, probably owing to
the difficulties in which Jehoram of Israel was in-
volved by the rebellion of Moab, Benhadad renewed
the war with Israel, and after some minor attempts
which were frustrated by Elisha, attacked Samaria
a second time, and pressed the siege so closely that
there was a terrible (amine in the city, and atrocities
were committed to get food no less revolting than
those which Josephus relates of the siege of Jerusalem
by Titus. But when the Syrians were on the very
point of success, they suddenly broke up in the
night in consequence of a sudden panic, under which
they fancied that assistance was coming to Israel
from Egypt or some Canaanitisb cities as Tyre or
Ramoth. Jehoram seems to have followed up this
unhoped-for deliverance by successful offensive oper-
ations, since we find from 3 K. ix. 1 that Ramoth
in Gilead was once more an Israelitiah town.
[Arab.] Soon after Benhadad fell sick, and sent
Hazael, one of his chief officers, with vast presents,
to consult Elisha, who happened to be in Damascus,
as to the issue of his malady. Elisha replied that
the sickness wss not a mortal one, but that still he
would certainly die, and he announced to Hazael
that be would be his successor, with tears at the
thought of the misery which be would bring on
Israel. On the day after Hazael's return Benhadad
was murdered, but not, as is commonly thought
from a cursory reading of 9 K. viii. 15, by Hazael.
Such a supposition is hardly consistent with Hazael's
character, would involve Elisha in the gnilt of hav-
ing suggested the deed, and the introduction of
Hazael's name in the latter clause of ver. 15 can
scarcely be accounted for, if he is also the subject
of the first clause. Ewald, from the Hebrew text
and a general consideration of the chapter (Gesch
des V. I. iii. 533, note), thinks that one or more
of Benhadad 's own servants were the murderers:
Calmet (Frngm. vii.) believes that the wet cloth
which caused his death, was intended to effect his
cure. This view he supports iy a reference to
Brum's Travels, iii. 83. Hazael succeeded him
perhaps because he had no m I tral heirs, and with
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276
BEN-HAIL
Urn expired the dynasty founded by Ream. Ben-
badad's death was about B. c. 890, and he mutt
have reigned some 30 yean.
Benhadad ID., son of the above-mentioned
Haiael, and hii successor on the throne of Syria.
His reign was disastrous for Damascus, and the
vast power wielded by his father sank into insig-
nificance. In the striking language of Scripture,
" Jehoabaz [the son of Jehu] besought the Lord, and
the Lord hearkened unto him, for he saw the oppres-
sion of Israel, because the king of Syria oppressed
them; and the Lord gave Israel a savior" (2 K.
<iii. 4, 5). This savior was Jeroboam II. (cf. 2
K. xiv. 27), but the prosperity of Israel began to
revive in the reign of his father Jeboash, the son
of Jehoabaz. When Benhadad succeeded to the
throne of Haiael, Jeboash, in accordance with a
prophecy of the dying FJisha, recovered the cities
which Jeboahaz had lost to the Syrians, and beat
him in Aphek (2 K. xiii. 17) in the plain of Es-
draelon, where Ahab had already defeated Benhadad
II. [Ahab.] Jeboash gained two more victories,
but did not restore the dominion of Israel on the
£. of Jordan. This glory was reserved for his suc-
cessor. The date of Benhadad III. is B. c. 840.
His misfortunes in war are notioed by Amos i. 4.
G. E.L.C
BEN-HAIL (V)Cn3, son of the Aost, I. e.
warrior: Benhail), one of the "prinoes" Cj£)
whom king Jehoshaphat sent to teach in the cities
af Judah (2 Chr. xvii. 7). The LXX. translates,
robs fiyovfitrovs airrov k a 1 robs vlov s riv
tuyar&y.
BEN-HAN AN 0?f71? [sono/tfemerci-
/W] : vibs *ayi; Alex, [wot] krav-fUue Hanan),
ton of Shimon, in the line of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 20).
BENITIU CD'OS {ourtony.Bayovdt; [Vat.
FA. Btytautty ;] Alex. Barovaiai i [Aid. Bav-
oin-ai; Comp. Barovi>4:] Baninu), a Levite; one
of those who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah
(Neb. x. 13 [14]).
BENJAMIN (T?3??: Bmafdr, Bsrur-
»»iV: Benjamin). JL The youngest of the children
t Jacob, and the only one of the thirteen (if indeed
there were not more: comp. "all his daughters,"
Gen. xxxvii. 35, xhri. 7), who was born in Palestine.
His birth took place on the road between Bethel
and Bethlehem, a short distance — "a length of
earth " — from the latter, and his mother Rachel
died in the act of giving birth to him, naming him
with her last breath Ben-oni, •' son of my sorrow "
(comp. 1 Sam. iv. 19-22). This was by Jacob
changed into Benjamin (Bint/amin) (Gen. xxxv.
16-18).
The name is worthy some attention. From the
terms of the story it would appear to be implied
that it was bestowed on the child in opposition to
the desponding, and probably ominous, name given
him by his dying mother, and on this assumption
it has been interpreted to mean •' Son of the right
hand," i. c fortunate, dexterous, Felix; as if
^■D^a. This interpretation is inserted in the
text of the Vulgate and the margin of the A. V.
and has the support of Geaenius ( Thee. 219). On
Uie other hand the Samaritan Codex gives the name
n an altered form as w* *22, son of days, t. e.
too of xuy old age (comp. Gen. xllv. 20), winch is
•copied by Philo, Aben-Ksra, and others. Both
BENJAMIN
these interpretations are of comparaLvely late date,
and it is notorious that such explanatory glosses
are not only often invented long subsequently to
the original record, but are an often at variance
with the real meaning of that record. The making
given by Josephus — tut tV sV airrS yevoiUrm
ASirnv if finrpl (Ant. i. 21, § 8) — is completely
different from either of the above. However this
may be, the name is not so pointed as to agree with
any interpretation founded on "son of" — being
33, and not 33. Moreover ra the adjectival forms
of the word the first syllable is generally suppressed,
as ,, 3' , pr , a3 or >?>B»ri », i. e. -sons of
Yemini," for sons of Benjamin; "?Flg »"<«,
" man of Yemini," for man of Benjamin (1 Sam.
ix. 1; Esth. ii. 6); , 0' , £' , V~& land of Yemini
for land of Benjamin (1 Sam. ix. 4); as if the
patriarch's name bad been originally ?*£?, Yamin
(comp. Gen. xhri 10), and that of the tribe Yemin-
ites. These adjectival forma are carefully preserved
in the LXX. [In Judg. iii. 15 and 1 Sam. ix. 1
the A. Y. reads in the margin " son of Jemini,"
and " son of a man of Jemini."]
Until the journeys of Jacob's sons and of Jacob
himself into Egypt we hear nothing of Benjamin,
and as far as he is concerned those well-known
narratives disclose nothing beyond the very strong
affection entertained towards him by his father ana
his whole-brother Joseph, and the relation of fond
endearment in which he stood, as if a mere darling
child (oomp. Gen. xliv. 20), to the whole of his
family. Even the harsh natures of the elder
patriarchs relaxed towards him. But Benjamin
can hardly have been the " lad " which we com-
monly imagine him to be, for at the time that the
patriarchs went down to reside in Egypt, when
" every man with his house went with Jacob," ten
sons are ascribed to Benjamin, — a larger number
than to any of his brothers, — and two of these,
from the plural formation of then* names, were
themselves apparently families (Gen. xlvi. 21)."
And here, little as it is, closes all we know of the
life of the patriarch himself; henceforward the his-
tory of Benjamin is the history of the tribe. And
up to the time of the entrance on the Promised
land that history is as meagre as it is afterwards
full and interesting. We know indeed that shortly
after the departure from Egypt it was the smallest
tribe but one (Num. i. 36 ; comp. verse 1) ; that
during the march its position was on the west of
the tabernacle with its brother tribes of Ephraim
and Manasseh (Num. il. 18-24). We have the
names of the " captain " of the tribe, when it set
forth on its long march (Num. il. 22); of the
" ruler " who went up with his fellows to spy out
the land (xiii. 9); of the families of which the tribe
consisted when it was marshalled at the great halt
in the plains of Moab by Jordan-Jericho (Num.
xxvi. 88-41, 63), and of the "prince" who was
chosen to assist in the dividing of the land (xxxiv.
21). These are indeed preserved to us. But there
is nothing to indicate what were the characteristics
and behavior of the tribe which sprang from to*
orphan darling of his father and brothers. N«
touches of personal biography like those with whlek
a According to other lists, some of these " ehDareo
would sum to have been grandchildren '(crop. Nasi
xxvt 88-41 ; lCtar. vH. 6-12, vm. 11
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BENJAMIN
«* are favored concerning Ephraim (t Chr. tu 2tj-
23): no record of real for Jehovah like I-evi (Ex.
ixxii. 26): do evidence of special bent as u. the
ante of Reuben and Gad (Num. xxxii.). The only
foreshadowing of the tendencies of the tribe which
was to produce Ehud, Saul, and the perpetrators
of the deed of Gibeah, is to he found iu the prophetic
gleam which lighted up the dying Jacob, " Benja-
min shall ravin as a wolf: in the morning be shall
ievour the prey, and at nignt he shall divide the
spoil" (Gen. xlix. 27).
The proximity of Benjamin to Ephraim during
the march to the Promised Land was maintained
in the territories allotted to each. Benjamin lay
immediately to the south of Ephraim and between
him and Judah. The situation of this territory
was highly favorable. It formed almost a paral-
lelogram, of about 26 miles in length by 12 in
breadth. Its eastern boundary was the Jordan, and
from theuce it extended to the wooded district of
Kirjath-jearim, a point about eight miles west of
Jerusalem, while in the other direction it stretched
from the valley of Hinnom, under the " Shoulder
of the Jebusite " on the south, to Bethel on the
north. Thus Dan intervened between Benjamin
and the Philistines, while the communications with
the valley of the Jordan were in their own power.
On the south the territory ended abruptly with the
steep slopes of the hill of Jerusalem; on the north
it melted imperceptibly into the possessions of the
friendly Ephraim. The smallness of this district,
hardly larger than the county of Middlesex [Eng.],
was, according to the testimony of Josephus, compen-
sated for by the excellence of the land (Jia tV ttjj
yqt iprHiv, Ant. v. 1).° In the degenerate state
of modern Palestine few traces remain of this ex-
cellence. But other and more enduring natural
l«culiarities remain, and claim our recognition,
rendering this possession one of the most remark-
able among those of the tribes.
(1.) The general level of this part of Palestine
b> very high, not less than 2000 feet above the
maritime plain of the Mediterranean on the one
side, or than 3000 feet above the deep valley of the
Jordan on the other, besides which this general
level or plateau is surmounted, in the district now
under consideration, by a large number of emi-
nences — defined, rounded hills — almost every one
of which has borne some part in the history of the
tribe. Many of these hills carry the fact of their
existence in their names. Gibeon, Gibeah, Geba
or Gaba, all mean "hill; " Ramah and Kamathaim,
"eminence;" Mizpeh, "watch-tower;" while the
"ascent of Beth-boron," the " cliff Rimmon," the
" pas* of Michmash " with its two " teeth of rock,"
all testify to a country eminently broken and hilly.
The special associations which belong to each of
these eminences, whether as sanctuary or fortress,
many of them arising from the most stirring inci-
dents in the history of the nation, win be best
examined under the various separate heads.
BEN J AMI!)
277
•> A trace of the pastors lands may bs found In the
■Motion of to* « hard" (1 8am. xL 6); and possibly
sillers to the names of some of tba towns of Baojamln :
as hap-Paiah, " the cow ; '• Zelah-ha-tleph, " the ox-
rlb >> (Josh, xviii. 28, 28).
» It Is perhaps hardly fsndfu! » *•* If w» may not
■secant in this way for toe carious prevataiee among
of the towns of B^vunln of the titles of
Ha-Avrhn, the A rites; Zemaralm, the Ze-
i ; na-Ophnl, the Ophnits ; Chaphar ha-Am-
*• Tillage of the Ammonites ; ba-Jabusl, the
(2., No less Important than thou eminences an
the torrent beds and ravines by which the upper
country break* down into the deep tracts on each
side of it. They formed then, as they do still, the
only mode of access from either the plains of Philis-
tia and of Sharon on the west, or the deep valley
of the Jordan on the east 6 — the latter steep and
precipitous in the extreme, the former more gradual
in their declivity. Up these western passes swarmed
the Philistines on their incursions during the times
of Samuel and of Saul, driving the first king of
Israel right over the higher district of his own tribe
to Gilgal in the hot recesses of the Arabah, and
establishing themselves over the face of the country
from Michmash to Ajalon. Down these same defiles
they were driven by Saul after Jonathan's victorious
exploit, just as in earlier times Joshua had chased
the Canaanites down the long hill of Beth-horon,
and as centuries after the forces of Syria were
chased by Judas Maccabeus (1 Mace. hi. 16-24).
The passes on the eastern side are of a much -
more difficult and intricate character than those
on the western. The principal one, which, now
unfrequented, was doubtless in ancient times the
main ascent to the interior, leaves the Arabah
behind the site of Jericho, and breaking through
the barren hills with many a wild bend and steep
slope, extends to and indeed beyond the very
central ridge of the table-land of Benjamin, to
the foot of the eminence on which stand the ruins
of Birth, the ancient Beeroth. At its lower part
this valley bears the name of Wiuiy Fiw&r, but
for the greater part of its length it is called Waa\)
Suwtinit. It is the main access, and from its cen-
tral ravine branch out side valleys, conducting to
Bethel, Michmash, Gibeah, Anathoth, and other
towns. After the fall of Jericho this ravine must
have stood open to the victorious Israelites, as their
natural Inlet to the country. At its lower end
must have taken place the repulse and subsequent
victory of Ai, with the conviction and stoning of
Achan, and through it Joshua doubtless hastened
to the relief of the Gibeonites, and to his memora-
ble pursuit of the Canaanites down the pass of
Beth-horon, on the other side of the territory of
Benjamin.
Another of these passes is that which since the
time of our Saviour has been the regular road be-
tween Jericho and Jerusalem, the scene of the
parable of the Good Samaritan.
Others lie further north by the mountain which
bears the traditional name of Quarantania; first up
the face of the cliff, afterwards less steep, and
finally leading to Bethel or Taiyibeh, the ancient
Ophrah (Rob. i. 670).
These intricate ravines may well hare harbored
the wild beasts, which, if the derivation of the
names of several places in this locality are to be
trusted, originally haunted the district — uboim,
hyenas (1 Sam. xiii. 18), Auai and shanlbim,
foxes or jackals (Judg. i 86; 1 Sam. xiii. 17),
ajalon, gaselles. c
Jebusite, — are all among the names of places in Ben-
jamin ; and we can hardly doubt that In these names
Is preserved the memory of many an ascent of the
wild tribes of the desert from the sultry and open
plains of the low level to the fresh air and seem*
ftstne*«» of the upper district.
< f h* subject of the connection b etween the topog-
raphy of Benjamin and the events which took plaes
there Is treated in the most admirable manner in the
4th chapter of Mr. Stanley's Sinai mil f Mass's'
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'278
BENJAMIN
Such were the limit* end such the character of
the possession of Benjamin as fixed by these who
originally divided the land. But it could not hare
oeen long before they extended their limits, since in
the early lists of 1 Chr. viii. we find mention made
of Benjamites who built Lod and Ono, and of
others who were founders of Ayalon (12, 13), all
which to.rux v.'erc beyond the spot named above aa
the westernmost point in their boundary. These
places too were in their possession after the return
from the Captivity (Neh. xi. 36).
The contrast lietween the warlike character of
the tribe and the peaceful image of its progenitor
has been already noticed. That fierceness and
power are not leas out of proportion to the small-
ncss of its numbers and of it» territory. This
comes out in many scattered notices, (a.) Benja-
•nin was the only tribe which seems to have pur-
sued archery to auy purpose, and their skill in the
bow (1 Sam. xx. 20, 36; 2 Sam. i. 22; 1 Chr. viii.
40, xii. 2 : 2 Chr. xvii. 17 ) and the sling (Jndg. xx.
16) are celebrated. (A.) When, after the first con-
quest of the country, the nation began to groan
under the miseries of a foreign yoke, it is to a man
of Benjamin, Ehud the son of Gera, that they turn
for delivenuice. The story seems to imply that he
accomplished his purpose on Eglon with less risk,
owing to his proficiency in the peculiar practice of
using his left hand, a practice apparently confined
to llenjamite*, though by them greatly employed
(Judg. iii. 15. and see xx. 16; 1 Chr. xii. 2). (c.)
Baanah and Kechab, " the sons of Kiinmon the
Beerothite of the children of Benjamin," are the
only Israelites west of the Jordan named in the
whole history as «apinin« of marauding predatory
"bands" (D^Tlia), and the act of which they
were guilty — the murder of the head of their house
— hardly needed the summary vengeance inflicted
on them by David to testify the abhorrence in
which it must ha\e been held by all Orientals how-
ever warlike. (<£) The dreadful deed recorded in
Judg. xix. though repelled by the whole country,
was unhesitatingly adopted and defended by Ben-
•aniin with an obstinacy and spirit truly extraor-
dinary. Of their obstinacy there is a remarkable
trait in 1 Sam. xxii. 7—18. Though Saul was
not only the king of the nation, but the bead of
the tribe, and David a member of a family which
had as yet no claims on the friendship of Benjamin,
yet the Benjamites resisted the strongest appeal of
Saul to betray the movements of David, and after
those movements had I wen revealed by Doeg the
Edomite (worthy member — as be must have seemed
to them — of an accursed race ! ) they still firmly
refused to lift a hand against those who had as-
sisted him.
And yet — to return to the deed of Gibeah — in
one or two of the expressions of that antique and
simple narrative — the phrase "Benjamin my
brother " — the anxious inquiry, " what shall we do
for wives for them that remain ? " — and the en-
treaty to be favorable to them " for our aakes " —
we seem to hear as it were an echo of those terms
of fond affection which have given the son of Ra-
•bet's grief so distinct a place in our minds.
very much of the above article is drawn from that
jouree.
o A Mr argument In favor of the received chro-
kotogy of the book of Judges may be drawn from this
o lr cr m artane* — since no shorter period would have
MSB surMsnt frr the tribe «• have woman * ! [from]
BENJAMIN
That frightful transaction was indetd a crisis hi
the history of the tribe : the narrative undoubtedly
is intended to convey that the six hundred whe
took refuge in the cliff Rimmon, and who were
afterwards provided with wives partly from Jabesh
Gilead (Judg. xii. 10), partly from Shiloh (xxi.
21 ), were the only survivors. A long interval must
have elapsed between so abject a condition and the
culminating point at which we next meet with the
tribe.*
Several circumstances may have conduced to its
restoration to that place which it was now to as-
sume. The Tabernacle was at Shiloh in Ephraim
during the time of the last Judge; bat the Ark
was in Benjamin at Kirjath-jearim. Raman, the
official residence of Samuel, and containing a sanc-
tuary greatly frequented (1 Sam. ix. 12, Ac), —
Hizpeh, where the great assemblies of " all Israel "
took place (1 Sam. vii. 5), — Bethel, perhaps the
most ancient of all the sanctuaries of Palestine, and
Gibeon, specially noted as " the great high place "
(2 Chr. i. 3), were all in the land of Benjamin.
These must gradually have accustomed the people
who resorted to these various places to associate the
tribe with power and sanctity, and they tend to
elucidate the anomaly which struck Saul so forcibly,
" that all the desire of Israel " should have been
fixed on the bouse of the smallest of its tribes
(1 Sam. ix. 21).
The struggles and contests which followed the
death of Saul arose from the natural unwillingness
of the tribe to relinquish its position at the head of
the nation, especially in favor of Judah. Had it
been Ephraim, the case might have been different,
but Judah had as yet no connection with the house
of Joseph, and was besides the tribe of David, whom
Saul had pursued with such unrelenting enmity.
The tact and sound sense of Abner, however, suc-
ceeded in overcoming these difficulties, though he
himself fell a victim in the very act of accomplish-
ing bis purpose, and the proposal that David should
be " king over Israel " was one which " seemed
good to the whole house of Benjamin," and of
which the tribe testified its approval, and evinced
its good faith, by sending to the distant capital of
Hebron a detachment of 3000 men of the " brethren
of Saul" (1 Chr. xii. 29). Still the insults of
Shimei and the insurrection of Sheba are indications
that the soreness still existed, and we do not hear
of any cordial cooperation or firm union between
the two tribes until a cause of common quarrel
arose at the disruption, when Rehoboam assembled
" all the bouse of Judah with the tribe of Benjamin
to fight against the house of Israel, to bring the
kingdom again to the son of Solomon " (1 K. xii.
21; 2 Chr. xi. 1). Possibly the seal may haw
been set to this by the fact of Jeroboam having
just taken possession of Bethel, a city of Beiuamin,
for the calf-worship of the northern kingdom * (1
K. xii. 29). On the other hand Rehoboam forti-
fied and garrisoned several cities of Benjamin, and
wisely dispersed the members of his own family
through them (2 Chr. xi. 10-12). The alliance
was further strengthened by a covenant solemnly
undertaken (2 Chr. xv. 9), and by the employment
such almost total extermination, and to have :
the numbers and force indicated in the lists of 1 Chr
xii. 1-8, vtt. 6-12, vHi. 1-40.
t> Bethel, however, was on the very boundary mar
and centuries before this date was Inhabited by seat
■phraimitss and Benjamites (Judg. xix. 16).
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BENJAMIN
tfBtnjaiuitet in high portions in the army of Ju-
<aa (2 Chr. xvii 17). But what mbove all must
tune contributed to strengthen the alliance was the
fact that the Temple was the common property of
both tribes. True, it was founded, erected, and
endowed by princes of " the house of Judah," but
the city of "the Jebusite ' (Josh, xviii. 28), and
the whole of the ground north of the Valley of
Hinnom, was m the lot of Benjamin. In this lat-
ter bet is literally fulfilled the prophecy of Moses
(Dent xxxiii. 12): Benjamin " dwelt between " the
" shoulders " of the ravines which encompass the
Holy City on the west, south, and east (tee a good
treatment of this point in Blnnt's Undo. Cotnd-
iknea, pi. II. } xvii.).
Henceforward the history of Benjamin becomes
merged in that of the southern kingdom. That
the tribe still retained its individuality is plain from
the constant mention of it in the various censuses
taken of the two tribes, and on other occasions,
and also from the lists of the men of Benjamin
who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. U.; Neb. vii.)
and took possession of their old towns (Neb. xi. 31-
36). At Jerusalem the name must have been al-
ways kept alive, if by nothing else, by the name of
u tie high gate of Benjamin " (Jer. xx. 2). [Jkbu-
salkm.J
But though the tribe had thus given up to a
certain degree its independent existence, it is clear
that the ancient memories of their house were not
allowed to fade from the recollections of the Ben-
jamites. The genealogy of Saul, to a late date, is
carefully preserved in the lists of 1 Chr. (viii. 33-
40, ix. 39-14); the name of Kish recurs as the
father of Mordecai (Esth. ii. 5), the honored deliv-
erer of the nation from miseries worse than those
threatened by Nahaah the Ammonite. But it was
reserved for a greater than these to close the line of
this tribe in the sacred history. The royal name
once more appears, and " Saul who also is caned
Pan! " has left on record under his own hand that
he was "of the stock of Israel, of the tribe of Ben-
jamin." It is perhaps more than a mere fancy to
note how remarkably the chief characteristics of
the tribe are gathered up in his one person. There
was the fierceness, in his persecution of the Chris-
tians; and there were the obstinacy and persistence,
which made him proof against the tears and prayers
of his converts, and " ready not to be bound only,
but also to die for the name of the Lord Jesus "
(Acts xxl. 12, 18). There were the force and
rigor to which natural difficulties and confined
circumstances formed no impediment; and lastly,
there was the keen sense of the greatness of his
house, in his proud reference to his forefather
'• Saul the son of Cis, a man of the tribe of Benja-
min."
Be tins as it may, no nobler hero could oe found
to close the rolls of the worthies of bis tribe — no
prouder distinction could be desired for Benjamin
than that of having produced the first judge of its
nation, the first king, and finally, when Judaism
gave place to Christianity, the great Apostle of the
Gentiles.
2. [Bcmufr; Vat. Alex -u«r.] A man of the
»ibe of Benjamin, son of Biihan, and the bead of
i family of warriors (1 Chr. vif. 10).
3. ifimaudy, Vat. Alex. FA. -/uv-] One of
Jtt "sons of Harim; " an Israelite in the time of ,
Sara, who had married a foreign wife (Ear. x. 82). i
O.
BKEACHAH 270
BBN'JAMIN, High oath, or uAta, o»
7; Zeeh. xlv. 10. [Jeri;sai.km.]
•BEN' J AMITE ("rpH3. J«Jg. six. 18;
1 Sam. ix. 21, xxli. 7; 2 Sam. xvi. 11; 1 K. ii. 8;
1 Chr. xxvil. 12; Ps. vii., title; with the article,
rPDVn?» J>»dg- iii. 15; 2 Sam. xvi. 11, xix.
16 (Heb. 17); LXX. uibs toS 'U/ufl, r. 'Ufural-
ou, T. 'Uiurl, vibs Bmafity, etc. ; Vulg. fliut Jem
mi; — *?&! B1?1t?» «»i «*8pot "Isumrtw,
fliut viri Jemim, 1 Sam. ix. li-^ tT^N,
irilf i 'Is/urf, etc, vir Jemuutu, eto., 2 Sam. xx.
1; Esth. 11. 5;— VD^a, htrutfAr, etc., Benjn
nun, etc., Judg. xx. 35, 36, 40, 43;— ^ '!•
fklti, Vat. laxtifi, Alex, o Itusiratoi, Jemim, 1
Sam. ix. 4), an appellation of the descendants of
Hetganiin. On the Hebrew forms noted above, set
Benjamin, p. 276. A.
BETfO 03 {hit ton]: LXX translates vltl :
Benno), a Levite of the sons of Mcrari (1 Chr.
xxiv. 26, 27).
BEN-O'NI C3Vn?» ton of my torrmo, or
of my strength, i. e. of my latt effort, Hiller, Onom.
300, Ac.: vihs itivnt itov- Benoni, id est fliut dolo-'
rit mei), the name which the dying Rachel gave to
her newly-born son, but which by his father was
changed into Benjamin (Gen. xxxv. 18).
BEN-ZCHETH (nmrj?: »W Z«W;
Alex, [vioi] ZmxaB- Benzoheth), a name occurring
among the descendants of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 20).
The passage appears to be a fragment, and as U
the name of a son of the Zoheth just mentioned ha/
originally followed. A. V. follows Vulgate.
BE'ON 0&?1 : BajdV; Alex. $afta: Bern), t
place on the east of Jordan (Num. xxxii. 3), doubt
less a contraction of Baal-mkon (comp. ver. 38;
BK'OK ("1*192 [a torch]: B«<tp; [Alex, it
1 Chr. BoimoO Bior). 1. The father of Bbxa,
one of the early Edomite kings (Gen. xxxvi. 32-
I Chr. i. 43).
2. [Vat. Hump, B*»p.] Father of Balaam
(Num. xxii. 5, xxiv. 3, 15; xxxi. 8; Josh. xiii. 22,
xxiv. 9; Mic. vi. 6). He is called BoeoR in the
N. T. [Bkla.]
BE'RA (7^2 [ton,orineril=:widted]: Vat.
[Rom.] and Alex. BoAAat; Joseph. BaAAds : Bora),
king of Sodom at the time of the invasion of the
five kings under Chedorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 2; also
17 and 21).
BBRA'CHAH (H^a [Netting] : f^ fx i a ,
[Vat FA. Btpxem; Alex. /Sapayia:] Baracha),
a Benjamite, one of "Saul's brethren," who at-
tained himself to David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 3).
BBRA'CHAH, Vallbt or (Hjna p^y
[tw&y of Netting] : KotAij EiiAoylaf- rxiBt ben
uHctiumt), a valley (Joseph, tiki KotKw «ol <pcr
payytitri riror) in which Jeboshaphat and his
people sssem'-'id to "bless" Jehovah after the
overthrow of the hosts of Moabites, Ammonites,
and Mehunim who hv' come against them, and
which from that fact acquired its name of "the
valley of blessing" (2 Chr. xx. 26). The place is
re m a rk abl e as furnishing ore of the latest instances
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280 BERACHIAH
ta the 0. T. of a name bestowed in couseqaance of
as occurrence at the spot.
The name of Btreikit (o«Jo-j) ■^ aur -
vives, attached to ruins in a valley of the same
name lying between Teku'a and the main road from
Bethlehem to Hebron, a position corresponding ac-
curately enough with the locality of the battle as
described in 2 Chr. xx. (Rob. iii. 276 : the discov-
ery is due to Wolcott; see Ritter, Jordan, 635.)
It must not be confounded with Caphar-barucha,
now probably Beni Nairn, an eminence on very high
ground, 3 or 4 miles east of Hebron, commanding
an extensive view of the Dead Sea, and tradition-
ally the scene of Abraham's intercession for Sodom.
The tomb of Lot has been shown there since the
days of Mandeville (see Reland, 685; Rob. L 489-
91). 6.
BERACHTAH (IfP?^, Berechiahu [Je-
hovah tall bless] : Bapaxla- Barachia), a Gersbon-
ite Levite, father of Asaph the singer (1 Chr. vi.
89). [The name is written " Berrchiah " in some
eds. of the A. V. See Berechiah 8.]
BERA1AH [3 syl.] (rPN^a [whom I cre-
-ted] : Bapaia: Baraia), son of Shimhi, a chief
man of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 21).
BEBE'A (BsooTo: [BeroM]). L A city of
Macedonia, to which St Paul retired with Silas
and Tlmotheus, in the course of his first visit to
Europe, on being persecuted in Tbessaloiiica (Acts
xvii. 10), and from which, on being again perse-
cuted by emissaries from 'lliessaloiiica, be withdrew
to the sea for the purpose of proceeding to Athens
(ib. 14, 15). The community of Jews must have
been considerable in Berea, and their character is
described in very favorable terms (ib. .11). Sopater,
oue of St Paul's missionary companions, was from
this place (Beooiaios, Acts xx. 4). He accom-
panied the apostle on his return from the second
visit to Europe (ib.); and he appears to have pre-
viously been with him, in the course of that second
visit, at Corinth, when he wrote the Epistle to the
Romans (Rom. xvi. 21).
Berea, now called Verria or Kara- Verria, is
fully described by Leake (Northern Greece, vol. iii.
290 ff.), and by Cousini'ry ( Voyage dan* la Jface-
•hine, i. 69 ft".). Situated on the eastern slope of
the Olympian mountain-range, with an abundant
supply of water, and commanding an extensive
view of the plain of the Alius and Haliacmon, it
is regarded as one of the most agreeable towns in
Rumili, and has now 15,000 or 20.000 inhabitants.
A few ancient remains, Greek, Roman, and Byzan-
tine, still exist here. Two road* are laid down in
the Itineraries between Thessalonica and Berea,
one passing by Pella." St Paul and his compan-
ons may have travelled by either of them. Two
road* also connect Berea with I Hum, one passing
by Pydna. It was probably from Dium that St.
Paul sailed to Athens, leaving Silas and Tlmotheus
nehind ; and possibly 1 Thess. iii. 2 refers to a jour-
icy of Tlmotheus from Berea, not from Athens.
'Timothy.] The coin in Aktrman's Numismatic
Illustration* of the N. T. p. 46, is erroneously
o • The " Notes on Macedonia " (Bibt. Sarr. x\. 880)
ay the late Rev. Edward M. Dodd, who was a mis-
sionary at Thessalonica, describe minutely the route
Between that city and Berea. The population of Berea
s overstated in the article above. Mr. Dodd says that
t to "6000; about 200 Jews, 1500 Turks, and the
BERENICE
assigned to the Macedonian Berea, and besoLgj si
the following.
2. [Vulg. om.] The modern Aleppo, mentiones
in 2 Mace. xiii. 4 in connection with the invssh*
of Judas* by Antfochus Eupator, as the scene of
the miserable death of Menelaus. This seems U
be the city in which Jerome says that certain per-
sons lived who possessed and used St Matthew's
Hebrew Gospel (De J7r. Must c 8).
3. [Bk'rea] (Bepeot [Berea]), a place in Ju-
dtea, apparently not very far from Jerusalem, where
Bacchides, the general of Demetrius, encamped
shortly before the engagement in which Judas Mac-
cabeus was slain (1 Mace. ix. 4. See Joseph. An.
xii. 11, § 1). J. 8. H.
BERECHI'AH Prr?^ and rPJTS
[Jehovah wiO blest]: BapoVfa; [Vat Bopayai:]
Barachias). 1. One of the sons of Zerubbabel,
and a descendant of the royal family of Judah (1
Chr. iii. 20).
2. [Vat Neh. iii. 30, Bapr<m, vi. 18, Bajxr
y<ia.] A man mentioned as tie father of Meshul-
fam who assisted in rebuilding the walls of Jerusa-
lem (Neh. iii. 4, 30; vi. 18).
3. [Tat Bapaytii Alex. BapaxW- Barachia.]
A Levite of the luie of Elkanah (1 Chr. ix. 16).
4. [Barachias.] A doorkeeper for the ark (1
Chr. xr. 23).
6. [Bapaxtat; Tat Zaxapias-] Berechiahu,
one of the chief men of the tribe of Ephraim in
time of king Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii. 12).
6. Berechiahu, father of Asaph the singer (1
Chr. xv. 17). [Berachiah.]
7. [Bapaxias.] Berechiahu, father of Zeeh-
ariah the prophet (Zech. i. 1, also 7). [Here A
V.ed. 1611 reads "Bamchiah."] ~ G.
BE'RED (T?3 [hail]: BapitS: Barad). 1
A place in the south of Palestine, between which
and Kadesh lay the well Lachai-roi (Gen. xvi. 14).
The name is variously given in the ancient versions ■
Peshito, Gadar, »j-^? = Gerar; Arab. Iared,
O-j), probably a mere corruption of the Hebrew
name; Onkekn, Otagra, VT^ (eiseivhere em-
ployed in the Targums for " Shur; " can it be con-
nected with Hagar, ■'JH, N ")jn?) : Pc-Jonathan,
ChahUxa, NVlbrj, «. e. the Eluaa, 'EXowro of
Ptolemy and the ecclesiastical writers, now eUKht-
latah, on the Hebron road, about 12 miles south
of Beer-sheba (Rob. i. 201, 2; Stewart, 205; Re-
land, 756). We have the testimony of Jerome
( Vita S. Hilarionis) that Elusa was cailed by its
inhabitants Barec, which would be an easy corrup-
tion of Bered, "' being read for n . Chalutza is
the name elsewhere given in the Arabic version for
" Shur " and for " Gerar."
2. [Tat om.: Bared.] A son or descendant
of Ephraim (1 Chr. vii. 20), possibly identical witi
Becher in Num. xxvi. 35, by a mere change of let
ten (133 for VO). G.
BERENI'CE. [Bkrnice.]
remainder Greeks. They have one synagogue, 1
mosques, and 60 Greek churches " (which last, »
should be said, except 8 or 4, ars not tacATpriai prof
eriy so called, but inAipttui as the modem Ores*
term them, i. e. chapels or suite's). H.
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BKBI
BK"BJ 0H3 [fountain]: Bapk: [Vat. Ia-
fe«; Alex. Bast; Coiop. ByptL ] Beri), son of
Zophah, of the tribe of Asber (1 Chr vii. 36).
BBBTAH (1?"'"?5, "» etu, or a gffl, see
Mo. 3: Bopid: fierio, 2?rie). 1. A ion of Asher
(Gen. xhi. 17; Num. xxtL 44. 45), from whom
iescended the •< family of the lieriites," , y , "]9,
Bapiai [Alex. Bapat], fam&a Brieitarum (Num.
xxvi. 44).
2. [Bcptd; Alex. Bapia: Beria.] A ton of
Ephraim, so named on account of the state of his
lather's bouse when he was bom. " And the sons
of Ephraim: Shuthelah, and tiered his son, and
Tahath his son, and Eladah his son, and Tahath
bis son, and Zabad his son, and Shuthelah his son,
and Eier, and Elead, whom the men of Gath [that
were] bora in [that] land slew'' [lit. "and the
men . . . slew them "], "because they came down
to take away their cattle. And Ephraim their
lather mourned man; days, and his brethren came
to comfort him. And when be went in to his wife,
she conceived, and bare a son, and be called his
name Beriah, because it went evil with his house "
[Hi. "because evil" or "a gift" "was to his
house:" W3?» T\Q?Q nyn$ ">3, Jr. «V
Hanoi's tyhrrro eV dhap pev, LXX-: «eo quod
in malis domus ejus ortus esset," Vulg.] (1 Chr.
rii. 30-23). With respect to the meaning of the
name, Gesenius prefers the rendering " in evil " to
" a gift," as probably the right one. In this case
i"tyj3 in the explanation would be, according to
Mm, !T$n with Beth essentia (The*, s. v.). It
most be remarked, however, that the supposed in-
stances of Beth eaentia being prefixed to the sub-
ject in the O. T. are few and inconclusive, and
that it is disputed by the Arabian grammarians if
the parallel " redundant Be 1 " of the Arabic be ever
so used (comp. The*, pp. 174, 175, where this use
■rl " redundant Bi " is too arbitrarily denied ). The
1,XX. and Vulg. indicate a different construction,
with an additional variation in the case of the for-
mer ("my house" for "his house"), so that the
rendering " in evil " does not depend upon the con-
struction proposed by Gesenius. Michaelis suggests
that i~l^n3 may mean a spontaneous gift of God,
heyond expectation and the law of nature, as a son
jam to Ephraim now growing old might be called
(Sttppl. pp. 234, 335). In fiwor of this meaning,
which, with Gesenius, we take in the simple sense
of " gift," it may be urged, that it is unlikely that
four persons would have borne a name of an unu-
sual form, and that a case similar to that here sup-
posed is found in the naming of Seth (Gen. iv.
35). This snort notice is of no slight historical
importance; especially as it refers to a period of
Hebrew history respecting which the Bible affords
ta no other Hke information. The event must be
assigned to the time between Jacob's death and the
beginning of the oppression. The indications that
guide us are, that some of Ephraim's sons must
|sve attained to manhood, and that toe Hebrews
■rare still free. The passage is full of difficulties.
rbe first question is: What sons of Ephraim were
killed? tie persons mentioned do not at went to
ye his sons. ShutoeUh occupies the first place,
utd a genealngy of his descendants follows as far
• a second Shuthelth. the words "Ms too" indi
BERIAH 281
tating a direct descent, as Houbigant (ap. Barrett,
Syncjpm* in loc.) remarks, although he very need-
lessly proposes conjecturally to omit them. A sim-
ilar genealogy from Beriah to Joshua is given in
1 Chr. vii. 35-37. As the text stands, there are
but three sons of Ephraim mentioned before Be-
riah — Shuthelah, Ezer, and Elead — all of whom
seem to have been killed by the men of Gath, though
it if possible that the last two are alone meant, and
the first of whom is stated to have left descendants
In the enumeration of the Israelite families in Nun.
bers four of the tribe of Ephraim are mentioned,
sprung from his sons Shuthelah, Becher, and Tahan,
and from Eran, son or descendant of Shuthelah
(xxvi. 85, 36). The second and third families are
probably those of Beriah and a younger son, unless
the third is one of Beriah, called after his descend-
ant Tahan (1 Chr. vii. 25); or one of them may be
that of a eon of Joseph, since it is related that
Jacob determined that sons of Joseph who might
be born to him after Ephraim and Manasseh should
" be called after the name of their brethren iu their
inheritance" (Gen. xlviii. 6). See however Bfc-
chek. There can be no doubt that the land in
which the men of Gath were born is the eastern
part of Lower Egypt, if not Goshen itself. It
would be needless to say that they were born iu
their own land. At this time very many foreigners
must have been settled in Egypt, especially in and
about Goshen. Indeed Uosben is mentioned as a
non-Egyptian country in its inhabitants (Gen. xlvi
34), and its own name as well as nearly all the
names of its cities and places mentioned in the
Bible, save the cities built in the oppression, are
probably Semitic In the book of Joshua, Shihor,
the Nile, here the Pelusiac branch, is the boundary
of Egypt and Canaan, the Philistine territories ap-
parently being considered to extend from it (Josh,
xiii. 2, 3). It is therefore very probable that many
Philistines would have settled in a part of Egypt
so accessible to them and so similar in its popula-
tion to Canaan as Goshen and the tracts adjoining
it. Or else these men of Gath may have been mer-
cenaries like the Cherethim (in Egyptian Shayra-
tana) who were in the Egyptian service at a later
time, as in David's, and to whom lands were prob-
ably allotted as to the native army. Some suppose
that the men of Gath were the aggressors, a con-
jecture not at variance with the words used in the
relation of the cause of the death of Ephraim's
sons, since we may read " when (*? ) they came
down," Ac, Instead of " because," Ac. (Bsgster's
Bible, in be), but it must be remembered that this
rendering is equally consistent with the other ex-
planation. There is no reason to suppose that the
Israelites at this time may not have sometimes en-
gaged in predatory or other warfare. The warlike
habits of Jacob's sons are evident in the narrative
of the vengeance taken by Simeon and Levi upon
Hamor and Shechem (Gen. xxxiv. 25-29), and of
their posterity in the account of the fear of that
Pharaoh who began to oppress them lest they
should, in the event of war in the land, join with
the enemies of his people, and by fighting against
them get them out of the country (Ex. i. 8-10).
It has oeen imagined, according to which side was
supposed to have acted the aggressor, that the Git.
tites descended upon the Ephraimites in a preda-
tory excursion 1-om Palestine, or that the Ephra-
imites made a raid into Palestine. Neither of
these explanations it consistent with sound crtti
Digitized by
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£82
BEKIITH8
sism, because the man of Gath are said to owe
been born in the land, that is, to have been settled
in Egypt, M already shown, and the second one,
which is adopted by Bunsen (Egypt's Place, i. 177,
178), is inadmissible on the ground that the verb
used, "HJ, "he went down," or "descended,"
Is applicable to going into Egypt, but not to com-
ing from it. The Rabbinical idea that these sons
of Kphraim went to take the Promised Land needs
no refutation. (For these various theories see Poli
Synapsis in loc)
3. [Btput; Vat. Btpiya, Baptiya; Alex. Bapi-
•m: Bona.] A Benjamite. He and his brother
Sbema were ancestors of the inhabitant* of Ajalon,
and expelled the inhabitants of Gath (1 Chr. viii.
13, 16).
4. [Bcpuf; Alex. ver. 10 omits, ver. 11 Bapm'-
Bona.] A Levite (1 Chr. xxiii. 10, it).
R. S. V.
BERI1TES. [Bbhiah,1.]
BETUTES, THE (0 > "*!2n [rte veils, i. e.
people of]: tV Xafifil [Vat. Alex. -p«]), a tribe
or people who are named with Abel and Beth-
maachah — and who were therefore doubtless situ-
ated in the north of Palestine — mentioned only as
having been visited by Joab in his pursuit after
Sheba toe son of Bichri (2 Sam. xx. 14). The
expression is a remarkable one, " all the Berites "
('_" n L "J ; comp. » all the Kthron "). The Vul-
gate has a different reading — omnesque viri
electi congregati fuerant — apparently reading for
S^Qn by an easy transposition and change of
ettere D >- }r 3, Le. de young men, and this U in
Ewald's opinion the correct reading (Gesch. iii. 249,
tote). G.
BE'RITH, THE GOD (.T-)3 ^ p. e.
>f the covenant: Bai0i)A0cpl0; Vat. Bai6np$tpi9;
Alex. BooA Su&qkiis- clem Berith]), Judg. ix. 46.
[Baal-bebith, p. 207.]
BERNI'CE and BERENICE (.Btpvittr,,
{victorious], also in Joseph. : Bit-nice = tfeptyliai,
see Stun, Dial Mated, p. 31 ; the form Beronict
U also found), the eldest daughter of Herod Agrippa
L (Acts xii. 1, Ac.). She was first married to her
mcle Herod, king of Chalcia (Joseph. Ant. xix. 6,
: 1), and after his death (A. D. 48) she lived under
-ircumstances of great suspicion with her own
■srothrr Agrippa II. (Joseph. Ant. xx. 7, 3 ; Juvenal
Sat. vi. 156 If.), in connection with whom she is
Mentioned Acts xzr. 13, 23, xxvi. 30, as having
risited Festus on his appointment as Procurator of
Judaea. She was a second time married, to Pole-
non, long of Cilicia, but soon left him, and re-
amed to her brother (Joseph, ibid,). She after-
wards became the mistress of Vespasian (Tacit.
Tut ii. 81), and of his son Titus (Sueton. Tit. 7).
H. A.
BERCDACH BAL'ADAN [IfTW* 1 ?
?7tf?? : MapMoux Ba\a*aV (Vat. Ba\3w);
MexV MipoSax B.; Comp. Bapwfbx B " Ber °-
lach Balaam], 2 K. xx. 12. [Hkbodach-Bau-
»i>ak.]
BBHOTH (Bijfxfry; [Vat Bi)f«ry; AM.]
Vstat. Biifxufl), 1 Esdr. ▼. 19. [Bekroth.]
BBROTHAH, BEROTHAI [8 syt]
yi C l ' n "P» S & n 9 ' p" Ex., Vat Alex, corrupt;
BERYL
Aid. hnpstBip., Comp-BepoeVf:] Berotka, Bsr A)
The first of these two names, each of which oc-
curs once only, is given by Ezekiel (xlvii. 16) ii
connection with Hamath and Damascus as forming
part of the northern boundary of the promised
land. The second is mentioned (2 Sam. viii. 8) at
the name of a city of Zobah taken by David, alsc
in connection with Hamath and Damascus. The
slightness of these references makes it impossible
to identify the names with any degree of probabil-
ity, or even to decide whether they refer to the same
locality or not The well known city Beirut (Ber-
ytus) naturally suggests itself as identical with one
at least of the names; but in each instance the cir-
cumstances of the case seem to require a position
further east, aince Ezekiel places lierothah between
Hamath and Damascus, and David's war with the
king of Zobah led him away from the sea-coast
towards the Euphrates (2 Sam. viii. 3). In the
latter instance the difficulty is increased by the He-
brew text reading in 1 Chr. xviii. 8, Chin instead
of Berothai, and by the fact that both in Samuel
and Chronicles the Creek translators, instead of
giving a proper name, translate by the phrase In
t«V iKKtiermr l-dAmr, clearly showing that they
read either the same text in each passage, or at
least words which bore the same sense- rurst re
gardv lierothah and Berothai as distinct places, and
identifies the first with Berytus. Mialin (Saints
Lituz, i. 244) derives the name from the wells
(Betroth), which are still to be seen bored in the
solid rock at Beirut. F. W. G.
BETtOTHHE,THE(lChr.xi.89). [Beb-
BOTH.]
BERYL (tPBTlfl tartkish: xpvciKUtos,
Bapatls, ir9pa(, Aiftw aVeWos: chrysoHthus,
hyacinthus, mare) occurs in Ex. xxviii. 20, xxxix.
13; Out v. 14; Ex. i. 16, x. 9, xxviii. 13; Dan.
x. 6. The tarihish wss the first precious stone in
the fourth row of the high-priest's breastplate. In
Ezekiel's vision " the appearance of the wheels and
their work was like unto the color of a tarihish ,- "
it was one of the precious stones of the king of
Tyre; the body of the man whom Daniel saw in
his vision was like the tarthish.
It is impossible to say with any degree of cer-
tainty what precious stone is denoted by the Hebrew
word ; Luther reads the " turquoise; " the LXX.
supposes either the "chrysolite" or the "oat-
buncle" (eVtya(); Onkelos and the Jerusalem
Targum have leerumjama, by which the Jews ap-
pear to have understood " a white stone like the
froth of the sea," which Braun (de Vest. Sacer. ii
c 17) conjectures may be the "opal" For other
opinions, which are, however, mere conjectures, ser
the chapter of Braun just quoted.
It is generally supposed that the tarshtsh derive,
its name from the place so called, respecting the
position of which see Tarshish. Joeephus (Ant
iii. 7, $ 6) and Braun (I c.) understand the chryso-
lite to be meant; not, however, the chrysolite of
modern mineralogists, but the topaz; for it* cer-
tainly does appear that by a curious interchange of
terms the ancient chrysolite is the modern topaz,
and the ancient topaz the modern chrysolite (tec
PBn. //. N. xxxvii. 8; Hill on Theophrastus, Dt
LapieL; King's Antique Gems, p. 67), though Bel
lenuann, Die Urim und Thummim, p. 62, Berlin
1824) has advanced many objections to this opinion
and has maintained that the topaz and the chryso
lite of the ancients are identical with the gens no*
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BERZELU8
BETH
288
K (died. Braun, it ad even*.*, uses the term chry-
toHtkv* to denote the topaz, and he speaks of its
brUHant golden color. Thers is little or nothing
in the postages where the tarthitn is mentioned to
lead m to anything like a satisfactory conclusion
as to its identity, excepting in Cant. v. 14, where
we do seem to catch a glimmer of the stone de-
noted: " His hands are orbs of gold adorned with
the tarshfah stone." TTiis seems to be the correct
rendering of the Hebrew. The orbs or rings of
gold, as Cocceius has observed, refer not to rings
on the fingers, but to the fingers themselves, as they
gently press upon the thumb and thus form the
figure of an orb or a ring. The latter part of the
verse is the causal expletive of the former. It is
not only said in this passage that the hands are
called orbs of gold, but the reason why they are
thus called is immediately added — specially on ac-
count of the beautiful chrysolites with which the
hands were adorned (Braun, de V. S. ii. 13)
?ttny says of the chrytoliUw, " it is a transparent
stone with a refulgence like that of gold." Since
then the goUen stmt, as the name imports, is ad-
mirably suited to the above passage in Canticles,
and would also apply, though in a less degree, to
the other Scriptural places cited ; as it is supported
oy Josephus, and conjectured by the LXX. and
Volg.; the ancient chrywliU or the modern yel-
low tcpu appears to have a better claim than any
other gem to represent the tarthUh of the Hebrew
Bible, certainly a better claim than the beryl of the
A. V., a rendering which appears to be unsupported
by any kind of evidence. W. H.
BEKZE'LUS (tonfsAoatbs; Alex. ZopCtK-
Ktosi [Aid. BspfsAXiuoi:] Phargoleu), 1 Esdr.
i. 38. [Babziixai.]
BOT3AI [8 syl.] 053 [amjueror, Ftint]:
Bc<rf, Biprf; [Vat. -o-«; Alex. Kauri, Bnni:]
Bate, [Betax\ ). " Children of Besai " were among
the Nethinim who returned to Jnda» with Zerub-
babel (Gar. U. 49; Neh. vii. 63). [Babtai.]
BBSODE'IAH [3 syl.] (iT"pD3 [intimate
of Jehovah]: Bemtta; [Vat. Bo»io;'FA.] AjS-
|«ui: Besodia), father of MeahuUam, and one of
the repairers of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii.
BETSOR, THE BROOK ("ntPSn \>03 :
X«iHWo» "" B<wo>; [1 Sam. xxx. 21, Vat B«-
(ros, Alex. B<x«f> : ] torrent Betor), a torrent-l«d
x wady in the extreme south of Judah, of which
mention occurs only in 1 Sam. xxx. 9, 10, 91. It
is plain from the conditions of the narrative that it
must have been south of Ziklag, but hitherto the
situation of neither town nor wady has been iden
lined with any probability. The name may signify
fresh" or " tool" (FUrst). G.
* Dr. Robinson holds that the Brook Besor, in
_ probability, is the Wady Mr' Arah, the south-
■aetern branch of Wady et-Seba', running from
Aroer to Beersheba. For the grounds of this opin-
ion, set his Phys. Geography, pp. 131-123. Diet-
rich supposes Besor to mean gravy, verd-uit
(Gesso. Wdrterb. 6te Aufl.). H.
• BESTEAD (ft-jm the AngV- Saxon t'edt, a
(tees: comp. our instead, homestead, Ac.), found
».y in Is. viH. 21 (A. V.), means "placed "ot dt-
sated " (well or ill), and hence accompanied . Is.,
is above, by " hanlly," •. e. severely, the two words
ayUsa ftlm thssenseof TTttfoj, namely, "brought
into diffleolty' or "distress." Eastwood ana
Wright's Bible rVsrd-Book (p. 62) illustrates ibis
archaism fron the older English writers. H.
BET AH (rTO3 [confidence]: r) M«T«£dK,
quasi rOtSC; Alex, ij MturSaxi [Vs*. ij Mae-
$ok; Comp. Baric:] Bete), a city belonging to
Hadadezer, king of Zobah, mentioned with Be-
rothai as having yielded much spoil of brass to
David (2 Sam. viii. 8). In the parallel account, 1
Chr. xviii. 8, the name is called, by an inversion of
letters, Tibchath. Ewald {Gesch. ii. 195) pro-
nounces the latter to be the correct reading, and
compares it with Tebach (Gen. xxii. 24). G.
BEITANE (BerdVn; [Vat. Boitcotj; 81n. B>-
Tttcn;] Alex. BAjtojt;, ». e. prob. Ban-ova: Vukj.
omits), a place apparently south of Jerusalem (Jud
i. 9), and possibly identical with BtttfoWr of Euse-
bius (Onom. 'Apt, -din), two "niles ttom *°* Tere "
binth of Abraham and four from Hebron. This
has been variously identified with Beth-anoth, Beit
'Aiitin, aud Betuneh or Ecbatana in Syria, placed
by Pliny (v. 17) on Cermel (Winer, a. v. Betane).
Bethany is inadmissible from the fact of ita unim-
portance at the time, if indeed it existed at all.
G.
BETEN Or?? [btVyorwcmb]: B<u86k\ Alex.
Bot«; [Comp. BrfiVQ Beten), one of the cities
on the border of the tribe of Aaher (Josh. xix. 26,
only). By Eusebius (Onom. BorW) it is said to
have been then called Bebeten, and to have lain
eight miles east of Ptolemias. No other trace of
its existence has been discovered elsewhere. G.
BETH (."T?, according to Geseniui (The*.
and Lex.), from a root, rW2, to pass the night, or
from HJ2, to build, as iiuos, domut, from 5e>*>),
the most general word for a house or habitation.
Strictly speaking it has the force of a settled, stable
dwelling, as in Gen. xxxiii. 17, where the building
of a " house " marks the termination of a stage of
Jacob's wanderings (comp. also 2 Sam. vii. 2, 6.
and many other places); but it is also employed
for a dwelling of any kind, even for a tent, as fa)
Gen. xxiv. 32, where it must refer to the tent of
Laban; also Judg. xviii. 81, 1 Sam. i. 7, to the
tent of the tabernacle, and 2 K. xxlii. 7, where it
expresses the textile materials (A. V. "hangings")
for the tents of Astarte. From this general fores
the transition was natural to a house in the sens*
of a family, as Ps. evil. 41, " families " (Prayer
Book, " households "), or a pedigree, as Ear. ii. 59.
In 2 Sam. xiii. 7, IK. xiii. 7, and other places, it
has the sense of "home," i. e. "to the house.'
Beth also has some collateral and almost technical
meanings, similar to those which we apply to the
word " house," as in Ex. xxv. 27 for the " places "
or sockets into which the bars for carrying the table
were " housed ; " and others-
Like AJaet in Latin and Dom in German, Beth
has the special meaning of a temple or house of
worship, in which sense it is applied not only to
the tabernacle (see above) or temple of Jehovah
(1 K. Hi. 8, vi. 1, Ae.), but to those of false gods
— Dagon (Judg. xvi. 97; 1 Sam. v. 2), Rimmoo
(2 K. v. U„ Baal (2 K, x. 21), Nisroch (9 K,
xix. 37), and other gods (Judg. lx. 97). "Bajith"
in Is. xv. 2 is really ha-Bajith = " the Temple'
— meaning some well-known idol lane In Uoab
[Bajith.]
Digitized by
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284
BETHABARA
Beth it man frequently employed in comtanation
with other words to form the names of places than
either Kirjath, Hatzer, Beer, Ain, or any other
word. A list of the places compounded with Beth
is given below in alphabetical order; but in addi-
tion to these it may be allowable here to notice two,
which, though not appearing in that form in the
A. V., yet do so in the LXX., probably with
greater correctness.
Beth-e'kxd (lp.? ? : \fiai6cutiB ; Alex. Bai6-
okoS:] camera pattorum), the "shearing-house,"
at the pit or well 012) of which the forty-two
brethren of Ahaziah were slain by Jehu (2 K. x.
12). It lay between Jezreel and Samaria accord-
ing to Jerome ( Onom.), 15 miles from the town of
Legio, and in the plain of Esdraelon.
Beth-hag'cah ()|n 3 [home of the gar-
den] : Baieyiy; [Vat. BaieW; Comp. BaiftryaVO
Domut hortt), A. V. " the garden-house " (2 K.
ix. 27), one of the spots which marked the flight
of Ahariah from Jehu. It is doubtless the same
place as Esj-gasnim, "spring of gardens," the
modern Jet&n, on the direct road from Samaria
northward, and overlooking the great plain (Stan-
ley, p. 349, note). * G.
BETHAB'ARA {B v 9afiapd, quasi iTS
1 1 JSSi house of ford at ferry: [Bcthania]), a
place beyond Jordan, w4pay too 'lop., in which,
according to the Received Text of the N. T., John
was baptizing (John i. 28), apparently at the time
that he baptized Christ (comp. ver. 29, 39, 38). If
the reading of the Received Text be the correct one,
Bethalara may be identical with Beth-barah, the
ancient ford of Jordan, of which the men of Eph-
raim took possession after Gideon's defeat of the
Hidianites [Beth-bakah] ; or, which seems more
likely, with Beth-nimrah, on the east of the river,
nearly opposite Jericho. [Bkth-kimrah.] But
the oldest MSS. (A B) and the Vulgate « have not
Bethabara but Bethany, a reading which Origen
(ad foe.) states to have obtained in almost all the
copies of his time, ffx^oov wima ra arrlypaQa,
though altered by him in his edition of the Gospel
on topographical grounds. In favor of Bethabara
are. (a.) the extreme improbability of so familiar a
name as Bethany being changed by copyists into
one so unfamiliar as Bethabara, while the reverse —
the change from an unfamiliar to a familinr name
— is of frequent occurrence. (6.) The fact that
Origen, while admitting that the majority of MSS.
were in favor of Bethany, decided, notwithstanding,
for Bethabara. (c. ) That Bethabara was still known
in the days of Eusebius (Onomatticon, s. v.), and
greatly resorted to by persons desirous of baptism
(vilaU guryite baptuantur).
Still the fact remains that the most ancient
MSS. have " Bethany," and that name has been
accordingly restored to the text by Lacbmann, Ti-
tchend >rf, and other modern editors. At this dis-
tance of time, and in the absence of any careful
research on the east of Jordan, it is impossible to de-
cide on evidence so slight and conflicting. It must
no', be overlooked that, if Bethany be accepted,
J»e definition " beyond Jordan " still remains, and
therefore another place must be intended than the
reU-known residence of Lazarus. G.
• In to* 'humattieon, boim, Jsnms has Btth-
BETHAXY
• It has been claimed that Bethabara or BsthtB)
must have been one of the upper croHtu.g-plaeei
of the Jordan, not for south of the Sea of Tiberias,
and not so low down as opposite Jericho, beeaust
Jesus went thence to Galilee (John \. 44) in a
single day (Stanley, Sin. and Pal p 306). But
this depends on how we are to reckon the " third
day " in John ii. 1 ; for unless we count the day
of Christ's calling the first disciples (John i. 36)
as the first, and that of the marriage at Cans as
" the third " (ii. 1), there may have been three or
more days spent on the journey. But instead of
its occupying one day only, the third day may have
been the third after the arrival in Galilee, or ac-
cording to Liicke (£vang. des Johanna, i. 467),
the third from the calling of Nathanael (John i.
46). With either of these last computations we
must place Bethabara much further south than
any ford near the south end of the Galilean sea.
It stands, on Kiepert's Wandkarte von PalSttina,
off against the upper part of the plain of Jericho.
It confers additional interest on Bethabara, if,
as many suppose, it was the place where Jesus him-
self was baptized. If to rpirror in John x. 40
means that when John began his career as the
baptizer, he baptized first at Bethabara beyond
the Jordan ; and if the desert of Judtea lay in
part on the east of the Jordan so as to embrace
Bethabara, then Jesus may have received his bap-
tism there; for John came at first baptizing in
"the wilderness of Judsea" (Matt. iii. 1), and
Jesus, without any intimation of a change of place,
is said to have come and been baptized in the Jor-
dan (Matt. iii. 13). But against this conclusion
stands the fact that the wilderness ((moot) of
Juda» lay in all probability wholly on the west of
the Jordan and the Dead Sea. See Judaea, Wil-
derness of (Amer. ed.). Further, to towtoi
may signify only " at the first," referring in a gen-
eral way to this place beyond the Jordan, where
Jesus spent some of the last months or weeks of his
life, as the same place where John had formerly
baptized. H.
BETH-A'NATH (flJJ? '$ [hou$e of an.
twer, sc. to prayer] : BaMajt4, BatSayix, Bai*
«Wf; [Alex. BaivaBaS, Bai6evt8, KeStreie'-] Beth-
anath), one of the " fenced cities " of Naphtall,
named with Beth-shemesh (Josh. xix. 38); from
neither of them were the Cansanites expelled
(Judg. i. 33). By Eusebius and Jerome (Onom.
s. v. 'Ay ftp, BaBuA, Bn9araSi) It is spoken of as
a village called Batanea, 15 miles eastward of
Csesarea (Diocesarea, or Sepphoris), and reputed
to contain medicinal springs, \ovrpa idaiua-
Nothing, however, is known to have been discov-
ered of it in modern times. G.
BETH-A'NOTH (ffOV '? [home of echo,
Fiirst]: BatOonlu; [Alex. Bcutfarwr; Comp. Aid
BqOwtfttO Be tiianoih ), a town in the mountainous
district of Judali, named with Halhul, Beth-xur
and others, in Josh. xv. 59 only. It is very prob-
ably the modern Beit 'Ainin, the remains of which,
near to those of HaDiul and Beit Sir, were dis-
covered by Woloott and visited by Robinson (iii
281). G.
BBTH'ANY (quasi WH*?, haute a)
data [or from nyaEVlS}, *««•» of sorrow]
Brflarla: Betiiania), a village which, scanty as sat
the notices of it contained In Scr iptu re, is more fa
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BETHANY
■maid; essocistrd in our minds than perhaps any
rther place with the most familiar acts and scenes
jf the last days of the life of Christ. It was at
Bethany that He raised Lazarus fi-n. the dead,
and from Bethany that He commenced his " tri-
umphal entry " into Jerusalem. It was his nightly
resting place during the time immediately preeed-
U115 his passion; and here, at the houses of Martha
and Mary and of Simon the leper, we are admitted
to /iew Him, more nearly than elsewhere, in the
arcleof his domestic life.
Though it was only at a late period of the life
of our Lord that his connection with Bethany
commenced, yet this is fully compensated for by
its having been the scene of his very last acts on
earth. It was somewhere here, on these wooded
slopes beyond the ridge of Olivet, that the Apos-
tles stood when they last beheld his figure, as, with
•• uplifted hands " — still, to the very moment of
disappearance, " blessing " them — He was " taken
up " into the " cloud " which " received " and hid
Him from their " steadfast " gaze, the words still
ringing in their ears, which prove that space and
time are no hinderance to the connection of Chris-
tiana with their l^ord — " \/> ! I am with you al-
ways, even to the end of the world "
The little information we posse* about Bethany
is entirely gathered from the N. T., neither the O.
T. nor the Apocrypha having apparently any allu-
sion to it" It was situated "at" (.wpis) the
Mount of Olives (Mark zi. 1; Luke xix. 29), about
fifteen stadia from Jerusalem (John zi. 18), on or
near the usual road from Jericho to the city (Luke
xix. 29, comp. 1 ; Mark d. 1, comp. x. 46), and
dose by and west (?) of another village called
Bethphage, the two being several times mentioned
together.
There never appears to hare been any doubt as
to the site of Bethany , which is now known by a name
derived from Lazarus — tV Azariyeh b ( XJnVUlH).
It lies on the eastern dope of the Mount of Olives,
fully a mile beyond the summit, and not very far
from the point at which the road to Jericho begins
its more sudden descent towards the Jordan valley
(Lindsay, p. 91, and De Sauky, p. 130). The
spot is a woody hollow more or less planted with
fruit-trees, — olives, almonds, pomegranates, as well
as oaks and carobs; the whole lying below a sec-
ondary ridge or hump, of sufficient height to shut
out the village from the summit of the mount
(Rob. L 431, 433; Stanley, p. 189; Bonar, pp.
38-9).
From a distance the village is, to use the em-
phatic words of the latest published description,
"remarkably beautiful" — " the perfection of re-
tirement and repose " — "of seclusion and lovely
peace" (Bonar, pp. 139, 330, 310, 837; and see
Lindsay, p. 89). It is difficult to reconcile these
{lowing descriptions with Mr. Stanley's words (p.
189), or with the impression which the present
writer derived from the actual view of the place.
Possibly something of the difference is due to the
different time of year at which the visits wen
BETHANY
286
| EL'Aaariyth itself is a ruinous anil wietehed
village, a " wild mountain hamlet " of " some
twenty families," the inhabitintu of which display
even less than the ordinary eastern thrift and in-
dustry (Roh. L 432; Stanley, p. 189; Bonar, p.
310). In the village are shown the traditional
sites of the house and tomb of Lazarus; the former
the remains of a square tower, apparently of old
dale, though certainly not of the age of the kings
of Judah, to which De Saulcy assigns it (p. 128) —
the latter a deep vault ezcavated in the Umestona
rock, the bottom reached by 26 steps. The house
of Simon the leper is also ezhibited. As to the
real age and character of these remains there is at
present no information to guide us.
Schwarz maintains el- AzariyeA to be Azal;
and would fiz Bethany at a spot which, be says,
the Arabs call Beth-hanan, on the Mount of Of-
fense above Sikam (pp. 263, 135).
These traditional spots are first beard of in the
4th century, in the Itinerary of the Bourdeaux
Pilgrim, and the Onomasticon of Eusebius and
Jerome; and they continued to exist, with certain
varieties of buildings and of ecclesiastical establish-
ments in connection therewith, down to the 16th
century, since which the place has fallen gradually
into its present decay. This part of the history is
well given by Robinson (i. 442-3). By Mande-
ville and other medieval travellers the town is
spoken of as the " Castle of Bethany," an expres-
sion which had its origin in cnsteUum being en. .
ployed in the Vulgate as the translation of mSur
in John zi. 1.
N.B. The derivation of the name of Bethany
given above — that of Lightfoot and Reland — is
doubtless more correct than the one proposed by
Simonis ((Mom. s. v.), namely, i~t*3]7 3. locus de
preaioHu, which has no special applicability to this .
spot more than any other, while it lacks the cor-
respondence with Bethphage, " House of Figt,"
and with the " Mount of Ofiees," which gives so
much color to this derivation, although it is true
that the dates have disappeared, and the figs and
olives alone are now to be found in the neighbor-
hood of Bethany. This has been well brought out
by Stanley (8. <f P. pp. 186, 187). It may also be
remarked that the use of the Chaldee word W,
for the fruit of the date-palm, is consistent with
the late period at which we first hear of Bethany.
U.
* The etymology is still unsettled. The various
conjectures are stated by Arnold in Herzog's Real-
Encyk. ii. 116. The one that he prefers makes it
the Chaldee or Aramaean SJ?P fVB (Buxt.
Lex. Chnld. col. 1631 f.), i. e. domtu miteri, "bouse
of the afflicted." Origen, Theophylact and others
express a similar idea in their oTrnw forcuroqs, as
if related to ""13^, L e., where the prayer of the
needy is heard and answered. H.
• BETHANY bbtokd thi Jordan (ac
cording to the true text in John 1. 38). For this,
see Bkthabara. H.
a It has besn
(SBttf , Jwom) that the i the other places menttonsd in the passage, and Is quit*
to to* A. T. of Is. x. 80 ont of the line of Sennacherib's advance.
* The Arabic nam* is given above from Robinson
Lord undsay, however, dsniss that this la cornet, and
as s e rts, altar frequently hearing It prcaeoaoad, that
tb» jsom is Laxaritk.
{ n *??) — "P** Anathoth"— Is an abbnviatsd
«cas of Be nan* of Bethany , as Nlmiah la of Beth-
Mi. ; bat apart from any other dlfBei_.y,
» I* the se rin es on* that Be t han y doss not Be near
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286
BETH-ARABAH
BETH-AK'ABAH (H^JSn ?, iouse of
Ike desert : BaiBapaM, SapafioAfi'; [Ala. in Josh.
XT. 6] Bi)Sapa0a I Betharaba), one of the aix
cities of Judah which were situated down in the
Arabah, t. t. the sunk valley of the Jordan and
Dead Sea (•• wilderness," Joan. it. 61 ), on the north
border of the tribe, and apparently between Beth-
hoglah and the high land on the west of the Jordan
valley (zt. 6). It is alao included in the list of the
town* of Benjamin (xriii. %.. BatBafiapi, Vat
[Alex. Btu0apa0a]). G.
BETH-A'RAM (accurately Beth-haram,
D^n 5 : ['Oflaprof, Vat -yui ; Alex. BitOa-
i?) Betharam), one of the towns of Gad on
the east of Jordan, described as in " the valley "
(pP$n, not to be confounded with the Arabah
or Jordan valley), Josh. xiii. 37, and no doubt the
tanie place as that named Beth-haras in Num.
xxxii. 36. No further mention it found of it in
the Scriptures; but Eusebius and Jerome (Ono-
iii itl.) report that in their day its appellation (a
Syrit dicitur) was Bethramtha, BnfpafifBd (see
also the quotations from the Talmud in Schwara, p.
231; the Syrinc and other versions, however, have
all Beth-naran, with no material variation), and
that, in honor of Augustus, Herod had named it
Libias (Ai&i&s)- Josephus's account is that Herod
(Antlpas), on taking possession of his tetrarchy,
fortified Sepphoris and the city {wi\n) of Betha-
ramphtha, building a wall round the latter, and
calling it Julias in bonor of the wife of the em-
e. As this could hardly be later than B. c. 1 —
i the Great, the predecessor of Antlpas, hay-
ing died in B. c. 4 — and as the empress livia did
not receive her name of Julia until after the death
of Augustus, A. I). 14, it is probable that Jotephus
b in error as to the new name given to the place,
and speaks of it as having originally received that
which it bore in his own day. It is curious that
be names Libias long before (Ant. xiv. 1, $ 4) in
such connection as to leave no doubt that he alludes
to the same place. Under the name of Amathus
he again mentions it (Art. xvii. 10, J 6; comp. B.
I. ii. 4, § 2), and the destruction of the royal pal-
ices there by insurgents from Penes.
Ptolemy gives the locality of libias as 31° 26'
At and 67° 10' long. (Bitter, Ronton, p. 573);
ind Eusebius and Jerome ( Onomtttiam) state that
it was five miles south of Bethuabran, or Betham
naran (i. «. Beth-nimrah ?). This agrees with the
position of the H Wy Stir, or Sir, which rails into
the Gh<V opposite Jericho, and half way between
Wady lltib&n and Watty Shoaib. No one appears
to hare explored this valley. Seetzen heard that it
contained a castle and a large tank in masonry
(Rritn, 1864, ii. 818). These may turn out to
be the ruins of Libias. G.
BETH-ARBEL (b*2~)H '? : 4k revourov
toS 'Ufofioifi ; Alex. IcpoSaaA), named only in
Hoe. x. 14, as the scene of a sack and massacre by
Shalman (Shalmaneser). No clew is given to its
position; it may he the ancient stronghold of
Ahbela in Galilee, or (as conjectured by Hitzig)
mother place of the same name near Pella, of
which mention b made by Eusebius in the Ono-
matticon. In the Vulgate Jerome has translated
the name to mean "e dome ejus qui judieavtt
Bsad." s. « Jembbaal (^55^) or Gideon, «n-
BETH-AZMAVETH
derstanding Salman as Zalmunna, and the whoh
passage as a reference to Judg. vili. G.
* The weight of opinion b in favor of identify
ing also this Arbel with the lrbid which represents
the Greek Arbela in 1 Mace. ix. 2, between Tiberias
and Sepphoris (Robinson Ui. 281 ; Ballmer's PaU
attinn, p. 108; Bitter's Erdkmdt, viiL 2, 828,
Porter, Himdb. p. 418). Travellers who turn to
the left inland from the shore of Gennesaret, after
proceeding a abort distance beyond Alejdel (Mag-
dala) in ascending the hills to Safed have before
them the site of Arbela at the entrance into Wady
HamAm (valley of Doves), just back of the re-
markable caverns which appear there in the bee of
the almost perpendicular rocks, reaching the height
of 1,600 feet (Tristram, Land of ItratL p. 446).
In addition to the name so well preserved (though
the change of / to d is not common) it b distinctly
implied in the prophet's associating it with *• the
fortresses" deemed so impregnable, that Arbela
(Hos. x. 14) was a place of great natural security,
which we find to be so eminently true of this Irbtd
or Arbela at the mouth of H'ady HamAm. For a
description of the site see Land and Book, ii. 114.
On the contrary KwaU knows that the prophet's
Arbel was the fatuous city of that name on tbt
Tigiia, whkh Shahnan, an Assyrian king otherwise
unknown, had destroyed a short time before Hosea
wrote (Pi-vptieL dt$ A. Btndet, i. 167). Dr. Pusey
(M. Prophet; i. 69) thinks an Arbel must be meant
near the middle of the plain of Jesreel ( OnomatL
s. v.), chiefly because he infers from 2 K. x. 14
that the Galilean Arbel must have been already in
the power of the Assyrians before Shahnan's inva-
sion referred to by Hosea. But it is difficult, with
so meagre a history, either to fix the time of Shal-
man's invasion or to trace the line of the conquer-
or's march through the country. The name is
variously explained. According to Gesenius it tig-
nines " House of God's ambush," ■'. e. a place made
strong by Hb band rather than man's. Simonis
( OnomatL p. 494) comes nearer still to this import
of the name: = " Lustrum Dei, i. e. maximum etin-
accessum " (from "'tW» covert, hamt). FQrst da
rives it from 3"!*?i to join together, as huts in s
row, bene* Eft (God's) village or court, ». e. sa-
cred to him. H.
BETH-A'VEN (]$ '& home of nomgkt,
i. e. badneet: [Josh. xrUL 12] BaiAtv, Ala.
B-rfiavV- Betkaven) a place on the mountains of
Benjamin, east of Bethel (Josh. vii. 2, Bai«*>
[Alex. BnflouK], xviii. 12), and lying between that
place and Mkhmash (1 Sam. xiii. 6; also xiv. 28,
tV BafiM, [Alex. Bvdavr]. In Josh, xviii. 12,
the " wilderness" ( Midbar = pasture-land) of Beth-
aven b mentioned. In 1 Sam. xiii. 6 the reading
of the I -XX. b rkueWpcV [Comp. BattoJoVv], Beth-
boron ; but if this be correct, another Beth-borno
must be intended than that commonly known
which was much further to the west. In Hos. ir.
16, v. 8, x. 6 [oWn*, but Alex. Hos. iv. 15
olinw rip Mucta*, *nd so Vsi. msrg.], the nam*
b transferred, with a play on the word very char-
acteristic of this prophet, to the neighboring Beth-el
—ones the "bouse of God," but then the bouts
of idols, of " naught" G.
BETH-AZMA'VETH (HJ^TJ $ : »1*
•e-Mctf; [Ala. BwflO Betkaemotk). Voir thir
name b mentioned , in Neh. vii. M only, tbt tow*
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BETH-BAAL-MEON
/ Benjamin which is elsewhere called Azauvsrm,
sod Bethbamos.
Mr. Finn [formerly English consu. it Jerusalem]
pr o po ses to identify Asmaveth with Hiandi, a til-
lage on the hilij of Benjamin to the 8. E. ofJeba.
G.
BETH-BA'AL-MB'ON' 0*W? by? B :
olcor McsA0<i#; Alex, ourot BsAopaw: cppidum
Booimaon), a place in the possessions of Reuben,
an the " Miihor " or downs (A. V. " plain ") cut
of Jordan (Josh, xiii. 17). At the Israelites' first
approach its name was BaaIz-mkox (Num. xxxii.
38, or in its contracted form, Bkox, xxxii. 8), to
which the Beth was possibly a Hebrew addition.
Later it would seem to hare come into possession
of Moab, and to be known either as Beth-meon
(Jer. xlviii. S3) or BaaWneon (Es. xxv. 9). The
name is still attached to a ruined place of consid-
erable size (bttrichtlieh, Seetien), a short distance
to the 8. W. of Hetbdn, and bearing the name of
■•the fortress of MPtn" ( iif|^» * •""*),
according to Burckhardt (86S), or Maim, accord-
ing to Seetzen (Reuen, i. 408), which appears to
give its appellation to the Wadi Zerha Marin
{ibid. 403). G.
beth-ba'kah (rna 'a quasi rnas's,
Voiue of postage, or, of A* ford: BcuSripd;
[Comp. Aid. BatBffnfxi-] Btthbera), named only
in Judg. rii. 24, as a point apparently south of the
scene of Gideon's victory, which took place at about
Bethsbean, and to which point " the waters "
(D'ttn) were "taken" by the Ephraimites
against Midlan. What these " waters " were, is
not ckaC, probably the wadies and streams which
descend from the highlands of Ephraim ; it is very
plain that they were distinct from the Jordan, to
which river no word but its own distinct name is
ever applied. Beth-harsh derives its chief interest
from the possibility that its more modem represent-
ative may have been Bethabara where John bap-
tised [Bethabara]; but there is not much in
favor of this beyond their similarity in sound. The
pursuit of the Hidianites can hardly have reached
so far south as Bethabara, which was accessible to
Judssa and Jerusalem and all the " region round
about " (^ **plx»posi »'• '■ the oasis of the South
Jordan at Jericho).
If the derivation of the name given above be cor-
■eet, Beth-barah was probably the chief ford of the
district, and may therefore have been that by which
Jacob crossed on his return from Mesopotamia, and
at which Jephthah slew the Ephraimites. G.
BETH-BA'SI (BoitySao-f; [Sin. Bai00a«r<r«,
BattySae-e-Hi Alex. Bs0/3curi:] Bethbetten), a town
winch from the mention of its decays (ret KaHjiprr
liArai must have been originally fortified, lying in
the desert (rp ipiifuf), and in which Jonathan and
Simon Maccabmua took refuge from Bacchides (1
Mace. ix. 69, 64). Josephus (AM. xiiL 1, § 5) has
BaAtAsrysf (Beth-hogla), but a reading of the pas-
sage sjttoted by Roland (682) presents the more
ajobableformofBetb-keziz. Either alternative fixes
the situation as in the Jordar valley not far from
.'ertebo. (Kjeziz, tallbt or.j Q.
• It Is yessfbls that the Dam* oontalns a times of
ike trite sc oaloo tf Kaon, — the staonMss or Mshcv
ska. psUon; Mnama.1
BETrlEL 287
ttBTH-BIR'EI CrTlS 2 [k-mst of m.
creation] : Uot Bapowrtuplfi (by inclusion of the
next name); [Vat. out. Bpaovjt; Alex. ot*. Bapovfi-}
Btthberui), a town of Simeon (1 Chr. ir 31), which
by comparison with the parallel list in Josh. xix.
appears to have had also the name of Beth-
lkbaoth. It lay to the extreme south, with Beer-
sheba, Hormah, Ac (comp. Josh. xv. 82, Lebaoth)
G.
BBTH-OAB' ("I? '?, hove of land*: B«u*-
xip, Alex. BsAvop: Bethchar), a place named as
the point to which the Israelites pursued the Philis-
tines from Mlzpeh on a memorable occasion (1 Sam.
vii. 11), and therefore west of Miipeh. From the un-
usual expression "under Beth-car" (? fT]?£"p)»
it would seem that the place itself was on a height,
with the road at its foot. Josephus (Ant. vi. 2, § 2)
has ixixf" Kopbalay, and goes on to say that the
stone Kbenezer was set up at this place to mark it
as the spot to which tie victory had extended.
[Ehkn-kxek.] G.
BETH-DA'GON flt^ 5, home of Dago*
Bcryotita; Alex. Bn08<ry»y: Btthdagon).
X. A city in the low country (Sheftlah) of Judah
(Josh. xv. 41), and therefore not far from the Phil-
istine territory, with which its name implies a con-
nection. From the absence of any conjunction
before this name, it has been suggested that it
should l« taken with the preceding, " Gederoth-
Heth-daipin ; " in that case probably distinguishing
Uederoth from the two places of similar name iu
the neighborhood. Caphardagon existed as a very
large vUlsge between Diospolis (Lydda) ami Jamnia
in the time of Jerome ( Onom. a. v.) A Bat Dtjan
has been found by Robinson between l.ydda and
Jaffa, but this is too far north, and muat be another
place.
S. A town apparently near the coast, named as
one of the landmarks of the boundary of Asber
(Josh. xix. 27; p^ 3, BtuflryeWfl [Alex. Bi)»-
Sayw])- The name and the proximity to the
coast point to its being a Philistine colony.
3. In addition to the two modern villages noticed
above as bearing this ancient name, a third has
been found by Kobinson (iii. 298) a few miles east
of Nibalut. There can be no doubt that in the
occurrence of these names we have indications of
the worship of the Philistine god having spread far
beyond the Philistine territory. Possibly these are
the sites of towns founded at the time when this
warlike people had overrun the face of the country
to " Michmash eastward of Beth-aven " on the south,
and Gilboa 011 the north — that is, to the very edge
of the heights which overlook the Jordan valley —
driving " the Hebrews over Jordan into the land
of Gad and Gilead" (1 Sam. xiii. 6-7; comp. 17,
18, Mix. 1, xxxi. 1). G.
BETH-DIBLATHA1M (DN^? '?,
hotue of the double cake (of figs): [Vat. M. 1 otres
AaiSAafoup; [Rom. our. Aa<0AatWp; Alox. FA
out. A<«3Aa0cup:] damn* Dtblalhatm), a town of
Moab (Jer. xlviii. 22), apparently the place else-
where called Almok-Diblathaim. G.
* BETH-E'DBN, Amos L 8, marg. [Edb»,
BETH'ET. [properly Bbth-«i/] (^^PiTS,
kout* of G-di BatMtA [etc.;] JoHph- Biff**,
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238
BETHEL
BtfHlMi niKis ■ BtUiet). L A well-known city and
holy place of central Palestine.
Of the origin of the name of Bethel there are
two accounts extant. (1.) It was bestowed ou the
ipot by Jacob under the awe inspired by the noc-
turnal vision of God, when on his journey from his
father's house at Beersheba to seek his wife in
Haran (Gen. xxviii. 19). He took the stone which
had served for his pillow and put (3^T) it for a
pillar, and anointed it with oil; and he " called the
name of -that place' (rWtil DIp^H) Bethel; but
the name of ' the city' ("VTWjT) was called Luz at
the first."
Hie expression in the last paragraph of this
sccount is curious, and indicates a distinction be-
tween the "city" and the "place" — the early
Canaanite " city " Luz, and the " place," as yet a
mere undistinguished spot, marked only by the
" stone," or the heap (Joseph. ro7s \l$oit <n>i*6o-
pauiiivais), erected by Jacob to commemorate his
vision.
(9.) But according to the other account, 9 Bethel
received its name on the occasion of a blessing
bestowed by God upon Jacob after his return from
Padan-oram ; at which time also (according to this
narrative) the name of Israel was given him. Here
again Jacob erects (33^) a " pillar of stone,"
which, as before, he anoints with oil (Gen. xxxv.
14, 16). The key of this story would seem to be
the fact of God's "speaking" with Jacob. "God
went up from him in the place where He ' spake '
with him " — " Jacob set up a pillar in the place
where He < spake ' with him," and " called the
name of the place where God spake' with him
Bethel."
Whether these two narratives represent distinct
events, or, as would appear to be the case in other
instances in the lives of the patriarchs, are different
representations of the one original occasion on which
the bill of Bethel received its consecration, we know
not, nor indeed does it concern us to know. It is
perhaps worth notice that the prophet Hoses — in
the only reference which the Hebrew Scriptures
contain to this occurrence — had evidently the
second of the two narratives before him, since in a
summary of the life of Jacob he introduces it in
the order in which it occurs in Genesis — laying
full and characteristic stress on the key-word of the
story: "He had power over the angel and pre-
vailed ; he wept and made supplication unto Him ;
He found him in Bethel, and there He tpnke with
us, even Jehovah God of hosts " (Hos. xii. 4, 5).
Early as is the date involved in these narratives,
yet, if we are to accept the precise definition of Gen.
xii. 8, the name of Bethel would appear to have
existed at this spot even before the arrival of Abram
in Canaan : he removed from the oaks of Moreh to
• ■ the ' mountain on the east of Bethel," with
" Bethel on the west and Hai on the east." Here
he built an altar; and hither be returned from
Kgypt with Lot before their separation (xiii. 3, 4).
See Stanley, 8. o> P. 218.
« * The two accounts relate to different journeys of
Jacob when he stopped at Bethel. The origin of the
oame.ia the fullness of its meaning, was not one but two-
Wd. The accounts really differ only in this, tlia' the
txpressive name which the patriarch gave to the | toe
wi bis Betting out for Psdan-arem he had oceaslu. o
•new and emohsstse on his return to Bethel, because
BETHEL
In one tiling, however, the above narratives aB
agree, — in omitting any mention of town or build-
ings at Bethel at that early period, and in drawing
a marked distinction between the " city " of Lot
and the consecrated "place" in its neighborhood
(comp. besides the passages already quoted, Gen.
xxxv. 7). Even in the ancient chronicles of the
conquest the two are still distinguished (Josh, xvi
1, 2) ; and the appropriation of the name of Bethel
to the city appears not to have been made till still
later, when it was taken by the tribe of Ephrairo ;
after which the name of Luz occurs no more (Jndg.
i. 22-26). If this view be correct, there is a strict
partllel between Bethel and Horiah, which (accord-
ing to the tradition commonly followed) received
its consecration when Abraham offered np Isaac,
but did not become the site of an actual sanctuary
till the erection of the Temple there by Solomon.
[Mori ah.]
The intense significance of the title bestowed by
Jacob on the place of bis vision — " House of God "
— and the wide extent to which that appellation
has been adopted in all languages and in spite of
the utmost diversities of belief, has been well noticed
by Mr. Stanley (220-1). It should not be over-
looked how far this has been the case with the
actual name; the very syllables of Jacob's exclama-
tion, forming, as they do, the title of the chief
sanctuary of the Mohammedan world — the Beit-
allah of Mecca — while they are no leas the favorite
designation of the meanest conventioes of the
humblest sects of Protestant Christendom.
On the other hand, how singular is the met —
if the conclusions of etymologists are to be trusted
(Spencer, dt Leg. Hdtur. 444; Bochart, Canaan,
ii. 2) — that the awful name of Bethel should have
lent its form to the word by which was called one
of the most perplexing of all the perplexing forms
assumed by the idolatry of the heathen — the
Baitulia, the Afffoi tpjrvxoi, at living stones, of the
ancient Phoenicians. Another opportunity will occur
for going more at length into this interesting sub-
ject [Stoses] ; it will be sufficient here to say that
the Baitulia seem to hive preserved the erect position
of their supposed prototype, and that the worship
consisted of anointing them with oil ( Aroobius, ode.
Oenlts, i. 89).
The actual stone of Bethel itself was the subject
of a Jewish tradition, according to which it wis
removed to the second Temple, and served as ths
pedestal lor the ark. It survived the destruction
of the Temple by the Romans, and was resorted to
by the Jews in their lamentations (Reland, Pal
638). [Temple, tbe Second.]
After the conquest Bethel is frequently heard of
In the troubled times when there was no king hi
Israel, it was to Bethel that the people went up in
their distress to ask counsel of God (Judg. xx. IB
26, 31, xxi. 2: in the A. V. the name is translated
'• house of God "). Here was the ark of the cove-
nant under the charge of Phinehas the grandeor.
of Aaron, with an altar and proper appliances tor
the offering of burnt-offerings and peace-oflerlngt
(xx. 26-28, xxi. 4); and tbe unwonted mention of
a regular road or causeway as existing b e t wee n H
God again appeared to him there and granted to hiss
still more signal manifestations of his presence ens'
favor (Gen. xxxv. 14, 16). E.
» The word Is the same (121) in all three easss
though In tbeA. V. It Is
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BETHEL.
and the great town of Sherhem is doubtless an in- 1
dketkm that it waa already in much repute. I^ater
than thU we find it named at one of the holy cities
to whicl Samuel went in circuit, taking equal rank
with Gilgal and Mizpeh (1 Sam. vii. 16).
Doubtless, although we are not so expressly told,
it was this ancient reputation, combined with it*
situation on the extreme south frontier of bis new
kingdom, and with the bold which it must hare
had on the sympathies both of Deiuamin and
hphraim — the former's by lot, and the latter's by
conquest — that made Jeroboam chouse Bethel as
the depository of the new false worship which was
to seal and consummate the division between the
ten tribes and the two.
Here be placed one of the two calves of gold, and
built a " bouse of high places " and an altar of in-
cense, by which he himself stood to burn, as we see
him in the familiar picture of 1 K. xiii. Towards
the end of Jeroboam's life Bethel fell into the hands
of Judah (2 Chr. xiii. 19), whence it was probably
recovered by Baasha (xvi. 1). It then remains un-
mentioned for a long period. The worship of Baal,
introduced by the Phoenician queen of Ahab (1 K.
xvi 31 ), had probably alienated public favor from
the simple erections of Jeroboam to more gorgeous
shrines (3 K. x. 81, 22). Samaria had been built
(IK. xvi. 24), and Jezreel, and these things must
have all tended to draw public notice to the more
northern part of the kingdom. It was during this
period that Elijah visited Bethel, and that we hear
of •• sons of the prophets " as resident there (2 K.
ii. 2, 8), two facta apparently incompatible with
the active existence of the calf-worship. The men
tion of the bears so close to the town (ii. 23, 25),
'ooks too as if the neighborhood were not much
'requested at that time. But after his destruction
of the Baal worship throughout the country, Jehu
nppears to have returned to the simpler and more
national religion of the calves, and Bethel comes
once more into view (3 K. x. 23). Under the
descendants of this king the place and the worship
must have greatly flourished, for by the time of
Jeroboam II., the great-grandson of Jehu, the rude
village was again a royal residence with a " king's
house" (Am. vii. 13); there were palaces both for
■winter" and "summer," "great bouses" and
"houses of ivory" (iii. 15), and a very high degree
of luxury in dress, furniture, and living (vi. 4-6).
The one original altar was now accompanied by
several others (iii. 14, ii. 8); and the simple "in-
cense" of its founder had developed into the
"bnrnt-oflerings" and "meat-ottering* "of "solemn
TMemblies," with the fragrant " peace-offerings "
of " fat beasts " (v. 21, 22).
How this prosperity came to its doom we are not
told. After the desolation of the northern king-
dom by the king of Assyria, Bethel still remained
an abode of priests, who taught the wretched col-
onists "how to fear Jehovah," "the God of the
land " (2 K. xvii. 28, 27). The buildings remained
tiD the time of Josiah, by whom they were de-i
strayed ; and in the account preserved of his reform-
ing iconoclasm we catch one more glimpse of the
altar of Jeroboam, with its hut loathsome fire of
" dead men's bones " burning upon it, the altar and
high-place surviving in their irehaie antiquity
amidst the successive additions of later votaries,
tike the wooden altar of lleckr*. at Canterbury,
which continued in its original i mplicity through
nil the subsequent magnificence y! the church in
which he waa m urd ere d (Stanley, Canterbury, 184).
19
BETHEL
288
Not the least remarkable of these later woiks waa
the monument (V*?D : ot^Aij), evidently a con-
spicuous erection, of the " man of God," who pro-
claimed the ultimate downfall of this idolatrous
worship at its very outset, and who would seem to
have been at a later date canonized as it were by
the votaries of the very idolatry which he denounced.
" Woe unto you ! for ye build the sepulchres of the
prophets, and your fathers killed them."
But, in any case, the fact of the continued exist-
ence of the tomb of this protester through so many
centuries of idolatry illustrates very remarkably the
way in which the worship of Jehovah and the false
worship went on side by side at Bethel. It is plain
from several allusions of Amos that this was the
case (v. 14, 22); and the fact before noticed of
prophets of Jehovah being resident there, and of
the friendly visits even of the stern Elijah ; of the
relation between the " man of God from Judah "
and the " lying prophet " who caused his death
of the manner in which Zedekiah the son of Che
naanah, a priest of Baal, resorts to the name of
Jehovah for his solemn adjuration, and lastly of the
way in which the denunciations of Amos were tol-
erated and he himself allowed to escape, — all
these point to a state of things well worthy of in-
vestigation. In this connection, too, it is curious
that men of Bethel and Ai returned with Zerubba-
bel (Ezr. ii. 28; Neb. vii. 32); and that they re-
turned to their native place whilst continuing their
relations with Nehemiah and the restored worship
(Neh. xi. 81). In the Book of Eadras the name
appears as Betolius. In later times Bethel is
only named once, amongst the strong cities in Ju-
daea which were repaired by Bacchides during the
struggles of the times of tie Maccabees (1 Mace
ix.60).
Bethel receives a bare mention from Eusebius
and Jerome in the Onomattiam, as 12 miles from
Jerusalem on the right hand of the road to Sichem •
and here its ruins still lie under the scarcely altered
name of Beitln. They cover a space of " three os
four acres," and consist of " very many foundations
and half-standing walls of houses and other build
ings." " The ruins lie upon the front of a low hill
between the heads of two hollow wadies which units
and run off into the main valley tt-Smeetntt " (Rob.
i. 448-9). Dr. Clarke, and other travellers since
his visit, have remarked on the " stony " nature of
the soil at Bethel, as perfectly in keeping with the
narrative of Jacob's slumber there. When on the
spot little doubt can be felt as to the localities of
this interesting place. The round mount S. E. of
Bethel must be the " mountain " on which Abnun
built the altar, and on which he and Lot stood
when they made their division of the land (Gen.
xii. 7, xiii. 10). It is still thickly strewn to its top
with stones formed by nature for the building of
"altar" or sanctuary. As the eye turns iavol
untarily eastward, it takes in a large fart of the
olain of the Jordan opposite Jericho ; distant it it
true, but not too distant to discern in that cleat
atmosphere the lines of verdure that mark the
brooks which descend from the mountains beyond
the river and fertilize the plain even in its present
neglected state. Further south lies, as in a map,
fully half of that sea which now covers the ones
fertile oasis of the " cities of the plain," and which
in those days was as " the garden of the Lord\ even
ae the land of Egypt." Eastward again of this
mount, at about the same distance on the left thai
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290
BBTHBTi
Bethel ii on the right, overlooking the Wady Su-
vtinU, is a third MU crowned by a remarkably des-
trtate-looking maas of gray debris, the most perfect
heap of ruin to be seen even in that country of
ruins. This is Tell er-Rijmeh, " the mound of the
heap," agreeing in every particular of nan:e, aspect,
and situation, with Ai.
An admirable passage on the history of Bethel
will be found in Stanley (217-283).
3. [In Josh., Kom. Vat. Alex, omit; Comp.
AM. BwMiA.] A town in the south part of Judah.
named in Josh. xii. 16 and 1 Sam. xxx. 27. The
collocation of the name in these two Kste is deci-
sive against its being the well-known Bethel. In the
latter esse the LXX. read BaiAroup, •• «• Beth-cur
[but Comp. Alex. BaiMji.]. By comparison of the
lists of the towns of Judah and Simeon (Josh. xv.
80, xix. 4; 1 Chr. iv. 30), the place appears under
the names of Chesil, Bkthul, and Bethuki.
O.
* It is remarkable that a place so prominent as
Bethel (1) in the 0. T. should be unnamed in the
New; and yet it continued to exist in the time of
Christ, for Joaephus (B. J. iv. 1), § 9) relates its
capture by Vespasian on his march from Tiberius
to Jerusalem. The Saviour must have passed
within sight of it (perhaps at other times, but
certainly) on his journey from Juda?a to Galilee,
when he stopped at Jacob's well near Sychar (John
iv. 8 ff.), and must have been near it when be re-
tired to Ephralm (John xi. 54) after the raising of
Lazarus; but there is no evidence that he ever
turned aside to go to the place itself. After the
notice of Bethel in the Onomasticon (above referred
to) it disappeared from history, and for ages ita lo-
cation was unknown to the people of western coun-
tries. It is an instance of what is true of so many
of the ancient places in the Bible, namely, that after
having been last mentioned in the Scriptures they
were unheard of, till geographers and tourists in
our own day have traversed the land, and on asking
the inhabitants to tell them the names of then-
towns and villages have had the old Scripture
names given back to them from the mouths of the
people. It is but just to add that the identifica-
tion of BeiOn with the ancient Bethel seems to be
due to the missionary Nicolayson, in 1836. (Jewish
Intelligence, Feb. 1837, p. 38.) Dr. Robinson
(Researches, iii. 267 fT.) argues the question at
length whether Bali n may not also be the Better
which was the scene of the great battle between
the Jewish leader Bar-cochba, Son of a Star, and
Hadrian, a battle so terribly disastrous to the Jews.
The supposition (Williams, Holy City, ii. p. 212)
that this Bether is the ridge near BMr, 2J hours
southwest of Jerusalem, he regards as without any
sufficient foundation.
The sojourn of Abraham and Lot with their
flocks and herds in this region (Gen. xiii. 1 ff.) im-
plies that it wa* very fertile and well suited to their
pastoral occupations. The writer can testify that
it maintains still its ancient character in this re-
spect. The cattle which he saw there surpassed in
number and size any that he saw at any one time
in any other place. Springs abound; and a little
to the west, toward Jvfna, the Roman Gophna,
was a flooded meadow, which as late as 28th of
April was almost large enough to be called a lake.
On the hill-top just east of Bethel, where Abraham
and Lot agreed to separate from each other, the
tr* catenas a sight which is quite ■tattling: we tee
BETHESDA
not only the course of the Jordan stieieMag mail
and south, readily traced by the waving line of
verdure along its banks, but its waters broken and
foaming as they roll over some of the many cas-
cades, almost cataracts, for which the river is re-
markable- Lieutenant Lynch, who floated dowr.
the Jordan from the Lake of Galilee to the Dead
Sea, ascertained that the river in its intermediate
passage rushes over not fewer than 97 violent rap-
ids, as well as many others less precipitous. It is
interesting to be reminded that sepulchres are found
at the present day in the rocky heights around
BetheL See Sinai und Golgotha, von F. A. Strauss,
p. 871. Stanley also (Sin. and Pal p. 147, Am.
ed.) speaks of "the excavations'' which the trav-
eller sees in approaching this place, in which the
dead of so many past generations have been buried.
It was from such recesses, no doubt, that king Jo-
siah, in his zeal for the worship of Jehovah, dug
up the bones of the old idolaters who had lived at
BetheL which he burned on the altar of the golden
calf in order by this act of pollution to mark his
abhorrence of such idolatry, and to render the place
infamous forever. There is nothing very remark-
able in the situation or scenery of Bethel to impress
the observer; and the hold which it acquired on
the religious veneration of the Hebrews presupposes
some such antecedent history as that -elated of the
patriarchs in the book of Genesis. H.
BETH'ELITE, THE (1 K. xvi. 34)-
[Bethel.]
BETH-ETHER {p$$n rPS, home of the
valley. BaiS/tJ; Alex. Bnftac/uir: Bethemec), a
place on or near the border of Asher, on the north
side of which was the ravine of Jiphthah-el (Josh,
xix. 87). Robinson has discovered an 'Amkoh
about 8 miles to the N. E. of Akka ; but if his
identification of Jefat with Jiphthah-el be tenable,
the site of Beth-emek must be sought for further
south than Amkah (Rob. iii. 103, 107-8), G.
BETHER, the Mountains of O0? ^7 :
ipn koOmivLtW- Bether, and Bethel [?]), Cant,
ii. 17. There is no clue to guide us to what moun-
tains are intended here.
For the site of Bether, so famous in the post-
biblical history of the Jews, see Rehuid, 639, 640;
Rob. iii. 967-271. G.
• Bether, says Gesenius, signifies section, a piece
cut off, and describes apparently a region consisting
of hills and valleys, and at the same time craggy,
precipitous. Fiirst defines the term in the same
way. The scene of Solomon's Song being laid on
Mount Lebanon, we may suppose Bether to have
been in that region whose physical aspects so well
agree with the etymology, though that trait be-
longs, of course, to many other parte of Palestine,
This Bether has probably no connection with that
of the later Jewish history ; see addition to Bethel.
H.
BETHESTJ A (Bi>0fcoi, " "* ) j-ttu, K»Ta )
home of mercy, at NTO"'*? H*?, place of the flow-
ing of water: Eueeb. BirfaAt: Bethsaida), the
Hebrew name of a reservoir or tank (icoAupMfya,
I. e. a swimming-pool), with five "porches " (vrois\
close upon the sheep-gate or "market" (M <rf
TpoPaTucfi — it will be oleerved that the w»r3
"market" is s-Kotted) in Jerusalem (John v 3;
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BETH-KZEL
the porches — i. e. cloisters or colonnades <- —
we extensive enough to accommodate a large
lumber of nek and infirm people, whose custom
t was to wait there for the "troubling of the
rater."
Eusebius — though unfortunately he givea no
slue to the situation of Bethesda — describes it in
the Onomattioon as existing in his time as two pools
(sV roar Klpvms SiSi/iois), the one supplied by the
periodical rains, while the water of the other was
of a reddish color (w<o)o<M~)-u*Voy), due, as the tra-
dition then ran, to the fact that the flesh of the
sacrifices was anciently washed there before offering,
on which account the pool was also called Tpoflar-
larij. See, however, the comments of Light foot on
this new, in his txercit. on S. John, v. 2. Euse-
bius's statement is partly confirmed by the Bour-
deaux Pilgrim (a. d. 333), who mentions in his
Itinerary "twin fish-pools, having five porches,
which are called Bethsaida " (quoted in Barclay,
899).
The large reservoir called the Birktt /trail,
within the walls of the city, close by the St Ste-
phen's gate, and under the northeast wall of the
Haram area, is generally considered to be the mod-
ern representative of Bethesda. This tradition
reaches back certainly to the time of Seewulf, a. d.
1103, who mentions it under the name of Beth-
saida (Early Trae. 41). It is also named in the
Citet dt Jheruttlem, a. d 1187 (sect. vii. ; Rob. ii.
862), and in more modern times by Maundrell and
all the later travellers.
The little that can be said on the subject goes
rather to confirm than to invalidate this tradition.
On the one hand, (1.) the most probable position of
the sheep-gate is at the northeast part of the city
[Jkrdsaixm]. On the other hand, the D'uktt
/trail exhibits none of the marks which appear to
have distinguished the water of Bethesda in the
records of the Evangelist and of Eusebius. (2.)
The construction of the Birlceh a such as to show
that it was originally a water-reservoir, 6 and not,
as has been suggested, the moat of a fortress (Rob.
i. 293-4, Ui. 243); (3.) there is certainly a remark-
able coincidence between the name as given by Eu-
sebius, Bezatha, and that of the northeast suburb
of the city at the time of the Gospel history —
Bewtha; and (4.) there is the difficulty that if the
Birket /trail he not Bethesda, which of the ancient
*• pools " does it represent?
One other proposed identification must be no-
ticed, namely, that of Dr. Robinson (i. 342-3), who
suggests the * fountain of the Virgin," in the val-
ley of the Kedron, a abort distance above the Pool
as* Siloara. In favor of this are its situation, sup-
posing the sheep-gate to be at the southeast of the
sity, ss Lightfoot, Robinson, and others suppose,
and the strange intermittent "troubling of the wa-
ter " caused by the periodical ebbing and Bowing
it the supply. Against it are the confined size of
he pool, and the difficulty of finding room for the
ire stoat. (See Barclay's detailed account, City,
fe. 616-524, and 325-6.) G.
BBTH-E-ZEL (bVMn /V2, home of firm.
n*M (?)•• eurer ixi/urot «Mi: dbmtis vicina), a
BETH-HABAJJ
291
• CMsten w colonnades round artificial tanks an
tomwoa In the Bast. One example Is the Taj bowree,
at the est of drawings of Beajaport now publishing by
fee last India Company.
* The photographs, woodcuts, and careful state*
rents of Saltmann, are conclusive on this point
place named only in Mic. i. 11. From the context
it was doubtless situated in the plain of Pailistia
G.
* Gesenius defines the name as " fixed dwelling ; "
and the point of the expression in Mic. i. 11 seems
to turn on that meaning. " They who abide, strong
though they be, shall not furnish an abiding place."
See Pusey's Minor ProphtU, iii. 300. In some
versions (Sept. Vulg. Luth.) the expression, instead
of being treated as a proper name, is rendered home
by the tide, i. e. the one next. H.
BETH-GA'DER (~n$ '?, If not in pause,
Geder, "n?. [home of the vxiU] : Bttydip; Vat.
Ba.ftya.W ; Alex.] Bai0ytSap : Bethoader),
doubtless a place, though it occurs in the geneal-
ogies of Judah as if a person (1 Chr. ii. 51). Pos-
sibly the same place as Gkdku (Josh. xii. 13).
G.
BETH-GATbTUL (bs»| *2, home of At
weaned, Gesen. Lex., but may it not be " house of
camel"?: oUos Toi/uix; Alex. ra/ueAa. Beth-
ganud), a town of Moab, in the mithor or downs
east of Jordan (A. V. " plain country," Jer. xlviii.
23, comp. 21); apparently a place of late date, since
there is no trace of it in the earlier lists of Num.
xxxii. 34-38, and Josh. xiii. 16-20. A place called
Urn eUJemdl is said to exist a few miles south of
Bmrah in the HauriLn (Rurckh. 106; Kiepert's
map in Rob. 1857); but this is much too far to
the N. E. to suit the requirements of the text In
a country of nomadic tribes this latter name would
doubtless be a common one. G.
BETH-HACCEREM* [Htb. -hacce'rem]
(D^"5n 2, home of the vine: [in Neh.,] Bt|9-
"X-V-Mi l VtL Bi)flaxo#. Alex.] Bjj9axx-W"« :
[in Jer., Bcutfax-wa, Sin. BcMayof^a, Alex.
Bq00>x a r >: ] Bethaeharam, [Bethacarem]), a
town which, like a few other places, is distinguished
by the application to it of the word pelec, "i"pQ,
A. V. "part" (Neh. iii. 14). It had then a
"ruler" called ~>1J*. From the other mention
of it (Jer. vi. 1) we find that it was used as a bea-
con-station, and that it was near Tekoa. By
Jerome (Comm. Jer. vi.) a village named Bethach
arma is said to have been on a mountain between
Tekoa and Jerusalem, a position in which the em
inence known as the Frank mountain (Herodium >
stands conspicuous; and this has accordingly been
suggested as Beth-haccerem (Pococke, Rob. i. 480).
The name is at any rate a testimony to the early
fruitfulneea of this part of Palestine.
Karem (Kcye/i) is one of the towns added in the
LXX. to the Hebrew text of Josh. xv. 60, at in the
mountains of Judah, in the district of Bethlehem.
G.
BETH-HA-RAN (J^n 2 : A, BoiSopoV;
[Alex. BoiOoppa:] Betharan), one of the " fenced
cities " on the east of Jordan, " built " by the
Gadites (Num. xxxii. 36). It is named with Beth-
nimrah, and therefore is no doubt the same place
at Beth-aram (accurately Beth-haram), Josh.
c This name deserves notice as one of the very fan
Instances In which the translators of the A. V. have
retained the definite article, which In the original at
frequently occurs In the middle of compound proprt
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BETH-HOGLA
iHL 97. Hie name is not (bond in the Bite of toe
towns of Moab in either Isaiah, Jeremiah, or Eae-
bel. G.
BETH-HOG'LA, and -HOCLAH ($
•"'7^ ?» hoiue of partridge, Gesen. ; though Jerome
gives another interpretation, locut gyri, reading the
■xxx* ^?3? ?> "d connecting it with the fu-
neral raeea or dances at the mourning for Jacob
[Atad] : BaiOayAcuip, [6A\aa<ra,] BeBtywA;
[Alex. BaiOaAa,] BaiSaXaya, [BnteyAa:] Be-
thngla), a place on the border of Judah (Josh. xr.
6) and of Benjamin (xriii. 19), to which latter
tribe it was reckoned to belong (xriii. 31). A
magnificent spring and a ruin between Jericho and
the Jordan still bear the names of 'Ain-hajU and
Kisr Hajla, and are doubtless on or near the old
site (Rob. i. 544-6). The LXX. reading, Botfcrr
Aad/i, may point to En-eglaim, a place which was
certainly near this locality. G.
BETH-HCRON (VvVin'a, or in con-
tracted form yyih 3, and once ) in 3, house
of caverns or hole*: Bat8*p6r, [etc.:] Bethoron),
the name of two towns or villages, an "upper"
(f^y? '§) «»d a "nether" flVIOJIin '»),
(Josh, xvi, 8, 5; 1 Chr. rii. 24), on the 'road from
Gibson to Azekah (Josh. x. 10, 11) and the Philis-
tine Plain (1 Mace. iii. 34). Beth-horon lay on
the boundary-line between Benjamin and Ephraim
(Josh. xvi. 3, 5, and xriii. 13, 14), was counted to
Ephraim (Josh. xxL 22; 1 Chr. rii. 34), and given
to the Kohathites (Josh. xxi. 22; 1 Chr. vi. 68
[53]).
The road connecting the two places is memorable
in sacred history as the scene of two of the most
complete victories achieved by the Jewish arms:
that of Joshua over the five kings of the Amorites
(Josh, x.; Ecclus. xlvi. 6), and that of Judas Mac-
cahajus over the forces of Syria under Seron (1
Mace. iii. 13-24). Later still the Roman army
uider Cestins Gallua was totally cut ap at the same
.pot (Joseph. B. J. ii. 19, §§ 8, 0).
There is no room for doubt that the two Beth-
horon* still survive in the modern villages of Beit-
'ir ( .«JS OUk?) et-Tahta and eUFSka, which
ware first noticed by Dr. Clarke, and have been
since visited by Dr. Robinson, Mr. Stanley, and
others. Besides the similarity of the name, and
the foot that the two places are still designated as
"upper" and "lower," all the requirements of the
narrative are fulfilled in this identification. The
road is still the direct one from the site which must
lave been Gibeon (el-Jib), and from Michmash
v MakhmAs) to the Philistine plain on the one hand,
and Antipatris (Joseph. B. J. u. 19, % 9) on the
other. On the mountain which lies to the south-
ward of the nether village is still preserved the
name ( Yilo) and the site of Ajalon, so closely con-
nected with the proudest memories of Beth-horon ;
and the long "descent" between the two remains
analtcreil from what it was on that great day
1 which was like no day before or after it"
The importance of the road on which the two
Betb-horons are situated, the main approach to the
« The statements of Dr. Robinson and Mr. Stanley
n tbJa point an somewhat at variance; but although
he road from Gibeon to BntHkr tt-Takta la by no
xao* a uniform rise, yet the Impress i on b certainly
BETH-JESHIMOTH
interior of the country from the hostile district* oe
both sides of Palestine — Philistia and Egypt on
the west, Moat and Amnion on the east — at one*
explains and justifies the frequent fortification of
these town* at different periods of the history (1
K. ix. 17; 3 Chr. viii. 6; 1 Mace ix. Ml; Jud. It.
4, 5). This road — (till, as in ancient times, " the
great road of communication and heavy transport
between Jerusalem and the sea-coast" (Kob. ii.
262), though a route rather more direct, known as
the "Jaffa road," is now used by travellers with
light baggage — leaves the main north road at
Tulril el-t'il, 3J miles from Jerusalem, due west
of Jericho. Bending slightly to the north, it runs
by the modern village of el-Jib, the ancient Gibeon,
and then proceeds by the Betb-horons in a direct
line due west to Jimzu [Gimzo] and LAdd [Ltd-
da], at which it parts into three, diverging north
to Caphar-Saoa [Antipatris], south to Gasa,
and west to Jaffa [Joppa].
From Gibeon to the Upper Beth-horon is a dis-
tance of about 4 miles of broken ascent and de-
scent. The ascent, however, predominates, and
this therefore appears to be the "going up" to
Beth-horon which formed the first stage of Joshua's
pursuit.' With the upper village the descent com-
mences; the road rough and difficult even for the
mountain-paths of Palestine; now over sheets of
smooth rock flat as the flagstones of a London
pavement; now over the upturned edge* of the
limestone strata ; and now amongst the loose rectan-
gular stones so characteristic of the whole of this dis-
trict. There are in many places step* cut, and
other marks of the path having been artificially
improved. But though rough, the way can hardly
be called "precipitous;" still less is it a ravine
(Stanley, p. 208), since it run* for the most part
along the back of a ridge or water-abed dividing
wadies on either hand. Alter about three miles of
this descent, a slight rise leads to the lower village
standing on its mamelon — the last outpost of the
Benjamite hills, and characterized by the date-palm
in the enclosure of the village mosque. A abort
and sharp fall below the village, a few undulations
and the road is amongst the dura of the great
corn-growing plain of Sharon.
This rough descent from the upper to the lower
Beit'ur is the " going down to Beth-boron " of the
Bible narrative. Standing on the high ground of
the upper village, and overlooking the wild scene,
we may feel assured that it was over this rough
path that the Canaanites fled to their native low-
lands.
In a remarkable fragment of early history (1
Chr. vii. 24) we are told that both the upper and
lower town* were built by a woman of Ephraim,
Sherah, who in the present state of the passage
appears as a grand-daughter of the founder of her
tribe, and alio as a direct progenitor of the great
leader with whose history the place i* so closely
connected. G.
BETH-JESHIMOTH, or -JES1MOTH
(nSOB^ri '?; in Number*, /"ibtTVI, Hoist of
the wattes: Ato-uuM, [etc.;] Alex. Aoiuatf, [etc,:]
Bethsimoth, BeUiitrimoth), a town or place east of
Jordan, in the « desert* " (nh"l?) of Moab; that
that of an ascent ; and BriPtr, though perhaps H
higher than thr ridge between H and QUwoa, ye)
looks higher, because H Is ao amah above everyttatei
beyond H.
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BETH-LEBAOTH
a, sn the lower level at the south end of the Jor-
fan valley (Num. xxxiii. 49;; and named with
Asbdoth-pisgah and Beth-peor. It waa one of the
limits cf the encampment of Israel before croaaing
the Jofdan. Later it waa allotted to Reuben (Joan,
rii. 3, xiii. 30), but came at bat into the handa of
Moab, and formed one of the citiea which were
"the glory of the country" (Efcxxv. 9). Schwarz
(p. 228) quotes *' a Heth-Jitimuth a* still known at
the nurtheasternmost point of the Dead Sea, half
a mile from the Jordan; " but this requires con-
firmation. G.
BETH LEB'AOTH (HIK} 1 ? '?, haut of
honeua: BaBapte ; Alex. BoifloAjSofl : Beth-
Ubaoth), a town in the lot of Simeon (Josh. xix.
6), and therefore in the extreme south of Judah
(xv. 82, Lebaoth), probably in the wild country to
which its name bears witness. In the parallel list
In 1 Chr. iv. 31 the name is given Bkth-mkki.
G.
BETH -LEHEM (DnS i"Va=Aou»e of
bread: Bt)8A«V : Btthlthtm). 1. One of the
oldest towns in Palestine, already in existence at
the time of Jacob's return to the country. Its
earliest name was Ephkath or Epbratah (see
Gen. xxxv. 16, xlviii. 7 ; Josh. xv. 60, LXX. ), and
it is not till long after the occupation of the country
by the Israelites that we meet with it under its
new name of Bethlehem. Here, as in other cases
(eomp. Beth-meoti, Beth-dibl&thaim, Beth-peor), the
" Beth " appears to mark the bestowal of a Hebrew
appellation ; and if the derivations of the Lexicons
are to be trusted, the name in its present shape ap-
pears to have been an attempt to translate the earlier
Ephratah into Hebrew language and idiom, just as
the Arabs have In their torn, with a further slight
change of meaning, converted it into BtU-lahm
(house of flesh).
However this n ay be, the ancient name lingered
us a SunS'Jar word in the mouths of tho inhabitants
of th» pbwe (Rut 6 i. 2, iv. 11; 1 Sam. xvii. 12),
and in the poetry of the Psalmists and Prophets
(Ps. ^xrui S; lUc. v. 2) to a late period. [Eph-
kath.J In the genealogical lists of 1 Chr. it
recurs, and Ephrath appears as a person — the wife
of Caleb and mother of Hur (*V) (ii. 19, 51,
iv. 4); the title of "father of Bethlehem " being
bestowed both on Hur (iv. 4) and on Sauna, the
wn of Hur (ii. 51, 54). The name of Salma re-
calls a very similar name intimately connected with
Jethlebetn, namely, the father of Buaz, Salmah
(TVfiW, Ruth Iv. 90; A. V. « Salmon ") or Sal-
son ftSzibtr, verse 21). Hur is also named in
Sx. xxxi. Sand 1 Chr. ii. 90, as the lather of Uri
the father of BezaleeL In the East a trade or call-
ing remains fixed in one family for generations, and
if there is any foundation for the tradition of the
Targum, that Jesse the father of David was "a
weaver of the veils of the sanctuary " « (Targ. Jon-
athan on 9 Sam. xxi. 19), he may have inherited
the accomplishments and the profession of his art
om his forefather, who was "filled with the Spirit
God," •• to work all manner of works," anc.
• At the data of toe visit of Benjamin of Tudela,
hers ware still " twelve Jews, dyen by profession, Hv-
H at iWb-Wi«m " (BenJ. of Tudela, JUm, I. 76).
» Nay not Ibis elucidate the suasions to the " weev-
BETHXEHEH
298
amongst them that of the embroiderer and the
weaver (Ex. xxxv. 35 ).*
After the conquest Bethlehem appears under iU
own name Beth-lehem-judah (Judg. xrii. 7 ; 1 Sam.
xvii. 12; Ruth i. 1, 2), possibly, though hardly
probably, to distinguish it from the small and re
mote place of the same name in Zebulun. As the
Hebrew text now stands, however, it is omitted
altogether from the list of the towns of Judah in
Joshua xv. though retained by the LXX. iu the
eleven names which they insert between verses 59
and 60. Among these it occurs between Theko
(Tekoa), BikA (comp. 1 Chr. iv. 4, 5), and Phagor
(? Peor, 9>cryd>p). This omission from the He-
brew text is certainly remarkable, but it is quite in
keeping with the obscurity in which Bethlehem re-
mains throughout the whole of the sacred history.
Not to speak of the later event which has made the
name of Bethlehem so familiar to the whole Chris-
tian and Mussulman world, it was, as the birthplace
of David, the scene of a most important occurrence
to ancient Israel. And yet from some cause or
other it never rose to any eminence, nor ever be-
came the theatre of any action or business. It is
difficult to say why Hebron and Jerusalem, with
no special associations in their favor, were fixed on
as capitals, while the place in which the great ideal
king, the hero and poet of the nation, drew his first
breath and spent his youth remained an " ordinary
Judeean village." No doubt this is in part owing
to what will be noticed presently — the isolated
nature of its position ; but that circumstance did not
prevent Gibeon, Raniah, and many other places situ-
ated on eminences from becoming famous, and is not
sufficient to account entirely for such silence respect-
ing a place so strong by nature, commanding one
of the main roads, and the excellence of which as
a military position may be safely inferred from the
fact that at one time it was occupied by the Phil-
istines as a garrison (2 Sam. xxiii. 14 ; 1 Chr. xi.
18).
Though not named as a Levities! city, it was
apparently a residence of Invites, for from it came
the young man Jonathan, the son of Gershom, who
became the first priest of the Danites at their new
northern settlement (Judg. xrii. 7, xviii. 30), and
from it also came the concubine of the other Levite
whose death at Gibeah caused the destruction of
the tribe of Benjamin (xix. 1-9).
The book of Ruth is a page from the domestic
history of Bethlehem ; the names, almost the very
persons, of the Bethlehemites are there brought
before us ; we are allowed to assist at their most
peculiar customs, and to witness the very springs
of those events which have conferred immortality
on the name of the place. Many of these customs
were doubtless common to Israel in general, but
one thing must have been peculiar to Bethlehem.
What most strikes the view, after the charm of
the general picture has lost its first hold on us, is
the intimate connection of the place with Moab.
Of the origin of this connection no record exists,
no hint of it has yet been discovered, but it con-
tinued in force for at least a century after the ar
rival of Ruth, till the time when her great grandson
could find no more secure retreat for his parents
froc the fory of Saul, thin the bouse of the king
er's beam" (whatever the "beam" may be) which
occur In the accounts of giants or mighty men slain
by David or his heron, but not In any unoonnsctei
with htm.
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294
BETHLEHEM
of Moab at Mirpeh (1 Sam. xxii. 3, 4). But what- 1
ever its origin, here we find the connection in full |
vigur. When the famine occurs, the natural re- 1
source U to go to the country of Moab and " con-
tinue there; " the surprise of the city is occasioned
not at Naomi's going, but at her return. Ruth
was » not like " the handmaidens of Hoax — some
difference of feature or complexion there was doubt-
less which distinguished the "children of Lot"
from the children of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob;
but yet she gleans after the reapers in the field with-
out molestation or remark, and when Boaz in the
most public manner possible proclaims his intention
of taking the stranger to be his wife, no voice of
remonstrance is raised, but loud congratulations are
expressed, the parallel in the life of Jacob occurs at
BETHLEHEM
once to all, and a blessing is invoked on the head of
Ruth the Moabiteas, that she may be like the two
daughters of the Hesopotamian Nabor, " like Raehft
and like Leah, who did build the house of Israel. '"
This, in the face of the strong denunciations of
Moab contained in the Law is, to say the least, very
remarkable-
The elevation of David to the kingdom does not
appear to have affected the fortunes of his native
place. The residence of Saul acquired a new title
specially from him, by which it was called even
down to the latest time of Jewish history (9 Sam.
xxi. 6 ; Joseph. B. J. v. 2. § 1, Ta$a6<raav\-(\), but
David did nothing to dignify Bethlehem, or con-
nect it with himself. The only touch of recollec-
tion which he manifests for it, is that recorded in
Bethlehem.
the well-known story of his sudden longing for the
water of the well by the gate of his childhood (2
Sam. xxiii. 15).
The few remaining casual notices of Bethlehem
in the Old Testament may be quickly enumerated.
It was fortified by Rehoboam (2 Chr. xi. 6). By
the time of the Captivity, the Inn of Chimham by
(v"N •= "dose to") Bethlehem, appears to have
lecome the recognized point of departure for trav-
.Uers to Egypt (Jer. xli. 17) — a caravanserai or
khan (rW")3 : see Stanley, App. § 90), perhaps
the identical one which existed there at the time of
our Lord (>urri\vpa), like those which still exist
all over the east at the stations of travellers.
Lastly, "Children of Bethlehem," to the number
;rf 123, returned with Zerubbabel from Babylon
'Ezr. U. 81; Neh. vii. 26).
a Moab appears elsewhere In connection with a place
In Judah, Ja.<*uti-lehem (1 Chr. tv. 22). We might
he tempted to believe the name merely another form
Of 2frrA-lehem, If the context — the mention of Mere-
shah and Choseha. places on the extreme west of the
-ribs— did not forbid it.
• In the Owe* copies of St. Matthew the name Is
In the New Testament Bethlehem retains itsdis
tinctive title of Bethlehem judah * (Matt. ii. 1, 5),
and once, in the announcement of the angels, the
"city of David " c (Luke U. 4; and comp. John
vii. 42; K<ip.ri- eattelhm). Its connection with the
history of Christ is too familiar to all to need any
notice here: the remark should merely be made
that as in the earlier history leas is recorded of the
place after the youth of David than before, so in
the later nothing occurs after the birth of our Lord
to indicate that any additional importance or in-
terest was fastened on the town. In fact, the pas-
sages just quoted, and the few which follow, ex-
haust the references to it in the N. T. (Matt. ii. 6,
8,16; Lukeii. 15).
After this nothing is beard of it till near the mid-
dle of the 2d century, when Justin Martyr speaks
of our Lord's birth aa having taken place " in a ear-
given as B. rijt 'Iovtew > but In the mora udn
Syriac recension lately published by Mr. Canton it In,
as In the 0. T., Bethtehem-judah.
c Observe that this phrase has lost the mearuo*
which it bears In the O. T., whan It specially ana
Invariably signifies the fortress of the JsbnaMee, fee
taetnass of Bon (% 8am. v. 7, 8 ; 1 Chr XL t, 7).
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BETHLEHEM
■tin care wry close to the Tillage,'' which cave be
pa on to say had been specially pointed out by
baiah a» " a sign." Toe passage from Latah to
which he refers is xxxiii. 13-19, in ihe LXX. ver-
sion of which occurs the following — " He shall
dwell on high: Hi* place of defense shall be in a
lofty cave of the strong rock " (Justin. DM. c
Tryph. §5 78, TO). Such is the earliest supplement
we possess to the meagre indications of the narrative
of the Gospels; and while it is not possible to say
with certainty that the tradition is true, there is no
reatOL for discrediting it There is nothing in
itself improbable — as there certainly is in many
cases where the traditional scenes of events are laid
in caverns — in the supposition that the place in
which Joseph aud Mary took shelter, and where
was the "manger" or "stall" (whatever the
<p&rvt\ may have been)," was a cave in the lime-
stone rock of which the eminence of Bethlehem is
composed, (for is it tecessary to assume that
Justin's quotation from Isaiah is the ground of an
inference of his own ; it may equally be an author-
ity happily adduced by him in support of the ex-
isting tradition.
But the step from the belief that the nativity
may have taken place in a cavern, to the belief that
the present subterraneous vault or crypt is that
cavern, is a very wide one. Even in the 160 years
that had passed when Justin wrote, so much bad
happened at Bethlehem that it is difficult to believe
that the true spot coukl have been accurately pre-
served. In that interval — an interval as long as
that between the landing of William HI. and the
battle of Waterloo — not only had the neighbor-
hood of Jerusalem been overrun and devastated by the
Romans at the destruction of the city, but the em-
peror Hadrian, amongst other desecrations, had
tctually planted a grove of Adonis at the spot
{luau inumbrabit Adonidu, Jerome, Ep. Paul.).
This grove remained at Bethlehem for no less than
180 years, namely, from A. D. 135 till 315. After
this the place was purged of its abominations by
Constantine, who about A. D. 330 erected the pres-
ent cburcb (Euseb. Kit Comt. iii. 40. See Tobler,
102, note). Conceive the alterations in the ground
tnplied in this statement ! — a heathen sanctuary
istablished and a grove planted on the spot — that
grove and those erections demolished to make room
for the Basilica of Constantine !
The modern town of Beil-lnhm ( **. oyO )
be* to the E. of the main road from Jerusalem to
Hebron, 6 miles from the former. It covers " the
E. and N. E. parts of the ridge of a " long gray
hill " of Jura limestone, which stands nearly due
E. and W., and is about a mile in length. The hill
has a deep valley on the N. and another on the S.
The west end shelves down gradually to the valley ;
but the east end if bolder, and overlooks a plain of
some extent. The slopes of the ridge are In many
■art* covered by terraced gardens, shaded by rows
of olives with figs and vines, the terraces sweeping
round the contour of the hill with great regularity.
On the top of the hill lies the village in a kind of
• It Is a* wall to remember that the " stable >< and
|a accompaniments an the creations cf the imagtoa-
loo of posts sod pelnten, with no to port from ttj
fospel narrative.
» Mr. Stanley mentions, and recurs ehaneterletJ-
jalry so the Interesting atet, that the present roof Is
waatraatad from Jsnglisb oak given to the church by
•sward IT. (& f p. 141, 489) Tobler, 104, not,,
BETHLEHEM 20£
irregukr triangle (Stewart), at about 1B0 yard*
from the apex of which, and separated from it oy a
vacant apace on the extreme eastern part of thr
ridge, spreads the noble Basilica of St. Helena,
>' half church, half fort," now embraced by it*
three convent*, Greek, Latin, and Armenian.
Thi* i* not the place for a description of the
" holy place* " of Bethlehem. All that can be said
about them ha* been well said by Lord Nugent
(i. 13-21), and Mr. Stanley (438-442). (See also,
though interspersed with much irrelevant matter,
Stewart, 246, 334-6.) Of the architecture of the
church very little is known ; for a resume of that
little see Fergusson's Handbook of Architecture,
524 ; also Salzmann's Photographs and the £tudt
accompanying them (p. 72).* One fact, of great
interest — probably the most genuine about the
place — is associated with a portion of the crypt of
this church, namely, that here, " beside what he
believed to be the cradle of the Christian faith,"
St. Jerome lived for more than 30 years, leaving a
lasting monument of his sojourn in the Vulgate
translation of the Bible.
In the plain below and east of the convent, about
a mile from the walls, is the traditional scene of the
angels' appearance to the shepherds, a very small,
poor village called Beit-Sdhur, to the E. of which
are the unimportant remains of a Greek church.
These buildings and ruins are surrounded by olive-
trees (Seetzen, ii. 41, 42). Here in Arculfs time,
•' by the tower of Ader," was a church dedicated
to the three shepherds, and containing their mon-
uments (Arculf, 6). But this plain is too rich ever
to have been allowed to lie in pasturage, and it is
more likely to have been then occupied, as it is now
aud as it doubtless was in the days of Kuth, by
cornfields, and the sheep to have been kept on the
hills.'
The traditional well of David (2 Sam. xxiii. 15),
a group of three cisterns, is more than half a mile
away from the present town on the other side, of
the wady on the north. A few yards from the
western end of the village are two apertures, which
have the appearance of wells; but they are merely
openings to a cistern connected with the aqueduct
below, and we have Dr. Robinson's assurance that
there is now no well of living water in or near the
town.
The population of Beit-iahm is about 3000 souls,
entirely Christians. All travellers remark the good
looks of the women (Eolhtn), the substantial, clean
appearance of the houses, and the general air of
comfort (for an eastern town) which prevails. G.
• In regard to the well at Bethlehem (1) it
should be remarked that David (see 2 Sam. xxiii
15) longed not for "living water" but for that from
the " reservoir " or " cittern " (a* 1N3 signifies,
see Furst; Sept. Aokkos : Vulg. cts<erna),atthegate
of Bethlehem. The writer in approaching Beth
lehem from the south (April 21st, 1852) found a
little stream running down the steep bank on that
side, and at the top, on entering the town, drank
of the refreshing water from a reservoir there, said
adduce* 'he authority of Eutyehlus that the present
•""buret i* the work of Justinian, who destroyed that
of Constantine at not sufficiently magnificent.
e 'ATpavAovmt (Luke U. 8 ; A. V. "abiding In the
Held ") hat no special reference to " field " more thai
hill, but means rather "pasting the night out of
doors; " x*f*> <u*o means a "district " or neighbor
hood, with no special topographical stgnmesuon.
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296 JBETHLEHEMITE
to M supplied by on aqueduct from Solomon's
Pooh. The same springs must have furnished Beth-
lehem with water of old (there is no better water
in all that region now); and supposing David to
nave been, as he probably was, in the wilderness of
Tekoa at the time, it was the water of which he would
naturally think not only as so good in itself, but
actually nearer to him than any other. The '• tra-
ditional well," half a mile or more northeast of
Bethlehem, contains water at times (Hitter, Krd-
kunde, xvi. 286; Wilson, ljinit of U.e Bible, i.
399): but at that distance it would not so nat-
urally be associated with the gate. As we have
seen above, it is no objection that the so-called
" well " is a cistern or reservoir. H.
2. (DOb 'a : BaiSfuiy, Alex. B<u0A««jt: Btth-
khem), a town in the portion of Zebulun named
nowhere but in Josh. xix. 15. It has been recovered
b; Dr. Robinson at Beit fjiUtm, about six miles west
of Nazareth, and lying between that town and the
main road from Akka to Gaza. Robinson charac-
terizes it as " a very miserable village, none more
to in all the country, and without a trace of an-
tiquity except the name" (iii. 113). • 6.
BBTH'LEHEMITE, THE (Wa
^n ?0 : B»0A«/«rnjj [Vat. -fur], t Bot0A«-
l>tn)t [Vat iuuii-]i Alex. B^6A.c<pirqr [and
-mi-] : Beihkhemila). A native or inhabitant of
Bethlehem. Jesse (1 Sam. xvi. 1, 18, xvii. 58) and
Elhanan (2 Sam. xxi. 19) were Bethlehemites.
Another Elhanan, son of Dodo of Bethlehem, was
one of David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 24). [El-
hanan.] W. A. W.
BETHLO / MON (Btu«A«ji«>; [Vat. P«y«-
9\mumv; Aid. Bt6k<*wir : Sepoltmon]), 1 Esdr. v.
17. [Bethlehem, l.J G.
BETH-MA'ACHAH (H^D 'a, and with
the article, EH S [haute of oppression] : B«6/*o-
X", +«p/iox«i; [Vat. Bcu9/iox«: Alex. Bijfyu»x a: ]
BtUivmncha), a place named only in 2 Sam. xx. 14,
15, and there occurring more as a definition of the
position of Abel than for itself. In the absence
of more information, we can only conclude that it is
Identical with Maaciiah, or Akam-maachah,
me of the petty Syrian kingdoms in the north of
Palestine. [Akam.] g.
beth-mak.'caboth (r6s?$ct 'a,
'lotut of the chariots, in Chron. without the article:
4ai6/iax<f>43, [Bai0/uapi/u£0, Vat. -pa-:] Alex.
3ai9annapx<urPa9, Boi» [McyX"3<^ Bethmar-
zhnboth), one of the towns of .Simeon, situated to the
ixtreme south of Judah, with Ziklag and llormah
(Josh. xix. 5 ; 1 Chr. iv. 31 ). What " chariots " can
Ave been in use in this rough and thinly inhabited
art of the country, at a time so early as that at which
.heee lists of towns purport to have been made out,
*e know not At a later period — that of Solo-
.non — " chariot cities " are named, and a regular
trade with Egypt in chariots was carried on (1 K.
x. 19; 2 Chr. viii. 6; 1 K. x. 29; 2 Chr. 1. 17),
vhich would naturally require depots or stopping-
places on the road " up " to Palestine (Stanley, 160).
In the parallel list, Josh. xv. 30, 31, Madmannah
occurs in place of Beth-marcaboth ; possibly the
latter was substituted for the former after the town
bad become the resort of chariots. Without sup-
posing the one word to be a mere corruption of
Jto ether, tin change of a name to one differing
BETH-PALBT
leas in appearance than in meaning is quite in ok*
raster with the nlays on words frequent in Hebrew
literature. [H azak-susxk ; Mauji aknail] G.
BETH-ME'ON (]WO'a: olico. MoftV
Bethmaon), Jer. xlviii. 23. A contracted form of tht
name elsewhere given as Bkth-baal-meon. G.
BETH-NIMTtAH (!TTM iTa = houst
of sweet imter, Gesen. ; t) Napptfyi, BeutiaraBpi
Alex. AiiBptw, [Bifiafira ; Comp. Brfivaftfir
Brfiavafipd; Aid. Aftpdv, Briiyofipd-] BeUintmrn),
one of the " fenced cities " on the east of the Jor-
dan taken and " built " by the tribe of Gad (Num.
xxxii. 36) and described as lying "in the valley''
(pQVa) beside Beth-haran (Josh. xiii. 27). h.
Num. xxxii. 3 it is named simply Nimrah. By
Eusebius and Jerome ( (Mom. Bethamnaram, and
Betb-nemra) the village is said to have been still
standing five miles north of Libiaa (Beth-haran),
and under N^flpa Eusebius mentions that it was a
large place, mfyjij iteylcn), in Kartwala ( ? Bata-
nasa), and called Abara.
The name stills survives in the Nahr Nimrt*,
the Arab appellation of the lower end of the Wady
Shoaib, where the waters of that valley discharge
themselves into the Jordan close to one of the reg-
ular fords a few miles above Jericho. It has been
seen by Seetzen (Beisen, 1854, ii. 318), and Rob-
inson (i. 651), but does not appear to have been
explored, and all that is known is that the vegeta-
tion is very thick, betokening an abundance of wa-
ter. The Wudy Shoaib runs back up into the
Eastern mountains, as far as et-SaU. Its name
(the modern form of Hobab?) connects it with the
wanderings of the children of Israel, and a tradi-
tion still clings to the neighborhood, that it was
down this vaUV.y they descended to the Jordan
(Seetzen, ii. 377).
It seems to have escaped notice how fully the
requirements of Bethabara are met hi the circum-
stances of Beth-nimrah — its abundance of water
and its situation close to " the region round about
Jordan " (^ x-«pixwpot toI 'IopJdVou, *• e. the Cic-
car of the O. T., the Oasis of Jericho), immediately
accessible to " Jerusalem and all Judtea " (John i.
28; Matt iii. 5; Mark i. 5) by the direct and or-
dinary road from the capital. Add to this, what
is certainly a strong confirmation of this suggestion,
that in the I, XX. the name of Beth-nimrah is found
almost exactly assuming the form of Bethabara —
Bateavafipd, Bv9a$pd, BtiapaBA (see Holmes
and Farsons's LXX.).
The " Waters of Nimrim," which are named in
the denunciations of Moab by Isaiah and Jeremiah,
may from the context be the brook which still
bears the same name at the S. E. part of the Dead
Sea. [Nimrim.] A similar name (signifying,
however, in Arabic, " panther " ) is not uncommon
on the east of the Jordan. G.
BETHO'RON (Bcu0»p«6>/ ; Alex. b<0»p»:
om. in Vulg.). Beth-hobon (Jud. iv. 4).
BETH-PAXET (t£>f 'a : when not in
pms-, t57?e, home ofjtight; BaiftoAotf; [Alex
Bai0«ta&f0:j BeUiphelet), a town among these in
the extreme south of Judah, named in Josh, xv
97, and Neh. xi. 26, with Moladah and Beer-sbeba
In the latter place it is Beth-fhelet (fbuowinf
the Vulgate). Its remains have not yet been dis-
covered. C
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BETH-PAZZEZ
BETHSAIDA
297
MB-rW l'AZ'ZWZ (V9*2 3 Howe of <**- K 19 ""M- There to * ^P 1 " m the Hne ° f Be °"
BETH-1 AZZEZ l^»J a l«owe «f «»-, ;min „,, ei^he^ but n0 apparent connection
•™"«] : *np<ref4t ; Alex. Boiftyacnij: *«"■- 1 exW< betweeu tho()e and this, nor has the name
•*«"). » «»wn of Jssachar named w!th Ln-haddan ^ identified „ ^^g to .ny place. ({.
(Josh. ux. 21), and of which nothing is known. % ?__ * '
O. | BETH-RE'HOB (TTT) H"?, nutue 0/
RWTW PW-nR ("1*152 n^a rAouir uf Ktehoo > <" "/ "*"»•' * oUotVadB, Alex. T»0,
BETH-PE OB \-nsV n 3 L*<** «/ ■ r m 2 3,,,, 1 . po<4/ j. ft^ s pIace mentioned u
AW] : oUn foyAp"" 1 Josh. Biuapo-KM, [Alex. | ^ . near it ^ v>lle m which u the town M
B«fl*<n«(>0 /«""» A***;"'. H«F, BtthjMgor; | ^^ [)ftn (J . xvia >28) , t „, <„, of the
m OnonL Btthfogo), a place, no doubt dedicated | mUe Ungdon* of Aram or Syria, like Zobah,
Maacah, and Ish-tob (comp. the reading of the
Alex. LXX. above), in company with which it was
hired by the Ammonites to fight against David (2
Sam. x. 6). In ver. 8 the name occurs in the
shorter form of Rehob, in which form it is doubt-
less again mentioned in Num. xiii. 21. Being,
however, " tar from Zidon " (.ludg. xviii. 28), this
place must not be confounded with two towns of
the name of Rehob in the territory of Asher.
[Rehob.] The conjecture of Robinson (iii. 371)
is that this ancient place is represented by the mod-
ern Hinin, a fortress commanding the plain of the
/HUeh, in which the city of Dan ( Tett d-KAdy) lay.
Hadadezer the king of Zobah is said to have
beeu the son of Rehob (2 Sam. viii. 3, 12). G.
u> the god Baaiwkor, on the east of Jordan,
opposite (awivavri) Jericho, and sue miles above
Ubias or Beth-haran (Euseb. Ouomatticon). It
was hi the possession of the tribe of Reuben (Josh,
xiii. 20). In the Pentateuch the name occurs in a
formula by which one of the last halting-places of
the children of Israel is designated — •' the ravine
(W$n) over against (V"tt2) Beth-peur" (Deut.
iii 20, It. 46). In this ravine Moses was probably
buried (xxxiv. 6).
Here, as in other cases, the Beth may be a Hebrew
substitution for Baal. G.
BETHPHAGE [I syl.] (B^ftpo^ and Br|9-
f«yij: Bethphage ; quasi K3S 3, house of va-
ry* figs), the name of a place on the mount of
Olives, on the road between Jericho and Jerusalem.
From the two being twice mentioned together, it
was apparently close to Bethany (Matt. xxi. 1;
Mark xi. 1; Luke xix. 29), and from its being
named first of the two in the narrative of a journey
from east to west, it may be presumed that it lay,
if anything, to the eastward of Bethany. The fact
of our Lord's making Bethany his nightly lodging
place (Matt xxi. 17, Ac.) is no confirmation of this
(as Winer would have it) ; since He would doubt-
less take up his abode in a place where He had
friends, even though it were not the first place at
which He arrived on the road. No remains which
could answer to this position have however been
found (Kob. i. 433), and the traditional site is above
Bethany, half-way between that village and the top
of the mount.
By Eusebius and Jerome, and also by Origen,
the place was known, though i.u indication of its
position is given ; by the former it is called Ka/fxj].
by Jenime viUula. They describe it as a village of
the priests, possibly from '< Beth phace," signifying
in Syriac the -'house of the jaw," and the jaw in
the sacrifices being the portion of the priests ( Reland,
653). Lightfoot's theory, grounded on the state-
ments of the Talmudists, is extraordinary: that
Bethphage was the name of a district reaching from
the foot of Olivet to the wall of Jerusalem. (But
see Reland, 652; Hug. Ami i. 18, 19.) Schwarz
■363-4). and Barclay, in his map, appear to agree
1 placing Bethphage on the southern shoulder of
je •» Mount of Offense," above the village of Siloam,
and therefore west of Bethany.
The name of Bethphage, the signification of
which as given above is generally accepted, is, like
those of Bethany [ ?], Capbenatha, Bezetha, and the
Mount of Olives itself, a testimony to the ancient
Vuitfulness of this district (Stanley, 1S7). G.
BETH-PHEXBT, Neh. xi. 26. [Betii-
AI.KT.]
BETH-RA'PHA (NC? JTa, house of
Sapka, or of the giant : I BaBpaia; Alex. BaS-
•«fa: Beih-apha), a name which occurs in the
lama,' ty of Judah as the son of Eshton (1 Chr.
BETHSA'IDA (B^craiM: Jfj ^*^»,
house offish : Btlhtaida), the name of two places
in Northern Palestine : —
1. " Bethsaida of Galilee" (John xii. 21), a city
(irrfAir), which was the native place of Andrew,
Peter, and Philip (John i. 44, xii. 21) in the land
of Gennesareth (rr)v -vV !"• ) (Mark vi. 45 ; comp.
53), and therefore on the west side of the lake. It
was evidently in near neighborhood to Capernaum
and Chorazin (Matt. xi. 21; Luke 1. 13; and
comp. Mark vi. 45, with John vi. 16), and, if the
interpretation of the name is to be trusted, close to
the water's edge. By Jerome {Comm. in Esai. a.
1) and Eusebius (Oriom.) these towns and Tiberias
are all mentioned together as lying on the shore of
the lake. Epiphanius (nth. Hear, ii.) says of Beth-
saida and Capernaum ov pwcpiw trrar r<? tuurrfr
pan. Wilibald (a. D. 722) went from Magdalum
to Capernaum, thence to Bethsaida, and then to
Chorazin. These ancient notices, however, though
they fix its general situation, none of them contain
any indication of its exact position, and as, like the
other two towns just mentioned, its name and all
memory of its site have perished, no positive identi-
fication can be made of it Dr. Robinson places
Bethsaida at 'Ain et-TAbighnh, a short distance
north of Khan Minyrh, which he identifies with
Capernaum (iii. 359).
2. By comparing the narratives (of the same
event) contained in Mark vi. 31-53 and Luke ix.
10-17, in the latter of which Bethsaida is named
is the spot at which the miracle took place, whilo
11 the former the disciples are said to have crossed
the water from the scene of the event " to Bethsaida
in the land of Gennesareth " — it appears eertain
that the Bethsaida at which the 5000 ware fed
must have been a second place of the same name on
the east of the lake. Such a place there was at the
northeastern extremity — formerly a village (mfyti)),
jut rebuilt and adorned by Philip the Tetrarch, and
raised to the dignity of a town under the name of
Julias, after the daughter of the emperor (Jos. Ant,
xviii. 2, § 1 j B. J. ii. 9, § 1, iii. 10,. § 7). Here,
in a magnificent tomb, Philip was buried (Jos. Ant.
xviii. 4. & R>.
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298
BETHSAMOS
Of this Bethsaida we have certainly one and
probably two mention! in the Gospels : 1. That
named above, of the feeding of the 5000 (Luke iz.
10). The uiracle took place in a riwos toyy/as —
a vacant, lonely spot, somewhere np in the rising
ground at the back of the town, covered with a
profusion of green grass (John vi. 8, 10; Mark vi.
39; Matt. ziv. 19), and in the evening the disciples
went down to the water and went home across the
lake («{ t to rioar) to Bethsaida (Mark vi. 46), or
as St John (vi. 17) and St. Matthew (xiv. 34)
more generally express it, towards Capernaum, and
to the land of Gennesarath. The coincidence of
the two Bethsaidas occurring in the one narrative,
and that on the occasion of the only absolutely
certain mention of the eastern one, is extraordinary.
In the very ancient Syriac recension (the Nitrian*
just published by Mr. Cureton, the words in Luke
ix. 10, " belonging to the city, called Bethsaida,"
are omitted.
2. The other, highly probable, mention of this
place is in Mark viii. 22.° If Dalmanutha (viii.
10) was on the west side of the lake, then was Beth
saida on the east; because in the interval Christ
had departed by ship to the other side (13). And
with this well accords the mention immediately
after of the villages of Caesarea Philippi (27), and of
the " high mountain " of the transfiguration (ix. 2 ),
which, as Mr. Stanley has ingeniously suggested,*'
was, not the traditional spot, but a part of the
Hermon range somewhere above the source of the
Jordan (S. <J P. 399).
Of the western Uethraida no mention is made in
Josepbus, and until the discovery by Reland of the
feet that there were two places of the name, one on
the west, and one on the east side, the elucidation
of the various occurrences of the two was one of the
hardest knots of sacred geography (see Cellariua,
XotiL U. 536). G.
BETHSA'MOS (BtuOturfu&r; [Vat. Bairno-
swt> ;] Alex. Bai0ao>a>0 ; [AM. Bstoayus* :]
Cebttliamut), 1 Eedr. v. 18. [Bkth-azma vkth.J
BETH'SAN [Bai0e-dV; Alex, in 1 Mace. xii.
Bt9<ra: Beth$an], 1 Mace. v. 52, xii. 40, 41.
[Bktii-shkan.]
BETH-SHAN' [Bai9o-d>, -o-dV: Vat. Beu«./u,
Bai&rofi, B<u«: Alex. OnBo-ay: Btthtm], 1 Sam.
xxxi. 10, 12; 2 Sam. xxi. 12. [Beth-sheas.]
BETH-SHE'AN <^0 FV2 [ham of
juitt]), or, in Samuel, Beth-sh an, (JIJ? 3:
BaioVdV, BnoVrfV, i oUos SdV, [etc. :] Bet/nan),
% city which, with its " daughter " towns, belonged
to Manasseh (1 Chr. vii. 29), though within the
BETH-SHEAS
limits of Issachar (Josh. xvii. 11), and theresse n
the west of Jordan (comp. 1 Mace. v. 52) — lml
not mentioned in the lists of the latter tribe. Tbt
Canaanites were not driven out from the tows
(Judg. i. 27). In Solomon's time it seems to haw
j given its name to a district extending from Ok
town itself to Abd-mehoUh ; and " all Beth-sbean '
«as under the charge of one of his commissariat
.officers (1 K. iv. 12).
The corpses of Saul and his sons were fastened
up to the wall of Beth shew by the Philistines (1
Sam. xxxi. 10, 12) in the open " street " or space
(aiT}), which — then as now — fronted the gate
of an eastern town (2 Sam. xxi. 12). From this
time we lose sight of Beth-sbean c till the periid of
the Maccabees, in connection with whose exploits
it is mentioned more than once in a cursory man-
ner (1 Msec. v. 52; comp. 1 Mace. xii. 40, 41).
The name of Scythopolis (IxiBay wi\a) appears
for the first time in 2 Mace. xii. 29. [ScYTftoroLta.]
This name, which it received after the exile, and
under the Greek dominion, has not survived to
the present day; as in many other cues (eomp.
Ptomcmais) the old Semitic appellation has re-
vived, and the place is still called Bruin. It lies
in the Ghor or Jordan valley, about twelve miles
south of the sea of Galilee, and four miles west of
the Jordan. The site of the town is on the brow
of the descent by which the great plain of Esdradon
drops down to the level of the Ghfir. A few miles
to the south-west are the mountains of Gilboa, and
close beside the town runs the water of the 'Am-
Jnlii, the fountain of which is by Jezreel, and is
in all probability the spring by which the Israelites
encamped before the battle in which Saul was
killed (1 Sam. xxix. l). d Three other large brooks
pass through or by the town, and in the fact of the
abundance of water, and the exuberant fertility'
of the soil consequent thereon, as well as in the
power of using their chariots, which the level nature
of the country near the town conferred on them
(Josh. xvii. 16), resides the secret of the hold which
the Canaanites retained on the place.
If Jahesh-GUead was where Dr. Robinson con
Jectures — at ed-Deir in the Wady Yibit — the
distance from thence to Beisan, which it took the
men of Jabesh " all night " to traverse, cannot be
less than twenty miles. G.
* For fuller information respecting this important
site ( Beit&n) — its various ruins (Hebrew, Grecian,
Roman, Christian, Saracenic), its abundant waters
which gush from perennial fountains, its fertility
and luxuriant vegetation, its Tell or acropolis (200
feet high and nearly perpendicular), which affords
a The use of the wonl ic«pi) In this place Is
able. Mr. Stanley suggests that Its old appellation
had stuck to it, even after the change In its dignity
lS.JF.App. §85).
» * This suggestion Is by no means a recent one. It
nay be found in Reland (Falcuttna, p. 884) and Iigbt-
t>ot (Hor. Hrbr. p. 447, Rotterdam, 1686). See Tabor.
As to Bethssida, Thomson (Land and Book, II. 9,
29-82) has still another theory. Instead of two places
with this name, he holds that there was only one, but
this consisted of two parts, one of which was on the
wast and the other on the esst bank of the Jordan.
He speaks of the remains of buildings near the mouth
af the river, so situated as to indicate a double town
st* this character. The reference* to Bethsaida In the
Jospels might be harmonised by this supposition, as
well as by that of tiro more distinct places. Julias
night in that ease alio distinguish the part enlarged
by PblUp, since being In his tetrarchy it would nesc
a different name from Bethsaida on the Galilean side
See also, for Jus view, Hug, JEinl. 1. S 4 ; J. F. Thrupi
In the Jowm. of Class, and fiber, fhilol., ii. 802 ft.,
and TregeUes, ibid. IB. 146 ft. H.
c Unless the conjecture of Sehwars (148, notr) be
accepted, that the words ()yn H" 1 ?, nmste oflht
tooth ; A. T. irory house) In 1 K. xxfl. 89, should be
rendered Beth-shan.
d The exactness of the definition in this deserlptioe
is seriously Impaired In the A. V. by the substltutJoa
of " a fountain " for K (As fountain " at the original.
' So great was this fertility, that It was said by the
Rabbis, that if Paradise was In the land of Israel,
Beth-shean was the gate of It ; for that its fruMs wen
the sweetest In all the land. (See the qootaUons I*
IAxhtfoot, CSot. Ont. Ix.)
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BETH-SHEMESH
the fivst panorama, next to Geriiim, ii ail cen-
ral Palestine" — the reader mat tee Robinson's
Lattr BibL Ret. iii. 336 8°. (who Visited the place
n his second journey ) ; Thomson's AoW cad Boot,
1. 173-176; Tristram's Land of liratl, pp. 500-
504; Porter's //indft. for Syr. and PaletL ii. 354
F. ; Van de VeMe's Journey through Syr. and Pal-
at. ii. 860 ff. ; and Sepp'a JervtnUm u. dot heiUge
Ltnd, ii. 69 (though this last writer appears to have
•nly seen the region from Zrr'tn (Jezreel)). Hut
bom Zer'tn, which is on the brow of a steep de-
jHvity, one can easily look down into the Gh6r upon
Beth-abean, so exactly described in 1 K. iv. 13 as
"beneath Jezred." (See also Biol. Ret. iia. 166, 1st
Ml., and Wilson's Lrmdt of the Bible, ii. 87.)
H.
BETH-SHEMESH (£$&> iTS, In pause
tPQB? 3, home of Ike tun: wi\it falov, Boi9-
raytet, [etc:] Bethtnmet), the name of several
plaices. L One of the towns which marked the
north boundary of Judah (Josh. xv. 10), but not
Darned in the lists of the cities of that tribe. It
was in the neighborhood of Kirjatb-jearim and
Tinman, and therefore in close proximity to the
low-country of Philistia. The expression "went
down" in Josh. xv. 10; 1 Sam. vi. 91, seems to
indicate that the position of the town was lower
than Kirjath-jearim; and it is in accordance with
the situation that there was a valley (pQ7) of
cornfield* attached to the place (1 Sam. vi 13).
From Ekron to Betb-ahemesh a road (TT7TTT.
Hit) existed, along which the Philistines sent back
the ark after its calamitous residence in their coun-
try (1 Sam. vi. 9, 13); and it waa in the 6eld of
"Joshua the Deth-shemite " ^tPaUfrrVT?)
that the " great Abel " (whatever that may have
bean) was, on which the ark was set down (1 Sam.
vi. 18). Beth-shemesh was a " suburb city," allotted
to the priests (Josh. xxi. 16; 1 Chr. vi. 59); and
it is named in one of Solomon's commissariat dis-
tricts under the charge of Ben-l)ekar (1 K. iv. 9).
(t was the scene of an encounter between Jeboash,
ting of Israel, and Amaziah, king of Judah, in
which the latter was worsted and made prisoner
'.% K. xir. 11, 13; 9 Chr. xxv. 31, 33). Later, in
the days of Ahaz, it was taken and occupied by the
Philistines, together with several other places in
this locality (3 Chr. xxviii. 18).
By comparison of the lists in Josh. xv. 10, xix.
41, 43, and 1 K. iv. 9, it will 1* seen that Ib-
Shembsii, "city of the sun," must have been
identical with Beth-sbemesb, Ir being probably the
)lder form of the name; and again, from Judg. i.
85, H appears as if Har-cheres, " mount of the sun,"
were a third name for the same place; suggesting
an early and extensive worship of the sun in this
neighborhood. [It-Shemesh; Hexes.]
Beth-ahemesh is now 'Ain-Shemt. It was visited
by Dr. Robinson, who found It to be In a position
Raetly according wtth the indications of Scripture,
>n the northwest slopes of the mountains of Jndah
— " a low plateau at the junction of two fine
lams " (Rob. Hi. 163) —about two miles fror the
rreat Philistine plain, and seven from Ekron (ii.
B4-6). The origin of the Mfa (" spring "Jin the
Bodeni name is not obvious, as no spr ng or well
ippears now to exist at the spot; bu* the Shrmt
<mA the position are decisive.
BBTHT7EL
290
*• [Btueo-Ojuit; Alex. B<u0o>uu.] A cetyoa
the border of Issachar (Josh. xix. 99).
3. [e«o-(r*ujSf, aai9aau.it; Alex. Bacutvt,
Bsftropv*.] One of the " fenced cities " of Naph-
tali, twice named (Josh. xix. 38; Judg. 1. 83), and
on both occasions with Beth-anath. The Canaan -
ite inhabitants were not expelled from either place,
but became tributaries to Israel. Jerome's expres-
sion ( Onom. Bethsamis) in reference to this is per-
haps worthy of notice, " in quit eulloret prUtini
manserunt; " possibly glancing at the worship from
which the place derived its name.
4. By this name is once mentioned (Jer. xliii.
13) an idolatrous temple or place in Egypt, which
the LXX. render by 'H\tovwi\it ir'Qr, ». e. the
famous Heliopolia; Vulg. domtu toUt. In the
middle ages Heliopolis was still called by the Arabs
'Am Shemt (Edrisi, Ac., in Rob. i. 36). [Aves;
On.] Q.
BETH'-SHEMITE, THE (W3
s CO"Jpn . toutoafuMfin,, [Vat. -«-«-]; Alex,
o BsMayuwrirni : BelhtomUa, Bethtami ti t). Prop-
erly " the Beth-shimshite," an inhabitant of Beth-
sbemesb (1 Sam. vl. 14, 18). The LXX. in the
former passage refer the words to the field and not
to Joshua (ror ir Boj&ra^vr). W. A. W.
BETH-SHITTAH (nt9t»n JT2, home
of the acacia: BnBmii; Ales, n Boctrrra,
[Comp. Baifao-crrcl:] Btthtetta), one of the spots
to which the flight of the host of the Hidianites
extended after their discomfiture by Gideon (Judg.
vii. 23). Both the narrative and the name (comp.
" Abel-shittim," which was in the Jordan valley
opposite Jericho) require its situation to be some-
where near the river, where also Zererath (probably
Zeredatha or Zartan) and Abel-meholah doubtless
lay : but no identification has yet been made of any
of these spots. The Shtttah mentioned by Robin-
son (ii. 356) and Wilson (Ritter, Jordan, p. 414)
is too far to the west to suit the above require-
ments. Joaephus's version of the locality is abso-
lutely in favor of the place being well watered : ir
Koi\f xapilpait rtptciAtMipsVei x a r^V (Anl. i. 6,
§6). G.
BETHSUTtA (f, BcutWpo, ra BatBooipa;
[Alex, generally BctfVoupa: Bethtura,exc 1 Mace,
iv. 39, Belhoron]), 1 Mace. ir. 99, 61, vi. 7, 36,
31, 49,50, ix. 62, x. 14, xi. 65, xiv. 7; 3 Mace,
xi. 5, xiii. 19, 23. [Beth-zur.]
BETH-TAPPTJ'AH (rW9fl '?, home of
the apftle or citron : BatBaxoi, Alex. B<00airipovf :
Beththnphua), one of the towns of Judah, in the
mountainous district, and near Hebron (Josh, xv
53; comp. 1 Chr. ii. 43). Here it has actuall)
been discovered by Robinson under the modem
name of Ttffuh, lj hour, or say 5 miles, W. of
Hebron, on a ridge of high table-land. The ter-
races of the ancient cultivation still remain in use,
and though the " apples " have disappeared, yet
olive-groves and vineyards with fields of grain sur-
round the place on every side (Rob. ii. 71 ; Schwarx,
105).
The name of Tappuah was borne by another
town of Judah which lay in the rich lowland of the
Sheftiah. [Arf«; Tappuah.] G.
BETHTJ"EL (^jB.1? [ma* of Ood]: Bo*
ovtK; Joseph. BaeWirXer: Balkuet), the son of
Nahor by Mi'cah ; nephew of Abraham, and fkthei
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BETHUEL
rf Kebekah (G«n. xrtt. 33, 33; xxhr. 15, 84, 47;
orviil. S). In xxr. 30, and xxviii. 5, he it called
"Bethuel the Syrian " (i. e. Aramite, *S?Sn).
Though often referred to aa above in the narrative,
Bethuel only appears in person onee (xxiv. 50).
Opon this an ingenious conjecture is raised by
I'rof. Blunt (Comadenca, I. § iv.) that he was the
subject of some imbecility or other incapacity. The
Jewish tradition, as given in the Targum Ps. Jon-
athan on (Jen. zxiv. 55 (comp. 33), is that be died
on the morning after the arrival of Abram's ser-
vant, owing to his having eaten a sauce containing
poison at the meal the evening before, and that on
that account Laban requested that his sister's
departure might be delayed for a year or ten
months. Josepbus was perhaps aware of this tra-
dition, since he speaks of Bethuel as dead (Ant. i.
16, §2). G.
BETHTJ'EL (V^n? [man of God] : Bofl-
•vfjA; [Vat. Baton*;] Alex. Ba$ov\: Bathutl), 1
Chr. iv. 30. [Bethvl.]
BETHTJL fan? aa abort ; Arab. Bethir,
\jjL> : Bovki; [Alex. Bo0ov&:] Bethul), a town
of Simeon in the South, named with Eltolad and
Hormah (Josh. xix. 4). In the parallel lists in
Josh. xv. 30 and 1 Chr. iv. 30 the name appears
under the forms of Chesil ( 7^p3) and Beth-
ubl; and probably also under that of Bethel in
Josh. xii. 16; since, for tbe reasons urged under
Bethel, and also on account of the position of the
name in this list, the northern Bethel can hardly be
intended. [Bethel.] G.
BETHTJ'LIA (BervXofo; [Vat. Jud. iv. 6
BatTouKova; Alex, commonly Batrvkova, and so
Vat. according to Holmes ; Sin. BwrovAova exc. iv.
6, -AiaO Bethulia), the city which was the scene
of the chief events of the book of Judith, in which
hook only does the name occur. Its position is there
described with very minute detail. It was near to
Dothaim (iv. 6), on a hill (toot) which overlooked
(iWiwri) the plain of Esdraelon (vi. 11, 13, 14,
vii. 7, 10, xUi. 10) and commanded the passes from
ihat plain to the hill country of Manaawh (iv. 7,
vii. 1), in a position so strong that Holofemes aban-
doned the idea of taking it by attack, and deter-
mined to reduce it by possessing himself of the two
springs or wells (mryof) which were " under the
jity " in the valley at tbe foot of the eminence on
which it was built, and from which tbe inhabitants
lerived their chief supply of water (vi. 11, vii. 7,
13, 31). Notwithstanding this detail, however,
the identification of the site of Bethulia has hith-
erto defied all attempts, and is one of the greatest
puzzles of sacred geography; so much so aa to
form an important argument against the historical
truth of the book of Judith (Rob. iii. 337-8).
In the middle ages the name of Bethulia was
given to " the Frank Mountain," between Bethle-
hem and Jerusalem (Kob. i. 479), but it is unne-
cessary to say that this is very much too far to the
south to suit the narrative. More lately it has been
uaumed to be Saftd in North Galilee (Hob. ii.
125); which again, if in other respects it would
igree with the story, is too far north. Von Raumer
(Pat p. 135-6) suggests Sanur, which is perhaps
itn nearest to probability. The ruins of that town
ire on an " isolated rocky hill," with a plain of
nmiderable extent to the east, and, as for as eH-
BETH-ZUB
nation is concerned, naturally all but imprrgnabb
(Bob. ii. 312). It is about three mile* from Doikan.
and some six or seven from JeMn (Engannim)
which stand on the very edge of the great plain of
Esdraelon. Though not absolutely commanding
the pass which leads from Jenln to Seoarftk ana
forms the only practicable ascent to tbe high coun-
try, it is yet sufficiently near to bear oat the some-
what vague statement of Jud. iv. 6. Nor is it un-
important to remember that Snnir actually endured
a siege of two months from Djezzar Pasha without
yielding, and that on a subsequent occasion it was
only taken after a three or four months' investment,
by a force very much out of proportion to the size
of the place (Kob. ii. 313). G.
BETH-ZACHARTA8. [Bath-Zacha
WAS.]
BETH-ZTJB' HIS '3, houAtofrock: Bw»-
o-oip, [BcuSaoip, BaiOeovpd, etc. : Btttttr, Bctitw,
and in Mace.] Bethtura), a town in tbe mountains
of Judah, named between Halhul and Gedor (Josh.
xv. 58). As far as any interpretation can, in their
present imperfect state, be put on the genealogical
lists of 1 Chr. ii. 42-49, Beth-cur would appear from
ver. 45 to have been founded by tbe people of
Maon, which again had derived its origin from
Hebron. However this may be, Beth-ran- was
" built," — ■'. e. probably, fortified — by Keboboam,
with other towns of Judah, for the defense of his
new kingdom (2 Chr. ri. 7). After the Captivity
the people of Hetb-zur assisted Nehemiah in the
rebuilding of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 16);
the place had a "ruler" (~>t£7), and the peculiar
word Pefec («!!?■?) is employed to denote a dis-
trict or circle attached to it, and to some other
of the cities mentioned here. [Topographical
Terms.]
In the wars of the Maccabees, Beth-zur or Beth-
sura played an important part. It was fortified
by Judas and his brethren " that the people might
have a defense against Idutnaea," and they suc-
ceeded in making it " very strong and not to be
taken without great difficulty " (Jos. Ant. xii. J 4) ;
so much so, that it was able to resist for a length of
time tbe attacks of Simon Maccabeus (1 Mace. xi.
65) and of I.ysias (2 Mace. xi. 5), the garrison hav-
ing in the former case capitulated. Before Beth-xur
took place one of the earliest victories of Judas over
Lysias (1 Mace. iv. 29), and it was in an attempt
to relieve it when besieged by Antiochus Eupator,
that he was defeated in the passes between Beth-zur
and Bath-eachariaa, and his brother Eleazar killed
by one of the elephants of the king's army (1 Mace.
vi. 33-47; Jos. Ant. xii. 9, 8). The recovery of
the lite of Beth-cur, under the almost identical
name of Beit-tur, by Wolcott and Robinson (i. 216,
note; iii. 277), explains its impregnability, and also
the reason for the choice of its position, since it
commands the road from Beer-aheba and Hebron,
which has always been the main approach to Jeru-
salem from tbe south.
A short distance from the Tell, on which are
strewn the remains of the town, is a spring, 'Am
tdh-Dhirwth, which in the days of Jerome, and
later, was regarded as tbe scene of the baptism of
the Eunuch by Phihp. The probability of this is
elsewhere examined [Gaza] ; in the mean time it
may be noticed that Beit*Ar is not near the real
to Gaxa (Acts viil. 96), which runs much more it
tbe northwest. [Bethsuba.] G.
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BETOLIUS
• It show* how wonderfully the oldest names of
Jw Bible have been preserved and transmitted to as
that we find Halhul, Beth-zur and Gedor grouped
together in Josh. xv. 58, and the same places repre-
Hoted on the modern map as Halhul, Bek-tur,
wri Jedur in the immediate vicinity of each other.
(See Rob. BibL Res. iii. 377, and Wilson's Lands
of tie Bible, i. 386). Eusebiua makes Beth-zur
=orrectly 160 stadia or 30 Roman miles from Jeru-
salem ; but in 2 Mace. xi. 5 it is said to be 6 stadia.
Keland (Palastina, p. 65) calls the latter a mistake,
which it certainly is. Some of the codices show
attempts at correction. Grimm suggests (KxegeL
Handb. at dot Apolcr. iv. 166) that the Maccabcan
writer confounded Beth-zur in the mountains of
Judah with another place of the same or a similar
name near Jerusalem, probably the present Moham-
medan village Bit Sdh&r, half an hour from the
city, which Tobler visited (Denkbldtter am Jerusa-
lem, p. 616). The recovery of Beth-zur is due to
Dr. Woloott (BibL Sncra, 1843, p. 56), formerly
a missionary in Palestine-
It is impossible to say whether Philip baptized
the eunuch here, because we are left in doubt as to the
road by which the eunuch travelled from Jerusalem
to Gaza. That carriages could pass there, and that
it was one of the ways of making the journey be-
tween these places, cannot well be questioned. See
Strassen in Palaslmn in Herzog's Renl-EncykL
xv. 161. Travellers have noticed the traces of a
paved road near Beth-zur (Rob. Later Hes. iii. 277)
and the " vestiges of an ancient carriage road all
along, from Jerusalem to Hebron " (Wilson, Lands
of Ike Bible, i. 381). Stanley {Notice* of Locali-
ties, p. 169) speak* of a Roman milestone there, as
well as of the paved way. The veneration of early
times, in the belief of this tradition (Jerome, Onom-
ast. s. v.), reared a chapel on the spot, the ruins of
which are still to be seen. Raumer has discussed
this question at some length (Anhang, iv.) in his
Palastina, p. 449, and decides for Beth-zur as the
irobable scene of the baptism. Robinson proposes
Wady-eUBasy, in the plain near Tell-tl-Hasy, since
•vt thinks the parties must have been near Gaza at
the tune (BibL Res. ii. 641). There is an inter-
esting itinerary of a journey which Dr. Barclay
( City of the Great King, pp. 571-578, 1st ed.)
made from Jerusalem to Gaza by way of Hebron,
with special reference to this investigation. He
heard of a place (ifoyai es-Sid) in the same Wady
Hasy, which he would regard as the rl litip of
which he was in quest. See further under Gaza.
H.
BETOTjIUS (BrroAim; [Alex. Bnrokttt;
\M. BvratXiitJ), 1 Esdr. v. 31. [Bethel.]
BETOMESTHAM (BtTo/utretuu [Vat.
tourauaurSai*, Sin. om.]) and BETOMAS'-
l'UEM (Bairouaotioi/i ; [Sin. BaiTo/uurSey.] Syr.
Bithmasthim; [Vulg. omits]), a town "over against
Etdraelon, facing the plain that is near Dothaim "
Jud. iv. 6, xv. 4), and which from the manner of
s mention would seem to have been of equal im
ortance with Betholia itself. No attempt to
identify either Betomestham or Bethulia has been
hitherto successful. [Bethulia; Dothaim.]
G.
BET'ONIM (D^b? = pistachio nuts: Bo-
r«ri/»; [Vat Berani; Alex. Borour:] Betonim),
town in the inheritance of the children of Gad,
tppsrentl) on their northern boundary (Josh. xiii.
18). The word, somewhat diflerently pointed, oo-
BEZBK 301
curs in Gen. xliii. 11, A. V. " nuts." It b prob
ably related to the modern Arable word ttutm =
terebinth, Pistada terebinthus. G.
BETROTHING. [Marbiaok.]
BEUIiAH (nbTO3=mam«i: okov/uVi)
inhabitaia), the name which the land of Israel is tc
bear, when " the land shall be married (7S3W),
la. lxU. 4.
BE'ZAI OV? [victory, or conqueror] : Bao-
<roii, Biatt, Bijo-1, [etc:] Besai), "Children of
Bezai," to the number of 323, returned from cap-
tivity with Zerubbabel (Ear. ii. 17; Neh. vii. 23).
The name occurs again among those who sealed
the covenant (Neh. x. 18). [Bassa.]
BEZAX EEL (b8b?3 [in the shadow, i. c
protection, of God]: BtortKetX-. Beseleel). 1. The
artificer to whom was confided by Jehovah the de
sign and execution of the works of art required for
the tabernacle in the wilderness (Ex. xxxi. 1-6).
Hit charge was chiefly in all works of metal, wood
and stone, Aholiab being associated with him for
the textile fabrics; but it is plain from the terms
in which the two are mentioned (xxxvi. 1, 2, xxxviii.
22), as well as from the enumeration of the works
in Bezaleel's name in xxxvii. and xxxviii., that he
was the chief of the two, and master of Aholiab'*
department as well as his own. Bezaleel was of the
tribe of Judah, the son of Uri the son of Hur (or
Obur). Hur was the offspring of the marriage of
Caleb (one of the chiefs of the great family of
Pharez) with Ephrath (1 Chr. ii. 19, 50), and one
of his sons, or descendants (comp. Ruth iv. 20)
was Salma, or Salmon, who is banded down under
the title of "father of Bethlehem; " and who, as
the actual father of Boaz, was the direct progenitor
of king David (1 Chr. ii. 51, 54; Ruth. iv. 31).
[Bethlehem; Huk.]
2. [Tat. Alex. B<o-<aija] One of the sons
of Pahath-moab who had taken a foreign wife,
Ezr. x.80.
BEZEK (pT3 [prob. lightning, brightness]:
Bcf&: Betec), the name of two apparently dis-
tinct places in Palestine.
L The residence of Adoni-ukzkk, i. e. the
" lord of Bezek " (Judg. i. 5) ; in the '• lot (VtQ)
of Judah" (verse 3), and inhabited by Canaanites
and Perizxites (verse 4). This must have been a
distinct place from —
2. [Vat. A/3i«f« for <V Betffct.] Where Saul
numbered the forces of Israel and Judah before
going to the relief of Jabesh-Gilead (1 Sam. xi. 8).
From the terms of the narrative this cannot have
been more than a day's march from Jabeah ; ;ind
was therefore doubtless somewhere in the centre of
the country, near the Jordan valley. In accord-
ance with this is the mention in the Onomasticm
of two places of this name seventeen miles from
Neapolis (Shechem), on the road to Beth-sbean.
The LXX. inserts iv Bapd after the name, possibly
alluding to some " high place " at which this solemn
muster took place. This Josephus gives as BaAd
(Ant. vi. 5, § 3).
No identification of either place has been made
in modern times. G.
* With reference to the first of these places, Caa-
seL (Richter u. Ruth, pp. 6-7) argues that Bezek
rat not a city but a tract of country or district.
Among his reasons are, that a battle resulting in
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302
BEZEB
the slaughter of 10,000 (Judg. i. 6) indicates a
wider field than a single town; that two battle*
were fought in Bezek (vers. 4, 5), the second evi-
dently after a change of position ; that a city in
Judah so important as this could hardly fail to be
. mentioned on other occasions ; and that the name
(finding an analogy between iTO and p~Q) points
to a desolate region with a chalky soil or limestone
cliffs, reflecting strongly the glare of the sun-light.
This desert of Bezek (with which as to the origin
of the name he compares the well-known Barha in
North Africa) he thinks lay between the west side
of the Dead Sea and the region of Tekoa, which
answers so well to the above description (Hitter's
JErdhmde, zvi. 653), and, further, lay on the line
of march of Judah and Simeon if they broke up
their camp in this expedition from GilgaL. Some
of the reasons have weight, but the more probable
exegesis recognizes but one battle, and the proposed
etymology, or certainly this application of it, is at
least precarious. That Bezek, at all events, was
not far from Jerusalem, appears from the fact that
the conquerors went thither immediately after their
victory in that place. H.
BE'ZER [are] in the wilderness ("^S^
I^Tffla : Boo-o> «V rf ir-hiuf- Botor m $oS-
(MaVne), a city of the Reubenites, with " suburbs,"
in the Mithor or downs, set apart by Moses as one
of the three cities of refuge on the east of the Jor-
dan, and allotted to the Merarites (Deut. iv. 43;
Josh. xx. 8, xxi. 38; 1 Chr. vi. 78). In the two
last passages the exact specification, "ItD^JS?! of
the other two is omitted, but traces of its former
presence in the text in Josh. xxi. 36 are furnished
us by the reading of the LXX. and Vulg. — tV
Boahp iv rj? ipfi/uf, tV VI i a it ([Vat M««r»,]
Alex. Mio-ip) K<al to. rtpurripiai Botor in toti-
tudiue, Misor el Jater.
hear may be the Bosor of the books of Macca-
bees. [Boson.] G.
BKZEK ("1^5 [ore, metal]: Baadr; [Vat,
corrupt;] Alex. Satrap: Botor), son of Zophah,
one of the heads of the house of Asher (1 Chr. vii.
87).
BB'ZETH (Bi>(#; [Sin. BtjAfoifl:] Betlue-
cka), a place at which Bacchides encamped after
leaving Jerusalem, and where there was a " great
pit" (to <ppfap to uiyai 1 Mace. vii. 19). By
Josephus (Ant. xii. 10, § 2) the name is given as
"the village Bethzetho" (k&vitj Bi)6{rieii Aryo-
H<vr)), which recalls the name applied to the Mounts
of Olives in the early Syriac recension of the N*.
T. published by Mr. Cureton — Beth-Zaitb [cor-
responding precisely with the reading of the Sina-
rtic MS. in 1 Mace. vii. 19]. The name may thus
•cfer either to the main body of the Mount of
Olives, or to that branch of it to the north of Je-
rusalem, which at a later period was called Bezetha.
G.
BI'ATAS («W<u; Alex. ♦■a*«; [Aid. Bi-
*W: Phitiat), 1 Esdr. ix. 48. [Pblaiah.]
BIBLE (BiSXfo. LXX.: SiMia, Vulg.). — I.
Hie application of thin word, nar' i^oy^iy, to the
•ouected books of the Old and New Testament is
not to be traced further hack than the 6th century.
The terms which the writers of the New Testament
ate of the Scriptures of the Old are ?) ypatyb (2
rim. UL 16; Acts vui. 39 ; Gal. 111. 22), al ypmpal
BIBLE
(Matt. xxi. 42; Luke xxiv. 37), ra lis* -)p
(2 Tim. iii. 15). BigAioi' is found (2 Tim. It. 18,
Rev. x. 2, v. 1), but with no distinctive meaning'
nor does the use of ra Koata tsh> fSijSAW for the
Hagiographa in the preface to Eoclesiasticus, or of
al Upa\ flfSXoi in Josephus (Ant. i. 6, § 2), indi-
cate anything as to the use of ra -ftiUkla alone as
synonymous with ^ yp<uf>4\. The words employed
by early Christian writers were naturally derived
from the language of the New Testament, and the
old terms, with epithets like Otto, Sryta, and the
like continued to be used by the Greek fathers, as
the equivalent " Scripture " was by the Latin. The
use of j) waKata SiafHiicri in 2 Cor. iii. 14, for the
law as read in the synagogues, and the prominence
given in the Epistle to the Hebrews (vii. 22, viii.
6, ix. 15) to the contrast between the raXaii and
the nairfi, led gradually to the extension of the
former to include the other books of the Jewish
Scriptures, and to the application of the latter, as
of the former, to a book or collection of books. Of
the Latin equivalents which were adopted by differ-
ent writers (Instrumentum, Tettamentvm), the lat-
ter met with the most general acceptance, and per-
petuated itself in the languages of modern Europe.
One passage in Tertullian (ode. Marc iv. 1) illus-
traces the growing popularity of the word which
eventutUy prevailed, " instrument! vel quod magia
in usu est dicere, testamenti." The word was nat-
urally used by Greek writers in speaking of the
parts of these two collections. They enumerate
(e. g. Athau. Sgnop. Sac. Scrip*.) ra Btfi\ia of
the Old and New Testament; and as these were
contrasted with the apocryphal books circulated by
heretics, there was a natural tendency to the appro-
priation of the word as limited by the article to
the whole collection of the canonical Scriptures.
In Chrysostom (Horn. x. «n Gen., Hon. ix. m Cot)
it is thus applied in a way which shows this use to
have already become familiar to those to whom he
wrote. The liturgical use of the Scriptures, as the
worship of the Church became organized, would
naturally favor this application. The MSS. from
which they were read would be emphatically the
books of each church or monastery. And when
this use of the word was established in the East, it
was natural that it should pass gradually to the
Western Church. The terminology of that Church
bears witness throughout (e. g. Episcopus, Pres-
byter, Diaconus, Litania, Liturgia, Monachus, Ab-
bas, and others) to its Greek origin, and the history
of the word BibUa has followed the analogy of
those that have been referred to. Here too there
was less risk of its being used in any other than
the higher meaning, because it had not, in spite of
the introduction even in classical Latinity of bibU-
otkeca, bibliopoia, taken the place of Mri, or BbelU,
in the common speech of men.
It is, however, worthy of note, as bearing on the
history of the word in our own language, and on
that of its reception in the Western Church, that
"Bible" is not found in Anglo-Saxon literature,
though Bibliotbeoe is given (Lye, Diet Anglo-Sax.)
as used in the same sense as the corresponding
word in medieval Latin for the Scriptures as the
great treasure-house of books (Du Caiige and Ad-
elung. u> one.). If we derive from our mother-
tongue the singularly happy equivalent of the Greek
tbayytKlov, we have received the word which standi
on an equal eminence with Gospel as one of tht
later importations consequent on the Norman Con
quest and fuller intercourse with the Continent
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BIBLE
When the English which grew out of thii union
(tart appears in literature, the word is already nat-
uralized. In R. Brunne (p. 290), Piers Plough-
nan (1916, 4371), and Chaucer (PrvL p. 437), it
appears in its distinctive sense, though the latter,
in at least one passage (Haute of Fame, book iii.)
uses it in a way which indicates that it was not
always limited to that meaning. From that time,
however, the higher use prevailed to the exclusion
of any lower ; and the choice of it, rather than of
any of its synonyms by the great translators of
the Scriptures, Wycliffe, Luther, Coverdale, fixed it
beyond all possibility of a change. The transfor-
mation of the word from a plural into a singular
noun in all the modern languages of Europe, though
originating probably in the solecisms of the Latin
of the 13th century (Du Gauge, i'» voc. Biblia), has
made it fitter than it would otherwise hare been,
for its high office as the title of that which, by virtue
of its unity and plan, is emphatically the Hook.
II. The history of the growth of the collections
known as the Old and New Testament respectively,
will be found fully under Canos It falls within
the scope of the present article to indicate in what
way and by what steps the two came to be looked
on as of coordinate authority, and therefore as parts
of one whole — how, ■'. e. the idea of a completed
Bible, even before the word came into use, presented
itself to the minds of men. As regards a large
portion of the writings of the New Testament, it
is not too much to say that they claim an author-
ity not lower, nay even higher than the Old. That
which had not been revealed to the " prophets " of
the Old dispensation is revealed to the prophets of
the New (Eph. iii. 5). The Apostles write as
having the Spirit of Christ (1 Cor. vii. 40), as
teaching and being taught " by the revelation of
Jesus Christ " (Gal. i. 12). Where they make no
such direct claim their language ia still that of men
who teach as " having authority," and so tar the
old prophetic spirit is revived in them, and their
teaching dinars, as did that of the ir Master, from
tbe traditions of the Scribes. As the revelation of
God through the Son was recognized as fuller and
more perfect than that which had been made woKu-
!»«(*»! mtl woKvroiwmt to tbe fathers (Heb. i. 1),
tbe records of what He had done and said, when
once recognized as authentic, could not be re-
garded as less sacred than the Scriptures of the
Jews. Indications of this are found even within
the N. T. itself. Assuming the genuineness of tbe
ad Epistle of Peter, it shows that within the life-
time of the Apostles, the Epistles of St Paul had
jooie to be classed among tbe ypaipal of the
Church (2 Pet. iii. 16). The language of the same
Epistle in relation to the recorded teaching of
►rophets and apostles (iii. 2, cf. Eph. ii. 30, iii. 5,
v. 11), shows that the waaawpo$i)T4layptid>fjs can
hardly be limited to tbe writings of the Old Testa-
jeuU The command that the letter to the Coka-
aans was to be read in tbe church of Laodioea (Col.
'. 16), though it does not prove that it was regarded
i i of equal authority with tbe -ypa$J) Stimvaros,
indicates a practice which would naturally lead tc
its being so regarded. Tbe writing of a man whe
■poke as inspired, could not foil to be regarded ss
•anticipating in the inspiration. It is part of the
atrelopment of the same feeling that the earliest
-words of the worship of the Christian Church indi-
nte the liturgical use of some at least of the writings
if the New, as well as of the Old Testament. Jus-
4a (ApoL i 06) places ra iniunuuniitara rmr
BIBUB 806
inxrriKmi/ as read in close connection with, or in
the place of, tA avyyoAfiftartt. rm wpotyrrrm , and
this juxtaposition corresponds to the manner in
which Ignatius had previously spoken of al rpo-
ptirtlat, ripos Wlaoitts, to tharffikiov (t-p. ad
Smyrn. e. 7). It is not meant, of course, that such
phrases or such practices prove the existence of a
recognized collection, but they show with what feel-
ings individual writings were regarded. They pre-
pare the way for tbe acceptance of the whole body
of N. T. writings, as soon as the Canon is com-
pleted, as on a level with those of the Old. A
little further on and the recognition is complete.
Theophilus of Antioch (ad Avtulyc. lib. iii.), Ire-
naeua (adv. Bam. ii. 27, iii. 1), Clement of Alex-
andria (Strom. lib. iii. c. 10, v. c. 5), Tertullian (adv.
Prax. cc. 15, 30), all speak of the New Testament
writings (what writings they included under this
title is of course a distinct question) as making up
with the Old, pia yrmris (Clem. Al. I. c), " totum
instrumentum utriusque testament! " (Tot. L r .),
" universal scripture." As this was in ps-t a con-
sequence of tbe liturgical usage referred to ♦: It re-
acted on it, and influenced tbe transcribers and
translators of tbe books which were needed for tbe
instruction of the Church. The Syrian Peshito in
the 3d, or at the close of the 2d century, includes
(with the omission of some of the asTiKryApeva)
the New Testament ss well as the Old. The Al-
exandrian Codex, presenting in the fullest sense of
the word a complete Bible, may be taken as the
representative of tbe full maturity of the feeling
which we have seen in its earlier developments.
III. The existence of a collection of sacred books
recognized as authoritative leads naturally to a
more or 'ess systematic arrangement. The arrange-
ment must rest upon some principle of classifica-
tion. The names given to the several books will
indicate in some instances the view taken of their
contents, in others the kind of notation applied
both to the greater and smaller divisions of the
sacred volumes.
Tbe existence of a classification analogous to that
adopted by the later Jews and still retained in the
printed Hebrew Bibles, is indicated even before the
completion of the O. T. Canon (Zech. vii. 12).
When the Canon was looked on as settled, in the
period covered by the books of the Apocrypha, it
took a more definite form. The Prologue to Eocle-
siasticus mentions " the Law and the Prophets and
the other Books." In the N. T. there is the same
kind of recognition. " The Law and the Prophets "
is the shorter (Matt xi. 18, xzii. 40; Acts xui. 16,
Ac.); "tbe Law, the Prophets, and the Psalms"
(Luke xxiv. 44), the fuller statement of tbe division
popularly recognized. The arrangement of the
books of the Hebrew text under these three head''
requires, however, a further notice.
1. The Torah, HTTP, vifws, naturally con-
tinued to occupy the position which it must have
held from tbe first as the most ancient and author-
itative portion. Whatever questions may be raised
as to tbe antiquity of tbe whole Pentateuch in its
present form, the existence of a book bearing this
title is traceable to a very early period in the history
of the Israelite. (Josh. i. 8, viii. 34, xxiv. 36). The
name which must at first have attached to those
por*ions of the whole book was applied to the
earlier and contemporaneous history connected with
the giving of the Law, and ascribed to the same
writer. The marked distinctness of the five por>
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lions which nuke up the Torah shows that the;
must hare been designed as separate books, and
when the Canon was completed, and the books in
their present form made the object of study, names
for each book were wanted and were found. In
tbe Hebrew classification the titles were taken from
the initial words, or prominent words in the initial
terse; in that of the LXX. they were intended to
be significant of the subject of each book, and so we
have —
r«Vf<nf.
'E$o»o».
AtVITUtoV.
'ApiS/wl.
Atmtpov6iuov-
a. tvia0 (ttVni)
a. «7i7»3 . . .
4. -I2TP9 . .
5. D-nyr'. . .
The Greek titles were adopted without change, ex-
cept as to the 4th, in the Latin versions, and from
them have descended to the Bibles of modern Chris-
tendom.
3. The next group presents a more singular com-
bination. The arrangement stands as follows:
' Joshua.
D^'lHTN"! Judges.
IP" "") lfc2 Kings.
owns
(posftarlons)
Prophets).
(major**) [ EieUel.
(mlnorcs) [ Prophets.
— the Hebrew titles of these books corresponding
to those of the English Bibles.
The grounds on which books simply historical
were classed under the same name as those which
contained tbe teaching of prophets, in the stricter
sense of the word, are not at first sight obvious, but
the O. T. presents some facta which may suggest an
explanation. The "sons of the prophets" (1 Sam.
x. 6; 2 K. v. 23, vi. 1 ) living together as a society,
almost as a caste (Am. vii. 14), trained to a religious
life, cultivating sacred minstrelsy, must have oc-
cupied a position as instructors of tbe people, even
in the absence of the special calling which sent
them as God's messengers to the people. A body
of men so placed become naturally, unless intellec-
tual activity is absorbed in asceticism, historians
and annalists. The references in tbe historical
books of the O. T. show that they actually were so.
Nathan the prophet. Gad, the seer of David (1
I'hr. xxix. 29), Ahyali and Iddo (2 Chr. ix. 29),
Isaiah (2 Chr. xxvi. 22, xxxii. 32), are cited as
chroniclers. Tbe greater antiquity of tbe earlier
Historical books, and perhaps tbe traditional belief
that they had originated in this way, were likely to
cooperate in raising them to a high place of honor
in the arrangement of the Jewish Canon, and so
they were looked on as having the prophetic charac-
ter which was denied to the historical books of tbe
Hagiographa. The greater extent of the prophecies
of Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, no less than the
prominent position which they occupied in the his-
tory of Israel, led naturally to their being recog-
nized as tbe Prophets; Majores. The exclusion of
Daniel from this sul>division is a more remarkable
(act, and one which has been differently interpreted ;
tbe tCationalistic school of Utter criticism (Eiohhorn,
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De Wette, Bertholdt) seeing In it an indie**** of
later date, and therefore of doubtful authenticity
the orthodox school on the other [hand], as repre-
sented by Hengstenberg (Dissert, on Dan., eh. ii.
§ iv. and v.), maintaining that the difierenee rotter'
only on the ground that, tbough the utterar of pro-
dictions, he hsd not exercised, ss the others had
done, a prophet's office among the people. What-
ever may have been its origin, the position of this
book in the Hagiographa led the later Jews to think
and speak slightingly of it, and Christians who rea-
soned with them out of its predictions were met by
remarks disparaging to its authority (Hengstenberg,
L c). The arrangement of the Prophets; Minores
does not call for special notice, except so far as they
were counted, in order to bring the whole list of
canonical books within a memorial number an-
swering to that of the letters in the Hebrew alpha-
bet, as a single volume, and described as to Satt-
Kawp4^rfroif.
3. Last in order came the group known as Cttn-
bim, Q^inn? (from 30^ *° ""*),. y/xupiTa,
ayuiypwpa, including the remaining books of tbe
Hebrew Canon, arranged in the following order,
and with subordinate divisions :
(a.) Psalms, Proverbs, Job.
(o.) Tbe Song of Songs, Ruth, Lamentations,
Ecclesiastes, Esther.
(c.) Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah, 1 and 2 Chronicles.
Of these, (a) was distinguished by the memorial
word D£S, truth, formed from the initial let-
ters of the three books; (6) as /"VlvOD tr'pp,
the Jin rolls, as being written for use in the syn-
agogues on special festivals on five separate rolls.
Of the Hebrew titles of these books, those which
are descriptive of their contents are D^vHI-'i, the
Psalms, "tyftt, Proverbs. H^S, lamentstions
(from the opening word of wailing in i. 1 ). Tbe
Song of Sougs (U^ywn "PIT). Ecclesiastes
('^nr 1 , the Preacher). 1 and 2 Chronicles
(CD^n ^yi, words of days = records).
lie Septuaglnt translation presents the following
titles, — VaXfui, Tlapoifiiai, tyn)Poi, , A<r/ut iapir
tom", 'E(c»cA7)<riooT^s, napaAtivipeya (t. e. things
omitted, as being supplementary to the Books of
Kings). The Latin version imports some of the
titles, and translates others, Psalmi, Proverbia,
Threni, Canticum Canticorum, Ecclesiastes, Parali-
pomenon; and these in their translated form have
determined the received titles of the books in our
English Bibles; Kcclemastes, in which the Greek
title is retained, and Chronicles, in which the
Hebrew and not the Greek title is translated, being
exceptions.
Tne LXX. presents, however, some striking
variations in point of arrangement as wdl as in
relation to the names of books. Both in this and
in the insertion of the avriKtyinfya, which we
now know as the Apocrypha, among the ether
hooks, we trace the absence of that strung revet mce
for the Canon and iU traditional order which dis-
tinguished the Jews of Palestine. The Law, t is
true, stands first, but the distinction betweet ths
greater and lesser prophets, between the lYopheti
and the Hagiographa is no longer recognized
Daniel, with the Apocryphal additions, follows upoc
Esekiel; the Apocryphal 1st or 3d Book of Esrira.
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km. a* u a ill following on the Canonical Em."
Tobil and Judith are placed after Nehemiah, Wis-
dom (3o<f>la 2j\6/iwyTos) and Eoclesiasticus (2o<pia
Ssukix) after Canticles, Baruch before and the
Epistle of Jeremiah after Lamentations, the twelve
Letter Prophets before the four Greater, and the
two [three or four J Books of Maccabees come at
the close of all. The Latin version follows nearly
the same order, inverting the relative position of
the greater and leaser prophets. The separation
of the doubtful books under the title of Apocrypha
in the Protestant versions of the Scriptures, left the
others in the order in which we now have them.
The history of the arrangement of the books of
the New Testament presents some variations, not
without interest, as indicating differences of feeling
or modes of thought. The four Gospels and the
Acts of the Apostles uniformly stand first. They
are so for to the New what the Pentateuch was to
the Old Testament. They do not present however
in themselves, as the books of Moses did, any order
of succession. The actual order does not depend
upon the rank or function of the writers to whom
they are assigned. The two not written by Apostles
are preceded and followed by those which are, and
it seems as if the true explanation were to be found
in a traditional belief as to the dates of the several
Gospels, according to which St. Matthew's, whether
in its Greek or Hebrew form, was the earliest, and
St. John's the latest. The arrangement once
adopted would naturally confirm the belief, and so
we find it assumed by [the Muratorian Canpn,]
trensus, Origen, Augustine. [On the other band,
the Codex Bezx (I)) and the best MSS. of the Old
Latin version have the following order: Matt., John,
Luke, Mark. — A.] The position of the Acts as
an intermediate book, the sequel to the Gospels, the
prelude to the Epistles, was obviously a natural one.
After this we meet with some striking differences.
The order in the Alexandrian, Vatican, and Ephraem
MSS. (ABC) gives precedence to the Catholic
Epistles, and as this is also recognized by the
Council of Laodicea ( Can. 60), Cyril of Jerusalem
(Catech. iv. p. 35), and Athanasius (KpitL Fett.
ed. Bened. i. p. 961), it would appear to have been
characteristic of the Eastern Churches. Lachmann,
who bases his recension of the text chiefly on this
family of ,MSS., has reproduced the arrangement
ic his editions. [So has Teschendorf ; and this is
the arrangement found in a great majority of the
manuscripts. In the Codex SinaiHcm and In four
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806
« * The Apocryphal 1st Book of Jfadras, certainly in
the principal MSS. and editions of the LXX., and prob-
«bty in all, precedes the canonical K*ra. The Vatican,
Alexandrine, and Sinaitic (frid.-Aug.) MSB. of the
Saptuagint, with tie AUine edition, unite the Books
of asra and NeheuiUli in one as 2d Ksdras. The state-
ments lo the text In regard to the order of the books
m the Septu&giut require gruat modification ; for the
MSS. and editions diner widely in this respect ; and
the Roman edition of the LXX. (1587), deviates mate-
rially in the arrangement of the books from the Vatican
manuscript, which it has been popularly supposed to
represent
In the Vat. MS. the whole series of the poetical
books intervenes between Nehemiah and Either, which
■i followed by Judith, Toblt, and the Lesser and
Greater Prophets, Including Daniel. In the Alex. MS.
the twelve Minor Prophets Immediately follow Chroni-
cles; toes come the Greater Propheta, ending with
Daniel; then Hither, Tobit, J odith, *. Hsdras, Bum and
Venenrteh as 2d Bsdraa, and the four Books of Mat.
Thesi an followed by the poetical books. 1.
90
other MSS. the Pauline Epistles precede the Act*
— A.] The Western Church on the other hand,
as represented by Jerome, Augustine, and their
successors, gave priority of position to the Pauline
Epistles, and as the order in which these were givcc
presents (1) those addressed to Churches arranged
according to their relative importance, (3) those
addressed to individuals, the foremost place was
naturally occupied by the Epistle to the Komans.
The tendency of the Western Church to recognize
Home as its centre of authority may perhaps in
part account for this departure from the custom of
the East. The order of the Pauline Epistles them
selves, however, is generally the same, and the only
conspicuously different arrangement was that of
Marcion, who aimed at a chronological order. In
the three MSS. above referred to [and in the Codex
Sinmtiau] the Epistle to the Hebrews comes after
2 Thessalonians. [In the manuscript from which
the Vatican (B) was copied, it stood between
Galatiana and Ephesians. This is shown by the
numbering of the sections in the Vat MS. — A. u
In those followed by Jerome, it stands, as in the
English Bible and the Textiis Keceptus, after Phi-
lemon. We are left to conjecture the grounds of
this difference. Possibly the absence of St'. Paul's
name, possibly the doubts which existed as to his
being the sole author of it, possibly its approxima-
tion to the character of the Catholic Epistles may
have determined the arrangement. The Apocalypse,
as might be expected from the jieculior chancier
of its contents, occupied a pcuitiun by itself. Its
comparatively late recognition m uj have determined
the position which it has uniformly hekl as the last
of the Sacred Books.*
IV. Division into Chit/iter* ttutl Verses. A*«joii
as any break is made iu the continuous writing
which has characterized iu nearl) all countries the
early stages of the art, we get the germs of a sys-
tem of division. But these divisions may be used
for two distinct purposes. So far as thev are used
to exhibit the logical relations of words, i^uses and
sentences to each other, they tend to a recognized
punctuation. So far as they are used for greater
convenience of reference, or as a help to the memory ,
they answer to the chapters and verses of our
modern Bibles. The question now to be answered
is that which asks what systems of notation of the
latter kind have been employed at different times
by transcribers of the Old <wd New Testament, and
to whom we owe the system now in use.
the Codex Sinaitiaa 1st ana 4th Maccabees come after
Judith ; then follow the Prophets, the greater preceding
the lesser, contrary to the order In the Vat. and Alex
MSS. ; and last of all come the poetical books, Psalms,
Proverbs, Eccleslastes, Song of Songs, Wisdom of Sol-
omon, Ecclesiastic us, Job. In respect to the position
of the Book of Job, the Vatican and the Alexandrine
manuscripts differ both from the Sinaitlc and from each
other, the former placing It after Canticles, the latter
after Psalms. See Ti*cheudorfs ProUgam. to his Sd
edition of the LXX. (1860). pp. Ixxiv., xclv., xcvf.
The best MSS. of the Vulgate, it may be further
remarked, differ widely In the arrangement of the
books from the common editions. See art Vuuutk,
} 24, note on the Alculn MS. A.
b * On the history of the arrangement of the books
of the N. T., see Ttschendorf, N. T. ed. 7ma, ProUgom
pp. Uxi.-lxxiv. ; Scrivener, Introd. lo Uu Orit. oftks
N. T. pp.61, 62 ; Laura it's NnaulamtnUukt Stmlirn
pp. 41-19 (Ootha, 1866) ; and especially Volkmar's Ap
"endix to Credner's QttcA. dts Neatest. Kant*, pp
388-411. A.
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(L) The Hebrew of the Old Testament
It it hardly possible to conceive of the liturgical
Me of the books of the Old Testament, without
tome kinds of recognized division. In proportion
as the books were studied and commented on in
the schools of the Rabbis, the division would be-
eome more technical and complete, and hence the
existing notation, which is recognized in the Tal-
mud (the Gemara ascribing it to Moses, — Hupfdd,
Stud, urtd KriL 1830, p. 827), may probably bare
originated in the earlier stages of the growth of the
synagogue ritual. The New Testament quotations
from the Old are for the most part cited without
any more specific reference than to the book from
which they come. The references however in Mark
xii. 28 and Luke xx. 37 (M rqt fiirov), Kom. xi.
2 («V 'HAlf ) and Acts viii. 32 (j) wtfutxh ttj»
ypaibfit), indicate a division which had become
familiar, and show that some at least of the sections
were known popularly by titles taken from their
subjects. In like manner the existence of a cycle
of lessons is indicated by Luke iv. 17 ; Acts xiii.
15, xr. 21 ; 2 Cor. iii. 14; and this, whether iden-
tical or not with the later Kabbinic cycle, must
have involved an arrangement analogous to that
subsequently adopted.
The Talmudic division is on the following plan.
The law was in the first instance divided into fifty-
four m'H?"1§, Pen Moth = sections, so as to pro-
vide a lesson for each Sabbath in the Jewish Inter-
calary year, provision being made for the shorter
year by the combination of two of the shorter sec-
tions. Coexisting with this there was a subdi-
vision into lesser Parshioth, which served to de-
termine the portions of the sections taken by the
several readers in the synagogues. The lesser Par-
shioth themselves were classed under two heads —
the Open (Dining, Petuchoth), which served
to indicate a change of subject analogous to that
between two paragraphs in modern writing, and
began accordingly a fresh line In the M3S., and the
Shut (n'ltVip, Setmwth), which corresponded
to minor divisions, and were marked only by a
space within the line. The initial letters £ and D
served as a notation, in the margin or in the text
Itself, for the two kinds of sections. The threefold
initial 988 or USD, was used when the com-
nencement of one of the Parshioth coincided with
hat of a Sabbath lesson (comp. KeiL Einlcitung in
lot A. T. §§ 170, 171). •
A different terminology was employed for the
Prophets; Prions and Posteriores, and the divis-
on was less uniform. The tradition of the Jews
:hat the Prophets were first read in the service of
the synagogue, and consequently divided into sec-
tions, because the reading of the Law had been for-
bidden by Antiochus Epiphanes, rests upon a very
■light foundation, but its existence is at any rate a
proof that the law was believed to have been sys-
tematically divided before the same process was
applied to the other books. The name of the sec-
tions in this case was MTI^Cn {Haphtaroth,
from *^(P9, SmUUre). If the name were applied
In this way because the lessons from the Prophets
same at the close of the synagogue service, and so
wen followed by the dismissal of the people
(Vttringa dt Synng. iii. 2, 20), its history would
■mo it a singular analogy to that of " Missa,"
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"Mass," on the assumption that it also was davhal
from the " Ite, missi est," by which the congrega-
tion was informed of the conclusion of the earlier
portion of the service of the Church. The peculiar
use of Missa shortly after its appearance in the
Latin of ecclesiastical writers in a sense equivalent
to thai of Haphtaroth (" sex Missas de Propheta
E s sia fa ri t e," Oesarius Arelat and Anreuan in Bing-
ham, Ant. xiiL 1) presents at least a singular coinci-
dence. The Uaphtaioth themselves were intended
to correspond with the larger Parshioth of the 1-aw,
so that there might.bo a distinct lesson for each
Sabbath in the intercalary year as before; but the
traditions of the German and the Spanish Jews,
both of them of great antiquity, present a consid-
erable diversity in the length of the divisions, and
show that they had never been determined by the
same authority as that which had settled the Par-
shioth of the Law (Van der Hooght, Prcrfat. in
Bib. § 36). Of the traditional divisions of the
Hebrew Bible, however, that which has exercised
most influence in the received arrangement of the
text, was the subdivision of the larger sections into
(D^DS, PetJdm). These do not appear
to have been used till the post-Talmudic recension
of the text by the Masoretes of the 9th century.
They wen then applied, first to the prose and after-
wards to the poetical books of the Hebrew Scriptures,
superseding in the latter the arrangement of trrlrot,
Kwka, Kimmra, lines and groups of lines, which
had been based upon metrical consideration* The
verses of the Masoretic divisions wen preserved with
comparatively slight variations through the middle
ages, and came to the knowledge of translators and
editors when the attention of European scholars
was directed to the study of Hebrew. In the Hebrew
MSS. the notatioi' had been simply marked by the
Sdph-Pittk (.- 1 it the end of each verse; and in
the earlier printed Hebrew Bibles (Sabionetta's,
1557, and Plantin's, 1566) the Hebrew numerals
which guide the reader in referring, are attached
to every fifth verse only. The Concordance of Rabbi
Nathan, 1450, however, had rested on the applica-
tion of a numeral to each verse, and this was
adopted by the Dominican I'agninus in his Latin
version, 1528, and carried throughout the whole of
the Old and New Testament, coinciding substan-
tially, as regards the former, with the Masoretic, ana
therefore with the modem division, but differing
materially as to the New Testament from that
which was adopted by Robert Stephens (cf. infra)
and through his widely circulated editions passed
into general reception. The chief facts that remain
to be stated as to the verse divisions of the Old
Testament are, (I ) that it was adopted by Stephens
in his edition of the Vulgate, 1565, and by Frellou
in that of 1556; (2) that it appeared, for the first
time in on English translation, in the Geneva Bibk
of 1560, and was thence transferred to the Bishops'
Bible of 1668, and the Authorized Version of 161 1.
In Coverdale's Bible we meet with the older nota-
tion, which was in familiar use for other books, and
retained In some instances («. g. in references •»
Plato), to the present times. The letters A B C D
are placed at equal distances in the msrgin of each
page, and the reference it made to the page (or, it
the case of Scripture, to the chapter) and the letter
accordingly.
The Septuagint translation, together with tit*
Latin versions based upon it, have contributed little
or nothing to the received division of the Bibk
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Made at a time when the Rabbinio subdivisions
ware not enforced, hardly perhaps existing, and not
ued in the worship of the synagogue, them was no
reason for the scrupulous care which showed itself
in regard to the Hebrew text The language of
Tertullian {Seorp. ii.) and Jerome (in Mic vi. 9;
Zeph. Ui. 4) implies the existence of " capitula "
of some sort; but the word does not appear to have
been used in any more definite sense than "locus"
er " passage." The liturgical use of portions of
the Old Testament would lead to the employment
of some notation to distinguish the IwayvtbcfiaTa
or " lectiones," and individual students or transcrib-
ers might adopt a system of reference of their own ;
but we find nothing corresponding to the fully or-
ganized notation which originated with the Talmud-
ists or Hasoretes. It is possible indeed that the
general use of Lectionaria — in which the portions
mad in the Church services were written separately
— may hare hindered the development of such a
system. Whatever traces of it we find are accord-
ingly scanty and fluctuating. The stichometric
mode of writing (t. e. the division of the text into
short lines, generally with very little regard to the
sense) adopted in the 4th or 6th centuries (see Pro-
legom. to Breitinger's Septuagini, i. § 6), though
it may have facilitated reference, or been useful ss
a guide to the reader in the half-chant commonly
used in liturgical servioes, was too arbitrary (ex-
cept when it corresponded to the parallel clauses
of the Hebrew poetical books) and inconvenient to
be generally adopted. The Alexandrian US. pre-
sents a partial notation of KtfiXcua, but ss regards
the Old Testament these are found only in portions
of Deuteronomy and Joshua. Traces exist (Cote-
ler. Monum. Eccla. Grac., Breitinger, Pi-oleg. vt
nip.) of a like division in Numbers, Exodus, and
Leviticus, and Latin MSS. present frequently a sys-
tem of division into "tituli" or "capitula," but
without any recognized standards. In the 13th
century, however, the development of theology as a
science, and the more frequent use of the Scriptures
ss a text-book for lectures, led to the general adop-
tion of a more systematic division, traditionally as-
cribed [by some] to Stephen Langton, Archbishop
of Canterbury (Triveti Annul, p. 183, ed. Oxon.),
[by others to] Hugh de St. Cher [Hugo de S.
Caro] (Gilbert Genebrard, CkronoLl iv. 644), and
passing through his commentary (Pottilla in Uni-
term Bibtia, and Concordance, circ. 1240) into
general use. No other subdivision of the chapters
was united with this beyond that indicated by the
marginal letters A B C D as described above.
As regards the Old Testament then, the present
arrangement grows out of the union of Cardinal
Hugo's capitular division and the Masoretic verses.
The Apocryphal books, to which of course no Ma-
scretic division was applicable, did not receive a
versieular division till the Latin edition of Pagninus
in 1528, nor tht division now in use till Stephens's
edition of the Vulgate in 1565.
(2.) The history of the New Testament presents
tome additional bets of interest. Here, as in the
ease of the Old, the system of notation grew out of
the necessities of study. The comparison of the
Gospel narratives gave rise to attempts to exhibit
the harmony between them. Of these, the first of
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807
which we hare any record was the Dia.emarrm of
Tatian in the 2d century (Euseb. B. E. h. 38).
This was followed by a work of like character 'from
Ammonius of Alexandria in the 3d (Euseb. Ajptst ad
Carpiamm). The syvVm adopted by Ammonius
however, that of attach. ig to the Gospel of St. Mat-
thew the parallel passages of the other three, and
inserting those which aere not parallel, destroyed
the outward form in which the Gospel history had
been recorded, [and] was practically inconvenient
Nor did their labors have any direct effect on the
arrangement of the Greek text, unless we adopt the
conjectures of Hill and Wetstein that it is to Am-
monius or Tatian that we have to ascribe the mar-
ginal notation of K«pi\aia, marked by A B T A,
which are found in the older MSS. The search
after a more convenient method of exhibiting the
parallelisms of the Gospels led Eusebius of Cteaarea
to form the ten Canons (xirorts, registers) which
bear bis name, and in which tile sections of the
Gospels are chased according as the fact narrated
is found in one Evangelist only, or in two or more.
In applying this system to the transcription of the
Gospels, each of them was divided into shorter sec-
tions of variable length, and to each of these were
attached two numerals, one indicating the Canon
under which it would be found, and the other its
place in that Canon. Luke [iii. 21, 22], for exam-
ple, would represent [constituted] the 13th section
belonging to the first Canon [corresponding to the
14th section in Matthew, the 5th in Mark, and the
15th in John, — the first Canon comprising the
sections common to the four Gospels]. This divis-
ion, however, extended only to the books that had
come under the study of the Harmonists. The
Epistles of St Paul were first divided in a similar
manner by the unknown Bishop to whom Kuthalius
assigns the credit of it (arc. 3!)6), and he himself,
at the instigation of Athanasius [the younger], ap-
plied the method of division to the Acts and the
Catholic Epistles. Andrew, bishop of Cesarea in
Cappadocla, completed the work by dividing the
Apocalypse (circ. 500).°
Of the four great uncial MSS., A [and so the
Sinaitic MS., but not, according to Teschendorf, a
prima manu] presents the Ammonian or Eusebiui
numerals and canons, C and D the numerals with-
out the canons. B has neither numerals nor ca-
nons, but a notation of its own, the chief peculi-
arity of which is, that the Epistles of St Paul an
treated as a single book, and brought under a con-
tinuous capitulation. After passing into disuse
and so into comparative oblivion, the Eusebian and
Euthalian divisions have recently (since 1827 ) again
become familiar to the English student through
Bishop Lloyd's edition of the Greek Testament.
[The Eusebian sections and canons also appear in
the recent editions of Tischendorf, Wordsworth,
and Tregelles.]
With the New Testament, however, as with the
Old, the division into chapters adopted by Hugh
de St Cher superseded those that had been in use
previously, appeared in the early editions of tb«
Vulgate, was transferred to the English Bible by
Coverdale, and so became universal. The notation
of the verses in each chapter naturally followed on
the use of the Masoretio verses for the Old Testa
i • CansHos appears to bars derived these dlrls- • T. pp. 27, 82. On the ■ussMan ssetloni and canoes
ens, at least in the Aets, from a MS. written by Pam- 1 ass Serrnoar, bund, to Uu Oil. of Iht JV. T pp. 60
philua the martyr (d. 1. ». 80»). Set Montfrueon, . 68. *
MM. Oaulin. p. 78 0. ; TragaUas, Tact. Oil. oftk, W.I
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308 BIBLE
mcnt The niperkuity of such a division over the
marginal notation A B C D in the Bible of Car-
dinal Hugh de St Cher led men to adopt an anal-
ogous system for the New. In the Latin version
of Pagolnus accordingly, there is a versicular divis-
ion, though differing from the one subsequently
i»ed in the greater length of its verses. The ab-
sence of an authoritative standard like that of the
Masoretes, left more scope to the individual discre-
tion of editors or printers, and the activity of the
two Stephenses caused that which they adopted in
their numerous editions of the Greek Testament
and Vulgate to be generally received. In the
Preface to the Concordance, published by Henry
Stephens, 1594, he gives the following account of
the origin of this division. His father, he tells us,
finding the books of the New Testament already
divided into chapters (tmemata, or sections), pro-
ceeded to a further subdivision into verses. The
name verticuli did not commend itself to him. He
would have preferred tmematxa or ttctiuncube, but
the preference of others for the former led him to
adopt it. The « hole work was accomplished "inter
equitandum " ot. 'lis Journey from Paris to Lyons.
While it was in progress men doubted of its suc-
cess. No sooner was it known than it met with
universal acceptance. The edition hi which this
division was first adopted wss published in 1561,
another came from the same press in 1555. It was
used for the Vulgate in the Antwerp edition of
Hentenius in 1559, for the English version pub-
lished in Geneva is 15C0, and from that time, with
slight variations in detail, has been universally rec-
ognized. The convenience of such a system for
reference is obvious ; but it may be questioned
whether it has not been purchased by a great sac-
rifice of the perception by ordinary readers of the
true order and connection of the books of the Bi-
ble." In some cases the division of chapters sep-
arates portions which are very closely united (see
e. g. Matt. ix. 38, and x. 1, xix. 30, and xx. 1 ;
Mark ii. 23-28, and Hi. 1-5, viii. 38, and ix. 1;
Luke xx. 45-47, and xxi. 1-4; Acts vii. 60, and
viii. 1; 1 Cor. x. 33. xi. 1; 2 Cor. iv. 18, v. 1, vi.
18, and vii. 1), and throughout gives the impression
of a formal division altogether at variance with the
continuous flow of narrative or thought which char-
acterised the book as it came from the hand of the
rriter. The separation of verses in its turn has con-
luced largely to the habit of building doctrinal sys-
tems upon isolated texts. The advantages of the re-
ceived method are united with those of an arrange-
ment representing the original more faithfully in the
structure of the Paragraph Bibles, lately published
by different editors, and in the Greek Testaments
of Uoyd, Laehmann, and Tischendorf. The stu-
dent ought, however, to remember in using these
that the paragraphs belong to the editor, not to the
writer, and are therefore liable to the same casual-
ties rising out of subjective peculiarities, dogmatic
bias, and the like, as the chapters of our common
Bibles. Practically the risk of such casualties has
been reduced almost to a minimum by the care of
editors to avoid the errors into which their prede-
cessors have fallen, but the possibility of the evil
exists, and should therefore be guarded against by
the exercise of an independent judgment.
E.H. P.
« • On this point ser the striking remarks of Locks
» the Prefkc* to his Parapkr.ui ami Ntft as the
S>isi4ue/a Pttmt. A
BILDAD
• BIBLE!, ENGLISH. See VitawnK, ac
THOBIZKD.
BICB7BI 0"?3? : Bo X opl [Vat Alex. -,«]
Bochri ; Jintioni,' 8im.; youthful, Gesen. Fiirst
but perhaps rather so* of Becker), ancestor of
Sheba (2 Sam. xx. 1 ff.). [Becheh 1
A. C. H.
BUVKAB 0""lTj? [KaMer, Ges-J: BoSsmls
[Vatl -no); Joseph. Ba&Upos : Baducer), Jehu'l
«. captain" (trblP : Joseph. i tin roltus uolput
rrytiuir. Ant. ix. 6, § 3), originally his fellow-offi-
cer (2 K. ix. 25); who completed the sentence on
Jehoram son of Ahab, by casting his body into the
field of Naboth after Jehu had transfixed him with
an arrow.
BIBB. [Bdbiai.]
BIGTHA (MTIfaiBo^; [Vat. Bsyafr;
Alex, corrupt; Comp'. BayaBd-] Bagatka), one of
the seven « chamberlains " (D , D' , ~!9» tmmekt)
of the harem of Ahasuerus (Esthu L 10).
BIGTHAN and BIGTHATSTA 0^3,
Eatfa. ii. 21, and NJiTfi, vi. »: BagaUum), a
eunuch ("chamberlain," A. V.) in the court of
Ahasuerus, one of those "who kept the door"
(marg. " threshold," oixi<ra>/iaToa>vA<uc<s, LXX),
and who conspired with Teresh, one of his coadju-
tors, sgainst the king's life. The conspiracy was
detected by Hordecai, and the eunuchs hung.
Prideaux ( Con. i. 363) supposes that these officers
had been partially superseded by the degradation
of Vsshti, and sought revenge by the murder of
Ahasuerus. This suggestion falls in with that of
the Chaldee Vs., and of the LXX. which in Esth.
ii. 21 interpolates the words iXurtfiruTar ol 8uo
(irovxot rod /fcuriAcwt . . . . Jrt wpotxfiv Map-
ooyoiot- The name is omitted by the LXX. on
both occasions. Bigthan is probably derived from
the Persian and Sanskrit Bagadana, " a gift of
fortune " (Gesen. s. ».). F. W. V.
BIG'VAI [2 syL] 03531 : Bayovt, toryouat,
[etc.:] Begum, [Begmi\). '
L >• Children of Bigvii," 8066 (Neb. 2067) in
number, returned from the Captivity with Zerub-
babel (Ezr. ii. 14; Neh. vii. 19), and 72 of them
at a later date with Esra (Ear. viii. 14). [Bagoi;
Baoo.]
2. (Begum, Btgoai.) Apparently one of the
chiefs of Zerubbabel's expedition (Ear. ii 2; Neh.
vii. 7), and who afterwards signed the eorcnant
(Neh. x. 16).
BIK'ATH-ATEN, Am. L 6, marg. [Ayz>
1; C«ELESYRIA-]
BILDAD OH 1 ??, son of contention, if Ga-
senius's derivation of It from TVj> ]5 be correct:
BoASdS; [Alex. BoASor, in Job it 11: xriii. 1:]
Baldad), the second of Job's three friends. He is
called "the Shuhite " 0rV5*n), which implies
both his family and nation. Shuah was the name
of a son of Abraham and Keturah, and of an Ara-
bian tribe sprung from him, when he had been sent
eastward by his father. Gesenius (*. r.) supposes
it to be " the same a* the Saiacaia ot Ptolemy
(v. 15) to the east of Baton*, " and therefore U
theeastof the land of Us [Shuah]. The LXX
strangely enough, renders it i raw J/aux**" ri
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BILE AM
jirnu. appearing to intend a distinction between
him and the other friends, whom in the unu verse
It calls fruiikut (.'ob. U. 11).
Bildad takes a •hare in each of the three contro-
versies with Job (viii., xviii., *rv.). He follows in
the train of Eliphax, but with more violent decla-
mation, less argument, and keener invective. His
address is abrupt and untender ; and in his very first
speech he cruelly attributes the death of Job's chil-
dren to their own transgressions and loudly calls
on Job to repent of his supposed crimes. His sec-
ond speech (xviii.) merely recapitulates his former
assertions of the temporal calamities of the wicked ;
on this occasion be implies, without expressing,
Job's wickedness, and does not condescend to ex-
hort him to repentance. In the third speech (xxv.),
unable to idfute the sufferer's arguments, he takes
refuge in irrelevant dogmatism on God's glory and
man's nothingness : in reply to which Job justly
reproves him both for deficiency in argument and
failure in charitable forbearance (Ewald, da$ Buck
Ijob). [See Job.] F. W. F.
BII/EAM (D?^? [foreigner, Ges.; or
throii, gorge, Dietr.V: 'UufiKian: [Vat. om.;]
Alex. IfJAoa/i: Bvtlim), a town in the western
half of the tribe of Manasseh, named only in I
Ohr. vi. 70, as being given (with its " suburbs " )
to the Kohathites. In the lists in Josh. xvii.
and xxi. this name does not appear, and Ibleam
and Gath-rimmon are substituted for it, the former
by an easy change of letters, the latter uncertain.
[Gatii-rimmox; Ibi.kam.] G.
BIL'GAH (Hjba [cketrfuhtet,]: bBtkyif,
[Vat. BfA£a>:] Bttga). \. A priest in the time
Of David; the head of the fifteenth course for the
temple service (1 Chr. xxiv. 14).
2. [Vat. Alex. FA." omit; Rom. in Neh. xii. 18
BeA-vtU.] A priest who returned from Babylon
with Zerubbabel and Joshua (Neh. xii. 5, 18);
probably the same who, under the slightly altered
name Biloai, sealed the covenant (Neh. x. 8).
BII/GAI [2 syl.] 03^2 [ckeerfulneu] :
BtXyat; [Vat. B«Acr«ia, FA. nria:] Belgai), Neb.
x. 8; probably the same as Biloah, 2.
BII/HAH (nnVa [perh. batkfuhuu]:
BoAAcC: Bala). L Handmaid of Rachel (Gen.
xxix. 29), and concubine of Jacob, to whom she
bore Dan and Naphtali (Gen. xxx. 3-8, xxxv. 25,
xlvi. 25; 1 Chr. vii. 13). Her step-eon Reuben af-
terwards lay with her (Gen. xxxv. 22), which en-
tailed a curse upon Reuben (Gen. xlix. 4).
2 [BooAi; Vat. AjScXA»] A town of the
Simeonites (1 Chr. iv. 29); also called Baalah and
DsJah. [Baal, p. 908, No. 3, 6.]
BIL'HAN (inba [perh.modocJtBaAAiia;
[Alex. BoAow:] Bataan, the same root as Bilhah,
Gen. xxx. 8, Ac The final > is evidently a Horite
termination, as in Zaavan, Akan, Dishan, Aran,
Lotan, Alvan, Hemdan, Eshban, Ac.; and may
be compared with the Etruscan ena, Greek aWs,
wy, Ac.).
\. A Horite chief, son of Eeer, son of Seir,
j welling in Mount Seir, in the land of Edom (Gen.
txxvi. 37; lChr. 1. 43).
3. (BeAadV: Bala*.) A Benjamite, son of Je-
liae) (1 Chr. ril. 10). It does not appear elearl.'
BIRTHDAYS
809
from which of the sons of Benjamin Jeiiael was
descended, as be is not mentioned in Gen. xlvi. 31,
or Num. xxvi. But as he was the father of Ehud
(ver. 10), and Ehud seems, from 1 Chr. viii. 3, 6
to have been a son of Beta, Jediaet, and conse-
quently Bilhan, were probably Belaites. The oc-
currence of Hilhan as well as Bela in the tribe of
Benjamin, names both imported from Edom, is re-
markable. ' A. C H.
BIL'SHAN O^ 1 ?? [sot. of the tongue]
BaAurdV [Vat Boo-pout], BaAo-dV [Alex. Baaa-ar,
FA. Baatpw>]: BeUan, [Beltum]), one of Zerub-
babel's companions on his expedition from Babylon
(Est. u. 2; Neh. vii 7).
BIM"HAL (Vnpa [son of circumcision]:
Btuia^A.; [Vat. fyioAoijA:] Chnmaat), one of the
sons of Japhlet in the line of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 33)
BIN-BA (H?33 [perh. fountain]: Board;
[Vat. Bovo, 1 Chr. viii. 37; Alex. do. ix. 48:]
Banaa), the son of Moza; one of the descendants
of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 87; ix. 43).
BINNU1 CO? [a building, Ges.; kmdreO-
ihip, Fiirst]: Bartfa; [Vat. EjSavaia:] Bernui).
L A Levito, father of Noadiah, in Ezra's time
(Ezr. viii. 33).
2. [Bavooti Vat. FA. Bayovf. Bennui.] One
of the sons of Pahath-moab, who had taken a for-
eign wife (Ezr. x. 30). [Balnuus.]
3- [Bavovl: Bennui.] Another Israelite, of the
sons of Bani, who had also taken a foreign wife
(Ezr. x. 38). [Here the A.V. ed. 1611, etc reads
Bennui.]
4. [Borovf: Batumi.] Altered from Bani in the
corresponding list in Ezra (Neh. vii. 15).
6. [In Neh. Ui. 24, Barf, Vat. Alex. FA. haw,,;
x. 9, Boyafovi xii. 8, Buyout : Bennui.] A Levite,
son of Henadad, who assisted at the reparation of
the wall of Jerusalem, under Nehemiah, Neh. Hi.
24, x. 9. He is possibly also the Binnui in xii. 8.
BIRDS. [Fowls.]
BIR'SHA (Stth? [tonofwicktdnett, Ges.] :
Bapai- Bersi), Idng of Gomorrha at the time "'
the invasion of Chedorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 2).
* BIRTH. [Childbbn.]
BIRTHDAYS (to yevUia, Matt. xiv. 6)
Properly to. yt viBKia is a birthday feast (and hence
in the early writers the day of a martyr's com-
memoration), but ra ytriina seems to be used in
this sense by a Hellenism, for in Herod, iv. 36 it
means a day in honor of the dead. It is very prob-
able that in Matt. xiv. 6 the feast to commemorate
Herod's accession is intended," for we know that
such feasts were common (especially in Herod's
family, Joseph. Ant. xv. 11, J 8; Blunt's Cornel
dencet. Append, vii.), and were called " the day of
the king " (Hos. vii. 5). The Gemarists distin-
guish expressly between D'OVo bw WDiaa,
ywiata. regni, and the "Vbn DV or btrtbda*.
(Lightfoot, Bar. Htbr. ad Matt. xiv. 6.)
The custom of observing birthdays is very an-
cient (Gen. xl. 30; Jer. xx. 15); and in Job i. 4,
Ac, we read that Job's sons " feasted every one his
day." It p ersia they were celebrated with peculiar
honors ana bajquets, for the details of which set
a •> Against this opinion see Meyer (tuloc.) who says meaning. B— also Kulnoel, i. 426. There Is no rsMO*
bants on a sJnglsQfiek example of ycWma with thk tor dlsoenHnz the osual sense In Matt xiv. tt. S.
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310
BIRTHRIGHT
Herod, i. 1.16. And in Egypt •' the birthday*, of
the kings were celebrated with great pomp. They
■ere looked upon as holy; no busmen was done
upon them, and all classes indulged in the festivi-
ties suitable to the occasion. Kvery Egyptian at-
tached much importance to the day, and even to
the hour of his birth" (Wilkinson, v. 290).
Probably in consequence of the ceremonies usual
in their celebration, the Jews regarded their ob-
servance as an idolatrous custom (lightfoot, /. <•).
F. W. F.
BIRTHRIGHT (Tn'lS? : rh rpwroriKia).
The advantages accruing to the' eldest son were not
definitely fixed in patriarchal times. The theory
'hat he was the priest of the family rests on no
scriptural statement, and the Rabbis appear divided
on the question (see Hettinger's Note on Goodwin's
Motet and Aaron, I. I; Ugol. iii. 63). Great
respect was paid to him in the household, and, as
the family widened into a tribe, this grew into a
sustained authority, undefined save by custom, in
all mattersof common interest Thus the "princes"
of the congregation had probably rights of primo-
geniture (Num. vii. 2, xxi. 18, xxv. 14). A " double
portion " of the paternal property was allotted by
the Mosaic law (Deut. xxi. 16-17), nor could the
caprice of the father deprive him of it. This prob-
ably means twice as much as any other son enjoyed
Such was the inheritance of Joseph, his sons reckon-
ing with his brethren, and becoming beads of tribes.
This seems to explain the request of Elisha for a
" double portion " of Eujah's spirit (2 K. ii. 9).
Reuben, through his unfilial conduct, was deprived
of the birthright (Gen. xlix. 4; 1 Chr. v. 1). It
is likely that some remembrance of this lost pre-
eminence stirred the Reubenite leaders of Koran's
rebellion (Num. xvi. 1, 2, xxvi. 6-9). Esau's act,
transferring his right to Jacob, was allowed valid
(Gen. xxv. 33). The firstborn of the king was
his successor by law (2 Chr. xxi. 3); David, how-
ever, by divine appointment, excluded Adonijab in
favor of Solomon, which deviation from rule was
indicated by the anointing (Goodwin, L c 4, with
Hottinger's notes). The first-born of a line is often
noted by the early scriptural genealogies, «. g. Gen.
xxii. 21, xxv. 13; Num. xxvi. 6, Ac. The Jews
attached a sacred import to the title (see Schottgen,
Hor. Htbr. i. 922) and thus •'first-born" and
•' first-begotten " seem applied to the Messiah (Rom.
nil. 29, Heb. i. 6). H. H.
* The term " first-bom " is used figuratively to
denote preeminence, and is applied to one peculiarly
distinguished by the favor of God, as to David, Ps.
Ixxxix. 27 ; to the Jewish nation as the chosen
people, Ex. iv. 22; 2 Esdr. vi. 68; Psalt. Salom.
xviii. 4 (Fabric Cod. pteudtpigr. V. T. i. 970);
rod to Ephraim, Jer. xxxi. 9. See also Col. i. 15.
A.
bir'zavith (nir^a, Ken, rvra
[oitre-souree, Flint]: B«pewt>, [Vat. Br/fou0;]
Alex. Bufwe: Barmiih), a name occurring in the
genealogies of Aslier (1 Chr. vii. 31), and appa-
rently, from the m )de of its mention, the name of
a place (corap. the similar expression, " father of
Bethlehem," " father of Tekoa," Ac. hi chaps, ii.
and iv.). 11* reading of the Ken may be inter-
areted " well of olives." No trace of it is found
elsewhere.
BISHXAM (D^tpS [son of peace]: Bete-
!om), apparently an officer or commissioner (rwr-
BISHOP
Tcuraifuros, 1 Esdr. ii. 16) of Artaxerxes In Pa*
estine at the time of the return of Zerubbabel from
captivity (Est. iv. 7). By the LXX. the word »
translated iv *Mrn, in peace; see margin of A
V., and so also both Arabic and Syriac versions.
BISHOP (Mo-kotos)- This word, applied is
the N. T. to the officers of the Church who were
charged with certain functions of superintendence,
had been in use before as a title of office. The in-
spectors or commissioners sent by Athena to her
subjectHrtates were Mo-kowoi (Ariatoph. Av. 1022),
and their office, like that of the Spartan Harmosta,
authorized them to interfere in all the political ar-
rangements of the state to which they were sent.
The title was still current and beginning to be used
by the Romans in the later days of the republic
(Cic. ad Au. vii. 11). The Hellenistic Jews found
it employed in the LXX., though with no very defi-
nite value, for officers charged with certain func-
tions (Num. It. 16, xxxi. 14; Pa. cix. 8; Is. lx. 17;
for Heb. rPTp?, or TlpS). When the organisa-
tion of the Christian churches in Gentile cities in-
volved the assignment of the work of pastoral su-
perintendence to a distinct order, the title Mvkowos
presented itself as at once convenient and familiar,
and was therefore adopted as readily as the word
elder (wp«r&vrtpos) bad been in the mother church
of Jerusalem, dint the two titles were originally
equivalent is clear from the following facta.
1. 'Ewfewnroi and wpttrflfrrepoi are nowhere
named together as being orders distinct from each
other.
2. 'ZtIo-kotoi and SuUoyoi are named aa ap-
parently an exhaustive division of the officers of
churches addressed by St Paul as an apostle (PhiL
i. 1; I Tim. iii. 1, 8).
3. The same persona are described by both
names (Acts xx. 17, 28; Tit i. 5, 7).
*• Tlp&r&vTcpoi discharge functions which are
essentially episcopal, «. e. involving pastoral super-
intendence (1 Tim. v. 17; 1 Pet v. 1, 2). The
age that followed that of the Apostles witnessed a
gradual change in the application of the words, and
in the Epistles of Ignatius, even in their least in-
terpolated or most mutilated form, the bishop la
recognized as distinct from, and superior to, the
presbyters (Kp. ad Smyrn. c. 8; ad Trail, cc. 2,
3, 8; ad Magn. c 6). In those of Clement of
Rome, however, the two words are still dealt with
as Interchangeable (1 Cor. cc. 42, 44, 57). The
omission of any mention of an tithritowot in ad-
dition to the wp«r$6rfpot and Suuroroi in Poly-
carp's Epistle to the Pnilippians (c 5), and the
enumeration of " apostoli, episcopi, doctores, minis-
try," in the Shepherd of Hennas (i. 3, 5), are less
decisive, but indicate a transition stage in the his-
tory of the word.
Assuming as proved the identity of the bishops
and elders of the N. T. we hare to inquire into —
(1.) The relation which existed between she two
titles. (2. ) The functions and mode of appointment
of the men to whom both titles were applied. (3.)
Their relations to the general government and dis-
cipline of the Church.
I. There can be no doubt that rpwjSorssoi had
the priority in order of time. The existence of a
body bearing that name is implied in the use of tits
correlative o\ rtirtoot (comp. Lake xxii. 26; 1
Pet v. 1, 5) in the narrative of Ananias (Act* v. b )
The order itself is recognized in Acta xi. 80, aits'
takes part in the deliberations of the Church a.
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UidHOP
BISHOP
811
I a ilium in Acts zr. It is transferred by Bud |<rf the bishop-elders appear to have been as follows
in J Barnabas to the Gentile churches in their tret
juietoiiarr journey (Acta xhr. So). The earliest
use of MaKoxat, on the other hand, is in the ad-
dress of St Paul to the elders at Miletus (Acts zs.
18), and there it is rather descripti"? of (unctions
than given as a title. The earliest epistle in which
it is formally used as equivalent to rpttr0&r*poi
(except on the improbable hypothesis that Timothy
belongs to the period following on St. Paul's de-
parture from Ephesus in Acts zx. 1) is that to the
"hilippians, as late as the time of his first impris-
onment at Rome. It was natural, indeed, that
this should be the order; that the word derived
trom the usages of the synagogues of Palestine,
■very one of which had its superintending elders
(CTJJ7T : comp. Lake vii. 3), should precede that
borrowed from the constitution of a Greek state.
If Use latter was afterwards felt to be the more
adequate, it may have been because there was a life
in the organization of the Church higher than that
of the synagogues, and (unctions of pastoral su-
perintendence devolving on the elders of the Chris-
tian congregation which were unknown to those
of the other periods. It had the merit of being
descriptive as well as titular; a "somen officii"
ss well as a " nomen dignitatis." It could be
associated, as the other could not be, with the
thought of the highest pastoral superintendence —
of Christ himself as the voiphr ml Mtricowot (1
Petii.25).
II. Of the order in which the first elders were
appointed, as of the occasion which led to the in-
stitution of the office, we have no record. Argu-
ing from the analogy of the Seven in Acts vi. 5, 6,
it would seem probable that they were chosen by
the members of the Church collectively (possibly to
take the place that had been filled by the Seven,
comp. Stanley's ApotL Age, p. 64) and then net
apart to their office by the laying on of the Apos-
tles' hands. In the case of Timothy (1 Tim. iv.
14; 3 Tim. 1. 6) the vfta$uriptov, probably the
body of the elders at Lystra, had taken part with
the apostle in this act of ordination ; but here it
remains doubtful whether the office to which Tim-
othy was appointed was that of the Bishop-Elder
or one derived from the special commission with
which the two epistles addressed to him show him
to have been entrusted. The connection of 1 Tim.
v. 22 is, on the whole, against our referring the lay-
tig on of hands there spoken of to the ordination
of elders (comp. Hammond, in Ik.), and the same
may be said of Heb. vi. 2. The imposition of hands
was indeed the outward sign of the communication
of all spiritual goofo/iara, as well as of functions
Is which xaplapara were required, and its use for
the latter (as in 1 Tim. It. 14; 9 Tim. 1. 6) was
connected with its instrumentality in the bestowal
of the former. The conditions which were to be
observed in choosing these officers, as stated in the
pastoral epistles, sre, blameless life and reputation
unong those " that are without " as well as within
the Church, fitness for the work of teaching, the
wide kindliness of temper which shows itself in
•wapltality, the being " the husband of one wife "
'«. «. according to the most probable interpretation,
"ot divorced and then ourried to another; b'lt
•■mp. Hammond, Esthis, Ellieott, in luc), showing
powers of g o v er nm ent in his own household as well
«s in self-control, not being a recant and, therefore,
— 1. General superintendence ovtr the spiritual
well-being of the flock (1 Pet v. S). According to
the aspects which this function presented, those on
whom it devolved were described as woutsMf (Eph.
iv. 11), TpoftrraVrtt (1 Tim. v. 17), wpoFordfuroi
(1 There, v. 12). Its exercise called for the x^P ,(r "
pa Kvj3*orft>*wt (1 Cor. xii. 28). The last two
of the above titles imply obviously a recognized
rank, as well as work, which would show itself
naturally in special marks of honor in the meeting'
of the Church. 2. The work of teaching, both
publicly and privately (1 Then. v. 12; Tit i. 9; 1
Tim. v. 17). At first, it appears from the descrip
tkm of the practices of the Church in 1 Cor. ziv
26, the work of oral teaching, whatever form it as
sumed, was not limited to any body of men, but
was exercised acoordiiig as each man poss e s se d a
special ^iaicfxa for it Even then, however, there
were, as the warnings of that chapter show, some
incoiiveniences attendant on this freedom, and it
was a natural remedy to select men for the special
function of teaching because they posses s ed the
X«V '•>* ""^ tDen gradually to confine that work
to them. Die work of pleaching drnpAnrcir) to
the heathen did not belong, apparently, to the
bishop-elders as such, but was the office of the
apostle-evangelist Thrir duty was to feed the
flock, teaching publicly (Tit i. !i ), opposing errors,
admonishing privately (1 Then. v. 12). 3. The
work of visiting the sick appears in Jam. v. 14, as
assigned to the elders of the Church. There, in-
deed, it is connected with the practice of anointing
as a means of healing, but this office of Christian
sympathy would not, we may believe, be confined
to the exercise of the extraordinary rapiapaT*
iaudVw, and it is probably to this, and to acts of
a like kind, that we are to refer the iwTtkanflirte-
9eu tuv surf)* povVtw of Acts zx. 35, and the Ak-
TiA^ftu of 1 Cor. xii. 28. 4. Among these acta
of charity that of receiving strangers occupied s
conspicuous place (1 Tim. iii. 2; Tit. i. 8). The
bishop-elder's house was to be the house of the
Christian who arrived in a strange city and found
himself without a friend. 5. (if the part taken
by them hi the liturgical meetings of the Church
we have no distinct evidence. Reasoning from the
language of 1 Cor. X., xii.,and from the practices of
the post-apostolic age, we may believe that they
would preside at such meetings, that it would be-
long to them to bless and to give thanks when the
Church met to break bread.
The mode in which these officers of the Church
were supported or remunerated varied probably in
different cities. At Miletus St Paid exhorts Horn
elders of the Chinch to follow his example and
work for their own livelihood (Acta xx. 34). In 1
Cor. ix. 14, and Gal. vi. 6, he asserts the right of
the ministers of the Church to he supported by it
In 1 Tini. v. 17, be gives a special application of
the principle in the assignment of a double allow-
ance (rip*), comp. Hammond, in Inc.) to tome who
have Iteen conspicuous for their activity.
Collectively at Jerusalem, and prolnlily in other
churches, the body of bishop-elders took part in de-
liberations (Acta zv. 6-22, xxi. 18), addressed other
cfacrchcs (ibui. xv. 23), were joined with the Apos-
tles in the work of ordaining by the la) big on of
hac.'s (2 Tim. i. 6). It lay in the necessities of
any organized society that such a body of men
should be subject to a power higher than their own
sn untried eoovart Whan appointed, toe duties I whether vested in one chosen by themselves or <b>
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312
BISHOP
riving its authority from tome external source; and
we find accordingly that it belonged to the delegate
of an apostle, and A fortiori to the apostle himself,
to receive accusations against them, to hear evi-
dence, to admonish where there was the hope of
amendment, to depose where this proved unavailing
(lTim. v. 1, 19; Tit. Ui. 10).
III. It is clear from what has been said that
episcopal functions in the modern sense of the
words, as implying a special superintendence over
the ministers of the Church, belonged only to the
Apostles and those whom they invested with their
authority. The name of Apcstlb was not, how-
ever, limited to the twelve. It was claimed by St.
Paul for himself (1 Cor. ix. 1); it is used by him
of others (Kom. xvi. 7; 2 Cor. viii. 33; Phil ii.
25). It is clear that a process of change must
have been at work between the date of the latest of
the pastoral epistles and the letters of Ignatius,
leading not so much to an altered organization as
to a modification of the original terminology. The
name of apostle is looked on in the latter as belong-
ing to the past, a title of honor which their succes-
sors could not claim. That of bishop rises in its
significance, and takes the place left vacant The
dangers by which the Church was threatened made
the exercise of the authority which was thus trans-
mitted more necessary. The permanent superin-
tendence of the bishop over a given district, as con-
trasted with the less settled rule of the travelling
apostle, would tend to its development. The Kev-
elation of St. John presents something like an in-
termediate stage in this process. The angels of
the seven churches are partly addressed as their
representatives, partly as individuals ruling them
(Rev. ii. 2, iii. 2-4). The name may belong to the
special symbolism of the Apocalypse, or have l*eu
introduced like xptafiArtpoi from the organization
of the synagogue, and we have no reason for be-
lieving it ever to have been in current use as part
of the terminology of the Church. But the func-
tions assigned to the angels are those of the earlier
apostolato, of the lal.T episcopate. The abuse of
the old title of the highest office by pretenders, as
in Rev. u. 2, may have led to a reaction against its
oring used at all except for those to whom it be-
ouged mot* i^oxhv- I» this, or in some similar
.•ay, the constitution of the Church assumed iU
-iter form; the bishops, presbyters, and deacons
of the Iguatian Epistles took the place of the
apostles, bishops, elders, and deacons of the New
Testament (Stanley, Strmons and Aiunys on the
Apotlotie Aye, pp. 03-77; Keander's PJUmz. u.
Leit. i. 248-26G; August!, Chrittl. Archaol. b. ii.
3.0).
The later history of the word is only so far re-
narkalile as illustrating by its universal reception
it all the western churches, and even in those of
Syria, the influence of the organization which orig-
inated in the cities of Greece or the Proconsular
Asia, and the extent to which Greek was the uni-
versal medium of intercourse for the churches of the
first and second centuries (Milman, Latin Christ,
h. i. c. i.): nowhere do we find any attempt at
substituting a Latin equivalent, hardly even an
explanation of its meaning. Augustine (tie Civ. D.
. 9) compares itwitn " speculatores," •• propositi; "
Jerome {Up. VIII. ad Etayr.) with "superin-
tendentes." TV title ejrisropnt itself, with its
companions, presbyter and rlincvmu, was transmit-
ted by the Latin of the Western Church to all the
Umanoo languages. The members of the Gothic
BITHYHIA
race received it, as they received their Christianity
from the missionaries of the Latin Church.
E. H. P.
BITHTAH (rtVia, uonhyper, lit. dtmgh
ttr, of Jehovah: BrrSla; [Vat B<Aia; Alex. Btt
9io:] Bethia), daughter of a Pharaoh, and wife of
Mered, a descendant of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 18)
The date of Mered cannot be determined, for th<
genealogy in which his name occurs is indistinct,
some portion of it having apparently been lost It
is probable, however, that be should be referred to
the time before the Exodus, or to a period not much
later. Pharaoh in this place might be conjectured
not to be the Egyptian regal title, but to be or
represent a Hebrew name; but the name Bithiah
probably implies conversion, and the other wife of
Mered seems to be called " the Jewess." Unless
we suppose a transposition in the text, or the loss
of some of the names of the children of Mend's
wives, we must consider the name of Bithiah un-
derstood before "she bare Miriam " (ver. 17), and
the latter part of ver. 18 and ver. 19 to be recapit-
ulatory; but the LXX. does not admit any except
the second of these conjectures. The Scriptures,
as well as the Egyptian monuments, show that the
Pharaohs intermarried with foreigners; but such
alliances seem to have been contracted with royal
families alone. It may be supposed that Bithiah
was taken captive. There is, however, no ground
for considering her to have been a concubine: on
the contrary she is shown to be a wife, from her
taking precedence of one specially designated as
such. * K. S. P.
BITH'BON (more accurately " the Bithron,"
TnriSrli the broken or divided place, from "CT^l,
to cut up, Get.: SAn? tJ)s> ■waparclrovcar: omnit
Bethhoron), a place — from tne form of the ex-
pression, " all the Bithron," doubtless a district —
in the Arabah or Jordan valley, on the east side of
the river (2 Sam. ii. 29). The spot at which Ab-
ner's party crossed the Jordan not being specified,
we cannot fix the position of the Bithron, which
lay between that ford and Mahauaim. As far as
we know, the whole of the country in the Ghor on
the other side of the river is of the broken and in-
tersected character indicated by the derivation of
the name. If the renderings of the Yulg. and
Aquila are correct, they must of course intend
another Beth-boron than the well-known one.
Beth-haram, the conjecture of Thenius, is also not
probable. 6.
* This Bithron (fissure, rnriac) may hate been
the narrow valley of 'Ajlm, next north of the Jab-
bok, and so situated that Abner would ascend the
valley in order to reach Mabanaim (J/«/.«eA) which
lav high up on the acclivity (Kobinson, Pigs. Oeogr.
pp. 68, 86). H.
BITHYN1A (Biflwlo: [WrtjWo]). Tub
province of Asia Minor, though illustrious in the
earlier parts of poet-apostolic history, through
Pliny's letters and the Council of Nicsea, has littk*
connection with the history of the Apostles then,
selves. It is only mentioned in Actr xvi. 7, and in
1 Pet. i. 1. From the former of these passages it
appears that St Paul, when on his progress from
Iconium to Troas, in the course of his second mis-
sionary journey, made an attempt to enter Bithynia,
but was prevented, either by providential hindrances
or by direct Divine intimations. From the kstto
it is evident that, when St Peter wrote his first
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BITHYNIA
lipitUc, (here were Christians (prubaidy of Jewish
or proselyte origin) in some of the towns of this
province, as well u in " Pontus, Galatia, Cappado-
cia, and Asia."
Bithynia, considered as a Roman province, was
on the west contiguous to Asia. On the east its
limits underwent great modifications. The prov-
ince was originally inherited, by the Roman repub-
lic (b. c. 71) as a legacy from Nicomedes III., the
last of an independent line of monarchs, one of
whom had invited into Asia Minor those Gauls,
who gave the name of Galatia to the central dis-
trict of the Peninsula. On the death of Mithri-
dates, king of Pontus, B. c. 63, the western part
of the Pontic kingdom was added to the province
of Bithynia, which again received further accessions
on this side under Augustus, a. i>. 7. Thus the
province is sometimes called " Pontus and Bithyn-
ia" in inscriptions; and the language of Pliny's
letters is similar. The province of Pontus was not
constituted till the reign of Nero [Pontus]. It
is observable that iu Acts ii. 9 Pontus is in the
•numeration and not Bithynia, and that in ' Pet.
i. 1 both are mentioned. See Marquardt's eontin-
BITTER HERBS
313
uation of Becker's Horn. AUerthumer, HI. i. p. 146.
For a description of the country, which is moun
tainous, well wooded and fertile, Hamilton's fie-
learcha in A. M. may be consulted, also a paper
by Ainsworth in the Roy. Gtog. Journal, vol. ix.
The course of the river Rhyndacus is a marked fea-
ture on the western frontier of Bithynia, and the
snowy range of the Mysian Olympus on the south-
west. J. 8. H.
BITTER HERBS (tffrhlft merorhn: T .
KpiStf- lactuca aurattt). The Hebrew word oc-
curs in Ex. xii. 8; Num. ix. 11; and Lam. iii. 15:
in the latter passage it is said, " He hath filled me
with bitterness, be hath made me drunken with
wormwood." The two other passages refer to the
observance of the Passover : the Israelites were com-
manded to eat the Paschal lamb " with unleavened
bread and with bitter herb*."
There can lie little doubt that the term merorim
is general, and includes the various edible kinds of
bitter plants, whether cultivated or wild, which the
Israelites could with facility obtain in surhcieut
abundance to supply their numbers either in Kgypt
Gate of Nlcaa, the capital of Bithynia.
where the first passover was eaten, or in the deserts
sf the Peninsula of Sinai, or in Palestine. The
Hiahna (Petichim, e. 2, § 6) enumerates five kinds
of bitter herbs — chazereth, 'uUhin, thnmcah, char-
ckabina, and mnw, which it was lawful to eat
either green or dried. There is great difficulty in
identifying the plant* which these words respectively
denote, but the reader may see the subject discuned
by Bochart (flieroz. i. 691, ed. Rosenmiiller) and
by Caipzovius (Appirat. Hist Crit. p. ±02). Ac-
tording to the testimony of Forskal in Niebuhr's
Preface to the Detcri/itim it t Ambit (p. xliv.),
the modern Jews of Arabia and Egypt t*t lettuce,
sr, if this is not at hand, hugloss •> wit!, the Pas-
wad lamb. The Greek word wucplt is identified
ij Spreogel (Hi*. Ret Herb. i. 100) with the- HtU
' )**■" ijLwJ <'"**" *" Mr >> wUeh >°rskal
minlhia Echioitkt, Linn, [rather Gaertn.; PUrit
F.chkwkt, Linn.], Bristly Helminthi* (Ox-tongue),
a plant belonging to the chicory group. The Pi-
crit of botanists is a genus closely allied to the
Htlminihia.
Aben Ezra in Celsius (Hierob. ii. 227) remarks
that, according to the observations of a certain
learned Spaniard, the ancient Egyptians always
used to place different kinds of herbs upon the
table, with mustard, and that they dipped morsels
of bread into this salad. That the Jews derived
tLj» custom of eating herbs with their meat from
the Egyptians is extremely probable, for it is easy
to see how, on the one hand, the bitter-herb salad
should remind the Jews of the bitterness of their
bondage (Ex. i. 14), and, on the other hand, bow
CRor. Mfypt. p. lxH.) identmes with Bongo offiri
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an
BITTERN
U should alio bring to their remembrance their
merciful deliverance from it. It u curioua to ob-
serve in connection with the remarks of Aben Ezra,
the custom, for such it appears to have been, of
lipping a morsel of bread into the dish (to too/JAi-
*v), which prevailed in our Lord's time. May not
ro Tpv0\tor be the salad dish of bitter herbs, and
ro ifwpior, the morsel of bread of which Aben
Ezra speaks ?«
The mr-rdrim may well be understood to denote
various sorts of bitter plants, such particularly as
belong to tbe crucifcm, as some of the bitter
cresses, or to the chicory group of the compatila,
the hawk-weeds, and sow-thistles, and wild lettuces
which grow abundantly in the Peninsula of Sinai,
in Palestine, and in Egypt (Decaisne, Florula
Sintiica in Atmnt. dtt Scienc. Nat. 1834; Strand,
Flor. PalaU. No. 448, 4c.). W. H.
BITTERN (lb??, HpiM: 4 x 7,ot, nA«dV,
Aq. ; kvkvos, Theod. in Zepb. ii. 14: ericim).
The Hebrew word has been the subject of various
interpretations, the old versions generally sanction-
ing the "hedgehog" or "porcupine;" in which
rendering they have been followed by Bochart (Hi
rot. ii. 454): Shaw (Trac. i. 321, 8vo ed.);
Lowth (On Is wih, xiv. 23), and some others; the
" tortoise," the " beaver," the "otter," tbe "owl,"
have also all lieen conjectured, but without the
slightest show of reason Philological arguments
appear to be rather in favor of the " hedgehog "' or
"porcupine," for tbe Hebrew word kippid appears
to be identical with hmfvd, the Arabic word b for
tbe hedgehog; but zoologically, the hedgnhog or
porcupine is quite out of the question. Ilie word
occurs in Is. xiv. 23, where of Uabylon the Lord
says, " I will make it a possession for the kijipdd
and pools of water;" — in Is. xxxiv. II, of the
land of Idumea it is said " the kaath and the kip-
pi'xl shall possess it; " and again in Zeph. ii. 14,
" 1 will make Nineveh a desolatiun and dry like a
wilderness; flocks shall lie down bi the midst of
her, both the kaath and the kippod shall lodge in
the chapiters thereof, their voice shall sing in the
windows." c The former passage would seem to
point to some aolitude-loring aquatic bird, which
might well be represented by the bittrrn, as the
A. V. has it; but the passage in Zephaniah which
speaks of Nineveh being made " dry like a wilder-
ness," does not at first sight appear to be so strictly
suited to this rendering. Gesenius, I-ee, Parkburst,
Winer, Fiirst, all give "hedgehog" or "porcu-
pine " as the representative of the Hebrew word ;
but neither of these two animals ever lodges on the
chapiters "* of columns, nor is it their nature to fre-
quent pools of water. Not less unhappy is the read-
BITTERN
ing of the Arabic version el-houbaru, a species at
bustard — the Houbora tmdulata, tee /Ms. i. 984 —
which is a dweller in dry regions and quite inca-
pable of roosting. We are inclined to believe thai
the A. V. is correct, and that tbe bittern is the bird
denoted by the original word; as to tbe objection
alluded to above that this bird is a lover of marshes
and pools, and would not therefore be found in a
locality which is "dry like a wilderness," a little
reflection will convince the reader that the difficulty
is more apparent than real Nineveh might be
a Our custom of eating salad mixtures is in all pro-
bability derived from the Jews. " Why do we pour
tver our lettuces a mixture of oil, vinegar, and mus-
tard ? The practice began in Judaea, where, in order
to render palatable the bitter herbs eaten with the
paschal lamb, it was usual, says Hoses Kotsinses, to
sprinkl) over them a thick sauce called Karoteth
which was composed of the oil drawn from dates or
from pressed ralsln-kernels, of vinegar and mustard.' 1
Sat " Extract from the Portfolio of a Man of Letters,"
KoafcUy Marazau, 1810, p. 148.
9>
9 .
* (XAaS et (XAAJi '"koixiu, tdama, Kam. Dj
ateFreytag.
e Dr. Harris (art Bittern) objeota to the wonts
' then: vetoes shall sing in the windows " being applied
made " dry like a wilderness," but the bittern would
find an abode in the Tigris which flows through
the plain of Mesopotamia ; as to the bittern perch-
ing on the chapiters of mined columns, it is quite
proliable that this bird may occasionally do so; in-
deed Col. H. Smith (Kitto's Cyclop, art. Ki/ipM)
says, " though not building like the stork on the
tops of houses, it resorts like the heron to ruined
structures, and we have been informed that it has
been seen on tbe summit of Tank Kisra at Ctesi-
phon." Again, as was noticed above, there seems
to be a connection between the Hebrew kippdd and
the Arabic hm/vd, "hedgehog." Some lexicog-
raphers refer the Hebrew word to a Syriac rool
which means " to bristle," ' and though this deri-
vation is exactly suited to the porcupine, it is no.
on the other hand opposed to the bittern, which
from its habit of erecting and bristling out the
to the hedgehog or porcupine. The expression It of
course inapplicable to these animals, but It Is not cer-
tain that it refers to them at all. Tbe word their is
not in the original ; the phrase Is elliptical, and up
plies " the voice of birds." " Sed quum caxtndi ver-
bum adhibant vales, baud duMs fyyr/ post V"1T
est subaudiendum " (Rosenmutl. Schot. ad Ceph. ii. 14).
See on this subject the exoellent remarks of Hannas
(ObKTr. HI. 100).
d Such Is no doubt the meaning of rP^FI5? i
but Parkhurat (La. Hso. s. t. IP;?) translates tot
word « door-porches," which, be says, we am at Hbarr
to suppose were thrown dow .
• ^2,a. See Memo. Ux. Hub. s. v. ISH.
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xHTUMEN
tether* of the neck, may hmre received the name
rf the porcupine bird from the ancient Orientals.
Ike bittern (Boiaurus sUllarU) belongs to the Ar-
daim, the heron family of birds; it has a wide
range, being found in Russia and Siberia as far
north as the river Lena, in Europe generally, in
Barbary, S. Africa, Trebizond, and in thj countries
between the Black and Caspian Seat, Ac.
W. H.
BITUMEN. [Sum*.]
bizjoth'jah (njrn'ia [contempt &
hkocak] : LXX. [Vat Alex.] omit*, [but Comp.
Bi(u»ita; Aid. 'E/8«A>v0mi:] Baaothia), a town
in the south of Judah named with Bkku-sheba
and Baalaii (Josh. xv. 28). No mention or
identification of it is found elsewhere. G.
BIZTHA (SHT2 : BafdV, [Vat. FA.* Ma-
fa*;] Alex. Bofea: Baxatha), the second of the
■even eunuch* of king Ahasuerus's harem (Esth. i.
10). The name i* Persian, possibly XJunO, bette,
» word referring to hi* condition as a eunuch (Gee.
Thu. p. 197)
BLACK. [Colors.]
BLAINS (n^^ya*: ^Xwrrttw, «Ut«-
rairai. LXX. ; Ex. ix. 9, aya{iovaai tr rt rots ar-
Bpiwois «al tV toij rtrpimac, also l^nt?, put-
Utla ardent), violent ulcerous inflammation* (from
3733, to bofl up). It was the sixth plague of
Egypt, and hence is called in Deut. xxriil. 37, 35,
' the bsteh of Egypt" (Bn?0 VHV; cf. Job
ii. 7, VI VntT). It seems to have been the
ifapa iypla or black leprosy, a fearful kind of
>tephantiasis (comp. Plin. xxvi. 6). It must hare
come with dreadful intensity on the magicians
whose art it baffled, and whose scrupulous cleanli-
ness (Herod, ii. 36) it rendered nugatory: so that
they were unable to stand in the presence of Moms
because of the boils.
Other names for purulent and leprous eruptions
are HSB7 nn£l3 (Morphea alba), nnSD
(Morphea nigra), and the more harmless scab
JinDDD, Lev. xiii. passim (Jahn, Arch. BibL
f 189).' F. W. F.
BLASPHEMY (j3Aao-«)nufa), in its technical
English sense, signifies the speaking evil of God
(TV Q07 3J53), and in this sense it is found Ps.
tarr. 18; I*. HI. 6; Rom. ii. 94, Ac But accord-
ing to it* derivation (0AoVti» ^i|u4 quasi 0\a-
fif.) it may mean any specie* of calumny and
abuse (or even an unlucky word, Eurip. Ion. 1187):
see 1 K. xxu 10; Act* xviii. 6; Jade 8, Ac. Hence
m the LXX. it is used to render T?2, a Job ii. 5;
*D?, 3 K. xix. 6; rTSin, 2 K. xix. 4, and
3? 7' IIos ' »1L« 18, »o that it means "reproach,"
" derision," Ac. : and it has even a wider use, m
I Sam. xii. 14, where it means " to despise Jv-
laism," and 1 Mace. ii. 6, where /BAoo-^nju/a =
itobtry. In Ecclus. ill. 18 we have ij /SXatraVir
•un t iyKtrraAtwiiv waripa, where it is equivalent
lo mrnpaiibos (Schleusner, Thetaw. a. v.).
Blasphemy was punished with stoning, which
was inflicted on the ton of Sbelomith (Lev. xriv.
11) On this charge bott our Lord and St Sto-
BLINDNE88
815
pben were condemned to death by the Jews. From
Lev. xxiv. 16, wrongly understood, arose the singu-
lar superstition about never even pronouncing the
name of Jehovah. Ex. xxii. 28, " Thou shall not
revile the gods, nor curse the ruler of thy people,'
does not refer to blasphemy in the strict sense, since
"elohim " is there used (as elsewhere) of magi*
trates, Ac
The Jews, misapplying Ex. xxiii. 13, " Make no
mention of the name of other gods," seemed to
think themselves bound to give nicknames to the
heathen deities; hence their use of Botheth for
Baal [Hot. ix. 10, comp. Ish-bosheth, Mkphibo
sheth], Beth-aven for Beth-el [Ho*, iv. 15], Bed
xebul for Beelzebub, Ac. It i* not strange that thij
"contumclia numinum " (Plin. xiii. 9), joined to
their zeakx's proselytism, made them so deeply un-
popular among the nations of antiquity (Winer,
s. v. GottesUistertmg). When a person beard blas-
phemy he laid his hand on the bead of the offender,
to symbolize his sole responsibility for the guilt,
and rising on his feet, tore his robe, which might
never aipiin be mended. (On the mystical reasons
for these observances, see Lightfoot, Bor. Bebr.
Matt xxvi. 65.)
It only remains to speak of "the blasphemy
against the Holy Ghost," which has been so fruit-
ful a theme for speculation and controversy (Matt,
xii. 32; Mark Hi. 28). It consisted in attributing
to the power of Satan those unquestionable mira-
cles, which Jesus performed by "the finger of God,"
and the power of the Holy Spirit; nor have we any
safe ground for extending it to include all sorts of
willing (as distinguished from iml'ful) offenses, be-
sides this one limited and special sin. The often
misunderstood expression " it shall not be forgiven
him, neither in this world, Ac.," is a direct appli-
cation of a Jewish phrase in allusion to a Jewish
error, and will not bear the inferences so often ex-
torted from it. According to the Jewish school
notions, "a quo blasphematur nonien Dei, ei non
rrlet pecnitentia ad suspendendum judicium, nee
dies expiationis ad exptandum, nee plagas ad adster-
gendum, sed oranee suspendunt judicium, tt mart
abttergit." In refutation of this' tradition our
Lord used the phrase to imply that " blasphemy
againrt the Holy Ghost shall not be forgiven:
neither before death, nor, at you randy dream, by
metnt of death " (Lightfoot, Hor. Bebr. ad locum).
As there are no tenable grounds for identifying this
blasphemy with "the tin unto death," 1 John »
16, we shall not here enter into the very difficult
inquiries to which that expression leads.
F. W. F.
* On the meaning of $Kaa<p-nuia, and on the
theological abuse of the term blasphemy in English.
tee Campbell, Diss. IX. Part ii., prefixed to hit
Translation of the Gospels. A.
BLASTUS (BAoVro; [shoot or tproui)), the
chamberlain (b M rov koit&yos) of Herod Agrippa
I., mentioned Acts xii. 90, as having been made b;
the people of Tyre and Sidon a mediator between
them and the king's anger. [See Cn amberi^ux.]
• BLESSING. [Salutation.]
BLINDING. [PDmaBHEMTs.]
BLINDNESS (frtt?, iTT^?, from the root
a • It doss not appear how the rendering of Mm
'■tt of ;* Ii. 6 and Bos. vIL 16 Ulustra^s the use
of £A««w*)u> or Us cognat* R
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316
BLINDNESS
"W, to bore) is extremely common in we East
from man; causes; e. g. the quantities of dust and
■and pulverized bj the nin'i intense beat; the per-
petual glare of light; the contract of the beat with
the cold sea-air on the coast where blindness is spe-
aally prevalent; the dews at night while they sleep
on the roofs ; small-pox, old age, Ac. ; and perhaps
more than all the Mohammedan fatalism, which
leads to a neglect of the proper remedies in time.
One traveller mentions 4000 blind men in Cairo,
and Volney reckons that 1 in every 5 were blind,
besides others with sore eyes (i. 86). Ludd, the
ancient Lydda, and RtimUh, enjoy a fearful noto-
riety for the number of blind persona they contain.
The common saying is that in Ludd every man is
either blind or has but one eye. Jaffa is said to
contain 500 blind out of a population of 5000 at
roost. There is an asylum for the blind in Cairo
(which at present contains 300), and their conduct
is often turbulent and fanatic (Lane, i. 39, 29*2;
Trench, On tlit MimcUi; Matt. ix. 27, Ac.).
Bund beggars figure repeatedly in the N. T. (Matt,
xii. 22), and "opening the eyes of the blind " is
mentioned in prophecy as a peculiar attribute of
the Messiah (Is. xxix. 18, Ac.). The Jews were
specially charged to beat the blind with compassion
and care (Lev. xix. 14 ; Deut. xxvii. 18).
Penal and miraculous blindness are several times
mentioned in the Bible (Gen. xix. 11, kopaala,
LXX.; 2 K. vi. 18-22; Acta ix. 9). In the last
passage some have attempted (on the ground of St.
Luke's profession as a physician) to attach a tech-
nical meaning to a x Ai>? and aicAws (Jahn, Arch.
BibL § 201), viz. a spot or " thin tunicle over the
cornea," which vanishes naturally after a time: for
which fact Winer (s. v. Blindhat) quotes Hippocr.
(Pradict. ii. 215) A x A(/« ■ ■ ■ ca-Atofawroi col
b<payi(avTiu, *,» fih rpuyti ti rjnycVirroi in roirrtp
Tp x»pif- But this does not remove the mirac-
ulous character of the infliction. In the same way
analogies are quoted for the use of saliva (Mark
viii. 23, Ac.) and of fish-gall in the case of the
Ktiieunn of Tobias; but whatever may be thought
of the latter instance, it is very obvious that in the
former the saliva was no more instrumental in the
cure than the touch alone would have been (Trench,
On the Miracles, ad loc.).
Blindness willfully inflicted for political or other
purposes was common in the East, and is alluded
to ia Scripture (1 Sam. xi. 2;.Jer. xxxix. 7).
F. W. F.
BLOOD (£■$. To blood is ascribed in Script-
ure the mysterious sacredness which belongs to
life, and God reserves it to Himself when allowing
man the dominion over and the use of the lower
animals for food, Ac. (as regards, however, the eat-
ing of blood, see Food). Thus reserved, it ac-
quires a double power: (1) that of sacrificial atone-
ment, in which it had a wide recognition in the
■eathen world; and (2) that of becoming a curse,
when wantonly shed, e. g. even that of beast or
fowl by the huntsman, unless didy expiated, e. g.
oy burial (Gen. ix. 4; Lev. vii. 26, xvii. 11-13).
As rqju-di (1), the blood of sacrifices was caught
cy the Jewish priest from the neck of the victim in
% basin, then sprinkled seven times (in case of birds
« • It has twen objected that thouch tha term may
is technically correct, Luke baa erred in assigning
'dTian-erj " to a dry cUmate, like that of Malta.
■at we l_ave now the testimony of phvstdaas In that
BLOOD, REVENGER OF
at once squeezed out) on the altar, i. e. on its horns.
its base, or its four comers, or on its side above r*
below a line running round it, or on the mercy-seat,
according to the quality and purpose of the offering,
but that of the passover on the lintel and door-
posts (Exod. xii.; Lev. iv. 6-7, xvi. 14-19; Ug>
lini, The*, vol. x. and xiii.). There was a drain
from the temple into the brook Cedron to carry off
the blood (Maimon. apud Cramer de Ara Exier
Ugolini, viii. j. In regard to (2), it sufficed to pom
the animal's blood on the earth, or to bury it, as
a solemn rendering of (he life to God ; in case of
human bloodshed a mysterious connection is ob-
servable between the curse of blood and the earth
or land on which it is shed, which becomes polluted
by it ; and tne proper expiation is the blood of the
shedder, which every one had thus an interest in
seeking, and was bound to seek (Gen. iv. 10, ix.
4-6; Num. xxxv. 33; Ps. cvi. 38; see Blood,
Revenger of). In the case of a dead body found,
and the death not accounted for, the guilt of blood
attached to the nearest city, to be ascertained by
measurement, until freed by prescribed rites of ex-
piation (Deut. xxi. 1-9). The guilt of murder is
one for which "satisfaction" was forbidden (Num.
xxxv. 31). H. H.
BLOOD, ISSUE OF (D^ 31t : 3T, Rab-
bin.: ftvxu laborant). The term is in Scripture
applied only to the case of women under menstru-
ation or the ./funis uteri (Lev. xv. 19-30; Matt. ix.
20, ywti alfiofihoovo-a; Mark v. 25 and Luke viii.
43, o&ra cV biertt atuaros). The latter caused a
permanent legal uncleanness, the former a tempo-
rary one, mostly for seven days, after which she was
to be purified by the customary offering. The
" bloody flux " (twrerrtpla) in Acta xxviii. 8,
where the patient is of the male sex, is, probably,
a medically correct term <• (see Bartholin!, Dt Mor-
bit BibUcis, 17). H. H.
BLOOD, REVENGER OF (V**2 : 0)0).
It was, and even still is, a common practice among
nations of patriarchal habits, that the nearest of
kin should, as a matter of duty, avenge the death
of a murdered relative. The early impressions and
practice on this subject may be gathered from writ-
ings of a different though very early age, and of
different countries (Gen. xxxiv. 30; Horn. It. xxiii.
84, 88, xxiv. 480, 482; Od. xv. 270, 276; Miiller
on Jsschyl. Eum. c it. A. A B.). Compensation
for murder is allowed by the Koran, and he who
trans gre ss e s after this by killing the murderer shall
suffer a grievous punishment (Sale, Kortm, ii. 21.
and xvii. 230). Among the Bedouins, and other
Arab tribes, should the offer of blood-money be re-
fused, the "Thar," or law of blood, comes into
operation, and any person within the fifth degree
of blood from the homicide may be legally killed
by any one within the same degree of consanguinity
to the victim. Frequently the homicide will wan-
der from tent to tent over the desert, or even rove
through the towns and villages on its borders with
a chain round his neck and in rags begging contri-
butions from the charitable to pay the apportioned
blood-money. Three days and four hours are al-
lowed to the persons included within the " Thar '
for escape. The right to blood-revenge i> neve
Island that this disorder Is by no i
there at the present day (Smith's Voyagt and SM>
wntk of St. Paul, p. 167, ad. 1888) B.
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BLOOD, REVENGER OF
nit, except as annulled by compensation' it de-
scends to the latest generaMm. Similar customs,
with local distinctions, are found iii Persia, Abys-
sinia, among Uie Druses and Circassians. (Nie-
buhr, Otter, de tArabie, pp. 38, 30, Voyage, ii.
360; Burekhardt, Nottt on the Bedouins, pp. r*6,
85, Tratelt m Arabia, i. 409, ii. 330, Sgrin, pp.
540, 113, 643; Layard, Nin. if Bab. pp. 305-307;
Chanlin, Voyagn, vol. vi. pp. 107-112.) Money-
compensations for homicide are appointed by the
Hindu law (Sir W. Jones, vol. iii. chap, vii.), and
Tacitus remarks that among the German nations
' luitur homicidium certo armentorum ac pecorum
iiumero" (Germ, c 21). By the Anglo-Saxon
law also money-compensation for homicide, tnr-gild,
was sanctioned on a scale proportioned to the rank
of the murdered person (Lappenberg, ii. 336; Iin-
gard, i. 411, 414).
The spirit of all legislation on the subject has
probably been to restrain the license of punishment
assumed by relatives, and to limit the duration of
feuds. The law of Moses was very precise in its
directions on the subject of Retaliation.
1. The willful murderer was tn be put to death
without permission of compensation. The nearest
relative of the deceased became the authorized
avenger of blood ( vN3, the mtremtr, or acrnytr,
as next of kin, Gesen. t. v. p. 254, who rejects
the opinion of Michaelis, giving it the sig- of " pol-
luted," i. e. till the murder was avenged (t ayxttr-
t«ix»k, I. XX., propinquut occiti, Vulg., Num. xxxv.
19), and was bound to execute retaliation himself
if it lay in his power. The king, however, in later
times appears to have had the power of restraining
this license. The shedder of blood was thus re-
garded as impious and polluted (Num. xxxv. 16-31 ;
Dent. xix. 11; 2 Sam xiv. 7, 11, zvi. 8, and iii.
29, with 1 K. ii. 31, 83; 3 Chr. xxiv. 22-20).
2. The law of retaliation was not to extend be-
yond the immediate offender (Deut xxiv. 16 ; S K.
tiv. 6; 2 Chr. xrv. 4; Jer. xxxi. 29-30; Ex. xviii.
10; Joseph. Ant. iv. 8, § 39).
3. The involuntary shedder of blood was per-
mitted to take flight to one of six l*vitical cities,
specially appointed out of the 48 as cities of refuge,
three on each side of the Jordan (Num. xxxv. 22,
23; Dent. xix. 4-6). The cities were Kedesh, in
Mount Naphtali; Shechem, in Mount Kphraim;
Hebron in the hill-country of Judah. On the K.
side of Jordan, Bezer, in Reuben ; Ramoth, in Gad ;
Golan, in Manasseh (Josh. xx. 7, 8). The elders
of the eity of refuge were to hear his case and pro-
tect him till he could he tried before the authorities
of his own city. If the act were then decided to
have been involuntary, he was taken back to the
city of refuge, round which an area with a radius
of 2000 (3000, Patrick) cubit* was assigned as the
limit of protection, and was to remain there in
safety wll the death of the high-priest for the time
being. Beyond the limit of the city of refuge, the
■wronger might slay him, but after the high-priest's
. eath he might return to his home with impunity
(Num. xxxv. 25, 28; Josh. xx. 4, 6). The roads
to the cities were to be kept open (Deut. xix. 3).
■ To these particulars the Talmvdista add, a.-nong
BOA2
817
• • Oksas! (Ritkur u. Ruth, p. Mo) derlvm Boss tram
^f"^5- •*" "f ****{**-' whleh as the name of the
aasur on the left of Solomon's porch, agrees better
«Mk :»chlo C/Snnnwj), oaim of the pillar on the r"jht
-sour) the mate of Boss The derivation bom
others of an absurd kind, the following: *: the
cross r oads p>«ts were erected bearing the word
J3 v"23, refuge, to direct the fugitive. All facil-
ities of water and situation were provided in the
cities: no implements of war or chase were allowed
there. The mothers of high-priests used to send
pnaents to the detained persons to prevent their
wishing for the high-priest's death. If the fugitive
died before the high-priest, his bones were sent
home after the high-priest's death (P. Fagius in
Targ. Onk. ap. Kittershus. de Jure Atga, Cril.
Sacr. viii. 159; Lightfoot, C-itf. Chorogr. e. 50,
Op. ii. 208).
4. If a person were found dead, the elders of the
nearest city were to meet in a rough valley, un
touched by the plough, and washing their hands
over a beheaded heifer, protest their innocence of
the deed and deprecate the anger of the Almighty
(Deut. xxi. 1-9). H. W. P.
• BLUE. [Colors. J
BOANER'GES (Bompytt), Mark iii. 17, a
name signifying viol 0povT7J<s, "sons of thunder,"
given by our Lord to the two sons of Zebedee,
James and John. It is the Aramaic pronunciation
(according to which Sheva is sounded as on) of
B?37! N?9. The latter word in Hebrew signifies a
tumuli or' uproar (Ps. ii. 1), but in Arabic and
Syriac thunder. Probably the name had respect
to the fiery zeal of the brothers, signs of which we
may see in Luke ix. 54; Mark ix. 38; comp. Matt,
xx. 20 ff. II. A.
BOAR [Swthe.]
• BOAT. [Ship.]
BO AZ (Tja, JUetneuf Bo#; Vat [B»t;
Alex. Boos exe. Buth ii. 15, frr. 8, and 1 Chr. Boof:]
Bom). 1. A wealthy Bethlehemite, kinsman to
Eiimelech, the husband of Naomi. Finding that
the kinsman of Ruth, who stood in a still nearer
relation than himself, was unwilling to perform th»
office of 7S3, he had those obligations publicly
transferred with the usual ceremonies to his own
discharge; and hence it became his duty by the
"levirate law" to marry Ruth (although it is
hinted, Ruth iii. 10, that he was much her senior,
and indeed this bet is evident whatever system of
chronology we adopt), and to redeem the estates of
ber deceased husband Mahlon (iv. 1 ff. ; Jahn, Arch.
BibL § 157). He gladly undertook these respon
nihilities, and their happy union was blessed by the
birth of Obed, from whom in a direct line our Lord
was descended. No objection seems to have arisen
on the score of Ruth's Moabitish birth; a fact
which has some bearing on the date of the narra-
tive (ef. Ezr. ix. 1 ff.). [Bethlehem.]
Boaz is mentioned in the genealogy (Matt. 1. 6)
but there is great difficulty in assigning bis date.
The genealogy in Ruth (iv. 18-22) only allows 10
generations for 350 years, and only 4 for the 450
years between Salmon and David, if (as is almost
certain from St Matt and from Jewish tradition)
the Rahab mentioned is Rahab the harlot If Eust
be Identical with the judge Ibzan [Tbzak], as is
T? 12, *** whom it ttmujth, affords a similar mean
Inf. Q es s nius thinks the name as applied to Sot
anion's pillar may have been that of tea Jonor or at
chltaet H
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818
BUOCAS
stated a 1th rme ahndow of probability by the Je-
rusalem Talmud and various rabbis, several gen-
eration* must be inserted. Dr. Kennicott, from the
difference in form between Salman and Salmon
(Kuth iv. 20, 31), supposes that by mistake two
different men were identified (Wmit i. 643); but
we want at least three generations, and this suppo-
sition gives us only one. Mill quotes from Nico-
laas Lyranus the theory, *' diount majorea nostri, et
bene ut videtur, quod Ires fuerhU Boot slot tucce-
denlt$; in Mt. 1. isti tree sub uno nomine com-
prebenduntur." Even if we shorten the period of
the Judges to 840 years, we must suppose that
Boas was the youngest son of Salmon, and that be
did not marry till the age of 65 (Dr. Mill, On the
Uenealoyies; Lord A. Hervey, Id. p. 262, Ac.).
2. Uuaz [in 1 K. BoAaif, Vat BaAof, Ales,
Boo;, Comp. Bia(; in 3 C'hr. LXX. taxis,
ttrenyth], the name of one of Solomon's brazen
pillars erected in the temple porch. [Jachin.]
It stood on the left, and was 17 J cubits high (1 K.
vii. 15, 31; 3 Chr. iii. 16; Jer. lii. 31). It was
noUnw and surmounted by a chapiter, 5 cubits high,
ornamented with net-work and 100 pomegranates.
The apparent discrepancies in stating the height
of it arise from the including and excluding of the
ornament which united the shaft to the chapiter.
Ac. F. W. F.
BOCCAS (A BokkoV Boecm), a priest in the
fine of Ksdras (1 Ksdr. viii. 3). [Bckki; Bo-
kith.]
BOOH'ERU pn?a [yoiXA at frtUorn]:
Boeru: 1 Chr. viii. 38, ix. 44, according to the
present Hebrew text), son of Asel; but rendered
Tp*rr6roKOt by LXX in both passages, as if
pointed VO?. [Bectier.] A. C. H.
BO'CHIM (BOSS?, the wetpert: b KAav#-
uAr, KAavO/turct: loom flentium $he laen/ma-
nm), a place on the west of Jordan above Gilgal
(Judg. ii. 1 and 6), so called because the people
•• wept " there.
•The LXX. insert M B«u«t)a after Bocbim,
arid thus foHnw an opinion, possibly a tradition,
that the place of weeping was near Bethel. The
going up thither "of the angel" from Gilgal
(^5!5) 6»vors that view. Bertbeau (JKcAter, p.
SO) infers from the sacrifices (ver. 5) that the He-
brews could not have l«en at the time far from one
of their sacred places, perhaps Shiloh; but (see
Keil's Book of Judges, p. 864) they were not re-
stricted in this manner, but performed such rites
in any place where Jehovah appeared to them.
beyond this there is no clew to the exact spot
where the scene occurred. H.
BCHAN (ins [thumb]: [BcuaV. in Josh,
rriii. 17 Alex. Baau; Comp. AM.] BaaV: Boen),
» Reubenite after whom a stone was named, possibly
erected to commemorate some achievement in the
conquest of Palestine (comp. 1 Sam. vii. 12). Its
•osition was on the border of the territories of Ben-
jamin and Judah between Beth-arabab and Beth-
nogb on the E., and Aduromim and En-shemesh on
She W. Its exact situation is unknown (Josh. xv.
J, iriil. 1J). [Stones.] W. I, B.
BOIL. [Medicine.]
BOLSTER The Hebrew word (ntPfcnp,
MtraSihSth) so rendered, denotes, like the English,
•imply a place for the head. Hardy travellers, like
BOOTY
Jacob (Gen. xxviii. 11, 18) and Ehjah (1 K.. six
C), sleeping on the bare ground, would make ust
of a stone for this purpose; and soldiers on tin
march had probably no softer resting place (1 Sam
xxvi. 7, 11, 18, 16). Possibly both Saul and Elyai
may have used the water-bottle which they carried
as a bolster, and if this were the case, David's
midnight adventure becomes more conspicuously
daring. The •• pillow " of goat's hair which Mi-
chel's cunning put in the place of the bolster in
her husband's bed (1 Sam. xix. 13, 16) was prob-
ably, as Ewsld suggests, a net or curtain of goat's
hair, to protect the sleeper from the mosquitoes
(Uesch. iii. 101, note', like the " canopy " of Holo-
fernes. [David, Amer. ed.] W. A. W.
• BOLLED. " The flax was 6o««f," Ex. ix.
31, i. t. swollen, podded for seed. The word boll
is etymologically cognate with ball, bote, bowL The
Hebrew term here used, 7S33, does not imply
anything more than that the flax was in bud, ready
to flower (see Gea. and Fiirst, s. v.). See also Flax.
A.
BONDAGE. [Slavery.]
BONNET. [See Hkad-dbkss.] In old
English, ss in Scotch to this day, the word " bon-
net " was applied to the head-dress of men. The*
in Hall's Rich. 111., fbl. 9 a.: "And sfter a lytle
season puttyng of hys bonelh he sayde: O Lorde
God creator of all thynges, howe muche is this
realme of Englande and the people of the same
bounden to thy goodnes." And in Shakespeare
(BamL v. 3):
" Tour bomut to his right uss : 'us fcr the head."
W. A. W.
BOOK. [Writing.]
BOOTHS. [Sucooth ; Tabernacles,
Feast or.]
BOOTY. This consisted of captives of both
sexes, cattle, and whatever a captured city might
contain, especially metallic treasures. Within the
limits of Canaan no captives were to be made (Dent.
xx. 14 and 16); beyond those limits, in case of
warlike resistance, all the women and children were
to be made captives, and the men put to death. A
special charge was given to destroy the " pictures
and images " of the Canaanites, as tending to idol-
atry (Num. niiii. 63). The case of Araalek was
a special one, in which Saul was bidden to destroy
the cattle. So also was that of the expedition
against Arad, in which the people took a vow to
destroy the cities, and that of Jericho, on which
the curse of God seems to have rested, and the gold
and silver, 4c. of which were viewed as res e rved
wholly for Him (1 Sam. xv. 3, 8; Num. ni. 8;
Josh. vi. 19). The law of booty was that it should
be divided equally between the army who won it
and the people of Israel, but of the former half one
bead in every 600 was reserved to God, and appro
priated to the priests, and of the latter one in every
50 was similarly reserved snd appro pria ted to the
Iievites (Num. xxxi. 36-47). As regarded lbs
army, David added a regulation that the baggage-
guard should shsre equally with the troops engaged.
The present made by David out of his booty to the
elders of towns in Judah was an act of gratefc
courtesy merely, though perhaps suggested by ths
law, Num. L e. So the spoils devoted by him tc
provide for the temple, must be regarded as a free
will offering (1 Sam. xxx. 34-36; 3 Sam riii. U
1 Chr. xxvi. 37). H B.
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BOOZ
BCOZ (Rec. T. Bodf; Leeum. [TVeg. and
Tieh. (7th ed-)] with ABD [in Luke] Bod>;
"Tisoh. (8th ed.) in Matt, with B and Sin., BoesO
Hoot), Matt. i. 6; Luke Ui. 33. [Boaz.]
BCVKITH (*»nrt), a pried in the line of
Esdras (3 Esdr. i. 3). The name is a corruption
if Bukki.
BORROWING. [Loa.n.]
BOS'CATH (."li??9 [tftmy], 3 K. nil. 1.
[BOZKATH.]
* BOSOM. For the botum of a garment and
its uses, an Dukss, 3. (4.); for the expression >• to
tie at or in one's bosom," see Mkals, also Abba-
ham's bosom. See also Chcse, 3. A.
BO'SOR, J- (Boaip; [Alex. Bomroo in ver.
*" )l s&Si *^ : Botor), a city both large and
fortified, on the East of Jordan in the land of
(jilead (Galaad), named with Bozrah (Boson),
Camaim, and other places in 1 Mace. v. 2S, 36.
It u probably Bkzeb, though there is nothing to
make the identification certain.
3. (BoVop: Botor), the Aramaic mode of pro-
nouncing the name of Beor, the father of Balaam
(2 Pel. ii. 15) ; in accordance with the aubbtitution,
frequent in Chaldee, of S for 5 (see Geaenius,
1144). G.
BOS'ORA (Boo-apa [?] and [Comp.] Boao^a;
[Rom. Alex. Boo-copa, Bwop; Sin. Boaopa:]
L_ 6.3 : Barati, Botar), a strong city in Gilead
taken by Judas Maccatxeus (1 Mace. v. 36, 38).
doubtless the same as Bozkaii.
BOTCH. [Medicine.]
BOTTLE. The words which are rendered in
A. V. of O. T. " bottle " are, (1.) npil (Gen. xxi.
14, 16, 18): iaxif- Wer; a skin-bottle. (3.) bjJJ,
or *735 (1 Sam. x. 3; Job xxxTii!. 37; Jer. xUL
13; Is. r. 11, xxx. 14: Lam. It. 3): byyttor,
Ktpifuov, hjjKil- vttr, vat It ileum, Ingtna, lagun-
eula. (3.) p-iapS (Jer. xU. 1): 0utos oVrpdxi-
m>: lagunaOa. (4.) IS J (Josh. U. 4, 13; Judg.
It. 19; 1 Sam. xvi. 30; IV cxii. 83): ao-mis: iter,
Ingtna.
In N. T. the only word rendered ■• bottle " Is
eVa-ot (Matt. ix. 17; Mark ii. 23: Luke v. 37).
The bottles of Scripture are thus evidently of two
kinds: (1.) The skin bottle. (2.) The bottle of
earthen or glass-ware, both of them capable of be-
ing closed from the air.
1. The skin bottle will be best described in the
following account collected from Chardin and oth-
ers. The Arabs, and all those that lead u wander-
ing life, keep their water, milk, and other liquors,
a leathern bottles. These are made of Koatskins.
vVnen the animal is lolled, they cut off its feet
and Ha head, and they draw it in this maimer out
af the skin, without opening its belly. In Araoia
they an tanned with acacia-bark and the hairy
■art left outside. If not tanned, a disagreeable
taste it imparted to toe water. They afterwards
sew up the places where the legs were cut off and
(he tail, and when it ia filled they tie it about the
seek. The great leathern bottles are mode of the
akin of a hr-goat, aitd the small ones, that serve
1 of a bottle of water, on the road, are made
BOTTLE
816
of a kid's skin. These bottles when rent are re-
paired sometimes by setting in a piece; sometimes
by gathering np the wounded place in manner of
a purse; sometimes they put in a round flat piece
of wood, and ' by that means st"p the hole (Char-
din, ii. 405, riii. 409; Wellsted, Arabia, i. 89; ii.
78; Lane, Mod. Eg. ii. c 1; llarmer, from Char-
din's notes, ed. Clarke, i. 284). Bruce gives a de-
scription of a vessel of the same kind, but larger.
" A gerba is an ox's skin, squared, and the edges
sewed together by a double seam, which does not
let out water. An opening is left at the top, in
the same manner as the bungbole of a cask ; around
this the skin is gathered to the size of a large hand-
ful, which, when the gerba ia full of water, is tied
round with whipcord. These gerbas contain about
sixty gallons each, and two of tbem are the load of
a camel. They are then all besmeared on the out-
side with grease, as well to hinder the water from
oozing through, as to prevent its being evaporated
by the heat of the sun upon the gerba, which, in
fact, happened to us twice, so as to put us in
danger of perishing with thirst," (Tractii, iv
884.)
8kln Bottles, (from the Mnsso Borbonfco.)
Wine-bottles of skin are mentioned as used by
Greeks, Romans, and Egyptians, by Homer (0r>.
t). 78, olvov t%tvtr 'Aoww <V aSyti*-; /'. iii.
347); by Herodotus, as used in Egypt' (ii. 131),
where be speaks of letting toe win< out of the skin
by the voSn&r, the end usually tied up to serve as
the neck; by Virgil (Georg. ii. 384). Also by
Athenteus, who mentions a large skin-bottle of the
nature of the gerba (furxht «7c rapia\it Stppirar
i/pa/ijitnt, T. 38, p. 199). Chardin says that
wine in Persia is preserved in skins saturated with
pitch, which, when good, impart no flavor to the
wine ( Coy-toes, iv. 75). Skins for wine or other
liquids are in use to this day in Spain, where they
ore called borrachas.
The effect of external heat upon a akin-bottle Is
indicated in Ps. cxix. 83, " a bottle in the smoke,'
and of expansion produced by fermentation in Matt,
ix. 17, '* new wine in old bottles " [or " skins "].
2. Vessels of metal, earthen, or glass ware for
liquids were in use among the Greeks, Egyptians
Bzypdan Bottles. 1 to 7, glass, 8 to 11, earthsawam
(from the British Hossssn OoUsetkm )
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BOTTOMLESS PIT
Etruscans, and Assyrians (xpvoorwros ^ti\t)
Ti potiyi). Allien, i. 20 (28); kpyvpii) ipii\n, it-
xxiii. 243; ipiplSfTor piiXr\r ariparor, 270), and
abo no doubt among the Jews, especially in later
times. Thus Jer. rix. 1, " a potter's eafthen bottle."
The Jews probably borrowed their manufactures in
this |«rtH.-ular from Egypt, which was celebrated
for glass work, as remains and illustrations of
Egyptian workmanship are extant at least as early
as the IMh century B. c. (Wilkinson, ii. 69, 60).
Gh*> I tittles of the 3d or 4th century B. r. hare
been found at Babylon by Mr. Layard. At Cairo
many |«mons obtain a livelihood by selling Nile
water, which is carried by camels or asses in skins,
or by the carrier himself on his back in pitchers
of porous gray earth (Lane, Mod. Eg. ii. 163, 165;
Burckhardt, Syria, p. 611; MaundreU, Journey,
p. 407, Hohn ; Wilkinson, Egypt, c. hi. vol. i. 148-
158; Diet, of Antiq. Vixum; layard, Nineveh and
Babylon, pp. 196, 603; Gesenius, s. it.)
H. W. P.
Assyrian Glass Bottles. (From the British Museum
Collection.)
• BOTTOMLESS PIT. [Deep, The.]
BOW. [Abms.]
• BOWELS (D"»0, D^aqn, <rmKayxya).
The bowels were regarded by the Hebrews as the seat
of the tender affections, and the term is therefore
often used tropically, like heart, brenit, and 6o*om
in English. Our translators hare sometimes judi-
ciously varied the expression to suit the English
idiom, as in Ps. xxr. 6, xl. 8, Pro*, xii. 10, Luke i.
78, 2 ( or. vii. 15 (see the margin in these places) ;
hut in many other cases they hare given a bald,
verbal translation where a different rendering would
hare more happily expressed the meaning ; as, " The
icaelt (hearts) of the saints are refreshed by thee " ;
" Ye are not straitened in us, but are straitened in
your own botctU" (affections); see Cant. v. 4; Jer.
iv. 19. xxxi. 20; Ecclus. xxx. 7; 2 Cor. vi, 12;
Phil. i. 8, ii. 1; Col. Hi. 12; Philera. 7, 12, 20;
1 John iii. 17. A.
BOWL. (1.) n^ : rroturhp trO^io,: fmmic-
uliu ; see Ges. p. 388. (2.)b^D: \„dVn: Iphi-
iln,] concha. (3.) bs^ : also in A. V. disk. (4.)
?*??• Kocerhp: tcyplim. (I.) rPjSJlD: KvaSof-
cynthut. Of these words (1) may be taken to in-
licate chiefly roundness, from V ^J, rofi, as a ball
»r globe, placed as an oruaroent on the tops or cap-
itals of columns (1 K. vii. 41; 2 Chr. iv. 12, 18):
Uso the knob or boss from which rroceed the
• Apparently from the root ""ItrN, " to bo straight,"
turn to be " fortunate," " heauttfuT." So In the book
'• tmnm u dtn* It Is aid, " Qoara voeatur thtaukm .' quia
BOX-TREE
branches of a candlestick (Zech. Iv. 8), and abo a
suspended lamp, in A. V. •' golden bowl " (Ecel.
xii. 6); (2) indicating lowneas, is perhaps a shal-
low dish or basin ; (3) a hollow vessel; (4) a must
vessel (Jer. xxxv. 5) Ktpiiuor LXX.; (5) a toetra-
tory vessel, from T"!pJ, pure.
A like uncertainty prevails as to the precise form
and material of these vessels as is noticed under
Basin. Bowls would probably be used at meals for
liquids, or broth, or pottage (2 K. iv. 40). Modern
Arabs are content with a few wooden bowls. In the
British Museum are deposited several terra-cotta
bowls with Chaldssan inscriptions of a superstitious
character, expressing charms against sickness and
evil spirits, which may possibly explain the " divin-
ing cup" of Joseph (Gen. xliv. 5). The bowl wss
filled with some liquid and drunk off as a charm
against evil. See a case of Tippoo Sahib drinking
water out of a black stone as a charm against mis-
fortune (Gteig, Life of Monro, i. 218). One of the
Brit. Mus. bowls still retains the stain of a liquid.
These bowls, however, are thought by Mr. Birch
not to be very ancient (Layard, Kin. and Bab.
509, 511, 526. Birch, Ane. Pottery, i. 164.
Shaw, 231). H. W. P.
• There is no such Hebrew word as v2D (No.
3, above) ; the word translated dith in the passage
which must be referred to (Judg. v. 25) is v£D
(No. 2), for which an obsolete verb vDD has been
astumed by some lexicographers as the root. Flint
reject* this etymology. Other Hebrew words trans-
fated boid in the A. V. are %, Zech. iv. 2;
P1TO, see Basin; and ?D, 1 K. vii. 50; 2 K.
xii. 13 (14), also rendered barin. A.
• BOX. The Hebrew word (?]5 : <pojr«V fcnn-
cuLi) so rendered in 2 K. ix. 1, 3 ("a box of oil"),
properly denotes a flask or bottle. In 1 Sam. x. 1
it is more correctly translated "vial." See abo
Alabaster. A.
BOX-TREE {-PXBVft? Uauhur: kuunbp,
irfSpot : bvxvs, pinvt) occurs in Is. Ix. 18, together
with "the fir-tree and the pine-bee," as furnishing
wood from I .ebanon for the temple that was to be
built at Jerusalem. In Is. xii. 19 the tea—Mr is
mentioned in connection with the cedar, '• the fir-
tree and the pine," Ac, which should one day be
planted in the wilderness. There is great uncer-
tainty as to the tree denoted by the ttotthur. The
Talmudical and Jewish writers generally are of
opinion that the box-tree is intended, and with
them agree Montanus, Deodatius, the A. Y. and
other modern versions ; Kosenniuller (MM. Bot.
300), Celsius (Biervb. ii. 163), and Parldrarst (fleb.
Lex. s. v. "VUBMTI) are abo in favor of the box-
tree. The Syriac and the Arabic version of Saadiat
understand the teaahir to denote a species of cedar
called sWMn,* which is distinguished by the smsll
size of the cones and the upright growth of the
branches. This interpretation a also sanctioned
by Gesenius and Flint (ffeb. Concord, p. 134)
HiBer (Hierophyt. i. 401) believes the Hebrew word
may denote either the box or the maple. Wit!
um " (Bust. /. <*.).
cJ*^7 - *''
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UOZKZ
regard to Uia*. theory which identifies the IfigaJiir
with the therbin, then U not, beyond tlie authority
of the Syriac and Arabic versions, any satisfactory :
evidence to support it. It is uncertain moreover
what tree is meant by the therbin : it is supposed J
to be some kind of cedar : but although the Arabio i
version of Dioscorides gives therbin as the rendering .
of the Greek xfipos, the two trees which Dine- 1
corides speaks of seem rather to lie referred to the {
Rtnwjttmpfnu than to that of pinut. However |
Celsius (f/Urob. i. 80) and Sprengel (Hitt. Ret\
Hurt. i. 267) identify the tbeilnn with the Pinut i
ecdnu (I jnn.), the cedar of Mianon. According
to Niebulir aim the cedar was called tkerbin. The
same word, however, Uith in the Chaldee, the Syriac,
and the Arabic, is occasionally used to express the
brrfitli.* Although the claim which the box-tree
has to represent the Itmtlmr of Isaiah and Ezekiel
is for from being satisfactorily established, yet the
evidence rests on a better foundation than that
which «ii]iports the claims of the therbin. The
HOZRAH
321
passage in Es. xxvii. 6, b although it i« one of ac-
knowledged difficulty, has been taken by llorbrrt.
Koaenmuller, and others, to uphold the claim of the
box-tree to represent the (enttliur. For a full ac-
count of the various readings of that |«ssage sec
Koaenmtiller's SchU. in h>. xxvii. 6. The most
satisfactory translation Appears to us to be that of
ltochart (Geoy. Sue. i. iii. c. 5, 180) and Itosen-
miiller: " Thy benches have they made of ivory,
inlaid with box-wood from the isles of Chittini."
Now it is probable that the isles of Chittini may
refer to any of the islands or maritime districts of
the -Mediterranean. Bochart believes Corsica is
intended ui this passage : the Vulg. has " de insulia
Italia;." Corsica was celebrated for its hox-tnws
(Clin. xvi. Hi: Theophrast. //. /*. iii. 1ft. § h). and
it is well known that the ancient* miflvrstusl the
art of veneering wood, especially lux-wood, with
ivory, tortoise-shell, Ac. (Virg. .Kh. j 137). This
passage, therefore, does certainly seen to favor the
opinion that ttntthir denotes the vtrnl of the l«>«-
Bosrah.
tree (Buxat temptrvirmt), at perhaps that of the
only other known species, Buxut bnlearicn : but
the point must be left undetermined. W. H.
BO'ZEZ (7:'"" 1 2» thining, according to the
conjecture of (Jesenins, Thtt. p. 329 : BaoVt : [Vat.
B>v9< : Comp. Boff)* : l Bott), the name of one of
the two "sharp rocks" (Hebrew, "teeth of the
cKff" \ ** lietweer. the passages " by which Jonathan
entered the I'hilUtine garrison. It seems to have
been tliat on the north side (1 Sam. xiv. 4, 5).
Ilobinsnn notices two hills of blunt conical form
in the U-ltom of the UWy Swceinit just below
Mkhmit (i. 441 and iii. 289). Stanley, on the
r hud, could not mak» thee out (S. <f P. 205,
•). And indeed these hills atw— >r neither to
• nm?.
"ai
ITTTi
the expression of the text nor the requirements nl
the narrative. [See Skskii. Amer. ed.] G.
BOZ'KATH (i"li2?9 [«/<myl : Boo-ftM'
Alex. Moo-x«* : [Comp. Biar«x^ 9; ^- BamtiB;]
in Kings, BatrovpM: [Comp. BturowtuS] .loseph.
Bwk10- Batcntli, Bettctth). a city of .Iiidah in
the Shtftlih ; named with l.iehish (Josh. it. 39).
It is mentioned once again (2 K. xxii. 1) as the
native place of the mother of king Joxiah. Here
it is spelt in the A. V. " llomtth." No trace of
the sits hag yet been discovered. ( i.
BOZ'KAH ( n "}".'2. possibly from a root with
the force of restraining, therefore used for a sheep-
C^FIS. Bochart reads D^nJH.iTB In one word
Rosenmiiller regards the expression v daughter of box-
wood " as metaphorical, oompariaa: Ps. x»H. 8. ban
II. 18, IB. 18.
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522
BRACELET
Hd, Omen. *. ».: Boo-a^Sa; ho<r6p, also Av^w/ia
Jer. iKx. 23, tcixos Am. i. 19; [0\fyu Mic ii.
12, Vulg. oritt :] Bntra), the name of more than
tme place on the east of Palestine. L In Kdom —
the city of Jobab the son of Zerah, one of the early
tings of that nation (Gen. ixxvi. 33; 1 Chr. 1. 44).
This is doubtless the place mentioned in later times
by Isaiah (xxxiv. 6, lxiii. 1 (in connection with
Kdom), and by Jeremiah (xlix. 13, 22), Amos (i.
12), and Micah (ii. 12, "sheep of B.," comp. Is.
xxxiv. 6 ; the word is here rendered by the Vulgate
and by Geeenius " fold," » the sheep of the fold,"
Ues. T/iet. 230). It was known to Eusebius, who
■peaks of it in the Onomatticon (Bo<r4f>) as a city
of Esau in the mountains of Idumsea, in connection
with Is. lxiii. 1, and in contradistinction to Rostra
in Penes. There is no reason to doubt that the
modern representative of Bozrah is cl-Butaireh,
8> » fl A "j which was first visited by Iiurckhar.1t
(Syr. 407; Betzeyrn), and lies on the mountain
district to the 8. E. of the Dead Sea, Vetween
Tofileh and Petra. about half-way between the
latter and the Dead Sea. Irby and Mangles men-
tion it under the name of Ipteyiti and Bmida
(chap. viii. : see also Robinson, n. 167). The
"goats " which Isaiah connects with the place were
found in large numbers in this neighborhood by
Burckhardt (Syr. 405).
2. In his catalogue of the cities of the land of
Moab, Jeremiah (xlviii. 24) mentions a Bozrah as
in "the plain country" (ver. 21, 1B7 s ffin ¥"$$,
>'. e. the high level downs on the east of the Dead
Sea and of the lower Jordan, the Belka of the
modern Arabs). Here lay Heshbon, Nebo, Kirjath-
lim, Diblathaim, and the other towns named in
this passage, and it is here that we presume Bozrah
should be sought, and not, as has been lately sug-
gested, at Bostra, the Roman city in Bashan, full
sixty miles from Heshbon (Porter's Damatcut, ii.
163, Ac.). On the other hand, Bozrah stands by
itself in this passage of Jeremiah, not being men-
tioned in any of the other lists of the cities of
Moab, e. g. Num. xxxii.; Josh, xiii.; Is. xvi.; Ez.
xxv.; and the catalogue of Jeremiah in expressly
said to include cities both " for and near " (xlviii.
24). Some weight also is due to the consideration
of the improbability that a town at a later date so
important and in so excellent a situation should be
entirely omitted from the Scripture. Still there is
the bet of the specification of its position as in the
Mishor; and also this, that in a country where the
very kings were " sheep masters " (2 K. Hi. 4), a
name signifying a sheep-fold must have been of
common occurrence.
For the Roman Bostra, the modem Butra, on
the south border of the Haur&n, see Reland, p.
«68, and Porter, Ii. chap. 12. G.
BRACELET (iT$S8 : ^aa«w; x^*').
I nder Armlet an account Is given of these orna-
ments, the materials of which they were generally
made, the manner in which they were worn, Ac.
Besides 7TTO ?fc?, three [four] other words are trans-
ated by "bracelet" in the Bible, namely: (l.)TQ^
(from TQ^, to fasten), Num. xxxi. 60, Ac (3.)
TIB? (a chain, o-«ux(, from Its being wreathed,
*Hip). ft only occurs In this sense in Is. Ui. 19,
BRASH
bat compare the expression " wrealben chains " la
Ex. xxviii. 14, 22. Bracelets of fine twisted Vene
tian gold are still common in Egypt (Lane, ii. 38ft,
Append. A. and plates). (3.) 7TI5, Gen. xxxviii.
18, 25, rendered "bracelet," but meaning prol>-
ably " a string by which a seal-ring was suspended '
(Geaen. «. t>.). [(4.) IH1, afptryit, armiilu, Ex.
xxxv. 22, which rome (Geeenius, Knobel) under-
stand to denote a hook or chip for batoning the
garments of women, others (RosenmuUer, De Watte.
Kaliseh) a note-ring. — A]
Gold Egyptian Bracelet (Wilkinson.)
Men as well as women wore bracelets, as we an
from Cant. v. 14, which may be rendered, "Hi
wrists are circlets of gold full set with topazes."
Layard says of the Assyrian kings: "the ins
were encircled by armlets, and the wrists by bract
Assyrian Bracelet Clasp. (Nineveh Marbles.)
Utt, all equally remarkable for the taste and beauty
of the design and workmanship. In the centre of
the bracelets were stars and rosettes, which were
probably inlaid with precious stones" (Nmettk,
ii. 323). These may be observed on the sculptures
in the British Museum. [Armlet; Anklet.}
F. W. F.
BRAMBLE. [Thorns.]
BRASS (xoXitor). The word HPfrTJ (from
the root ETIJ, to dint) is improperly translated by
" brass " in the earlier books of Scripture, since the
Hebrews were not acquainted with the compound
of copper and zinc known by that name. In most
places of the 0. T. the correct translation would be
copper (although it may sometimes possibly mean
bronze (xaAxbr KtKpafiivos), a compound of copper
and tin. Indeed a simple metal was obviously in-
tended, ss we see from Deut. viii. 9, " out of whose
hills thou mayest dig brass," and Job xxviii. 2,
"Brass is molten out of the stone," and Deut.
xxxiii. 25, "Thy shoes shall be iron and brass."
which seems to be a promise that Asher should have
a district rich in mines, which we know to have
been the case, since Euseb. (viii. 15, 17 [rfe JJort.
Pal. c. 7]) speaks of the Christians being eon-
demned toii koto vur& ttjj naXaurrlrns X**"
koS utriKKois (Iightfoot, Cent Ckorogr. t. 89).
[Asher.]
Copper was known st a very early period, and
the invention of working it is attributed to Tubal-
cain (Gen. iv. 22; cf. Wilkinson, Anc. Egg*. Ui.
843; comp. "Prior ssrls erat qnam far! eognitos
usus," Lucr. v. i292). Its extreme ductility (x*A
koi from xoAclw) made its application almost uni-
versal among the ancients, as Hesiod expressly says
(Diet, of Ant., art. JSt\.
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BRAYING
Tm Mine word is and for money, in both Tes-
taments (Es-xvi. 36;<" Matt, x. 9, 4c).
It is often and in metaphor*, e. g. Lev. xxvi. 19,
'■ I will make your heaven as inn and your earth
u bran," i. e. dead and hard. This expression is
reversed in Deut. xxviii. S3 (comp. Coleridge's " All
in a hot and copper sky," Ac., Aac. Mar.). " Is
my flesh of brass," «'. e. invulnerable, Job vi. 12.
"They are all brass and iron," i. e base, ignoble,
impure, Jer. vi. 28. It is often need as au emblem
.if strength, Zech. vi. 1; Jer. 1. 18, Ac. The
" brazen thighs " of the mystic image in Nebu-
ehadnesxar'a dream were a fit symbol of the "Ax<uo<
Xa\Koxircmt. No special mention of orichalcum
seems to be made in the Bible.
The word xoAtoAOflavor in Rev. i. 15, ii. 18
(ol Win airrov tumoi xaXxoXifiArtf), has excited
mash difference of opinion. The A.. V. renders it
"fine brass," as though it were from xaAxos and
Kfl&m (smelting brass), or that ipttxaKxot, which
wasso rare as to be more valuable than gold. Boch-
art makes it " ass album igneo oolore splendens," as
though from )^J, " shining." It may perhaps be
deep-colored frankincense, as opposed to lurrvpoki-
Bamr (LiddeU and Soott's La.). F. W. F.
•BRAYING IN A MORTAR, Prov.
xxvii. 22. [Punishmehts, Hi. (a.) 4.]
• BRAZEN SEA, 2 K. xxv. 13; Jer. Iii. 17.
[Ska, Molten.]
BBAZEN SERPENT. [Sbrpiwt.]
BREAD (Br? 1 ?)- The preparation of bread
as an article of food dates from a very early period.
It most not, however, be inferred from the use of
he word fecAem in Gen. iii. 19 ("bread," A. V.)
hat it was known at the time of the fall, the word
here occurring in its general sense of/ocW: the
e a r liest undoubted instance of its use is found in
Gen. xviil. 6. The com or grain (TJ'T. p'J)
employed was of various sorts. The best bread was
utile of wheat, which after being ground produced
the "flour" or "meal" (TO|?.: &\ tutor; Judg.
vi. 19; 1 Sam. I. 24; 1 K. iv.22, xvii. 12, 14),
sod when sifted the "fine flour" D^b; more
fully D^n rfp, Ex. xxix. 2; or H^D TOP.,
Gen. xviii. 6; eWooAu) usually employed in the
sacred offerings (Ex. xxix. 40; Lev. ii. 1; Ee. xlvi.
14), and in the meals of the wealthy (1 K. iv. 22;
« t vii. 1; Ex. xvi. 13, 19; Rev. xviii. 13). "Bar-
ley " was used only by the very poor (John vi. 9,
U), or in times of scarcity (Ruth iii. 15, compared
with i. 1; 2 K. iv. 38, 42; Rev. vi. 6; Joseph.
B J. v. 10, § 2): as it was the food of bones (1
K iv. 28), it was considered a symbol of what was
mean and insignificant (Judg. vii. 13; comp. Jo-
sqio. Ant. v. 6, 5 4, fUCar Kpidlrrir, &w' ttrrtKtlas
LripvTott tfipmror; Liv. xxvii. 13), as well as of
what was of a mere animal character, and hence
ordered for the offering of jealousy (Num. v. 15;
eranp. Hos. iii 2; Philo, ii. 807). "Spelt"
(npB3 : ft**., (4a: rye, filches, coed, A. V.)
was also need both in Egypt (Ex. ix. 32) and Pal-
vtbae (Is xxvfii. St; Ex. Iv. 9; 1 K. xix. 6, LXX.
'ywfvilmi k\upimt). Herodotus indeed states
BREAD
828
• •Tttmi««ted"«Uthtosss»mB««. xvi. 88'*. Y.),
smss4 ef bn#» or money (j"lc£/| Q, xaAaes). H.
(ii. 36) that in the former country bread was mads
exclusively of olj/ra. which, as in the LXX., ha
identifies with sea ; but in this he was mistaken,
as wheat was also used (Ex. ix. 32; comp. Wilkin-
son's Anc. Egypt, ii. 397). Occasionally the grains
above mentioned were mixed, and other ingredients,
such as beans, lentils, and millet, were sdded (Ex.
iv. 9; cf. 2 Sam. xvii. 28); the bread so produced
is called " barley cakes " (Ex. iv. 12, "as barley
cakes," A. V.), inasmuch ss barley was the main
ingredient. The amount of meal required for a
single baking was an ephah or three measures (Gen.
xviii. 6; Judg. vi. 19; 1 Sam. i. 24; Matt. xiii.
33), which appears to have been suited to the size
of the ordinary oven. The baking was done in
primitive umes by the mistress of the house (Gen.
xviii. 6) or one of the daughters (2 Sam. xiii. 8):
female servants were however employed in large
households (1 Sam. viii. 18): it appears always to
have been the proper business of women in a family
(Jer. vii. 18, xliv. 19; Matt. xiii. 83; cf. Plin. xviii.
11,28). Baking, as a profession, was carried on by
men (Hos. vii. 4, 6). lit Jerusalem the bakers con-
gregated in one quarter of the town, as we may infer
from the names "bakers' street" (Jer. xxxvii. 21),
and "tower of the ovens" (Neh. iii. 11, zii. 38,
"furnaces," A. V.). In the time of the Herods,
bakers were scattered throughout the towns of Pal-
estine (AnL xv. 9, § 2). As the bread was made
in thin cakes, which soon became dry and unpal-
atable, it was usual to bake daily, or when required
(Gen. xviii. 6; comp. Harmer's Observations, i.
483): reference is perhaps made to this in the
Lord's prayer (Matt. vi. 11; bike xi. 3). The
bread taken by persons on a Journey (Gen. xlr. 28;
Josh. ix. 12) was probably a kind of biscuit. The
process of making bread was as follows: the flour
was first mixed with water, or perhaps milk (Burek-
hardt's Notes on Ike Bedouins, 1. 58); it was than
kneaded (t05|b) with the bands (in Egypt with the
BsjyMam kneading dough with their hands. (WOkW
son. From a painting in the Tomb of Remeses TH
at Thebes.)
feet also; Herod, ii. 36; Wilkinson, 11. 886) hi
a small wooden bowl or "kneading-trough"
(rnStPD, a term which may, however, rather re-
fer to the leathern bag in which the Bedouins carry
their provisions, and which serves both as a wallet
and a table; Niebuhr's Voyage, i. 171; Harmer,
iv. 366 ff. ; the LXX. inclines to this view, giving
eVteraXfff^urra, "store," A. V., in Deut. xxviii.
6, "*; tht expression in Ex. xU. 84, however,
" bound up in their clothes," favors the Idea of a
wooden bowl), until it became dough (Pr?9* eraut
Ex. xH. 34, 39; 9 Sam. xiii. 8; Jer. vU. 18; Bos
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M4
BREAD
HKJnUD
flgyptlana kneading the dough with their feet. At a
and I the dough is probably left to ferment in a
basket, as Is now done at Cairo. (Wilkinson.)
»ii. 4. The term " dough " is improperly given in
the A. V. a»=nTD s "1S»in Num. xv. 90, 91;
Neb., x. 37; E*. xlir. 80). When the kneading
was completed, leaven HHtp : (vp.ii) was generally
added [Leaven] ; but when the time for prepar-
ation was short, it was omitted, and unleavened
lakes, hastily baked, were eaten, as is still the prev-
ient custom among the Bedouins ((Jen. xviii. 6,
xix. 3; Ex. xii. 39; Judg. vi. 19; 1 Sam. xxviil.
94). Such cakes were termed iTlSO (afupu,
LXX.), a word of doubtful sense, variously sup-
posed to convey the ideas of thinness (Kiirst. I.rr.
s. v.), tweetnus (Gesen. Thetaw. p. 815), at purity
(KnobeL Cornm. m Ex. xii. 90), while leavened
bread was called V5^ 0"" tnar P tnt d or sourer/;
Ex. xii. 39; Hos. vii. 4). Unleavened cakes were
ordered to be eaten at the passoverto commemorate
rbe hastiness of the departure (Ex. xii. 15, xiii. 3,
7 ; Deut. xvi. 3), as well as on other sacred occa-
sions (Lev. ii. 11, vi. 16; Num. vi. 15). The
leavened mass was allowed to stand for some time
(Matt. xiii. 33; Luke xiii. 21), sometimes for a
whole night (" their baker sleepeth all the night,"
Hos. vii. 6), exposed to a moderate heat in order to
forward the fermentation ("be ceaseth from ttir-
•*■*»" P N -??' "raising," A. V.] the fire "until
it be leavened," Hos. vii. 4). The dough was then
divided into round cakes (Dllb nV"l3S, lit.
*M».' jtproi: "loaves," A. V.;' Ex. xxix. 93;
Judg. viii. 5; 1 Sam. x. 8; Prov. vi. 36; in Judg.
vii. 13, a\ V? : payit), not unlike fiat stones in
shape and appearance (Matt. vii. 9; eomp. iv. 3),
al<out a span in diameter and a finger's breadth in
thickness (comp. Lane's Modern Egyptians, i. 164).
Three of these were required for the meal of a
•ingle person (Luke xi. 5), and consequently one
was barely sufficient to sustain life (1 Sam. iL 86,
"morsel," A. V.; Jer. xxxvii. 91, "piece," A. V.),
whence the expression VO*? OrY?» "bread of
•miction" (1 K. xxii. 97; la. xxx.80), referring
not to the quality ( pane plebeio, Grotius), but to
the quantity ; two hundred would suffice for a party
•* a reasonable time (1 Sam. xxr. 18; 9 Sam.
tvi 1). The cakes were sometimes punctured, and
Two Egyptians carrying bread to the cordeettoTv.r, wbo
rolls out the paste, which is afterwards made into
cakes of various forms, d, t,f, g, h. (Wilkinson.)
hence called il;P (imAAvpfi; Ex- xxix. 9, 93;
Lev. ii. 4, viii. 36, xxiv. 5; Num. xv. 20; 2 Sam.
vi. 19), and mixed with oil. Similar cakes, sprinkled
with seeds, were made in Egypt (Wilkinson, ii.
386). Sometimes they were rolled out into wafer*
Egyptians making cakes of bread sprinkled with weds
(Wilkinson.)
(WTl- **y*ror; ^ "^ *• 28i Lev ' °- *'
Num. vL 15-19), and merely coated with oil. Oil
was occasionally added to the ordinary cake (1 K.
xvii. 12). A more delicate kind of cake is de-
scribed in 2 Sam. xiii. 6, 8, 10 ; the dough (" flour,"
A. V.) is kneaded a second time, and probably some
stimulating seeds added, as seems to be implied in
the name nSa^ab (from 2^> 7, heart; compare
our expression a cordial: goXXipiSef- torbititm-
culte). The cakes were now taken to the oven,
having been first, according to the practice in Egypt,
gathered into " white baskets " (Gen. xl. 16), %D
"•"in, a doubtful expression, referred by some to the
whiteness of the bread (mum x°'tp' T ^ y < Aqnil.
K&piyot yypim '• canutra forma), by others, as in
toe A. V., to the whiteness of the baskets, and
again, by connecting
the word y ~T1 with the
^idca of a hole, to an
open-work basket (mar-
gin, A. V.), or lastly to
bread baked in a hole
(Kitto, Cyclop., art.
Bread). The baskets
were placed on a tray
and carried on the bak-
er's bead (Gen. xl. M
Herod, ii. 85; Wilkin-
son, ii. 086).
The methods of bak-
An Egyptian carrying jakas »—***
to the oven. (Wilkinson.) Ing [~^> were, ids
still are, very various
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BREAD
a Iks Em*, adapted to the virions styles of
•lie. In the towns, where professional bakers
■esidrd, there were no doubt fixed ovens, in
ihape tnd size resembling those in use among
turwives; but more usually each household pos-
■esaed a pnrtable ov-en ( "AUTl : KXl&arai), consist-
big of a stone or metal jar about three feat high,
which was heated inwardly with wood (1 K. xvii.
IS; Is. xliv. 16; Jer. vii. 18) or dried grass and
flower-stalks (xdfwot, Matt. vi. 30); when the fire
had burned down, the cakes were applied either in-
wardly (Herod, ii. 92) or outwardly: such ovens
were used by tho Egyptians (Wilkinson, ii. 385),
■ad by the Easterns of Jerome's time ( Comment,
in Lam. r. 10), and are still common among the
Bedouins (Wellsted's Travtlt, i. 350; Niebuhr's
Dtscript. de t Arable, pp. 45, 46). The use of a
single oven by several families only took place in
time of famine (Lev. xxvi. 36). Another species
of oven consisted of a hole dug in the ground, the
■ides of which were coated with clay and the bot-
tom with pebbles (Hanner, i. 487). Jahn (Ar-
chmol. i. 9, § 140) thinks that this oven u referred
to in the term O??? &*"■ **■ 86): but 'he dual
number is an objection to this view. The term
, Tf1 (Gen. iL 16) has also been referred to it.
Other modes of baking were specially adapted to
the migratory habits of the pastoral Jews, as of the
modern Bedouins ; the cakes were rither spread up-
on stones, which were previously heated by light-
ing a fire above them (Burckhardt's Notes, i. 68)
or beneath them (Belzoni a Travelt, p. 84); or
they were thrown into the heated embers of the
fire itself (Wellsted's Travels, i. 360; Niebuhr,
Descript. p. 46); or lastly, they were roasted by
being placed between layers of dung, which bums
slowly, and is therefore specially adapted for the
purpose (Ex. iv. 12, 15; Burckhardt's Note; i. 57;
Niebuhr's Descript. p. 46). The terms by which
such cakes were described were n|7 (Gen. xviii.
6; Ex. xfl. 39; 1 K. xvii. 13; Ex. hr. 12; Hos. vii.
8), 013?p (1 K. xvii. 12; Ps. xxxr. 16), or more
fully CTOS-I Hjy (1 K. xJx. 6, lit. on the
tones, •> coals," A. V.), the term n2J? referring,
however, not to the mode of baking, but to the
rounded shape of the cake (Gesen. Tkesaw. p.
997) : the equivalent terms in the LXX- tyxpuflas,
and in the Vulg. subdnericiue partis, have direct
reference to the peculiar mode of baking. The
cakes required to be carefully turned during the
process (Hos. vii. 8: Hanner, i. 488). Other
methods were used for other kinds of bread ; some
were baked on a pan (."©Hp : rlryaroy- sartago:
the Greek term survives in the tajen of the Be-
douins), the result being similar to the ihukt still
sad among the latter people (Burckhardt's Notes,
68) or like the Greek ray^yuu, which were
. iked in oil, and eaten warm with honey (Athen.
Dv. 66, p. 646); such cakes appear to have been
chiefly used as sacred offerings (Lev. ii. 6, vi. 14,
rH. 9; 1 Chr. xxiii. 29). A similar cooking uten-
•I was used by Tamar (2 Sam. xiii. 9), named
"*3PP (rtrraror), in which she baked the cakes,
sad then emptied them out in a heap ("" ', not
tared, as if it had been broth) before Amnon.
a dHamns kind of bread, pnbably resembling the
BRICK
826
ftUa of tha, Bioouins, a pasty substance (Burck-
hardt's Notes, i. 57) was prepared in a saucepan
ntPrriD (ioxifa: craticula: frying-pan, A.
V.; none of which meanings however correspond
with the etymological sense of the word, which is
connected with boiling) ; this was also reserved for
sacred offerings (Lev. ii. 7, vii. 9). As the above-
mentioned kinds of bread (the last excepted) were
thin and crisp, the mode of eating them was by
breaking (Lev. ii. 6; Is. Mil. 7; Lam. iv. 4; Matt,
xiv. 19, xv. 36, xxvi. 26; Acts xx. 11; comp. Xen.
Anab. vii. 8, § 22, iprous tiecXa), whence the
term D'lC, to break = to owe bread (Jer. xvi.
7): the pieces broken for consumption were called
xAdVuara (Matt. xiv. 20; John vi 12). Oh)
bread is described in Josh. ix. 6, 12, as crumbled
(0*7i?3 : AquiL h)>aBupa>ii4vos- •» frusta earn
mm u ti; A. V. "mouldy," following the LXX. iu-
p-ruer Kti 0*Am»u*Vo>), a term which is also ap-
plied (1 K. xiv. 3) to a kind of biscuit which easily
crumbled (koAAiwI*: "cracknels," A. V.).
W.UB.
BREASTPLATE. [Anns, p. 161; High-
prikst, I. (2.) a.]
• BREECHES (D^DJ^D : wtpiaKeXri- fem-
inoUa), a kind of drawers, extending only from the
loins to the thighs, worn by the priests (Ex. xzviii.
42, xxxix. 28; Lev. vi. 10, xvi. 4; Ex. xliv. 18;
comp. Joseph. Ant. UL 7, § 1; Philo, Dt Monarch.
lib. itc. 5,Opp. U. 225 ed. Hang.). See Priest,
Dress. A.
BRETHREN OF JESUS. [Bhothxb.]
BRICK (r>J2V. mode of white dag: w \lr-
Bos: later) in Ec'iv. 1, A. V. tile). Herodotus
(i. 179), describing the mode of building the walls
of Babylon, says that the clay dug out of the ditch
was made into bricks ss soon as it was carried up,
and burnt in kilns, Kcutiroto-i. The bricks were
cemented with hot bitumen (aV^aXror), and at
every thirtieth row crates of' reeds were stuffed in.
This account agrees with the history of the build-
ing of the Tower of Confusion, in which the build-
ers used brick instead of stone, and slime OPn '
&tr<pa\Tos), for mortar (Gen. xi. 3; Joseph. Ant. i
4, § 3). In the alluvial plain of Assyria, both the
material for bricks and the cement, which bubbles
up from the ground, and is collected and exported
by the Arabs, were close at hand for building pur-
poses, but the Babylonian bricks were more com-
monly burnt in kilns than those used at Nineveh
which are chiefly sun-dried like the Egyptian.
Xenophon mentions a wall called the wall of Media,
not far from Babylon, made of -burnt bricks set in
bitumen (tMrSois bwrmt Ir aaf&Krtf KsutSrcui)
20 feet wide, and 100 feet high. Also another wall
of brick 50 feet wide (Diod. ii. 7, 8, 13; Xen.
Anab. ii. 4, $ 12, ii!. 4, $ 11; Nah. iii. 14; Layard,
Nineveh, ii. 46, 262, 278). While it it needless to
inquire to what place, or to whom the actual inven-
tion of brick-making is to be ascribed, there is per-
haps no place in the world more favorable for the
process, none in which the remains of original brick
structures have been more largely used in later
times for building purposes. The Babylonian
bricks are usually from 12 to 13 in. square, and
3} in. thick. (English bricks are usually 9 in
long, 4J wide, 2) thick.) They most of them bear
the name Inscribed in cuneiform character, of Neb
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BRICK
oahadneezar, whose buildings, no douhL replaced
those of au earlier age (Layard, Mai. ana Bab. pp.
505, 531). The; thus possess more of the charac-
ter of tiles (Ez. iv. 1). They vera sometimes
glazed and enamelled with patterns of various col-
ors. Semiramis is said by Diodorus to hare over-
laid some of her towers with surfaces of enamelled
brick bearing elaborate designs (Diod. ii. 8). En-
amelled bricks have been found at Nimroud (Lay-
ard, ii. 818). Pliny (vii. 56) says that the Baby-
lonians used to record their astronomical observa-
tions on tiles (coctilibus laterculis). He also, as
well as Vitruvius, describes the process of making
bricks at Borne. There were three sizes, (1.) 1, ft.
long, 1 ft broad; (3.) 4 (Greek) palms long,
13135 in. (8.) 5 palms long, 1516875 in. The
breadth of (3.) and (3.) the same. He says the
BBIOK
Greeks preferred brick walls hi general to stoa-i
(xzzr. 14; TUrov. ii. 3, 8). Bricks of mors than
3 palms length and of less than li palm, are men-
tioned by the Talmudism (Gesen. s. v.). The Is-
raelites, in common with other captives, were em-
ployed by the Egyptian monarch* in making bricks
and in building (Ex. i. 14, v. 7). Kiln-bricks were
not generally used in Egypt, but were dried in the
sun, and even without straw are as firm as when
first put up in the reigns of the Amunophs and
Thothmes whose names they bear. The usual di-
mensions vary from 20 in. or 17 in. to 14$ in.
long; 8} in. to 6J in. wide; and 7 in. to 4J in.
thick. When made of the Nile mud, or alluvial
deposit, they required (as they still require) straw
to prevent cracking, but those formed of day taken
from the torrent beds on the edge of the desert,
* Si
Foreign captives employed in making bricks at Thebes. (Wilkinson.)
-.Isjs. 1, 2. Men returning after carrying the bricks. Figs. 8, «. Taskmasters. Figs. 4, 6. Men carrying bricks.
Figs. 9-18. Digging and mixing the clay or mud. Figs. 8, 14. Making bricks with a wooden mould, d, A.
Fig. 15. Fetching water from the tank, *. At < the bricks (tool) are arid to be made at Thebes.
o.t W together without straw ; and crude brick walla
had frequently the additional security of a layer of
reeds and sticks, placed at intervals to act as bind-
9rs (Wilkinson, ii. 194, smaller ed. ; Birch, Ancient
fettery, i. 14; comp. Her. i. 179). Baked bricks
iowever were used, chiefly in places in contact with
vater. They are smaller than the sun-dried bricks
(Birch, i. 33). A brick-kiln is mentioned as in
iCgypt by the prophet Jeremiah (xliii. 9). A brick
pyramid is mentioned by Hen-Hns (li. 136) as the
votk of King Asychis. Sesostris (ii. 138) U said
k> have employed bis captives in building. Nu-
neroos remains nf buildings of various kinds exist,
constructed of sun-dried bricks, of which many spec-
imens are to be seen in the British Museum with in-
scriptions indicating their date and purpose (Birch,
i. 11, 17). Among the paintings at Thebes, one
on the tomb of Rekshara, an officer of the court of
Thothmes III. (about 1400 B. a), represents the
enforced labors in brick-making of captives, who
are distinguished from the natives by the color in
which they are drawn. Watching over the labor-
ers are "task-masters," who, armed with sticks
are receiving the " tale of bricks " and urging oc
the work. The proc ess es of digging out the slay
of moulding, and of arranging, are all duly rente
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BBIDB
anted, and though the laborers cannot be deter-
minad to be Jews, yet the similarity of employment
illustrates the Bible history in a remarkable degree
(Wilkinson, ii. 197; Birch, i. 19; see Aristoph.
Ax. 1133, KlyJnmot wKutivpipos; Ex. r. 17, 18).
The Jews learned the art of brick-making in
Egypt, and we find the use of the brick-kiln in
David's time (3 Sam. xii. 31), and a complaint
made by Isaiah that the people built altars of brick
instead of unhewn stone as the law directed (Is. lxr.
3; Ex. xx. 86). [Pottbht.] H. W. P.
BBIDB, BRIDEGROOM. [Makbiaqb.]
BRIDGE. The only mention of a bridge in
the Canonical Scriptures is indirectly in the proper
name Geahur (~Bt»3), a district in Bsahan, N. E.
of the sea of Gallleel At this place a bridge stiU
•xista, called the bridge of the sons of Jacob ° (Ge-
sso, s. v.). Absalom was the son of a daughter of
the king of Geahnr (2 Sam. iii. 8, xiii. 37, xir. 33,
33). The Chaldee paraphrase renders " gates," in
Nahum ii. 6, " bridges," where, howerer, dykes or
weirs are to be understood, which being burst by
inundation, destroyed the wall* of Nineveh (Diod.
ii 37). Judas Maccabeus is said to have intended
to make a bridge in order to besiege the town of
Caspbor or Caspis, situate near a lake (2 Mac xii.
13). Josephus (Ant. v. 1, § 3), speaking of the
Jordan at the time of the passage of the Israelites,
says it had never been bridged before, owe f(t vkto
■wfirtpov, as if in his own time bridges had been
made over it, which under the Romans was the
case. (See the notices below.) In Is. xxxvii. 35,
"VIp, dig for water, is rendered by LXX. y4<pvpar
Twnju.
Permanent bridges over water do not appear to
have been used by the Israelites in their earlier
timet, but we have frequent mention made of fords
and of their military importance (Gen. xxxii. 23;
Josh. ii. 7; Judg. Ui. 28, vii. 24, xii. 5; Is. xvi.
3). Wert of the Jordan there are few rivers of
importance (Amm. Marc. xiv. 8; Belaud, p. 284),
and perhaps the policy of the Jews may have dis-
couraged intercourse with neighboring tribes, for it
seems unlikely that the skill of Solomon's architects
was unable to construct a bridge.
Herodotus (i. 188) describes a bridge consisting
of stone piers, with planks laid across, built by Ni-
tocris, B. C. circ. 600, connecting the two portions
of Babylon (aee Jer. Ii. 81, 33, 1. 38), and Diodorus
speaks of an arched tunnel under the Euphrates
(ii. 9). Bridges of boats are described also by
Herodotus (iv. 88, vii. 36; comp. JEtch. Pers. 69,
\irittayun axttla), Ka ^ L °7 Xenophon (Anab. ii.
4, % 13). A bridge over the Zab, made of wicker-
work, connecting stone piers, is described by Layard
;i. 193), a mode of construction used also in South
America.
Though the arch was known and used in Egypt
as early as the 15th oentury B. o. (Wilkinson, ii.
•OS ft*.. Birch, i. 14) the Romans were the first
onstructors of arched bridges. Tbey made bridges
over the Jordan and other rivers of Syria, of whicn
remains still exist (Stanley, 396 ; Irby and Mangles,
a • This bridge spans the Jordan, batmen the H1J/A
tod ths lake of QalUee, and is oaUed Jur Btnit IV-
M», "Bridge of Jacob's daughters ihobinsoo, J*»».
Oxer. p. 156). It Is 60 pacts long, ant, has 4 pointed
wens*. Though comparatively modem, It no doubt
mads whara a bridge stood in ths earliest times, sinet
■■eh ef the tranto and travel between Damascus and
BRIERS 82i
90, 91, 93, 143, 148). A stone tridge over tat
Jordan, called the Bridge of the daughters of Jacob,
is mentioned by B. de la Brooquiere, A. |>. 1433,
and a portion of one by Arculf, A. u. 700 (£arlf
Trav. m Pal 8, 300; Burckhardt, /Syria, 315;
Robinson, ii. 441). The bridge (ytfipa) connect-
ing the Temple with the upper city, of which Jose-
phus speaks (B. J. vi. 6, § 2, Art. xv. 11, 5),
seems to have been an arched viaduct (Robinson, 1.
388, iii. 384). II. W. P.
BRIERS 6 No less than six Heb. words are
thus rendered in eleven passages of the O. T. In
Heb. vi. 8, it represents ajcareVu. In the 8th chap-
ter of Judges occurs twice (v. 7, 16) the word
D > 3|*n3, which the LXX. render by toJi Bop-
KTirlp [Tat A&apKr)y(ifi, Bapaiciivtiu.], or [Alex.]
Bapiconiutr, [Bapajcqvtifi,] and the A. V. by
briers. This Is probably an incorrect rendering.
The word properly means a threshing machine,
consisting of a flat, square, wooden board set with
teeth of iron, flint, or fragments of iron pyrites,
which are abundant in Palestine. Gesenius con-
jectures that lj"n3 was the name for pyrites, from
\Tfy,fulgur<ml; and hence that ^i^? = trib-
ute pyritu munila — T}1Q (see Robinson, il. 307).
For plO, Mlc vii. 4, and Pv>D, E*. xxviii.
24, see under Thorns.
In Ex. it 6, we read " Though briers and thorns
be with thee," Arters representing the Heb. COpfp,
which is explained by rebels in the margin. The
root is 3""D, rebetUs vet rtfractariiu fttit, and the
rendering should be " Though rebellious men like
thornt be with thee."
In Is. Iv. 13, we have " instead of the brier shall
come up the myrtle-tree," the Heb. word for brier
being "t?~jD, rirpdd: K im(a: urtica. KoVufa
is a strong-smelling plant of the endive kind, flea-
bane, Inula heleruum, Linn. (Arist. //. A. iv. 8,
28; Diosc. iii. 126). The Peshito has IvLs
sttureia, savory, wild thyme, Thymus serpyOura, a
plant growing in great abundance in the desert of
Sinai according to Buckhardt (Syr. ii.). Gesenius
rejects both flea-bane and wild thyme on etymolog
ical grounds, and prefers u-stco, nettle, consider-
ing ^^D to be a compound of F|?3, tusft, and
TOO, ptm xil . He also notices the opinion of
Ewald (Gram. Crit. p. 580) that Sinapi album,
the white mustard, is the plant meant.
In Is. v. 6, we have mention of briers and thorns
as springing up in desolated and wasted lands; and
here the Hebrew word is "W?t£J, from root "N?tp,
riguit, korruit [Adamant] (comp. Is. vii. 23, 94,
25, ix. 18, and xxxii. 13. In Is. x. 17, xxrii. 4,
TOKJ is used metaphorically for men. In*
LXX. in several of these passages have ekaWta;
in one ^6pros, m another aypttora (ty>d.
Palesttn* must always have passed this way. See
OasHom. R.
» • Ths eminent Hebraist, Prof es so r INetrleh of
Marourg, treats of the subject of this article under Um
head of Donun- uiut Disithtamm (pp. 36 -68) in his
AUmuUuiujen fisr StmUistJu Wortfmsdumx (Leipslg,
1344). H
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328 BRIGANDINK
There le nothing In the etymology or mage by
which we can identify the ~^ptj? with any partic-
ular species of prickly or thorny plant. Possibly
it is a general n-rni for the very numerou* planU
of this clmracUr which are found in the unculti-
nted lands of the East. W. D.
BRIG AN DINE. The Hebrew word thus
rendered in Jer. xlvi. 4, U. 8 tiP^ff, *<y6n:
tApai- lorica) is closely connected with that
(1Vnt27, ihin/dn) which is elsewhere translated
"coat of mail " (1 Sam. xvii. 6, 38), sad "haber-
geon" (2 Chr. uvi. 14; Neh. it. 16 [10]).
[Amis, p. 161 «.] Mr. Wedgwood (Diet of Eng.
Etym, s. v.) says it " was a kind of scale armor,
also called Itriganders, from being worn by the
light truups called Brigands." The following ex-
amples will illustrate the usage of the word in Old
English : " The rest of the armor for bis body, he
had put it on before in his tent, which was a Si-
cilian cassocke, and rpon that a briyimdme made
of many foldes of canuas with oylet-holes, which
was gotten among the spoiles at the battell of
Issus" (North's Plutarch, Alex. p. 735, ed. 1595).
" Hyni selfe with the Duke of Buckingham stode
harnessed in olde euil-fauoured Briganden " (Hall,
Edw. V., fol l. r > i, ed. 1550). The forms brigim-
taiUt and brignntme also occur. W. A. YV.
BRIMSTONE (fl^' gophrUh: StToy:
mbphur). There can be no question that the He-
brew word which occurs several times in the Bible
is correctly rendered " brimstone; " * this meaning
is fully corroborated by the old versions. The word
is very frequently associated with "fire:" "The
Lord rained upon Sodom and Gomorrah brimstone
and fire out of heaven" (Gen. xix. 24); see also
Ps. xi. 6; Kb. xxxviii. 22. In Job xviii. 15, and
Is. xxx. 33, " brimstone " occurs alone, but no
doubt in a sense similar to that in the foregoing
passages, namely, as a synonymous expression with
lightning, as has been observed by Le Clerc (OU-
tert. dc Sodomat tubrertiune, Commentario [in]
Pentateuch, adjecta, § iv.), Michaelis, Kosenmiiller,
and others.' There is a peculiar sulphurous odor
which is occasionally perceived to accompany a
thunder-storm ; the ancients draw particular atten-
tion to it: see Pliny (N. B. xxxv. 15), " Fulmina
ac fulgura quoque sidphuris odorem habent; " Sen-
eca (Q. not. ii. 53), and Persius (Sat. ii. 24, 25).
Hence the expression in the Sacred writings " fire
and brimstone " to denote a storm of thunder aid
lightning. The stream of brimstone in Is. xxx. 33
is, no doubt, as Lee (Btb. Lex. p. 123) has well
aproned it, " a rushing stream of lightning."
From Dout xxix. 23, " the whole laud thereof
is brimstone like the overthrow of Sod-
om," it would appear that native sulphur itself is
alluded to (see also Is. xxxiv. 9). Sulphur is found
.it the present time in different parts of Palestine,
but in the greatest abundance on the borders of
the Dead Sea. " We picked up pieces," says Dr.
Probably allied to "15?3» * general name for such
■ as abound with rsatnbus inflammable exudations ;
ait t*V^£3, "sulphur," as being very c ouib wa
k 8m the Lexicons of Parkhurat and Gmaras,
« Of. ttu Amblo
o
IdbtU.
BROOK
Robinson (Bib. He$. ii. 221), "as large as a ««i
nut near the northern shore, and the Arabs said it
was found in the sea near 'Ain el-Fetltkkak it)
lumps as large as a man's fist: they find it in suf-
ficient quantities to make from it their own gun-
powder." See Irby and Mangles ( TrmtU, p. 463),
Burckhardt (Trmels, p. 394), who observes that
the Arabs use sulphur in diseases of their camels
and Shaw (Travels, a. 159). There are not sul-
phurous springs on the eastern coast at the ancient
Callirrhoij (Irby and Mangles, Trat. p. 467, and
Robinson, Bib. fti. ii. 222).
The pieces of sulphur, varying in size from a nut-
meg to a small hen's egg, which travellers pick up
on the shore of the Dead Sea, have, in all proba-
bility, been disintegrated from the adjacent lime-
stone or volcanic rocks and washed up on the shores-
Sulphur was much used by the Greeks and Romaut
in their religious purifications (Jur. ii 157 ; Plm
xxxv. 15): hence the Greek word Btior. lit. " the
divine thing," was employed to express this sub-
stance. Sulphur is found nearly pure in different
parts of the world, and generally in volcanic di»
tricts; it exists in combination with metals and b
various sulphates; it is very combustible, sad is
used in the manufacture of gunpowder, matches,
4c. Pliny (/. r.) says one kind of sulphur was
employed " ad ellychnia conficienda." W. H.
* BRING. " To bring a person on his way "
or "journey " is used in the A. V. in the sense of
to conduct or accompany him, for a part or the
whole of the distance, often with the associated
idea of fitting him out with the necessary supplies
(ClvtD: ovpMpowfaim, wpow4/iwm. dedWco, pro-
nulio; Gen. xviii. 16; Acts xv. 3,xxL 5; Rom. xv.
24; 1 Cor. xvi. 6; 2 Cor. i. 16; Tit in. 13; 3
John 6). A.
• BROIDER* See Embroiderer. In
many modem editions of the A. V., broidered in
1 Tim. ii. 9 — " not with broidered hair " — is a
corruption of braided, the rendering of the ed. of
1611 and other early editions. Broided is an old
form of braided. The marginal rendering is
"plaited; " Gr. <V wKiy)uuriv\ Vulg. in torn*
crinibvt. A.
BROOK. Four Hebrew words are thus ren-
dered in the O. T.
1. p'TS, tpliik (Ps. xlii. 1 [2]), which properly
denotes a violent torrent, sweeping through a moun-
tain gorge. It occurs only in the poetical books,
and U derived from a root iphak, signifying "te
be strong." Elsewhere it Is rendered "stream,"
"channel," "river."
2. -ns?, &6r (Is- rix- 6, 7, 8, xxiii. 3, 10), w
Egyptian word, generally applied to the Nile, or te
the canals by which Egypt was watered. Tbe only
exceptions to this usage are found in Dan. xii. 6,
6,7.
3. bS^Q, micdl (2 Sam. xvii. 20\ which oc-
curs but once, and then, according to the most
probable conjecture, signifies a " rivulet ," or smai
stream of water. Tbe etymology of the word ii
» From A. 8., brmmm, " to burn," and koim.
e See the dlflereot explanation of Hongi sobers; (Ps
xi. 6), who maintains, contra? to all reason, tar
Sodom and Oomomh were de stroy ed by "a nam
ratninff of brimstone."
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BROTHER
tome. lne Tugum erroneously nniden It
' Jordan."
4. 7TI3, nachal, a term applied both U the
iry torrent-bed (Num. xxi. 12; Judg. xvi. 4) and
to the torrent itself (1 K. xvii. 3). It correspond!
with the Arabic teddy, the Greek x*'vutft><><", the
Italian Jiumara, and the Indian nullih. For fur-
ther information, see Kivkb. XV. A. W.
BROTHER (n$ : is, \<p6s)- The Hebrew
word U rued in various senses in the O. T., as (1.)
Any kinsman , and not a mere brother; e. g. nephew
JtJen. xir. 16, xiii. 8), husband (Cant iv. 9). (2.)
One of the same tribe (2 Sam. xix. 12). (3.) Of
the same people (Ex. ii. 11), or even of a cognate
iwople (Num. xx. 14). (4.) An ally (Am. i. 9).
(5.) Any friend (Job ri. 15). (6.) One of the same
afBeo (1 K. U. 13). (7.) A fellow man (Lev. xix.
17). (8.) Metaphorically of any similarity. It is a
verj favorite Oriental metaphor, as in Job xxx. 29,
•' I an become a brother to the jackals " (Uesen.
The word a&tkipit has a similar range of mean-
ings in the N. T., and is also used for a disciple
(Matt. xxv. 40, Ac.); a fellow-worker, as in St.
i'aul'a r.'pp. passim; and especially a Christian.
Indeed, we see from the Acta that it was by this
name that Christians usually ppoke of each other.
The name Christian was merely used to describe
them objectively, »'. e. from the Pagan point of
view, as we see from the places where it occurs,
namely, Arts fjd. 261, xxvi. 28, and 1 Pet. iv.
16.
The Jewish schools distinguish between "bro-
ther" and "neighbor;" "brother" meant an Is-
raelite by blood, " neighbor " a proselyte. They
allowed neither title to the Gentiles; but Christ
and the Apostles extended the name " brother " to
ill Christians, and " neighbor " to all the world,
1 Cor. v. 11; Luke x. 2tf, 30 (ligbtfoot, {for.
Uebr. ad Matt, v. 22).
We must now briefly touch on the difficult and
interesting question as to who were " the brethren
of the Lord," and pass in renew the theories re-
specting them. And first we would observe that in
arguing at all against their being the real brethren
of Jesus, far too much stress has been laid on the
assumed indefiniteneas of meaning attached to the
word " brother " in Scripture. In all the adduced
eases it will be seen that, when the word is used in
sny but its proper sense, the context prevents the
possibility of confusion ; and indeed in the only two
exceptional instances (not metaphorical), namely,
those in which l-ot and Jacob are respectively
called " brothers " of Abraham and I j»han, the
word is only extended so far as to mean " nephew; "
and it most be remembered that even these excep-
tions are quoted from a single book, seventeen cen-
turies earlier than the gospels. If then the word
' brethren," as repeatedly applied to James, Ac.,
•sadly mean "cousins" or "kinsmen," It will be
the <mb) instance of such an application in which
no data are given to correct the laxity of meaning.
Again, no really parallel case can be quoted from
he N. T., except in merely rhetoric*, and tropical
■usages; whereas when "nephews are meant
*ey an always specified ss such, as in Col. iv. 10;
Acts xxiU 16 (Kitto, The ApottUt, to. p. 165
C). There is therefore no adequate warrart in the
• •»<!« tlM primitive bishop of this name, of Hlermr-
1s. but a .sediagtat nsmasaxs who lived In the Uth
BROTHER
329
language alone, to take " brethren " as meaning
" relatives; " and therefore the a priori presump
tion is in favor of a literal acceptation of the term.
We have dwelt the more strongly on this |»>int
because it seems to have been far too easily icwtumsl
that no importance is to be attached to the mere
fact of their being invariably called Christ's breth-
ren; whereas this consideration alone goes tar to
prove that they really were so.
There are, however, three traditions respecting
them. They are first mentioned (Matt. xiii. 56)
in a manner which would certainly lead an un-
biased mind to conclude that they were our l-ord'a
uterine brothers. " Is not this the carpenter's son ?
is not hit mother called Mary V and kit brethren
James, and Joses, and Judas, and Simon ? mid hit
titters, are they not all with us V " Hut since we
find that there was a " Mary, the mother of .lames
and Joses " (Matt. xvii. 56), and that a "James
and Judas (?) " were sons of Alpiueus (Luke vi. 15,
16), the most general tradition is — I. That they
were all our lord's first cousins, the sons of Al-
piueus (or Clopas — not Cleopas, see Alford, Or.
Tttt. Matt. x. 3) and Mary, the sister of the Vir-
gin. This tradition is accepted by l'apias," Jerome
(Cat. Script. Kec. 2), Augustine, and the Latin
Church generally, and is now the one most com-
monly received. Yet there seem to l>e overwhelm-
ing arguments against it: for (1.) The reasoning
entirely depends on three very doubtful assumptions,
namely, (a.) That "his mother's sister" (John xix.
25) must be in apposition with "Mary, the wife
of Cleophas," which would be improbable, if only on
the ground that it supposes two sisters to have had
the same name, a supposition substantiated by no
parallel cases [Wieseler (comp. Mark xv. 40) thinks
that Salome, the wife of Zebedee, is intended by
"his mother's sister"]. (A.) That "Mary, the
mother of .lames," was the wife of Alpiueus, i. e
that the James intended is 'ld«a>/3os A 'A\<ftalov.
(c.) That Cleophas, or more correctly Clopas, whose
wife Mary was, is identical with Alpiueus; which
may be the case, although it cannot be proved.
(2.) If his cousins were meant, it would be signally
untrue that " neither did bis brethren lielieve on
him " (John vii. 5 ff.). for in all probability three
out of the four (namely, James the Ijua, Matthew (or
Levi), and Jude, the brother (V) of James) were
actual Apottlrs. We do not see how this objection
can be removed. (3.) It is quite unaccountable
that these " brethren of the l-ord," if they were
only bis cousins, should be always mentioned in
conjunction with the Virgin Mary, and never with
their own mother Mary, who was both alive and in
constant attendance on our I-ord. (4.) They are
generally spoken of as distinct from, the Apostles;
see Acts i. 14; 1 (or. ix. 5; and Jude (17) seems
to clearly imply that he himself was not an Apostle.
It seems to us that these four objections are quite
adequate to set aside the very slight gasunds for
identifying the "brethren of the Lord" with the
'• sons of Alphseus."
II. A second tradition accepted by Hilary.
Epiphanius, and the Greek fathers generally, makes
them the sons of Jottph by a former marriage with
a certain Escha or Salome of the tribe of Juilah;
indeed Epiphanius {Uarret. xrix. § 4) even men
tions the supposed order of birth of thefour sons and
two daughters. But Jerome ( Com. in Matt. xii. 49 ;
century. Prof. Lightfoot (on OtUai. p. 369) has potnM
out this sUd of the writs* H-.
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380
BROTHER
lights as us a mere conjecture, Iwrmwed from the
•* deliraraenta Apocryphorum," and Origen says
that it was taken from the Gospel nf St Peter.
The only shadow of ground for its [xxmibility is the
apparent difference of age between Joseph and the
Virgin
III. Titer are assumed to have been the offspring
of a levirate marriage between Joseph and the wife
of his deceased brother C'lopas. But apart from all
evidence, it is ohviotialy idle to examine so arbitrary
an assumption.
The argument* ayniiut their being the sons of
'Jw Virgin after the birth of our tard, are founded
ya — (1.) The almost constant tradition of br
it tapStrla. St Basil (Serm. dr. 8. Nairn.) even
rutords a story that " Zechary was slain by the Jews
between the porch and the altar " for affirming her
to be a Virgin after, as well as before the birth of
her mm' holy Son (Jer. Taylor, Duel. Dubil. II. 3,
iy. StiJ the tradition was nut universal: it was
denied, for instance, by large numbers called Anti-
dteomariauita; and Helvidiani. To quote Kz. xlir.
2, as any argument on the question Is plainly ab-
surd. (2.) On the fact that on the cross Christ
commended his mother to the care of St. John ;
but this is easily explicable on the ground of bis
brethren's apparent dislielief in Him at that time,
though they seem to have been converted very soon
afterwards. (3.) On the identity of their names
with those of the sons of Alphseus. This argument
loses aD weight, when we remember the constant
recurrence of names in Jewish families, and the ex-
treme commonness of these particular names. In
the N. T. alone there may be at least five contem-
porary Jameses, and several Judes, not to mention
the 21 Siiuonx, IT .loses, and Hi .ludis mentioned
by Josephus.
On the other band, the arguments fur their being
i«r Lord's uterine brothers are numerous, and,
tddxn coltectirrli/, to an unprejudiced mind almost
:' resistible, although singly they are open to objec-
tions: e. g. (1.) The word rponAroKos vlit, Luke
U. 7. (2.) Matt i. 25, om iyinnrictr turner ««i
*•? *T.-*»r, r. r. A- to which Alfi-rd justly remarks,
«.!v onfc meaning amid have been attached but for
pruonaaved theories about the aeneapOfyia. (3.)
The general tone of the gospels on the subject
■bice they are comtmtty spoken of with the Virgin
Mary, and with no shadow of a hint that they were
not her own children (Matt xii. 46; Mark iii. 31,
Ik.). It can, we think, hardly lie denied that any-
one of these arguments is singly stronger than those
produced on the other side.
To sum up then, we have seen (I.) that "trie
brethren of the Ixnxl " ciiuM hardly have been iden-
tical with the sons of Alphn-us, and (II.) that we
have no grounds for supposing them to have been
the sons of Joseph by a previous, or (III.) a levi-
rate marriage: that the arguments in favor of their
being actual brothers of our Lord are cogent and
that the tradition on the other aide is not suffi-
ciently weighty or unanimous to set them aside.
Finally, this tradition of the perpetual virginity of
the mother of our Lord (which any one may bold,
If be will as one of the " pie credibilia," Jer. Tay-
lor, Duet Itub. II. 3, 6) is easily accounted for by
■he general error on the inferiority of the wedded
n th» virgin state : Scripture in no way requires
is to believe it and since Mary's previous virginity
a alo»* "»)iiisite to the Gospel narrative, we must
vgard '.: i~ a question of mere curiosity. [James ;
Jcds-1 (Pearson, On Ike Creed, Art
BUKKI
HI. and uoUs; KuinoeJ and Alford on itatt. xai
66; Ligbtfoot Hor. Htbr. Matt v. 22, Ac., *c)
F. W. V.
• On this question of " the brethren of the Lord,'
Dr. I-ange maintains the cousin-theory, but with s
peculiar modification. He derives the cousbwhif
not from the mothers (the two Marys being sisters)
but from the fathers (Clupas or Alpheus and Josepk
being brothers). See bis Bibthctrh, i. 201, and
Dr. Schaff's Tranilatum, p. 255. Professor light-
foot thinks the words on the cross, " Woman, be-
hold thy son," said of John the Evangelist, are
decisive, as showing that the mother of Jesus had
no sons of her own, and hence according to his new
the brethren '' must have been sons of Joseph by
a former marriage (St. Paut$ Kp. to the GalaL, pp.
241-275). Of these two explanations (the cousin-
theory being regarded as out of the question) Dr.
Scliaff (on Lnnyt , pp. 256-260, where he hai a full
note) prefers the latter, partly as agreeing better
with the apparent age of Joseph, the husband rf
Mary (who disappears so early from the history ),
and also with the age of the brothers who seem at
times to have exercised a sort of eldership over
lesus (comp. Mark iii. 31 and John vii. 3 ft).
Undoubtedly the view adopted in the foregoing
article, that Jesus had brothers who were the sons
of Mary, is the one which an unforced exegesi: re-
quires ; and, as to the fact of the Saviour's com-
mitting the mother in his last momenta to the cart
of John, which this view is said to make irrecoii-
concilable with " the claims of filial piety," if Mary
had sons of her own, it is not easy in point of prin-
ciple to make out the material difference (affirmed
by those who suppose a previous marriage of Joseph )
between such claims of her own sons and those of
step-sons. " The perpetual virginity of Mary,"
says the late Prof. Edwards, " is inferred from half
a verse (Matt i. 25), which by natural implication
teaches the direct contrary." This question is
brought up again under James. H.
• BRUIT, Jer. x. 22; Kah. iii. 19, is used in
the sense, now obsolete, of " report," " tidings."
The A. V. in the passages referred to follows tha
Genevan version. A.
BUBASTI8. [PiBxsmi.]
• BUCKLER. [Arms, II. 6; Shield.]
BUK'KI Cp3 [contracted for VVi?^; an
infra]: Bokki; [Alex.] Bsmku; [Vat B*M, Basm :]
Boca). 1. Son of Abishua and father of Uxxi,
fifth from Aaron in the line of the high-priests in
1 Chr. v. 31, vi. 36 (vi. 6, 61, A. V.), and in the
genealogy of Ezra, Ear. vii. 4, and 1 Esdr. viii. 2.
where he is called BokkiL IkiccAS, which is cor
rupted to Bomth, 2 Esdr. i. 2. Whether Bukki
ever filled the office of bitch-priest we are not in-
formed in Scripture. Kniphanius in his list of tot
ancestors of Jehoiada, whom he fancifully aupposrs
to be brother of Eujah the Tisbbito, omits both
Bukki and Abishua (Advert. Melckixedtc iii.).
Josephus (Ant. viii. 1, § 3) expressly says that all
of Aaron's line between Joseph (Abishua) the high-
priest and Zadok who was made high-priest in the
reign of David, were private persons ( iturrticarrts )
i. e. not high- p ri ests, and mentions by name " Bukki
the son of Joseph the high-priest" *» the first of
those who lived a private life, while the pontifica,
dignity was in the house of Ithamar. But in v
11, §6, Josephus says as expressly that Abishua (then
eaBrd Abuser) having received the bigb-r riesthoo*
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r
BUKKIAH
km hi* father Phinehas, transmitted it to hu own
■on Bukki, who ni succeeded by Urn, after whom
it passed to Eli. We may conclude therefore that
Jnaephu* had no more means of knowing for certain
who were high-priests between Phinehas and Eli,
than we have, and may adopt the opinion, which is
far the most probable, that there was no high-priest
between them, unless perhaps Abishua. For an
account of the absurd fancies of the Jews, and the
statements of Christian writers relative to the suc-
cenkni of the high-priests at this pnriod, see Sel-
den, dt Saceeu. in Funtif. Iltbr. ; also (JtuvJuy.
of' our Lord, eh. x- A. C H.
2. (Baxx'f> t Vat - _ X«v]i Alex - B«rjr»: Bocci.)
Son of JogB, "prince" (rVUTj") of the tribe of
Dan, one of the ten men chosen to apportion the
land of Canaan between the tribes (Num. xxxiv. 2*2).
BUKKI'AH pli"!*!?? [wiling /<<•>* ■Mo-
ra*], Bukkijahu: Bovcbu [Vat. -«««-]; Alex. Boit-
«uu, [Koxiriot :] Boccum), a Kohathite Levite.of
the sons of Heman, one of the musicians in the
Temple, the leader of the sixth band or course in
the service (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 18).
BUL. [Mojitos.]
BULL, BULLOCK, terms used synony-
mously irih ox, oxen, in the A. V. as the repre-
sentatives j» several Hebrew words. [See Ox.]
Twice in the N. T. as the rendering of ravpot, Heb.
ix.13.x- 4.
1p3 is properly a generic name for horned cat-
tle when of full age and fit for the plough. Ac-
urdingly it is variously rendered bulluck (Is. Ixv.
25), cow (Ex. iv. 16), oxen (Gen. xii. 16). Henoe
In Deut. xxi. 8, "1(73 fV?3£ is a hetfer ; Ex.
ixix. 1, "1p2"13. "•?> a y om 9 bullock; and in
lien. xviiL 7, simply ~lfJ5"]5, rendered a calf
in A. V. It is derived from an unused root,
T23, to dean, hence to plouyh, as hi Latin <tr-
mmtum is arammtum.
"ntT diners from "1p2 in the same way as
ntT, a theep, from JHK, a flock of sheep. It is
a generic name, but almost always signifies one
head of bornrd cattle, without distinction of age or
tax. It is very seldom used collectively. The
Chakiee form of the word, "I VI, occurs in Ksr. vi.
8, 17, vii. 17; Dan. iv. SB, Ac; and Plutarch
{Bull. e. 17) says Baip ol 4>of»ucc» t^c fiovv ko-
kovvt. It is nrobably the same word as ravpot ,
taunu. Germ, itier, Engl. deer. The root "AC
**t 7
is not used, but the Arab. »L3, eadtmil /ndrtrem,
4 a Very natural derivation of the word.
bj?, rTJJ^, « cojf, mail or female, prop-
•rkjcf the fir* gear, derived, as Gesenh» thinks,
fma as i£thioptc word signifying fttut, embryo,
imUuf, combo, while others derive it from 7?9,
zirit, rotanit, ftttkutcii. Thn word is used of a
rained heiftr (Hos. x. 11), of one giving milk (Is.
ifi. il, S3), of one used in ploughing (Judg. xiv.
J), and of one three years old (ties tv. 9). Al-
BURIAL
331
• Ha r priaraa " m omXj spariAed to seven tribal
■a* «T tfct *ro : not to Juoab, Simeon, or B e n ja min .
most synonymo'is with ^iV la ~>9, the latter tig
uifying generally a young bull of two years old
though in one instance (Judg. vi. 25) possibly s
bull of seven years old. It is the customary term
for bulls offered in sacrifice, and hence is used met
aphorically in Hos. xiv. 2, "so will we render, ' at
bullocks,' our lips."
There are four or five passages in which the word
D'naNisusedforOttUs. It U the plural of "l^ft
strong, whence its use. See Ps. xxU. 12, 1- 13, Ixviii
30; Is.xxxiv.7; Jer. L 11.
All the above words refer to domesticated cattle,
which formed of old, as now, an important part of
the wealth of the people of Palestine. In Is. ii. 30
the word SVI occurs, and is rendered « wild hull "
but " wild ox " in Dent. xiv. 6. The I.XX have
trturhioy in the former passage and ipvya in the
latter. It wis possibly one of the larger species ot
antelope, and took its name from its swiftuess —
the Arabic Jd being cum antevertit. The An-
telope Oryx of Linnteus is indigenous in Syria,
Arabia, and Persia. Dr. Robinson mentions huge
herds of black and almost hairless buffaloes as still
existing in Palestine, and these may be the animal
indicated (iii. 396). W. D.
BtJLRUSH,used synonymously with Ruth m
the A V. as the rendering of the words PCJK
and WtsK In Is. ix. 14, xix. 15, we have the
proverbialexpression VOJW HQ3, A. V. "branch
and rush," equivalent to' high and low alike (the
LXX. have pi-fay xol funpir in one passage, apxhr
no! rt\oi in the other), and in Is. Iviii. 6, 710Pf
is rendered bulrmh. W. D.
* The remainder of this article in the English
edition is entirely superseded by the art Rekd,
which see. A.
•BULRUSHES, ARK OF. [Mosks.]
BUT* AH (nj-13 [o»«crrtiu»):Baj«£;[V«*.
Bwoia; Aid. Board'.] Buna), a son of Jerahmeel.
of the family of Pharos in Judah (1 Chr. ii. 25).
BUN'NI. L 033 [buHQ: Bmmi), one of
the Invites in the time of Nehemlah (Neh. ix. 4);
possibly the same person is mentioned in x. 15.
The I.XX. in both cases translate the name by
viis.
2. [FA.* BovraT; Comp. Bon«i ■&»*>■] Anothet
Levite, but of earlier date than the preceding (Neh
xi. 15). The name, ^S, Is also slightly different
LXX. [in most M3S.] omits.
Bunni is said to have been the Jewish name of
Nicodenius (Lightfbot on John iii. 1; Ewald, v.
233).
• BURDEN. The Hebrew St^O, rendered
"burden" in the A. V., denotes both a burden,
and an oraclt or pro/ihecy. This double sense of
the word is referred to in Jer. xxiii. 33 ff. Ser
Noyes's note on the passage ( Trmu. of the Hebrtu
Prophet*, 3d ed., 1366, ii. 340). A.
BURIAL. SEPULCHRES, TOMBS. The
Jewr -nifbrmly disposed of the corpse by entomb-
ment where possible, and failing that, by interment;
extending this respect to the remains even of tht
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BUBIAL
slain enemy and nudefaetor (1 K. ii. 16; Deut xxi.
18), in the Utter cue by express provision of law.
Since thin wu the only cue to guarded by Mosaic
precept, it may be concluded that natural feeling
wu relied on u rendering any such general injunc-
ion superfluous. Similarly, to disturb remain*
wan regarded u a barbarity, only justifiable in the
ease of those wbo had themselves outraged religion
(2 K. xxiii. 16, 17; Jer. viii. 1, 2). The RabbU
quote the doctrine " dust thou art, and unto dust
shalt thou return," u a reason for preferring to
entomb or inter their dead; but that preferential
practice is older than the Mosaic record, u traceable
in patriarchal examples, and continued unaltered by
any Gentile influence; so Tacitus {Hist. v. 5) notices
that it wu a point of Jewish custom, corpora <tii-
tlrrt quttin creniare.
On this subject we have to notice: (1) the place
of burial, its site and shape; (2) the mode of burial ;
(8) the prevalent notions regarding this duty ; [and
(4) the rapidity with which burial took place after
death.]
I. A natural care enlarged and adapted by exca-
vation, or an artificial imitation of one, was the
standard type of sepulchre. This wu what the
structure of the Jewish soil supplied or suggested.
A distinct and simple form of sepulture u con-
trasted with the complex and elaborate rites of
Egypt clings to the region of Palestine and varies
but little with the great social changes between the
periods of Abraham and the Captivity. Jacob and
Joseph, who both died in Egypt, are the only known
instances of the Egyptian method applied to patri-
archal remains. Sepulchres, when the owner's
oiearu permitted it, were commonly prepared before-
land, and stood often in gardens, by roadsides, or
?veu adjoining houses. Kings and prophets alone
were probably buried within towns (1 K. ii. 10, xvi.
6, 28; 2 K. x. 35, xiii. 9; 2 Chr. xvi. 14, xxviii.
27; 1 Sam. xxv. 1, xxviii. 8). Sarah's tomb and
Kashel's seem to have been chosen merely from the
accident of the place of death ; but the successive
interments at the former (Gen. xlix. 31) are a
chronicle of the strong family feeling among the
.lews. It was the sole fixed spot in the unsettled
patriarchal life : and its purchase and transfer, mi
nut«ly detailed, are remarkable u the sole transac-
tion of the kind, until repeated on a similar occasion
m Shechem. Thus it was deemed a misfortune or
an indignity, not only to be deprived of burial (Is.
xiv. 20; Jer. passim: 2 K. ix. 10), but, in a lesser
degree, to be excluded from the family sepulchre
(t K. xiii. 22), u were Tzziah the royal leper, and
Manasseh (2 Chr. xxvL 23, xxxiii. 20). Thus the
remains of Saul and his sons were reclaimed to rest
in his father's tomb. Similarly it was a mark of a
profound feeling towards a person not of one's family
:o wish to be buried with him (Ruth i. 17; 1 K.
uii. 31), or to give him a place in one's own
•rpubhre (Gen. xxiii. 6; comp. 2 Chr. xxiv. 16).
the head of a family commonly provided space for
jwre than one generation ; and these galleries of
kindred sepulchres are common in many eastern
-ranches of the human race. Cities soon became
opnlous and demanded cemeteries (comp. tie term
woKvdrSpior, Kz. xxxix. 15), which were placed
without the walls; such an one seems intended by
the expression in 2 K. xxiii. 6, " the graves of the
shildren of the people," situated in the valley of the
(Eedron or of Jeboshaphat. Jeremiah (vii. 32, xix.
U) threatens that the eastern valley called Tophet,
BUBIAL
the favorite haunt of idolatry, should be polluted I <
burying there (comp. 2 K. xxiii. 16). Such was
also the " Potter's Field " (Matt, xxvii. 7), wilier
bad perhaps been wrought by digging for clay fate
boles serviceable for graves.
The Miabnaie description of a sepulchre, com-
plete according to Rabbinical notions, is somewbai
u follow* : a cavern about 6 cubits square, or 6 bj
8, from three sides of which are recessed longitud-
inally several vaults, called DOID, each large
enough for a corpse. On the fourth side the cavern
is approached through a small open covered court
or portico, "^Sl"!, of a size to receive Die bier and
bearers. In some such structures the demoniac may
have housed. The entry from this court to that
cavern wu closed by a largs stone called ? /U,
u capable of being rolled, thus confirming the
Evangelistic narrative. Sometimes several such
caverns, each with its recesses, were entered from
the several sides of the same portico. (Mishna, Burn
Batkra, 6, 8, quoted by J. Nieosun, de Stpvkhrit
Hebraorum [lib. iii. c. ii.].) Such a tomb is that de-
scribed in Buckingham's TrartU in Arabia (p. 158),
and those known to tradition u the " tombs of the
kings" (see below). But earlier sepulchres were
doubtless more simple, and, to judge from 2 K.
xiii. 21, did not prevent mutual contact of remains.
Sepulchres were marked sometimes by pillars, u
that of Hachel; or by pyramids, u those of the
Asmoneans at Modin (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 8, 7); and
had places of higher and lower honor, like tem-
ples, they were, from their assumed inviolability,
sometimes made the depositaries of treasures (Us
Saulcy, ii. 183). We find them also distinguished
by a "title" (2 K. xxiii. 17). Such u were not
otherwise noticeable were scrupulously "whited"
(Matt, xxiii. 27) once a year, after the rains before
the passover, to warn passers by of defilement (llot-
tinger, Vippi Heir. fUgolini, xxxiii.] p. 1034; Kos-
tcusch dt SepuL CVuce nutnt. Ugolini, xxxiii.).
2. With regard to the mode of burial, we should
remember that our impressions, as derived from the
O. T., are those of the burial of persons of rank or
public eminence, whilst those gathered from tie
N. T. regard a private station. But in both cases
" tie manner of the Jews " included the use of
spices, where they could command the means. Thus
Asa lay in a "bed of spices" (2 Chr. xvi. 14). A
portion of these were burnt in honor of the de-
ceased, and to this use wu probably destined part
of the 100 pounds weight of " myrrh and aloes"
in our Lord's case. On high state occasions the
vessels, bed, and furniture used by the deceased
were burnt also. Such wu probably the " great
burning " made for Asa, If a king wu unpopular
or died disgraced (e. g. Jeheram, 2 Chr. xxl 19;
Joseph. AM. ix. 5, § 3), this wu not observed. In
no case, save that of Saul and his sons, were the
bodies burned, nor in that case were tier so burnt
u not to leave the " bones," easily concealed and
transported, and the whole proceeding looks like a
hasty precaution against hostile violence. Even
then the bones were interred, and re-exhumed tor
solemn entombment. The ambiguous word in Am.
vi. 10, V.">D», rendered in the A. V. « be that
burneth him," probably means " the burner of per-
fumes in bis honor," i. e. his near relation, ca
whom such duties devolrod; not, u Winer (s. T
Btgraben) and others think " the burner of tkt
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BURIAL
For a great mortality never causes men
to bom corpses where H is not the custom of the
country; nor did the custom vary among the Jews
an such so occasion (Ex. xxxix. 12-14). It was
the office of the next of kin to perform and preside
over the whole funereal office; but a company of
public buriers, originating in an exceptional neoes-
ritj (Ex. L c), had become, it seems, customary in
the times of the N. T. (Acts v. 6, 10). The dosing
of the eyes, kissing, and washing the corpse (Gen.
xlri. 4, 1. 1; Acts iz. 87), are customs common to
ill nations. Coffins were but seldom used, and if
used were open; but fixed stone sarcophagi were
somroon in tombs of rank. The bier, the word for
which in the O. T. is the same ss that rendered
!*d [see Hbi>], was borne by the nearest relatives,
ami followed by any who wished to do honor to the
dead. The grave-clothes (oOoVia, trrJupia) were
probably of the fashion worn in life, but swathed
and fastened with bandages, and the head covered
BUKIAL
888
separately. Previously to this being done, spices
were applied to the corpse in the form of ointment,
or between the folds of the linen ; hence our Lord's
remark, that the woman had anointed his bod;-,
it fit to eVraeWfw, " with a view to dressing it
in these iyrajpux;" not, u in A. V. "for the
ImriaL" For the custom of mourners visiting the
sepulchre, see Moukking; for that of frequenting
toiul* for other purposes, see Nkckomakct.
3. The precedent of Jacob's and Joseph's remains
| being returned to the land of Canaan was followed,
iu wish at least, by every pious Jew. Following a
similar notion, some of the Kabbina taught that
only in that hind could those who were buried oh
tain a share in the resurrection which was to usbei
in Messiah's reign on earth. Thus that land su
called by them, " the land of the living," and the
sepulchre itself, " the house of the living." Some
oven feigned that the bodies of the righteous, wher-
ever else buried, rolled back to Canaan under ground
Plan of the Tombs called « Tombs of the Prophets."
and found there only their appointed rest (J. Nico-
mus. de Sepulchr. /7e6. [lib. iii. c] xiii. 1). Tombs
•ere, in popular belief, led by the same teaching
invested with traditions. Thus MaclipeUh is stated
(Ijghtfoot, Ceniuria Chirographic r, s. v. Hebron)
to hare been the burial-place not only of Abraham
and Sarah, but also of Adam and Kve ; and there
was probably at the time of the N. T. a spot fixed
upon by tradition as the site of the tomb of every
prophet of note in the 0. T. To repair and adorn
these was deemed a work of exalted piety (Matt.
udii. 23). The scruples of the Scribes extended
even to the burial of the ass whose neck was broken
(Ex. xxxiv. 30), and of the first-born of cattle. (K.
Maimon. <k Primogrn. ch. iii. $ 4, quoted by J.
Nicolaus, de Sepulchr. Heb. [lib. iii. c] xvi. 1, 3, 4).
The neighborhood of Jerusalem is thickly studded
with tombs, many of them of great antiquity. A
succinct but valuable account of them is given in
Porter's Handbook (p. 143 ft ) ; out it is ou.y nec-
essary in this article to refer to two or three of the
■net celebrated. The so-called "Tombs of the
* » Ur. Pussy assigns good reasons tor abiding by
•*• seer* obvious sense of the expression In Am. rL
Prophets " will be best explained by the preceding
plan, taken from Porter (p. 147), and of which he
gives the following description : —
"Through a long descending gallery, the first
part of which is winding, we enter a circular chain
ber about 24 ft. in diameter and 10 high, having
a hole in its roof. From this chamber two parallel
galleries, 10 ft. high and 5 wide, are carried south-
wards through the rock for about 60 ft. ; a third di-
verges S. F-, extending 40 ft. They are connected
by two cross-galleries in aurentric curves, one at
their extreme end, the other in the middle. The
outer one is 115 ft. long and has a range of thirty
niches on the level of its floor, radiating outwards.
Two small chambers, with similar niches, also open
into it."
The celebrated •• Tombs of the Kings " have le
ceived this name on account of their remarkable
character; but they are supposed by Robinson and
Porter to be the tomb of Helena, the widowed
queen of llonobasus king of Adiabeue. She be-
aune a proselyte to Judaism, and fixed her resi-
JO (Minor Prapluu, Part III. p. 2071.
Dtr Prvphtl Amot, p. 336
Sss also Baur
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BURIAL
fence at Jerusalem, where she relieved raanj of the
joor during the famine predicted by Agabus in the
jays of Claudius Caesar (Acts xi. 28), and built for
herself a tomb, as we learn from Josephus. (On
Helena and her tomb see Joseph. AnL xx. 2, § 1
IF, 4, § 3; B. J. v. 2, $ 2, 4, § 3; Pans. viii. 16,
§ 5; Kobinson, i. 361 ff.) Into the question of the
origin of these tombs it is, however, unnecessary to
enter; but their structure claims our attention.
They are excavated out of the rock. The traveller
pasties through a low arched doorway into a court
BURIAL
94 ft. long by 87 wide. On the western ride is s
vestibule or porch 39 feet wide. The open front
was supported by two columns in the middle
Along the front extend a deep frieze and cornice
the former richly ornamented. At the soutben
side of the vestibule is the entrance to the tomb
The first room is a mere antechamber 18J ft. bj
19. On the S. side are two doors leading to othei
chambers, and on the W. one. These three cham-
bers have recesses, running into the walk at right
angles, and intended for bodies. (For further par
Plan of the Tombs called " Tombs of the King*."
Uculars see Porter, from whose Handbook the pre-
ceding account is taken.)
Hie so-called " Tomb of Zechariah," said to have
Iwwi constructed in honor of Zechariah, who was
slain " lietween the temple and the altar " in the
reiini of .loash (2 Chr. xxiv. 21 ; Matt, xxiii. 36),
is held in great veneration by the Jews. It is
lonbtful, however, whether it be a tomb at all, and
the style of architecture can scarcely be earlier than
oT th* Vestibule of the Tombs called "Tombs
of the Kings." (From Photograph.)
ear en. A drawing of it is inserted here on ac-
count of its celebrity. It bears a considerable
resemblance to the so-called tomb of Absalom,
which is figured on p. 17. H. H.
• 4. In eastern climates generally, interment
takes plan very soon after the death of a person.
This is made necessary to some extent, on account
rf the rapidity with wbich decomposition ensues
titer death (see John si 39). The Jews no doubt
snrled with tre greater haste, because they were so
fearful of being defiled by contact with a corpse
(Num. xix. 11 If.). We have a striking instance
of this n«me in the account of Ananias and Sap-
phira, who were borne to the grave as soon as t'e
bodies cotilil he laid out and shrouded for that pur-
pose (Act* v. 1 ft".). The deaths in this esse were
extraordinary, and possibly that fact may have has-
tened the burial somewhat; though even under or-
dinary circumstances a person among the Jews was
Tin so-called n Tomb of Zechariah." (from Photo-
graph.)
commonly buried the same day on which be died.
See Winer's Rente, ii. 16. Kven among the present
inhabitants of Jerusalem, says Tobler (DttMUUter
ma JerutnUm, p. 326, St. Uallen, 1863), sural, as
a general rule, is not deferred more that three as
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BXTHNINO
iwr boon. If the death occurs at evening, so that
there is no time for the funeral on the same day, it
takes place the next morning at the earliest break
of dawn. The body la placed on a bier, and the
mourner*, men and women, the near relatives and
neighbors, follow it to the grave (coinp. Luke vii.
13-15). See DenttlaMer, p. 329.
When the body was embalmed, as among the
Kirjrptians, the same reason for a speedy burial did
•Mt exist. Hence Joseph, after the 40 days spent
in the process of embalming the body of Jacob his
Either, waited 30 (or 70) " days longer, before he
proceeded to Canaan to deposit the remains in the
cave of Machpetah (Gen. 1. 1 ft*.). l)e WeUe refers
to (Jen. xxiii. 2-4 and xxv. 9, as showing that the
ancient Hebrews did not hasten burial, like the
later Hebrews (Lthrb. dtr hebr&itck-jid. ArehaoU
oyie, p. 400, 4te Aufl.); but the passages hardly
warrant that conclusion. Abraham's plea, " Let me
bury my dead out of my sight," indicates at least
impatience of any needless delay. H.
•BURNING. See Bdkial, 9; Ptraisii-
MK.VT8, III. (a.) 3.
BURNT-OFFERING (H^V or nV»3,
and in poetical passages v N 7*9, i. e. "perfect":
ikoKipraffts (tien.), i\oKavTa>fia (Ex. and Lev.,
*c), LXX.; i\oKaim>im, N. T.: holocawtum,
Vmg.}. The original derivation of the word
TVfS is from the root i"Tb^7, " ascends; " and it is
applied to the offering, which was wholly consumed
oy fire on the altar, and the whole of which, except
the refuse ashes, " ascended " in the smoke to (Jod.
It corresponds therefore in sense, though not exactly
in form, to the word SKoKa&runa, " whole burnt-
otTering," from which the name of the sacrifice in
modern languages is taken. Every sacrifice was in
part "a bunit-ofleriiig," because, since fire was the
chosen manifestation of God's presence, the portion
of each sacrifice especially dedicated to Him was
consumed by fire. But the term is generally re-
stricted to that which is properly a " whole burnt-
offering," the whole of which was so offered and
so consumed.
The burnt-offering is first named in Gen. viii
20, as offered after the Flood. (In iv. 4 we find
the more general word i"TP*lD "offering," a word
usually applied to unbloody sacrifices, though in
the LXX. and in Heb. xi. 4 translated by (Wlo.)
Throughout the whole of the book of Genesis (see
xv. 9, 17, xxii. 2, 7, 8, 13) it appears to be the
only sacrifice referred to; afterwards it became dis-
tinguished as one of the regular classes of sacrifice
under the Mosaic law.
Now an sacrifices are divided (see Heb. v. 1) into
' gift* " and " sacrifices-for-sin " (i. e. eucharistic
and propitiatory sacrifices), and of the former of
these the burnt-offering was the choicest specimen.
Accordingly (in Ps. xl. 8, 9, quoted in Heb. x. 5,
6) we hare first (in ver. 8) the general opposition,
as above, of sacrifices (0wriai) (propitiatory), and
offerings (v?oa<popai), and then (in ver. 9) "burnt-
* * the 70 days of mourning (Gen. 1. 8) probably
Include the 40 days of too embalming (Tneb, (tentsis.
>. 5B6K though some make the former additional to
the (Uter. H.
* It k clear that in this ceremony the burnt-ofler-
sag touched closely on the propitiatory or fdn-oftering,
I toe solemnity of the blood-eprtnkling in the
r was araeh greater, and had a peculiar sienm-
BURNT-OFFERING
335
offering," as representing the one, is opposed to
" sin-offering," as representing the other. Similar!)
in Ex. x. 25 (leas precisely) "burnt-offering" is
contrasted with " sacrifice." (So in 1 Sam. xv.
22; Pa. 1. 8; Mark xii. 33.) Ou the other hand,
it is distinguished from " meat-offerings " (which
were unbloody), and from " peace-offerings " (both
of the eucharistic kind), because only a portion of
them were consumed. (See 1 K. iii. 15, viii. 64,
4c.)
The meaning, therefore, of the whole bumt-of-
fering was that which is the original idea of all
sacrifice, the offering by the sacrificer of himself
soul and body, to God, the submission of his wiP
to the Will of the Lord. See Ps. xl. 10, U 17, 19.
and compare the more general treatment of tbs
subject under the word Sackifick. It typified
(see Heb. v. 1, 3, 7, 8) our Lord's offering (as es-
pecially in the temptation and the agony), the per-
fect sacrifice of hU own human will to the Will of
his Father. As that offering could only be accepted
from one either sinless or already purified from sin,
therefore the bunuVoffering (see Ex. xxix. 30, 3",
38; Lev. viii. 14, 18, ix. 8, 12, xvi. 3, 5, Ac.) was
always preceded by a sin-offering. So also we
Christians, because the sin-offering has been made
once for all for us, offer the continual burnt-offering
of ourselves, " as a living sacrifice, holy and accept-
able to the Lord." (See Kom. xii. 1.)
In accordance with this principle it was enacted
that with the burnt-offering a " meat-offering " (of
Sour and oil) and "drink-offering " of wine should
be offered, as allowing that, with themselves, men
dedicated also to God the chief earthly gifts with
which He had blessed them. (I.cv. viii. 18, 22,
26, ix. 16, 17, xiv. 20; Ex. xxix. 40; Num. xxviii
4,5.)
The ceremonial of the burnt-offering is given in
detail in the book of Leviticus. The animal was
to be a male unblemished, either a young bullock,
ram, or goat, or, in case of poverty, a turtledove
or pigeon. It was to be brought by the offerer
" of hit own voluntary will," and slain by himself,
after he had laid his hand upon it* head, to make
it his own representative, on the north side of the
altar. The priest was then to sprinkle the blood
upon the altar, 4 and afterwards to cut up and burn
the whole victim, only reserving the skin for him-
self. The birds were to be offered similarly, but
not divided. (See Lev. i., vii. 8, riii. 18-21, Ac.)
It will be observed how all these ceremonies were
typical of the meaning described above, and espe-
cially how emphatically the freedom of will in tin
sacrificer is marked. t
The burnt-offering being thus the rite which
represented the normal state and constant duty of
man, when already in covenant with (jod, r was the
one kind of sacrifice regularly appointed. Thui
there were, as public burnt-offerings —
1st The daily burnt-offering, a lamb of the first
year, sacrificed every morning and evening (with
an offering of flour and wine) for the people (Ex.
xxix. "*-42; Num. xxviii. 3-8).
cane*. It is, of course, impossible that the fbnnr of
sacrifices should be rigidly separatee, because the Ideas
*hich they enshrine, though capable of distinction,
art yet inseparable from one another.
- This Is remarkably illustrated by the bet that
heathenr were allowed to offer burnt-offerings, and
that Augustus ordered two lambs and a bullock to H
oHeied lor him every day (Joseph. B. J. IL 17, f *>
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386
BUSH
idly. The Sabbath burnUtffcting, double of tint
irhieh wan offered every day (Num. xxviii. 9, 10).
3d]y. The tifftring at the new moon, at the three
great feslimls, the great Day of Atonement, and
feast of trumpet*: generally tiro bullocks, a ram,
and seven lamb*. (See Num. xxviii. U-xxix. 39.)
Private burnt-ojferitigs were appointed at the
consecration of priests (Ex. xxix. 15; Lev. viii. 18,
ix. 12), at the purification of women (l.ev. xii. 6,
3), at the cleansing of the lepers (I.ev. xiv. 19),
and removal of other ceremonial uncleanneat (xv.
15, 30), on any accidental breach of the Mazaritic
vow, or at its conclusion (Num. vi. ; comp. Acts
xxi. 28), &e
But JreejM burnt-offerings were offered and ac-
cepted by Cod on any solemn occasions, as, for
example, at the dedication of the tabernacle (Num.
vii.) and of the temple (1 K. viii. 64), when they
were offi-ea\ in extraordinary abundance. But, ex-
cept on such occasions, the nature, the extent, and
the place of the sacrifice were expressly limited by
Mod, so that, while all should be unblemished and
pure, there should be no idea (as among the hea-
then) of buying his favor by costliness of sacrifice.
Of this law Jephthah's vow was a transgression,
consistent with the semi-heathenish character of his
early days (see Judg. xi. 30, 35). The sacrifice of
cows in 1 Sam. vi. 14 was also a formal infraction of
it, excused by the probable ignorance of the people,
and the special nature of the occasion. A. B.
BUSH (njO," shieh: i 0dros: rubut). The
Hebrew word occurs only in those passages which
refer to Jehovah's appearance to Moses "in the
flame of fire in the bush " (Ex. Hi. 2, 3, 4; Deut.
xxxiii. 16). The Greek word is (tires both in the
LXX. and in the N. T. (Luke xx. 37; Acts vii.
35 ; see also Luke vi. 44, where it is correctly ren-
dered "bramble bush" by the A. V.). Biros is
used also to denote the sineh by Josephus, Philo,
Clemens, Kusebius, and others (see Celsius, Ilierob.
ii. 68). Some versions adopt a more general inter-
pretation, and understand any kind of bush, as the
A. V. The Arabic in Acts vii. 35 has rhamnm.
Others retain the Hebrew word.
Celsius (Hierob. ii. 58) has argued in favor of
the Rubut vulgaris, i. e. R. fruticosut, the bramble
or blackberry bush, representing the ninth, and traces
the etymology of (Sit.) " Sinai " to this name.*
It is almost certain that tineh is definitely used for
some particular bush, for the Hebrew siacli c ex-
presses bushes generally ; the fUros and rubut of
the LXX. and Vulg. are used by Creek and Ko-
mau writers to denote for the most part the differ-
ent kinds of brambles (Rubut), such as the rasp-
berry and the blackberry bush ; Celsius's opinion,
therefore, is corroborated by the evidence of the
oldest versions. Pococke (Deter, of the East, i.
215), however, objects to the bramble as not grow-
ing at all in the neighborhood of Mount Sinai, and
proposes the hawthorn bush, Oxyacantha Arabica
(Shaw).'' Etymologically « one would be inclined
to refer the tineh of the Hebrew scriptures to some
species of senns olant (castia), though we have no
<• Probably from H3D (unused root) a, ..ww, "to
•man." ^^
» Prot Stanley (S. J P. p. 17) thinks Sinai Is de-
rived from Seneh, "an acada," as being a Monty tree.
* It si uncertain what Dr. Shaw speaks of; Dr.
BUTTER
direct evidence of any castia growing in the local
ities about Mount Sinai, neither Decaisne nor Buve
mentioning a senna bush amongst the plants of
this mountain. Sprengel identifies the tineh with
what he terms the Rubut tanctut/ aud says it grows
abundantly near Sinai. The monks of St. Cath-
erine, it is well known, have planted a bramble bush
near their chapel, to mark the spot and perpetuate
the name of the supposed bush in which God ap-
peared to Moses. It is quite impossible t>< say what
kind of thombush is intended by tineh, but Sinai
is almost beyond the range of the genus Rubut.
W. H.
* The word "bush " (fiaWos, as in Hark xi) 26;
denotes a section of the Pentateuch. See Bil-lk,
OI. (1). H.
BUSHEL. [Mkasdkks.]
* BUTLER. [Cui-bkabkb; Joseph.]
BUTTER (HNS?, chenCih: jBownawr: **-
tgrum), curdled milk, as distinguished from 2^P,
freth milk ; hence, curat, butter, and in one ptaee
probably cheese. It comes from an unused root,
SOn = Arab. ' t "-; tpistuta fuit lac. U. Gen.
xviii. 8, butter and milk are mentioned among the
things which Abraham set before his heavenly guests
(comp. Judg. v. 25; 2 Sam. xvii. 29). Milk is
generally offered to travellers in Palestine in a cur-
died or sour state, " lebben," thick, almost like but-
ter (comp. Josephus 's rendering in Judg. iv. 19 : —
■yifAo Stt<p6opbs *jS»). In Deut. xxxii. 14, we find
"JMS S^Ol" 1 ^ J"*?Din among the blessings
which Jeshurun had enjoyed, where milk of kine
would seem contrasted with milk of sheep. The two
passages in Job (xx. 17, xxix. 6) where the word
nSCO occurs are also best satisfied by rendering
it milk ; and the same may be said of Ps. Iv. 21,
which should be compared with Job xxix. 6.
In Prov. xxx. 33, Gesenius thinks that cheese is
meant, the word V ''V. signifying pressure rather
than churning. Jarchi (on Gen. xviii. 8) explains
nSDP to hepinguedo lactis, quam de ejus super-
fide colligunt, i. e. cream, and Vitringa and Hitzig
give this meaning to the word in Is. vii. 15-22.
Butter was not in use among the Greeks and Ro-
mans except for medicinal purposes, but this fact is
of no weight as to its absence from Palestine- Rob-
inson mentions the use of butter at the present day
(Bib. Res. i. 44!)), and also the method of churning
(i. 485, and ii. 413), and from this we may safely
infer that the art of butter-masitig was known to
the ancient inhabitants of the Sand, so little have
the habits of the people of Palestine been modified
in the lapse of centuries. Burckhardt ( Travels in
Arabia, i. 52) Mentions (he different uses of butter
by the Arabs of the Hedjas. W. D.
* The Arabs of the present day do not make ~xtr
kind of butter, such as we eat with bread, but tin
Hooker thinks be must mean the Orntmgut Jtromt
which grows on Mount Sinai.
« Compare the Arabic IjLw, ™ senna, seu JbUa «■>
me," Kam. (Pnvtag, Arab. Lex. 1. v.).
/ "Tills,' 1 says Dr. Hooker, "to • variety tt vet
bramble, Rubut fnticona."
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BUZ
OADES-BARNE
387
8.
> ( j I •••) is butler to nil intents snd pnr-
i — «. 0. it U the fatty particles of the milk,
separated from the whey and the caseine by agita-
tion. When in some of the cities they make from
sold cream a little of our butter to supply the de-
mand of a few Frank families, they call it tubdeh
( 8 Jo's ), which really means cream, or fresh worn,
bat is applied to our butter for the sake of distinc-
tion. The Mian is liquid during the hot months,
but gets quite hard in winter, and our butter also
liquefies in summer, so that it is almost impossible
to make it at all in that season ; and if it were
made in the hot sun, as the Minn is, it would be
quite as liquid as the lemn. See also Dr. Thom-
son's Land a* Book, i. 393. C. V. A. V.
BUZ (W3, contempt: A Boi»{: [Buz]), the
second son of Hilcsh and Nahor (Gen. xxii. 21).
The gentilic name is ^S. and Klihu is called " the
Buzite " (Bov{tr>)s) of the kindred of Ram, i. e.
Aram. Elihu was therefore probably a descendant
of Buz, whose family seems to hare settled in Ara-
bia Deserta or I'etreea, since Jeremiah (xxv. 23
'Pit ), in denouncing God's judgments against them,
mentions them with Tema and Dedan. Some
connect the territory of Buz with Busau, a Roman
fort mentioned in Amm. Marc, xviii. 10, and
others with Ilosta in Arabia Petrsea, which how-
ever has only the first letter in common with it
(Winer, «. v.).
The jingle of the names Huz and Buz is by no
means so apparent in the Hebrew (V^> f3)i but
it is quite in the Oriental taste to give to relations
tlieae rhyming appellatives; comp. Ishuaand Ishui
(Gen. ilvi. 17); Mehujael and Methusael (Gen. iv.
18), Uzziel and Uzzi (1 Chr. vii. 7): and among
the Arabians, Haroot sod Maroot, the rebel angels,
Hasan and Hoseyn, the sons of 'Alee, Ac. The
Koran abounds in such homoiottleuta, and so pleas-
ing are they to the Arabs, that they even call Cain
•ud Abel, Kabil and Habil (Weil's Bibl. Leyende,
33; also Southey's Notes to Thalabn), or Habil
and Habid (see Stanley, p. 413). The same idiom
is found in Mahratta and the modern languages of
the East.
2. (Boi(; Alex. Ax'Bou( ; [Vat Zafiouxyi for
Boif aSfAtpov-] Buz). A name occurring in the
genealogies of the tribe of Gad (1 Chr. v. 14).
F. W. F.
BU'ZlOWa, no article: Bovfsf: Bud), father
of EzeUel the prophet (Ez. i. 3). [The personal
name here is gentilic elsewhere. As the son was a
priest the father must have been so too. — H.]
BUZ'ITB Cpffl : Bouflri)! ; [Vat. Sin. -{«»-,
Vlex. tow Boufi :] Buatet). A descendant of Buz.
rhe term is applied to Elihu, who was of the kin-
dred of Ram or Aram (Job xxxii. 8, 6).
W. A.W.
* BY. This preposition, among its other uses,
formerly meant " against " (though never very com-
mon in that sense), and so undoubtedly our trans-
lators (taking i/uurrf as dot. incoinm.) employed it
in 1 Cor. iv. 4 : " For 1 know nothing by (=against)
myself." See Trench On the AuUiorujd Vernon
p. 43 (8d ed. 1859), and Eastwood and Wright's
SiMs Word-Book, f 83. But probably the Greek
only " I am conscious to myself of nothing,"
i. e. blameworthy or wrong. That the conscious-
ness is not self-condemnatory lies in obtiy, not
•/tOVTS?. H.
• BY AND BY is used in the A. V. in the
sense of immediately (Mark vi. 25, i^avrHs; xUL
21, tvMs; Luke zvii. 7, xxi. 4, tbeims), A.
' BY8SUS. [Lram.]
G
CAB. [MKASCBK8.]
OAB'BON OHa? : Xafiodi [Comp.] Alex.
Xa$0a; [Aid. Xaft8d>:] Chebbon), a town in the
low country (Skefelah) of Judah (Josh. xv. 40)
which is only once mentioned, and of which nothing
has been since discovered. G.
OA'BUL (^33 : Xw^uiao-oato., including
the Hebrew word following, br3atj?p: [Aid.]
Alex. \afiih ■ Cabal), a place named as one of the
landmarks on the boundary of Asher (Josh. xix.
27). From its mention in proximity to Jiphthach-
el — afterwards Jotapata, and now Jefnt — it ia
probable that it is the same with that spoken of by
Josephus ( VU. § 43, 45) as in the district of Itolr-
mais, and 40 stadia from Jotapata. In this case
it may fairly be considered is still existing in the
modem Kabul, which was found by l)r. Smith and
by Robinson 8 or 9 miles east of Alia, and about
the same distance from Jtfat (Rob. iii. 87, 88.
For references to the Talmuds see Schwarz, p. 1!>2).
Being thus on the very borders of Galilee, it is
more than probable that there is some connection
between this place and the district ( ^03 Vv$>
" the land of C") containing twenty cities, which
was presented by Solomon to Hiram king of Tvre
(1 K. ix. 11-14). The l.XX. rendering of the
name, 'Opiar, appears to arise from their having read
boa, Gebool, "boundary," for bl33. On the
other hand, the explanation of Josephus is quite in
accordance with that hinted at in the text — itself
thoroughly in keeping with Oriental modes of
speech. Hiram, not liking Solomon's gift, seizes
on the name of one of the cities, which in his own
Phoenician tongue expresses his disappointment
(.Kara QoivIkuv yAwrray, obit apiaitov, Jos. Am,
viii. 5, J 3), and forms from it a designation for
the whole district. The pun is doubtless a Phoe-
nician one, since there is no trace of it in the
Heorew beyond the explanation in ver. 12, " they
pleased him not;" the Hebrew words for which,
Vyjai THjJJ rfv, have no affinity whatever with
" Cabul." See however possible derivations of the
name in the Onomatticoni of Simon is (p. 417), and
Hiller (435, 775). G.
CADDIS (KaMfs; [Alex. Aid. Tatth; Sin.
TaSScis:] Gaddit), the surname (SuucaXoiutyos)
of Joannas, the eldest brother of Judas Mseca-
bssus (1 Msec. ii. 2).
CADES ([KoSfjt; Alex. K»»«», KoSnt; Sin.
Kt/8«j, K«8«$: Cade*]), I Mace xi. 63, 73. [Kit.
DJSSH.]
• CADESH, A. V. ed. 1611, etc, Geo. rvi 14.
. 1. [Kadksh.]
OAT>ES-BAR/NE (KiiSqi Bey Wi : To*, as*
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888
CADMIEL
tifierent reading'!. Judith v. 14. [Eadbsr ham-
ncA.]
UAIKMIEL (.KaMttku, [KaS>HJA; Vat.Eur-
C08017A0S, OSeutnjA ;] Alex. KaJunjAoj, [KaawqA :]
Cadnhel h 1 Eadr. v. 26, 68. [Kadmiki.]
C^E'SAR (KeuVap, also t 2tPcurris [Aoous-
rusj in Acta xxv. 21, 25), always In the N. T. the
Uoni <n emperor, the sovereign of Judaa (John xiz.
15; Acta xvii. 7). It m to him that the Jews
pud tribute (Matt. xxii. IT ff. ; Luke xx. 22, xxiii.
2) ; and to him that such Jews as were «' res Ro-
maai had the right of appeal (Acta xxr. 11 f., xxvi.
32, xxviii. 19); in which case, if their cause was a
niminal one, they were sent to Kome (Acta xxr.
12, 21, — comp. Pliny, Epp. x. 97), where was
the court of the emperor (Phil. iv. 22). The N. T.
history falls entirely within the reigns of the five
first Roman Caesars, namely, Augustus, Tiberius,
Caligula, Claudius, and Nero ; only the two former of
whom, and Claudius, arc mentioned by name; but
Nero U the emperor alluded to in the Acta from ch.
xxv. to the end, and in Phil. (I. e.), and possibly in
the Apocalypse. See further under Augustus,
and under the names of the several Caesars above-
mentioned. 11. A.
* Get-sir. as a title of the Roman emperors, oc-
curs about 30 times in the N. T. It is applied to
Augustus (Luke ii. 1), to Tiberius (Luke iii. 1;
John xix. 12, 15), to Claudius (Acta xvii. 7, and if
Die common reading be correct, xi. 28), and to Nero
(Acta xxv. o, xxvi. 32, Ac). There appears to
have been some difference in the use of the name
at a later period. After Nero's time the emperor
was still called both Augustus (which see) and
Cesar; but his son or designated successor on the
throne was also called Caesar, though properly the
title was put after the individual's name, instead
of being prefixed to it, as in the case of tht> reign-
ng Cesar. See Pauly'i Reid-EncycL ii. 46. II.
• CiKSARS HOUSEHOLD. The chief
point of interest here is whether this expression re-
fers to any of the immediate relations of the em-
peror, or to gome of his servants and dependents
in the palace. Nero was on the throne when Paul
wrote to the I'hilippians. It has some bearing on
the question, that Nero had no very near kindred
living after he became emperor (Killiet, L'Epitre
ata Philijyt. p. 342). It is possible, of course, if he
had such, that some of them might hare heard the
(fospel and have believed. History gives no ac-
count of any such conversions, and it is altogether
improbable, if they occurred, that the testimony to
this effect would be wanting. Meyer lays special
itress on this silence of the oldest writers. We are
led therefore to seek for some other explanation of
Paul's language. It seems essential to any correct
explanation that it should recognize the apparent
connection between Acta xxviii. 16, Phil. i. 13, and
iv. 22. (1.) Soldiers under the general custody of
the Praetorian Prefect (this is the meaning of t$
jTparowtSipxV' ^ ct * xxviii. 16, text, rec.") at-
tended Paul while he was a prisoner, and in the per-
formance of this service would often relieve each
w. 'Acta). (2.) In the course of time the
-postle would thus become known as a preacher of
the gospel to many of these soldiers (Phil i. 131,
ind through them to their comrades and acqualnt-
« • Whether the term is textu&lly certain or not, the
bet stated there U certain, and presupposed In Phil. 1.
18. Baa Gaptaih or tb Unas, Amar. ad. B.
GfiSAREA.
ances. (8.) Some of the friends of the*; entmera
thus brought by them into connection with Paul
may have been employed about the palace of the
emperor, and so could have been the members of
" Caesar's household " who sent greetings to the
church at PhilippL Perhaps one step of the com-
bination may be left out The camp of the Prae-
torians, situated out of the city, may have in-
cluded also those of their number, a small division,
quartered near the palace in the city, and who as
the emperor's body-guard might be said to belong
to his '• household." There is no proof that the im-
perial residence itself was ever called " praetorium."
Paul may have gained converts from these, as one
after another of them acted as sentries over him.
As the reason why they in particular greeted the
Christians at Philippi, Neander suggests that they
may have known some of the church there who had
been at Kome, or possibly mav themselves have been
natives of that city. It may be that Paul's " chiefly ' '
(paAiora, PhiL iv. 22), which so emphasizes the
greeting of " those of Caesar's household," represents
the tone of hearty earnestness with which they spoke
up as he was writing, and asked him to send also
their kiss of love (ao-watr/tos) to these I'hilippians
of whom they had heard so much from the apostle.
For this, the parties need not have bad any per-
sonal knowledge of each other.
The subject has been often discussed, with more
or less divergence of views. For references, see
Botiger's Btitrdge in die Paulin. Brief e. No. 2, p.
47 ff.; Wieseler, Chron. det apott. Zatalt. p. 421) ff.,
p. 457 IT. ; SchenkeL Brief t on die Epheter. Pl-ili/i-
per. Ac, pp. 119, 162; BJeek, Einl. in due S. 7. p.
433; Meyer, ExegeU Hnndb. (Phil. i. 13, iv. 21,
8te Aufl); Rilliet, L'Epitre aux Philip/iiem, p.
129; Ligbtfbot in .fount, of Cliitt. and Sncr.
Philol. (March, 1857); Conyheare and Howaon's
Life and Epittlet of Paul, ii. 448, 653, Amer. ed. ;
and Wordsworth, <Vr«i Tett. ictih Motet, iii. 337,
1st ed. H.
CJESARE'A {Kaurtptta, Acta via. 40, ix. 3U,
x. 1, 24, xi. 11, xii. 19, xviii. 22, xxi. 8, 16; xxiii.
23, 33; xxv. 1, 4, 6, 13). The passages just enu-
merated show how important a place this city occu-
pies in the Acta of the Apostles. It was the resi-
dence, apparently for several years, of Philip, onet t
the seven deacons or almoners (viii. 40, xxi. 8, 16;,
and the scene of the conversion of the Italian cen
turion, Cornelius (x. 1, 24, xi. 1 1 ). Here Herod
Agrippa I. died (xii. 19). From hence St. Paul
sailed to Tarsus, when forced to leave Jerusalem oc
his return from Damascus (ix. 30), and at this port
he landed after his second missionary journey (xviii.
22). He also spent some time at (anarea on his
return from the third missionary journey (xxi. 8,
16), and before long was brought back a prisorerts
the same place (xxiii. 23, 33), where he remained
two years in bonds before his voyage to Italy (xxr
1, 4, 6, 13).
Caesarea was situated on the coast of Palestine
on the line of the great road from Ty:< to Egyp-,
and alout half way between Joppa and Dora (Jo-
seph. B. J. i. 21, § 6). The journey of St. Petal
from Joppa (Acta x. 24) occupied rather more thai,
a day. On the other hand St. Paul's journey from
Ptolemais (Acta xxi. 8) was accomplished within the
day. The distance from Jerusalem was about 7C
miles ; Josephus states it in round numbers as 60f
stadia (Ant. xiii. 11, $ 2: B. J. i. 3, J 5). Tht
Jerusalem Itinerary gives 68 miles ( Wetting, a.
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CMS AREA
800. Dr. Robinson think* this ought to be 78:
Bib. Ra. ii. 249, note). It hu been ascertained,
however, that there *n a shorter road by Antipilru
than that which is given in the Itinerary, — a point
of some importance in reference to the night-journey
of Acts xziii. [Antumtrih.]
In Strata's time there was on this point of the
coast merely a town called " Strata's tower," with a
landing-place (rpicropuor (x**)i whereas, in the
time of Tacitus, Csesarea is spoken of as being the
CLXSARKA PHTLIPPI
389
head of Judjea (" Judseas caput," Tae. Hi*, ii. 79).
It was in this interval that the city was built by
1 lerod the Great. The work was in fact accom-
plished in tea years. The utmost care and expense
were lavished on the building of Caesaren. It was
.i proud monument of the reign of Herod, who
named it in honor of the Emperor Augustus. The
full name was VLmaAptia Itfaurrfi (Joseph, AiU.
xvi. 5, § 1). It was sometimes called Casarea Stra-
tonis,andCseaareaPauestins:; sometimes also (from
(from a Sketch by Was. Tipping, Esq.)
Hi position) vapA\tos (Joseph. B. J. iii. 9, § l),or
4 M BaXArrn (id. rii. 1, § 3). It must be care-
fully distinguished from C.ksarka PhiupTI.
The magnificence of Caesarea is described in de-
tail by Josephus in two places (Ant. xv. 9 ; R..l.i.
21 ). The chief features were connected with the
harbor (itself called 2c jSao-ros Xt^r on coins, and
by Josephus, Ant. xvii. 5, § 1 ), which was equal in
size to the Pirieus. A vast breakwater, composed
ol stones 50 feet long, curved round so as to afford
complete protection from the south-westerly winds,
leaving an opening only on the north, llroad land-
ing-wharves surrounded the harbor; and conspicu-
ous from the sea was a temple, dedicated to Coesar
and to Rome, and containing colossal statues of the
Emperor and the Imperial City. Csesarea contained
also an amphitheatre and a theatre. The latter was
the scene of the death of Herod Agrippa I. Csesarea
was the official residence of the Herodian kings, and
of Festus, Felix, and the other Roman procurators
of Judsesv Here also were the head-quarters of the
military forces of the proviuce. It /ras by no means
strictly a Jewish city. The Gentile population pre-
dominated; and at the synagogue-worship the
Scriptures of the O. T. were read in Greek. Con-
stant {euds took place here between the Jews and
Greeks; and an outbreak of this kind was one of
the first incidents of the great war. ItwuatCaes-
msm that Vespasian was declared emperor. He
, made it a Roman colony, called it by his name, an
I gave to it the Jut Italicum. The history of tin
place, during the time of its greatest eminence, h
summed up in one sentence by Pliny : — " Strato
nis turris, eadem Csesarea, ab Herode rege eondita
nunc Colonia prima Flavia, a Vespasiano Imperaton
1 deducta " (v. 14).
To the Biblical geographer Cresarea is interestini
as the home of Eusebius. It was also the scene of
some of Origen's labors and the birth-place of Pre
' copius. It continued to be a city of some impor-
' tauce even in the time of the ( 'rusades. Now, thougr.
I an Arabic corruption of the name still lingers or
the site (Kaitmych), it is utterly desolate; and
its ruins have for a long period been a quarry, from
which other towns in this part of Syria have l«en
built. (See Buckingham's Trnrelt and the Ap-
pendix to vol. i. of Dr. Traill's Joeephun. ) .1. S. II
e&SARE'A PHILIPPI (K«<rd>«a v *.
\lr-ij) is mentioned only in the two first Gospels
(Ma"., xvi. 13; Mark viii. 27) and in accounts of
the same transactions. The story in Eusebius, that
toe woman healed of the issue of blood, and supposed
to have been named Berenice, lived at this place,
j rests m no foundation.
Csesarea Philippi was the northernmost point of
[ our I/>rd's joumeyings ; and the passage in His
1 life, which was connected with the place, was other
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340 OSSAREA PHILIPPI
wise a rery marked one. (See Stanley'! Bitot 4
P.ikitine, p. 301.) Die place itself too is remark-
able in ita physical and picturesque characteristics,
and also in its historical associations- It was at
the easternmost and most important of the two rec-
ognized sources of the Jordan, the other being at
fell el-Kadi (Dan or Laisii, which by Winer
and others has been erroneously identified with Cses.
Philippi). Not that either of these sources is the
most distant fountain-head of the Jordan, the name
of the river being given (as in the case of the Mis-
sissippi and Missouri, to quote Dr. Robinson's il-
lustration), not to the most remote fountains, but
the most copious. The spring rises, and the city
Iras built, on a limestone terrace in a valley at
the base of Mount Hermon. Cessna Philippi
has no O. T. history, though it has been not un-
reasonably identified with Baal-Gad. Its annals
run back direct from Herod's time into hea-
thenism. There is no difficult) in identifying it
with the Panium of Josephus; and the inscriptions
are not yet obliterated, which shew that the God
Pan had once a sanctuary at this spot Here Herod
the Great erected a temple to Augustus, the town
being then called from the grotto where Pan had
been honored. It is worth while l.ere to quote in
succession the words of Josephus atd of Dr. Robin-
son: "Herod, having accompanied Qesar to the
sea and returned home, erected him a beautiful tem-
ple of white marble near the place called Panium.
This is a fine cavern in a mountain; under which
there is a great cavity in the earth ; and the cavern
is abrupt, and very deep, and full of still water.
Over it hangs a vast mountain, and under the
mountain rise the springs of the river Jordan.
Herod adorned this place, which was already a very
remarkable one, still further by the erection of this
temple, which he dedicated to Caesar." (Joseph.
AnL xt. 10, § 3; conip. B.J. i. 21, f 8.) "The
situation is unique, combining in an unusual degree
the elements of grandeur and beauty. II nestles
m its recess at the southern base of the mighty
Hermon, which towers in majesty to an elevation
tf 7000 or 8000 feet above. The abundant waters
•f the glorious fountain spread over the terrace
luxuriant fertility and the graceful interchange of
oopae, lawn, and waving fields." (Robinson, iii.
404.)
Panium became part of the territory of Philip,
teorarch of Trachonitis, who enlarged and embel-
lished the town, and called it Cessna Philippi,
partly after his own name, and partly after that of
the emperor (Ant. xviii. 2, § 1; B.J. ii. 9, § 1).
Agrippa II. followed in the same course of flattery,
and called the place Neronias (Am. xx. 9, $4).
Josephus seems to imply in his life ( YiL 13) that
many heathens resided here. Titus exhibited glad-
atorial shows at Cessna Philippi after the end of
Jbe Jewish war (B. J. vii. 2, § 1). The old name
was not lost Coins of Camrea Paneat continued
a * Baunigarten ( Comm. iib. Pentateuch, 1. 78) adopts
the sense of " spear," " weapon," as the name of the
Dratboru whom Eve had thus " obtained from Jeho-
vah," because she would recognise in bun the means
St victory, i. e. the pionilsed seed who was to overcome
lbs great enemy (den. iii. 16). According to this view
ass words 7^|2, TOP, without being related in slg-
^flcassm, are merely parouotnastic (nomm et omen),
though the; serve at the same time to express the
4m with greater energy. But the derivation of ) V
caih
through the reigns of many empen rs. Under tfe>
simple name of Paness it was the seat of a Greet
bishopric in the period of the great councils, and
of a Latin bishopric during the crusades. It is
still called Banias, the first name having here, as
in other cases, survived the second. A remar kable
monument, which has seen all the periods of tba
history of Ca?sarea Philippi, is the vast castle above
the site of the city, built in Syro-Greek or even
Phoenician times, and, after receiving additions
from the Saracens and Franks, still the most re-
markable fortress in the Holy Land. J. S. H.
CAGE. The term so rendered in Jer. v. 27.
DSP! 1 , is more properly a trap (-wayls, dectpuln).
in which decoy birds were placed : the same article
is referred to in Ecclus. xi. 30 under the term tip-
TOAAof, which is elsewhere used of a tapering
basket [Kowuko.] In Rev. xviii. 2 the Greek
term is <pvkojci\, meaning a prison or restricted
habitation rather than a cage. W. L. B.
CA1APHAS [3 syL] (Kofctpot, said (Winer,
Ac.) to be derived from SE?3, depressw, Targ.
Prov. xvi. 28), in full Joseph Caiaphas (Joseph.
Ant. xviii. 2, 2), high-priest of the Jews under
Tiberius during the years of our Lord's public
ministry, and at the time of his condemnation and
crucifixion. Matt xxvi. 3, 67 (Mark does not name
him); Luke iii. 2; John xi. 49, xviii. 13, 14, 24,
28; Acts iv. 6. The Procurator Valerius Gratus,
shortly before his leaving the province, appointed
him to the dignity, which was before held by
Simon ben-Camith. He held it during the whole
procuratorship of Pontius Pilate, but soon after
bis removal from that office was deposed by the
Proconsul Vitellius (a. d. 36), and succeeded by
Jonathan, son of A nan us (Joseph. AnL xviii. 4,
§ 3). He was son-in-law of Annas. [Annas.]
Some in the ancient church confounded bim with
the historian Josephus, and believed him to have
become a convert to Christianity. (Assemann,
Biblioth. Orient, ii. 166.) H. A.
CAIN [S syL in Heb.] fl?i!» derived either
from njp, tu acquire, Gen. iv. 1; from ^~,
a spear, ss indicative of the violence used by Cain
and Lantech, Gesen. Thesaur. p. 120; or from an
Arabic word kayn, a smith, in reference to the arts
introduced by the Canutes, Von Bohlen, Introd. at
6'en. ii. 86: Rd 1 ?*; Joseph. Kilt: Cain)." The
historical facts in the life of Cain, as recorded in
Gen. iv., are briefly these: — He was the eldest son
of Adam and Eve; be followed the business of ag-
riculture; in a fit of jealousy, roused by the rejec-
tion of his own sacrifice and the acceptance of
Abel's, he committed the crime of murder, for
which he was expelled from Eden, and led the lift
of an exile; he settled in the land of Nod, and built
a city which he named after his son Enoch; his
from ^p B H*p, I. e. a possession which she had at.
quired, suggests itself as more natural, and Is mors for-
cible as Including an affinity of sense as well as of
sound. See Mr. Wright's note to this enact In hit
Book of Genesis in Hebrew, fcc., p. 18. Ueeeolos
(Handio. p. 768, 6te Ann.) dost not seem to object sc
this etymology as unphllological. FUrtt (Hand**. ■
816) define, ^i? as " something brought ♦wtb,""crea
tare "(- TOP, Ps. dv. 24), and thus brings toe vert
and noun still nearer to each other. **
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OAIS
katcenuants are enumerated, together with the in-
rentions Tor which the; were remarkable. Ooca-
lional references to Cain are made in the N. T.
(Heb. ti. 4; 1 John iii. 13; Jurfe 11.)
The following point* deserve notice in connection
with the Biblical narrative: — 1. The position of
the land of Nod. The name itself tells us little;
it means flight or txilt, in reference to v. 12 where
a connate word is used : Von Bohkn's attempt to
identify it with India, as though the Hebrew name
Hind (^3H) had been erroneously read Anw-JVboJ,
u too far {etched ; the only indication of its posi-
tion ia the indefinite notice that it was " east of
Kden " (16), which of course throws us back to the
previous settlement of the position of Eden itself.
Knobel ( Comm. in loc.) who adopts an ethnological
interpretation of the history of Cain's descendants,
would identify Nod with the whole of Eastern Asia,
and even hints at a possible connection between the
names Cain and China. It seems vain to attempt
the identification of Nod with any special locality ;
the direction " east of Eden " may have reference
to the previous notice in iii. 94, and may indicate
that the land was opposite to (rarfpatri, I.XX.)
the entrance, which was barred against his return.
It is not improbable that the eatt was further used
to mark the direction which the Cainites took, as
distinct from the Sethites, who would, according
to Hebrew notions, be settled towards the west
Similar observations must be made in regard to
the city Enoch, which has been identified with the
names of the Heuiochi, a tribe in Caucasus (Hasae),
Anucbto, a town in Susiana (Huetius), Chanoge,
an ancient town in India (Von Bohlen), and Iconi-
uiu, as the place where the deified king Annacos
was honored (Ewald): all such attempts at identi-
fication must be subordinated to the previous set-
tlement of the position of Eden and Nod.
2. The " mark set upon Cain " has given rise to
various speculations, many of which would never
have been broached, if the Hebrew text had been
consulted : the words probably mean that Jehovah
once « stow to Cain, very much as signs were after-
wards given to Noah (Gen. ix. 13), Moses (Ex. iii.
2, 18), Etijah (1 K. xix. 11), and Hezekiah (Is.
xxxviii. 7, 8). Whether the sign was perceptible to
Cain alone, and given to him onee for all, in token
that no man should kill him, or whether it was one
that was perceptible to others, and designed as a
precaution to them, as is implied in the A. V., is
uncertain ; the nature of the sign itself is still more
uncertain.
•I. The narrative implies the existence of a con-
siderable population in Cain's time; for he fears
lest he should be murdered in return for the mur-
der he had committed (14). Josephus (Ant. i. 2,
§ 1 ) explains his fears as arising not from men but
rom wild beasts ; but such an explanation is wholly
unnecessary. The family of Adam may have largely
increased before the birth of Seth, as is indeed im-
plied in the notice of Cain's wife (17), and the
mere circumstance that none of the other children
ire noticed by name may be explained on the
ground that their lives furnished nothing worthy
•f notice.
4. Tlw character of Cain deserves a brief notice
He is described as a man of a m arose, malicioui
md revengeful temper; and that he presented his
•Wring in this state of mind is implied in the re-
rake contained in ver. 7, which may be rendered
km: " If thou domt well (or, as the LXX. baa it.
CAIN
341
iiw ipe&s wpoawifKps), is there not an elevatiox
of the countenance (i. e. ckttrfubwt and happi-
nem) ? but if tbou doest not well, Mere it a Billing
of titt countenance : sin lurketh (as a wild beast)
at the door, and to thee is its desire: but thou
shalt rule over it." The narrative implies there
fore that his offering was rejected on account of
the temper in which it was brought.
A. The descendants of Cain are enumerated to
the sixth generation. Some commentators (Kno-
bel, Von Bohlen ) have traced an artificial structure
in this genealogy, by which it is rendered parallel
to that of the Scthites : <-. y. there is a decade of
names in each, commencing with Adam and ending
with .labal and Noah, the deficiency of generations
in the Cainites being supplied by the addition of
the two younger sons of Ijimech to the list; and
there is a considerable similarity in the names, each
list containing a Lamech and an Enoch ; while Cain
in the one = Cain-an in the other, Methusael =
Methuselah, and Mehujael -= Mahalaleel : the in-
ference from this comparison lieing that the one
was framed out of the other. It must be observed,
however, that the differences far exceed the points
of similarity; that the order of the names, the
number of generations, and even the meanings of
those which are noticed as similar in sound, are
sufficiently distinct to remove the impression of
artificial construction.
6. lie social condition of the Cainites is prom-
inently brought forward in the history. Cain him-
self was an agriculturist, Abel a shepherd: the
successors of the latter are represented by the Seth-
ites and the progenitors of the Hebrew race in
later times, among whom a pastoral life was always
held in high honor from the simplicity and devo-
tional habits which it engendered : the successors
of the former are depicted as the reverse in all
these respects. Cain founded. the first city; La-
mech instituted polygamy; Jabal introduced the
nomadic life ; .Tubal invented musical instruments ;
Tubakain was the first smith ; Lantech's language
takes the stately tone of poetry; and even the names
of the women, Naamah (pleasant), Zillab (sAaoW),
Adah (ornamental), seem to bespeak an advanced
state of civilization. But along with this, there
was violence and godlessness; Cain and I^amech
furnish proof of the former, while the concluding
words of Gen. iv. 26 imply the latter.
7. The contrast established between the Candles
and the Sethites appears to have reference solely to
the social and religious condition of the two races.
On the one side there is pictured a high state of
civilization, unsanctified by religion, and produc-
tive of luxury and violence; on the other side, a
state of simplicity which afforded no material for
history beyond the declaration "then began men
to call upon the name of the Lord." The historian
thus accounts for the progressive degeneration of
the religious condition of man, the evil gaining a
predominance over the good by its alliance with
worldly power and knowledge, and producing the
state of things which necessitated the flood.
8. Another motive may be assigned for the in-
troduction of this portion of sacral history. AD
ancient nations have loved to trac up the inven
tion of the arts to some certain v*ithor, and, gen-
erally speaking, these authors have been regarded
as objects of divine worship. Among the Greeks,
Apollo was held to be the inventor of music, Val-
can of the working of metals, Triptolemus of the
plough. A similar feeling of curiosity DrevaUcd
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542
CAJK
among the Hebrews; and hence the historian has
recorded the names of those to whom the invention
of the arts was traditknially assigned, obviating at
the same time the dangerous error into which other
nations had fallen, and reducing the estimate of
their value by the position which their inventors
held. W. L. B.
CAJLN" [2 syl. in Met..] (with the article,
)*j?r? = -'the lance," Get.', but may it not be
derived from ]p, Krn, "a nest," possibly in allu-
sion to its position: ZokwoTu I Vat. -tifi], Alex.
Zaruaxti/i, both by including name preceding:
Arcmn), one of the cities in the low country (Sie-
f tltth) of Judali, named with Zanoah and Uibeah
(Josh. xr. 67). It does not appear to have been
mentioned or identified by any one.* G.
CAIMAN [2 syl.] (Marg. correctly Kenan
[and so the bit 1 Chr. 1. 9]; )^pj Kalvar:
Cainan ; pauuitr, Fiirst; Ulifaoer, Geeen., as if
~ ?N"2i D,MB ,lle Arab, to fargt, as in Tubal-
Cain, Gen. iv. «; see Dr. Mill's Iuko'c. of our
Lardt Cental, p. 160). 1. Son of Knot, aged 70
years when he begat Mahalakel his son. He lived
840 years afterwards, and died aged 910 (Gen. v.
9-14). The rabbinical tradition was that be first
Introduced idol-worship and astrology — a tradition
which the Hellenists transferred to the post-dilu-
vian Cainan. Thus Ephraeni Syrus asserts that
the Chaldees in the time of Terah and Abram
worshipped a graven god called Cainan ; and Greg-
ory Bex Hebneus, another Syriac author, also ap-
plies it to the son of Arphaxad (Mill, %U tup.).
The origin of the tradition is not known; but it
may probably have been suggested by the meaning
of the supposed root in Arabic and the Aramean
dialects ; just as another signification of the same
rout seems to have suggested the tradition that the
daughters of Cain were the first who made and $ang
to musical Instruments (Gesen. ». r. ]1p).
2. [Alex. Kturcu* in Gen. x. 24; Tisch. (with
Sin. B I.) KaiyaV in Luke iii. 36.] Son of Ar-
phaxad, and father of Salt, according to Luke iii.
35, 36, and usually called the second Cainan. He
i* also found iii the present copies of the LXX. in
the genealogy of Shem, Gen. x. 24, xi. 12, and 1
Chr. i. 18 (though he is omitted in 1 Chr. i. 24),
but is nowhere named in the Hebrew codd., nor in
any of the versions made from the Hebrew, as the
Samaritan, Chaldee, Syriac, Vulgate, &c. More-
over it can lie demonstrated that the intrusion of
-be name into the version of the LXX. is com-
paratively modern, since Augustine is the first
writer who mentions it as found in the 0. T. at
ill; r and since we have the absolute certainty that
it was not contained in any copies of the Alexan-
drine Bible which either Beroeus, Eupolemus, Poly-
histor, Joseph™, Philo, Tbeophilus of Antioch,
« The letter P Is generally rendered in the A. V. by
K. A possible eonneeuon of this name with that of
the "' Keni'ee " Is obscured by the form Cain, which Is
erooebly derived from the Vulgate.
• * Knobel (Josua, p. 437) says that Cain according
o all appearance Is the Arabic Y^kin not far from
Jebron (Bob. AM. Krn., 1st ed., U. 449). Or. Robfnsoo
records the name, but says nothing of the Identfflca-
lion. Tbe position may be right enough, but the re-
asroblsona of the names ie too slight to be of any ae-
•«»nt a.
OALAH
Julius AtricksJis, Origen, Eusebius, jr even Jeroenr,
had access to. It seems certain, therefore, that his
name was introduced into the genealogies of tht
Greek (). T. in order to bring them into harmony
with the genealogy of Christ in St- Luke's Gospel,
where Cainan was found in the time of Jerome.
Tbe question is thus narrowed into one concerning
its introduction into the Gospel. It might have
been thought that it bad found its way by acci-
dent into the genealogy of Joreph, and that Luke
inserted that genealogy exactly as he found it. But
as Beza's very ancient MS. presented to the Uni-
versity of Cambridge, dues not contain the name
of ( 'ainan, and there is strong ground for suppos-
ing that neither did lrenssus's copy of St Luke, it
seems on the whole more probable that Cainan was
not inserted by St I.uke himself, but was after-
wards added, either by accident, or to make up the
number of generations to 17, or from some other
cause which cannot now be discovered. For fur-
ther information, see GmeaL of our Lord J. C,
ch. viii.; Heidegger, Hi*. Patriarch, it 8-16;
Bochart, Phakg, Tlib. ii. cap. 13; and for the op-
posite view, Mill's VSnaYc. of our Lord'* GtntaL
p. 143 ft". A. C. H.
CAIUS. [John, Secohd axd Tbtbd Eruv
TUBOF.]
CAKES. [Bbbao.]
CAXAH ([nb3, in pause] rf^ [tompU-
turn]: Xa\dx : Ckaie), one of the moat ancient
cities of Assyria. Its foundation is ascribed to tht
patriarch Asshur (Gen. x. 11). The name has been
thought identical with the Halah (rf"!!), wbi-h
is found in Kings (2 K. xvii. 6, and xviii. 11) and
Chronicles (1 Chr. v. 86); but this view is unsup-
ported by the Septuagint, which renders Halah by
'AAas*. According to the opinions of the best
Oriental antiquaries, tbe site of CsJah is marked
by the Nimrud ruins, which have furnished so large
a proportion of the Assyrian remains at present in
England. If this be regarded as ascertained, Ca-
lah must be considered to have been at one time
(about b. c. 930-720 ) tbe capital of the empire. It
was the residence of the warlike Sardanapalus and his
successors down to the time of Sargon, who buflt
a new capital, which be called by his own name, on
the site occupied by the modern Khortabad. Ca-
lah still continued under the later kings to be i
town of importance, and was especially favored by
Esarhaddon, who built there one of tbe grandest
of the Assyrian palaces. In later times it gave
name to one of the chief districts of tbe country,
which appears as CaLacine (Ptolem. vi. 1) or Oai-
achene (Strab. xvi. 1, § 1) in the geographers.
• Mr. J. I. Porter (Kitto's Cyc. of BOA. LiL,
3d ed., art. Oilnh) objects to the identification ot
Calah with ffimrM, that sufficient space is not
left for Itesen, which is described in Gen. x. 12 as
" a great city " lying between Nineveh and Calah;
<■ Demetrius (s. o. 170), quoted bv Eusebius (Fhrp.
Ermn- lx. 21), reckons I860 years from the birth <*
8hem to Jacob's golug down to Ifeypt, which nrrmt ta
Include the 130 yean of Oslnan. But in the great
fluctuation of the numbers In the ages of the patri*
archil, no reliance can be placed on this aiauiuev
Nor have we any orrtainty that tbe figures lavre not
been altered In the modern copies of BussUus, to make
them agree with the computation of the altered state
of tbe LXX
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OALAMOLALUS
Jka distance between Nimr&i and the ruins of an-
cient Nineveh (opposite Mosul) being leu than
twenty miles. He would therefore identify Ream
with tfinuud, and Calah with JTafaA- or Kilek-
Snerakat, forty miles south of Nimr&d on the
right bank of the Tigris. lie further observes:
» hJlah-Sherghat was one of the most ancient
places in Assyria. On a cylinder discovered there
is an inscription recording the fact that the King
Tiglath-pileser restored a monument which had
been taken down sixty years previously, after hav-
ing stood for 041 years. It must, therefore, have
lawn founded about B. c. 1870 (Kawlinson's /lend.
i. 497, 4<S0; Vaux, Nin. and Pert. p. 13). On
the bricks and pottery found at Kalah are the
names and titles of the earliest known Assyrian
kings. The name Auhur is found among them."
Kalisch (dawtu, p. 201) likewise identifies Kesen
with N'unr&d, and Calah with Kalah-Shtryliul.
See Assy hi a, p. 187; Nutkvkh; Resen. A.
CALAMOLAXTJS (KaJUuuUaAor; [Vat.
KaA.cuuMraA.or:] CUvmtu), 1 Esdr. v. 22, a corrupt
name, apparently agglomerated of Ei.am, Lod, and
H.W>I1>.
CALAMUS. [Rbxd.]
CAL'COL (Vs'pS [perh. sustenance, Ges.] :
KoAydA [Vat. KoAxa], XoAatxJ [Alex. XaAxaA.] :
C/t'lcAal, Chnleol), a man of Judah, son or de-
fendant of Zerah (1 Chr. ii. 6). Probably iden-
tical with Ciialcol (A. V. only; no difference in
the Hebrew), son of Mahol, one of the four wi le
men whom Solomon excelled in wisdom (1 K. it.
31). For the grounds of this identification see
Dakda. G.
• CALDE'A, CALDE'ANS, OAI/DEES,
loeur in the A V. ed. 1611 and other early editions
pvnm for Chaldka, etc., which see. A.
CALDRON. (1.) TPT, probably from TR,
to*/, akin to Arab. i>'i}, to be moral, as water in
soiling; a pot or kettle; alio • basket. (S.) "^D,
a pot or kettle. (3.) 7'l03M, or 7&3*. (4.)
•"H^i?. from nVil P°*r- hi&w, x*rf>o, ™-
lurriip: Wes, oOa. A vessel for boiling flesh,
jither for ceremonial or domestic use (2 Chr. xxxv.
13; 1 Sam. ii. 14; MJc.iii.3; Jobxli. 20). [Pitt;
Kkitlb.] H. W. V.
CALEB
m
Brass Caldron from BgTDtian Thebes. (Brit. Mus.)
. CAT.EB (a 1 ??: XoAtf ; [Alex. XoX«ai w
II: Cnkb;) dog, Gesen.; BtUtr, Kllffer, e.
barter, r'iirst).« L According to I (Jr. ii. », 18.
19, 42, SO, the son of Hereon, the son of I 'hare/., the
on of Judah, and the father of Hur by Ephratb, ur
• • Wrsfs darlvatton («d. 1867) Is from 2^3, <•>
we*, tat*, and bene* as appsllaUv*, told, Vasra.
Ephratah , and consequently grandfather »f Caleb the
spy. His brothers, according to the same author
ity, were Jerahuaed and liaiu ; his wives Aauhali,
JerWh, and Ephratah ; and his concubines Kphiih
and Maachah (ver. 9, 42, 48, 48). But from the
maninut oorruption of the text in many parts of
the chapter, from the name being written ^31 vS
[CiiKU'dAi] in ver. 9, which looks like a patro-
nymic from 3-ib?, Chelub (1 Chr. iv. II) »U
brother of Shuah, from the evident confusion I*-
tween the two Calebs at ver. 49, and from the non-
appearance of this elder Caleb anywhere except in
this genealogy drawn up in Hezekiah's reign [\z.\-
iiiaii. No. 6], it is impossible to speak with con
tklence uf his relations, or even of his existence.
2. Son of Jephunneh, by which patronymic tht
illustrious spy is usually designated (Num. alii. 6,
and ten other places), with the addition of that of
■' the Kenezite," or " son of Kenaa," in Num. xxxil
12: Josh. xiv. 6, 14. Caleb is first mentioned u.
the list of the rulers or princes (rVtt^), called in
the next verse tTWH^, « heads," one from each
tribe, who were sent to search the land of ( 'anaan
in the second year of the Exodus, where it may ha
noted that these UVWi at O'tTN" are all dif-
ferent from those named in Num. i. ii. vii. x. ts
princes or heads of the tri)a» of Israel, and cuiw-
qnently that the same title was given to the chief*
of families as to the chiefs of the whole tribe. Ca-
leb was a rV*B73 or tPM"l in the tribe of Judah,
perhaps as chief of the family of the Hezronites,
at the same time that Nahshon the son of Am-
niiuadab was prince of the whole trilie. Me and
Oshea or Joshua the son of Nun were the only
two of the whole number who, on their return from
Canaan to Kadesh-Ramea. encouraged the people
to enter in Isddly to the land, and take possession
of it; for which act of taithfuhiesi they narrowly
escaped stoning at the hands of the infuriateil
people. In the plague that em ted, while tlie other
ten spies perished, Caleb ami Jmlma alone were
spared. Moreover, while it was announced to the
congregation by Moses that, for this rebellious mur-
muring, all that had been uumlicred from 20 years
okl and upwards, except Joshua and Caleb, should
perish in the wilderness, a special promise was made
to Caleb the son of Jephunneh, that he should sur-
vive to enter into the land which lie had trodden
upon, and that his seed should possess it. Accord-
ingly, 45 years afterwards, when some progress had
been made in the conquest of the land, Caleb came
to Joshua and reminded him of what had happened
at Kadesh, and of the promise which Moses made
to him with an oath. He added that though he
was now 89 years old, he wis as strong as in the
day when Moses sent him to spy out the land, and
he claimed possession of the land of the Anakims,
Kiijath-Arba, or Hebron, and the neighboring hill-
country (Josh. xiv.). This was immediately granted
to him, and the following chapter relates how n<
took possession of Hebron, driving out the three
sons of Anak; and how he offered Achsah his
daughter in marriage to whoever would take Kir-
jatb-Sepher. i. r. Debir; and how when Othniel
his younger brother, bad performed the feat, be no*
Dietrich lo an •ittiea o»
asm* •tvmnlnsT.
Omaw (1868) adepts ski
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344
CALEB
Duly gate him his daughter to wife, but with her
the upper and nether springs of water which (be
asked for. After this we hear no more of Caleb,
nsr ii the time of hit death recorded. But we
learn from Josh. xxi. 13, that in the distribution
of cities out of the different tribes for the priests
and Levites to dwell in, Hebron fell to the priests,
the children of Aaron, of the family of Kohathites,
and wan also a city of refuge, while the surround-
ing territory continued to be the possession of Ca-
leb, at least as late as the time of David (1 Sam.
TXT. 3, ux. U).
But a very interesting question arises as to the
birth and parentage of Caleb. He is, as we have
seen, styled "the son of Jephunneh the Kenezite,"
and his younger brother OthnieL afterwards the
first Judge, is also called "the son of Kenaz"
(Josh. xv. 17; Judg. i. 13, Hi. 9, 11).
On the other hand the genealogy in 1 Chr. ii.
makes no mention whatever of either Jephunneh or
Kenaz, but represents Caleb, though obscurely, as
being a descendant of Hezron and a son of Hur
(see too ch. iv.). Again in Josh. xv. 13 we have
this singular expression, " Unto Caleb the son of
Jephunneh he gave a part among the children o/Ju-
dnh : " and in xiv. 14, the no less significant one,
•• Hebron became the inheritance of Caleb the son
of Jephunneh the Kenezite, because that he wb-'ly
followed Jehovah God of Israel." It becomes,
therefore, quite possible that Caleb was a foreigner
by birth; a proselyte, incorporated into the tribe
of Judah, into which perhaps he or his ancestors
had married, and one of the first-fruits of that
Gentile harvest, of which Jethro, Rahab, Ruth,
Xaanian, and many others were samples and signs.
And this conjecture receives a most striking con-
firmation from the names in Caleb's family. For
on turning to Geu. xxxvi. 11, 15, we find that
Kenaz is an Edomitish name, the son of Eliphaz.
Again, in 1 Chr. ii. 50, 52, among the sons of Ca-
leb the son of Hur we find Shobal and half the
Man&hetliites or sons of Manahath. But in Gen.
xxxvi. 20-33, we are told that Shobal was the son
of Seir the Horite, and that he was Die father of
Manahath. So too Kiirtih, Ithran, h'iih (1 Chr.
ii., iv.), and perhaps Jephunneh, compared with
Pinon, are all Edomitish names (1 Chr. i. ; Gen.
xxxvi.). We find too Temanites, or sons of Te-
nian (I Chr. i. 36), among the children of Ashur
the son of llerron (1 Chr. iv. 6). The finding thus
whole families or tril-es, apparently ol foreign origin,
incorporated into the tribes of Israel, si ems further
to supply us with an easy and natural solution of
the difficulty with regard to the great numbers of
the Israelites at the Exodus. The seed of Abra-
ham had been multiplied by the accretion o r pros-
elytes, as well as by generation.
3. ('a'i.kb-Epii'katah, according to the pres-
ent text of 1 Chr. ii. 24, the name of a place where
Hezron died, liut no such place was ever heard
of, and the composition of the name is a most im-
probable one. Nor could Hezron or his son have
riva. any name to a place in Egypt, the land of
their bondage, nor could Hezron have died, or his
son have lived, elsewhere than in Egypt. The
present text must therefore lie corrupt, and the
■«*ding which Jerome's Hebrew Bible had, and
which is preserved in the LXX., is probably the
true one, namely, nrHCN 3;?"J ^S> "Caleb
same in unto Ephratah." The whole information
riven seems to be that Hezron had two wives, the
calk
first whose name is not given, the mother of Jerak-
meei, Ram, and Caleb or Chelubai; the second
Abiah, the daughter of Machir, whom he married
wheu 60 years old, and who bare him Segub and
Ashur. Also that Caleb bad two wives, Ambah,
the first, the mother, according to Jerome's version,
of Jerioth ; and Ephratah, the second, the mother
of Hur; and that this second marriage of Caleb
did not (Jte place till after Hezron's death.
A. C. H.
* Cak'B-Ephratoh (see 3 above), it is tine, doss
not occur elsewhere; but in 1 Sam. xxx. 14 we find
mention made of a district Caleb, which must have
been a part of Judah, and so called from Caleb, Josh-
ua's spy, to whom it was allotted. Berthean in his
note on 1 Chr. ii. 24 (BUcaer der Chromic, p. IT)
suggests that the northern port of this territory of
Caleb where it approached Ephratah, i. e, Bethlehem,
may have been distinguished from the southern part
by the more definite name of Caleb- Ephratah. He
remarks further that the proposed change of the
text (tJA0f Xa\i$ els 'Z<ppaek in the LXX. which
the Vulg. follows) removes the difficulty, but intro-
duces a notice altogether foreign to the text, since
the verse relates to Hezron and not to Caleb. There
may be some doubt about the translation. But - he
chronology and history of this period are too oh
scure to allow us to say that Hezron must haw
died in Egypt, and could not have died in Caleb-
Ephratah (1 Chr. ii. 24). See Wordsworth on the
passage, Chronicles, p. 171 (1866). 11.
CALEB. '• The south of Caleb " is that por-
tion of the Negeb (333) or " south country " of
Palestine, occupied by Caleb and his descendants
(1 Sam. xxx. 14). In the division of Canaan Joshua
assigned the city and suburbs of Hebron to the
priests, but the " field " of the city, that is the
pasture and com lands, together with the villages,
were given to Caleb. The south, or Negeb, of
Caleb, is probably to be identified with the exten-
sive basin or plain which lies between Hebron and
Kurmul, the ancient Carmel of Judah, where Ca-
leb's descendant Nabal had his possessions.
W. A W.
CALF (n^35, bjjJ : m*>x»i. *o>«Ai*). "»
Ex. xxxii. 4, Win told that Aaron, constrained
by the people in the absence of Moses, made a
molten citlf of the golden ear-rings of the people, to
represent the Elobim which brought Israel oat of
Egypt- He is also said to have " finished it with
• g.ving-tool," but the word 13*7.0 n >*y mean »
moul/i (comp. 2 K. v. 23, A. V.'»bags;" LXX
0vA4kok). Bochart (Hierot. lib. ii. cap. ixxiv
explains it to mean " be placed the ear-rings it s
bag," as Gideon did (Judg. viii. 24). ProtiHb.y,
however, it means that after the calf had been cast,
Aaron ornamented it with the sculptured wings,
feathers and other marks, which were similarly rep-
resented on the statues of Apis, &c (Wilkinson,
iv. 348). It does not seem likely that the ear-ringr
would have provided the enormous quantity of gild
required for a solid figure. More probably it was
a wooden figure laminated with gold, a process which
is known to have existed in Egypt. " A gilded ox
covered with a pall " was an emblem of Osiris (Wit
kinson, iv. 335).
The legends about the calf are numerous. The
suggestion is said by the Jews to have originate/
with certain Egyptian proselytes (Godwyn's Mm
and Aar. iv. 5); Hnr. " the desert's martyr" wit
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CALF
tilled for opposing it: Abu'lfeda says that ill ex-
npt 12,000 worshipped it ; when nude, it was mag-
eally animated (Ex. xxzii. 24). " The Devil." says
Jonathan, " got into the metal and fashioned it into
a calf" (Ughtfoot, Work, r. 398). Hence, the
Koran (vii. 146) calk it "a corporeal calf, made of
their ornaments, Khich Unctd," This was effected,
not by Aaron (according to the Mohammedans),
but by al Sameri, a chief Israelite, whose descend-
ants still inhabit an island of the Arabian gulf.
We took a handful of dust from the footsteps of the
bone of Gabriel, who rode at the bead of the host,
and threw it into the mouth of the calf, which ini-
aoediately began to low. No one is to he punished
■n hell more than 40 days, being the number of
days of the calf-worship (Sale's Koran, ed. Daven-
port, p. 7, note; and see Weil's Leyendt, 12V. It
was a Jewish proverb that " no punishment befall-
eth the Israelites in which there is not an ounce of
ibis calf" (Godwyn, ubitiipr.).
CALF
846
Bronae figure of ApU. (Wilkinson.)
To punish the apostasy Moses burnt the calf, and
then grinding it to powder scattered it over the
water, where, according to some, it produced in the
drinkers effects similar to the water of jealousy
(Num. v.). He probably adopted this course as
the deadliest and most irreparable blow to their su-
perstition (Jerome, Ep. 128; Hut. dt I: p. 3ti2),
or as an allegorical act (Job xv. 16), or with refer-
ence to an Egyptian custom (Herod, it. 41 : I'oli
Sun. ad loc.). It has always been a difficulty to
explain the proceu which he used ; some account
for it by his supposed knowledge of a forgotten art
(such as was one of the boast* of alchymy ) by which
be could reduce gold to dust. Goguet ( Oriyint dt$
Lois) invokes the assistance of natron, which would
save had the additional advantage of making the
'raugfat nauseous. Baumgarten easily endows the
ue employed with miraculous properties. Bocbart
and RoeenmuDer merely think that he cut, ground,
and filed the gold to powder, such as was used to
tprinkle over the hair (Joseph. Ant. viii. 7, § 8).
there seems little doubt that ?\~W == KttTwcaiti,
LXX. (Havemick's Introd. to Utt Pentat. p. 392.)
It has always been a great dispute respecting this
calf and those of Jeroboam, whether, I. the Jews
Intended them for some Egyptian God, or II. tor a
mere cherubic symbol of Jehovah.
I. The arguments for the first supposition are, 1.
n*e ready apostasy of the Jews to Egyptian super-
stition (Acts vii. 39, and chap. v. passim ; Lactant.
IntL It. 10). >. The bet that they had been wor-
bippers of Apis (Joab. xxiv. 14), and their extreme
itmuiarity with his cuttus (1 K. xi. 40). 3. The
sastnblanco of the fatt described in Ex. xxxii. 6,
to the festival in honor of Apis (Suiil. s. i. "AtriSti)
Of the various sacred cows of Egypt, that of Isia,
of Athor, and of the three kinds of sacred bulls
ApU, Basis, and Mnevis, Sir G. Wilkinson fixes ot
the latter as the prototype of the golden calf; " the
offerings, dancings, and rejoicings practiced on tha*
occasion were doubtless in imitation of a ceremony
they had witnessed in honor of Mnevis" (Ane.
Egypt., v. 197, see Plates 35, 36). The ox was
worshipped from its utility in agriculture (Plut. dt
it. p. 74), and was a symbol of the sun, and con-
secrated to him (Horn. Od. i. xii. Ac. ; Warburton.
Da. Lty. iv. 8, 6). Hence it is almost universally
found in Oriental and other mythologies. 4. Tot
expression " an ox that eatetb hay," Ac. (Ps. cvi.
20, Ac.), where some see an allusion to the Egyptias
custom of bringing a bottle of hay when they con
suited ApU (Godwyn's Mot. and Aar. iv. 6). Yet
these terms of scorn are rather due to the intense
hatred of the Jews, both to this idolatry and that
of Jeroboam. Thus in Tob. i. 6, we have one of
Jerolxnm's calves called jj SduoAi? BdaX, which is
an unquestionable calumny ; just as in Jcr. xlvi. 16
"Aa-ij 6 niaxos <roo 6 AtAe ktoj U either a mistake
or a corruption of the text (Bochart, Uieroz. ii. 28,
6, and Schleusner, *. «. "Awn).
II. It seems to us more likely that in this <-alf-
worship the Jews merely
" Likened their Maker to the graved ox ; "
or in other words, adopted a well- understood cher
ubic emblem. For (1.) it u obvious that they were
aware of this symbol, since Motes finds it unnecessary
to describe it (Ex. xxv. 18-22). (2.) .losephuu seems
to imply that the cab" symbolized God (Ant. viii. 8,
$ 4). (3.) Aaron in proclaiming the feast (Ex. xxxii.
5) distinctly calls it a feast to Jehovah, and speaks
of the god as the vUible representation of Him wlio
had led them out of Egypt. (4.) It was extremely
unlikely that they would so soon adopt a deity whom
they had so recently seen humiliated by the judg-
ments of Moses (Num. xxxiii. 4). (5.) There was
.only one ApU, whereas Jeroboam erected hm calves.
(But see Jahn, Arch. BM. § 464.) (6.) Jero
Imam's well-understood political purpose was. not
to introduce a new religion, but to provide a differ.
ent form of the old ; and thu alone explains tb»
fact that (hit was the only form of idolatry into
which Judah never feu, since she already possessed
the archetypal emblems in the Temple. (7.) It
appears from 1 K. xxii. 6, Ac. that the prophet* of
Israel, though sanctioning the calf-worship, still re-
garded themselves, and were regarded, as " prophet*
of Jehovah."
These arguments, out of many others, are ad
duced from the interesting treatise of Monceus, dt
Vihdo Aura) ( Critici Sneri, ix.). The work h> in
hibited by the Church of Home, and has been an-
swered by Visorinus. A brief resume' of it may
be found in Poli Sun. ad Ex. xxxii., and in Watt's
" Remnants of Time " (ad finem). [Cherubim.]
The prophet Hosea U full of denunciations against
the calf-worship of Israel (Hos. viii. S, 6, x. 6 1, and
mentions the curious custom of kitting them (xiii
2). HU change of Beth-el into Beth-aven jtmutMy
rose from contempt of thU idolatry (but see Bnii.
atem). The calf at Dan was carried away by
Tiglath-Pileser, and that of Bethel 10 yean after
by his son Snalmaneser (2 K. xv. 39, xvii. 3; Prv
deaux, Connection, 1. 15).
Bocbart thinks that the ridiculous story of Celnu
abou. the Christian worship of an ass h—d"<* uj
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546 CALITAS
lefled &a£a0awe »| 'Ortfa (a story, at the mine
of which Tertullian, 'Ovoicolrnt, ApoL 16, Ad Nat.
L 14, could only guess), sprang from some misun-
derstanding of cherubic emblems (Mimic. Fel. Apol.
a..). But it is much more probable, as Origen
conjectured, that the Christians were confounded
with the absurd mystic Ophiani (Tac Hut. v. 4 :
Merivale, Hut. of Emp. vi. 664).
In the expression " the calves of our lips " (Hoe.
xiv. 2), the word " calves " is used metaphorically
for victims or sacrifices, and the passage signifies
either " we will render to thee sacrifices of our lips,"
that is, " the tribute of thanksgiving and praise,"
or " we will offer to thee the sacrifices which our
lips have vowed." Hie LXX. erroneously translate
napwbv ray x'^oiv, which is followed by the Syr.
and Arab, versions, and is supposed to have been
borrowed by the author of the epistle to the Hebrews
(xiii. 15). For allusions to the " fatted calf" see
Gen. zviii. 7 ; Luke xv. 33, <fcc ; and oh the custom
of cutting up a calf, and •< passing between the
parts thereof" to ratify a covenant, see Jer. xxxiv.
18, 19; Gen. xv. 10, 17; Ephrem Syrus, i 161;
Horn. IL iii. 808. F. W. F.
CALITAS (KaAlrai; [Vat in ver. 2d cor-
rupt; in ver. 48 Vat. Alex. KoA«t«:] CttUtat,
[Catilhet]), 1 Esdr. ix. 23, 48. [Kkuta.]
OALLISTHENES (KaMurMvnt), a parti-
san of Nicanor, who was burnt by the Jews on the
defeat of that general in revenge for bis guilt in set-
ting fire to " the sacred portals " (2 Mace. viii. 33).
B. F. W.
CALTJEH, or OAL1JO (H3 1 ??. "tf 5 ? :
Xak&vvri, XaXdvt) [see Calho] : ChaUttme), ap-
pears in Genesis (x. 10) among the cities of Nimrod.
The word is thought to mean " the fort of the god'
Ann or Aim," who was one of the chief objects of
Babylonian worship. Probably the site is the mod-
ern Niffer, which was certainly one of the early
capitals, and which, under the name of Nn/ihtr, the
Talmud identifies with Calneh (see the Yuma).
Arab traditions made Niffer the original Babylon,
and said that it was the place where Nimrod en-
deavored to mount on eagles' wings to heaven.
Similarly, the I.XX. speak of Calneh or Calno, as
" the place where the tower was built" (Is. x. 9).
Niffer is situated about 60 miles S. E. E. of Baby-
lon in the marshes on the left bank of the Eu-
phrates: it has been visited and described by Mr.
Layard (Nin. if Bab. ch. xxiv.), and Mr. Ixrftus
( Chaiim, p. 101). We may gather from Script-
ure that in the 8th century b. c. Calneh was taken
by one of the Assyrian kings, and never recovered
its prosperity. Hence it is compared with Car
chemish, Hamath, and Gath (Is. x. 9 ; Am. vi. 2),
mi regarded as a proof of the resistless might of
Assyria. G. R.
CAL'NO ('"0 1 ??: XaXirn; [Vat. Sin.] Alex.
\sAoivn, the passage [in the LXX], however, does
sot agree with the Hebrew: Calano), Is. x. 9.
lCalneh.]
* Hence we have 3 variations of the name: Calno
n Isaiah, Calneh in Genesis and Amos, and Canneh
D Ezekiel xxvii. 23. The idea which the Seventy
•ring into the text of Is. x. 9 (not in the Hebrew),
* 7C3 s Arab. J |~-j portm, aooording to
Osetalas, not, and othur*. Bochart derives the word
CAMEL
is tort the tower of Babel was built at Calno a
Chalane, as if a protest against some different opin-
ion. See Gesenius fleer Jesaia (i. 394). The Bibb
is silent respecting this ancient place during all the
long ages between Nimrod (Geo. x. 10) and the
prophet Amos (vi. 2). Dr. Pussy ( Minor Prophets,
ii. 202) agrees with those who think that Calneh at
Calno was the later Greek Ctesiphon, on the left
of the Tigris, about 40 miles from Babylon. [CaU
meh.] H.
CAI/PHI (o XeAAl; [Sin. Alex. XaAt>«0
Jos. Xmfrtuor: Calphx), father of Judas, one of the
two captains (npxorTtt) of Jonathan's army who
remained firm at the battle of Gennesar (1 Mace.
xi. 70).
CALVARY (xpaylor: Syr. Karkaptha : Cat-
varia), a word occurring in the A. V. only in Luke
xxiii. 33, and there no proper name, but arising
from the translators having literally adopted the
word caimria, i. e. a bare skull, the Latin word
by which the Kpaylov of the Evangelists is ren-
dered in the Vulgate; Kparloy again being nothing
but the Greek interpretation of the Hebrew Gol-
OOTHA.
Kparloy is used by each of the four Evangelists
in describing the place of the Crucifixion, and is ill
every case translated in the Vulg. cakaria ; and
in every case but that in St. Luke the A. V. has
"skull." Prof. Stanley has not omitted to notice
this (S. <f P. 460, note), and to call attention to
the fact that the popular expression " Mount Cal-
vary " is not warranted by any statement in the
accounts of the place of our Lord's crucifixion.
There is no mention of a mount in either of the
narratives. [Crucifixion; Golootha; Jeru-
salem.] G.
* The transfer of Calvary to our language from
the Vulg. has often been noticed. The association
of " mount " with the place of crucifixion has in all
probability a monastic origin. The epithet wss ap-
plied to the rock at Jerusalem, held to be the one
on which the cross was erected. The expression
"monticulus Golgotha "occurs in the IHner. ffierot.
(a. d. 333) and was current, no doubt, at a some-
what earlier period. Thus introduced, the term
spread at length into all the languages of Christen-
dom. See note in Rob. BibL Re*, ii. 17. Yet
after all the popular idea of Golgotha may not be
wholly without support in Scripture. The best ex-
planation of Kparloy (a thUL, Luke xxiii. 33) is
that it denotes a iipot slightly elevated and so called
for that reason, and because it was skull-shaped.
As to Mr. Fergusson's theory that tbe place of cru-
cifixion was Mount Moriah, see the addition to
Jerusalem (Amer. ed.). H.
CAMEL. Under this head we shall consider
the Hebrew words gdmdl, becer or bicrih, and
drcdrith. As to the achathteranim* in Esth.
viii. 10, erroneously translated " camels " by the A.
V., see Mule (note).
1. Gd.mil (vO| [tmrden-benrer]: kU^tja.o'"
cameUu) is the common Hebrew term to express
the genus " camel," irrespective of any difference
of species, age, or breed: it occurs in numerous
passages of the O. T., and is in all probability de-
rived from a root * which signifies " to carry." Thf
from 7^3, "to revenge," the camel being a vtnitetrn
animal. The word h«a survh to to this day In tha
languages of Western Europe Bee Oenolus, 1%m
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CAMEL
Ink mention of camda occurs in Gen. zii. 16, as
among the present* which Pharaoh bestowed upon
Abram when he m In Egypt. It is clear from this
passage that camels were earl; known to the Egyp-
tians (see also Ex. ix. 3), though no representation
of this animal has yet been discovered in the paiat-
ings or hieroglyphics (Wilkinson, Ano. Egypt, i-
334, Lond. 1854). The camel has been from the
earliest times the most important beast of burden
amongst Oriental nations. The Ethiopians had
* camels in abundance" (2Chr. xiv. 15); the quean
if Sheba came to Jerusalem " with camels that bare
spices and gold and precious stones " (1 K. x. 2 ) ;
the man of Kedar and of Hasor possessed camels
(J«r. xBx. 99, 83); David took away the camels
CAMEL
847
from the Geahurites and the Amalekites (I San
1 rxvii. 9, xxx. 17); forty camels' burden of goot
! things were sent to Eliaha by Beu-hadad, king of
1 Syria, from Damascus (9 K. viii. 9); the Ishmael
itas trafficked with Egypt in the precious gums of
Gilead, carried on the backs of camels (Gen. xxxrii.
25); the Midlanites and the Amalekites possessed
camels " as the sand by the sea-aide for multitude "
(Judg. vii. 12); Job had three thousand camels be-
I fore his affliction (Job i. 3), and six thousand after-
| wards (xlii. 19).
J The camel was used for riding (Gen. xxiv. 64;
1 Sam. xxx. 17); aa a beast of burden generally
I (Gen. xxxrii. 25; 2 K. viii. 9; 1 K. x. 9, Ac), far
I draught p ur pose s (la. xxt 7: see also S aston ln s,
Two-bumped Camels on Assyrian monuments. (Layard.)
N*ro, e. 11).* From 1 Sam. xxx. 17 we learn
that camels were used in war: compare also Pliny
(If. H. viii. 18), Xenophon ( Cyrap. vii. 1, 27), and
Herodotus (i. 80, vii. 86), and Uvy (xxxrii. 40).
It is to the mixed nature of the forces of the Persian
army that Isaiah is probably alluding in his descrip-
tion of the fell of Babylon (Is. xxi. 7).
John the Baptist wore a garment made of camel's
hair (MaU. iii. 4; Mark 1. 6), and some have sup-
posed that Eujah " was clad in a dress of the same
stuff" (Calmet's Diet. Frag. No. ccexx.; Rosen-
miiller, Schol. ail It. xx. 2), the Hebrew expression
" lord of hair " (2 K. i. 8) having reference not to
his beard or head, but to bis garment (compare
Zeoh. xiii. 4; 1 K. xix. 13, 19) [Sackcloth], but
see Eujah. Chardin (in Harmer'a Obttrt. ii.
487) says the people in the East make vestments
of camel's hair, which they pull off the animal at
the time it is changing its coat. vElian (Nat. 11.
xrii. 34) speaks of the excellent smooth quality of
the hair of camels, which the wealthy near the Cas-
pian Sea used to wear; but the garment of camel's
hair which the Baptist wore was in all probability
nerdy the prepared skin of the animal.
Camel's milk was much esteemed by Orientals
lYriatot. Hut. Amm. ri. 25, § 1, ed. SchnetJ.:
PJny, tf. H. xi. 41, xxviii. 9); it was in all prob-
ibifity used by the Hebrews but no distinct reter-
a « CommMt ettam oamalorum quadrigas."
s Amongst the live stock which Jacob presented to
■an wen « thirty miloh camels with their colts."
*1TP , 3 V Q D^1D3 to literally " oauslsgrrinfc sock."
this passage has beau quoted to prove that the Israel-
is need the milk of the camel, which however . can-
tot adrty be said to on. The milk wbioh Jaal offered
■sera (Judg. iv. 19), aecordlnc to Jesephus (Ant. v.
*, f 4), was sour, some of the Babble, MiohaaUs, and
isasaiallllsi (Not. ad Hum. 1 10), say It was tor the
•arpose of luanloaang B toe r a, sour •ernel's milk, as
enoeto it is made in the Bible.' Camel's :
although much esteemed by the Arabs (Prosp.
Alpinus, H. N. /Eg. i. 226), was forbidden as food
to the Israelites (I.ev. xi. 4; Deut. xiv. 7), because,
though the camel 'cheweth the cud, it dirideth
not the hoof." Many attempts have been made to
explain the reason why camel-flesh was forbidden
to the Jews, as by Bochart (llierot. i. 11), Rosen-
muHer (Nat. ad Hitroz. L c), Michaelis (Loot of
Mom, iii. 234, Smith's transfer., ), none of which,
however, are satisfactory. It is sufficient to know
that the law of Moses allowed no quadruped to be
used as food except such as chewed the cud and
divided the hoof into two equal parts : as the camel
does not fully divide the hoof, the anterior parts
only being deft, it was deluded by the very terms
of the definition.
Dr. Kitto (Phyt. B. of PaluL p. 391) says " the
Arabs adorn the necks of their camels with a band
of cloth or leather, upon which are strung small
shells called cowries in the form of half-moons."
This very aptly illustrates Judg. viii. 21, 26, with
reference to the moon-shaped ornaments « that were
on the necks of the cantata which Gideon took from
Zebah and Zalmunna. (Comp. Stat Thtbaid, ix
687.)^ [Ornaments.]
Ezekid (xxv. 5) declares that Kabbah shall bs a
they affirm, baring this effect. The Arabs use soar
camel's milk extensively as a drink.
« D' , :nr'tP. Compare alto Is Ui. 18: " Round
tins like the' moon," A. V. The LXX. has attaint,
Vulg. lunula.
' Caanl'i note (Lange's BiMwtrt, p. 88) confirms
and illustrates this oriental usage of putting "Uttk
moons " on the necks ot the camels. It no doubt had
some cofmectton with the Saaannttm of the Arab
tribes who worshipped so extensively the moon sad
Bar rUwllneont note on Html. Ot. 8. H.
d " Ntreo lunate numilia dants > on horses' neers.
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848
CAMEL
'< stable for camels, and the Ammonites a couching
place for flocks." Buckingham (Trot, p. 829) speaks
ef ruins in this country as " places of resort to the
Bedouins where thej pasture their camels and their
sheep." See " Illustrations of Scripture," in vol.
ii. pt ix. of « Good Words."
From the temperate habit* of the camel with re-
gard to its requirements of food and water, and
from its wonderful adaptation, both structurally
and physiologically, to traverse the arid regions
which for miles aflbrd but a scanty herbage, we can
readily give credence to the imnwmaft numbers which
Scripture speaks of as the property either of tribes
or individuals. The three thousand camels of Job
may be illustrated to the very letter by a passage in
Aristotle (//. A. ix. 37, § 5): "Now some men
in upper Asia possess as many as three thousand
camels."
2 Bear, bicrah ("I??, rnpS : LXX. K i^ir
Kos in Is. U. 6; tyi in Jar. ii. 23, as from Arab.
ty^SJ, mane ; « Spa/ttis in versa, of Aq., Theod.,
and Sym.: dromedariut, curtor). The Hebrew
words occur only in the two passages above named,
where the A. V. reads " dromedary."
Isaiah, foretelling the conversion of the Gentiles,
aays, " The caravans of camels shall cover thee, the
dromedaries of Hidian and Ephah." The Midian-
ites had camels " as the sand of the sea " (Judg.
vii. 12). In Jeremiah God expostulates with Israel
for her wickedness, and compares her to a swift
bicrah "traversing her ways." Bochart (Hieroz.
i. 15 ff.) contends that the Hebrew word is indic-
ative only of a difference in age, and adduces the
authority of the Arabic becra in support of his
opinion that a young camel is signified by the
term. Gesenius follows Bochart, and ( Comm. iib.
d. Jet. Ix. 6) answers the objections of RosenmuUer,
who (Not. ad Bocharti Hieroz. 1. c.) argues in favor
of the " dromedary." Gesenius's remarks are com-
mented on again by Kosenmiiller in his BibL Na-
turgetch. ii. 21 . Etymologically the Hebrew word
is more in favor of the " dromedary." 6 So too are
the old versions, as is also the epithet " swift," ap-
plied to the bicrah in Jeremiah ; while on the other
hand the term is used in the Arabic ' to denote " a
young camel." Oedmann, commenting on the
Hebrew word, makes the following just observa-
tion : " ' The multitude of camelt shall cover tbee,
Joe dromedaries of Hidian,' Ac. — a weak distinc-
.kra, if bicrim means only young camels in oppoai-
ion to old ones " ( Verm. Sam. ). The " traversing
ler ways " is well explained by RosenmuUer, " mox
luc mox illuc cursitans quasi furore venereo cor-
«ptus, suique non compos, quemadmodum facere
wlent cameli tempore sestus libidinosi." We are
of opinion that the beeer or bicrdh cannot be better
represented than by the " dromedary " of the A. V.
o See Schleusner (Xhes. in LXX.) s. v. i^W.
>> Prom 133, ». q. 1|73, « to be tit."
*a young camel," of the sar.» aga as "a
young man " amongst men. But the Idea of swiftness
It Involvad even in the Arabic nas of this word tor
1 — praptrare, fettinare (v.
TVs.)
d "I J, i «. « the camel's saddle," with a kind of
■■mjj'tTsr It Sea Jahn (Jrtk. BiU. p. 64, Upturn's
CAMEL
3. As to the dixar&th (rfVEnS) of la. Ixri
20, which the LXX. interpret aniitta. the Vojg
can-oca, and the A. V. " swift beast*," there is
some difference of opinion. The explanation is not
satisfactory which is given by Bochart (Hieroz. i.
25), following some of the Rabbis, and adopted bj
Kosenmiiller, Gesenius, Lee, and others, that " drom-
edaries " are meant. According to those who sanc-
tion this rendering, the word (which occurs only in
Isaiah, I c.) is derived from the root ~H3, " to
leap," " to gallop; " but the idea involved is surely
inapplicable to the jolting trot of a camel. The old
versions moreover are opposed to such an explana-
tion. We prefer, with Michaelia (Svppl. ad l*x.
Beb. No. 1210) and Parkhuret (a. t.), to under-
stand by circdrdth " panniers " or " baskets " car-
ried on the backs of camels or mules, and to refer
the word to its unreduplicsted form in Gen. xxxi.
34.4 The shaded vehicle! of the LXX. may be il-
lustrated by a quotation from Maillet (DetcripL de
HSgypte., p. 230*), who says, " other ladies are car-
ried sitting in chairs made like covered cages hang-
ing on both sides of a camel ; " or bv a remark of
Dr. Russell (Nat. H.ofAlefpo, i. 256), who states
that some of the women about Aleppo are commonly
stowed, when on a joumey, on each side a mule in
a sort of covered cradles.
The species of camel wbich was in common use
amongst the Jews and the heathen nations of Pal-
estine is the Arabian or one-humped camel ( Cameha
Arabian). The dromedary is a swifter animal Una
Arabian Camel.
the baggage-camel, and is used chiefly for riding
purposes — it is merely a finer breed than the other:
the Arabs call it the Heirie. The speed of the
dromedary has been greatly exaggerated, the Arabs
asserting that it is swifter than the horse; eight ce
nine miles an hour is the utmost it is able to per-
translation): "Sometimes they travel In a ooiirmi
vehicle which is secured on the back of a camel, a>*1
answers the purpose of a small house." Parkhurst say*
~n"l~~i? « Is In the redupneate form, because thee*
baskets were In pairs, and slung one on each aide of
the beast." In this sense the word may be reterec
9 >
to the Arabic . -J , « sella c a n w r m a, aliit, earn aa>
panto too " (Freytag, «. v.). See figvms in
Drteript. Orient. I. tab. 68.
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CAMEL
fcrm; thh pice, however, it ir able to k-ep up for
boon together. The Bectrian rame» (Caimlm itac-
•xiamu), the only other known specie* has two
he mm; it u not 'capable of such endurance u its
Baririan Camel.
Aribiau cousin: this species is found in China,
Russia, and throughout Central Asia, and U em-
ployed by the Persians in war to carry one or two
guns which are fixed to the saddle. Col. H. Smith
says this species appears figured in the processions
of the ancient Persian satrapies among the bas-
reliefs of Chehel Minar. Though the Uactrian
camel was probably not used by the Jews, it v
doulitlese known to them in a late period of their
butory, from their relations with Persia and Chal
ds?a. Russell (If. ftuL of AUp. ii. 170, 2d ed.)
says the two-humped camel is now seldom seen at
Aleppo.
The camel, as may be readily conceived, is the
subject amongst Orientals of many proverbial ex
pressions; see many cited by Bochart (Hitroz. i
30), and comp. Matt, xxiii. 24, and xix. 24, where
there can be no doubt of the correctness of the
A. V., notwithstanding the attempts which are
made from time to time to explain away the i
presaion: the very magnitude of the hyperbole is
evidence in its favor; with the Talniuds [Talmudic
writers] "an elephant passing through a needle's
eye " was a common figtire to denote anything im-
possible.
We may notice in conclusion the wonderful
adaptation of the camel to the purposes for which
it is designed. With feet admirably formed for
journeying over dry and loose sandy soil ; with an
internal res e rvo ir for a supply of water when the
ordinary sources of nature fail ; with a hump of fat
ready on emergencies to supply it with carbon when
even the prickly thorns and mimosas of the burning
desert cease to afford food ; with nostrils which can
dose valve-like when the sandy storm fills the air,
this valuable animal does indeed well deserve the
significant title of the " ship of the desert." 11 The
camel belongs to the family CameHda, order Rumi-
nantia. W. H.
• It is a disappointment to know that the many
wrviceabie qualities of the camel which have been
(numerated, are far from being matched by any
(■respondent social or moral instincts to increase
m regard for him. Dr. Kitto (Daily Biok 1U
CAMP 349
luttr. 1. 375. Porter . ad. 1866) writes m Mows
" Of all the animals which have been domesticate*
for higher purposes thai to serve mankind merert
as food, the camel is, past all doubt, the most
churlish, irascible, revengeful, and self-willed. We
have beard of strong attachments lietween man
and all other domestic animals, but never between
a man and his camel. Of all the creatures pro-
moted to be man's companions in travel and in
rest, no one so unloving and unloved exists. Its
very countenance, which the inexperienced call pa-
tient, is the very impersonation of malice and ill-
nature — even when ita eyes are not kindled up in-
to active spite, and when its mouth does not quiver
with burning rage. Even imong themselves quar-
rels are frequent ; and he who has been summoned
by their sharp and bitter cries to witness a camel-
tight, will not easily forget the scene." The trav-
eller in the East is soon led to observe this want
of sympathy between the camel and his owner or
driver, and not being able to enter into all the
provocations which there may be for vuch severity,
finds it a constant outrage to his feelings to witness
the blows and scourgings which he sees inflicted on
the bearer of such heavy burdens. Camels are al-
most unknown in Europe for purposes of travel and
transportation. It was not without surprise that
the writer encountered a small caravan of them,
laden with military stores, in Greece, on the road
Iwtween Delphi and Amphissa.
.Much important information in respect to the
general characteristics and habits of the came! will
be found in U. S. Senate Ducumenlt (viii. No. 02,
pp. 1-238, 1836-7) relating to the purchase of
camels for purposes of military transportation. A
circular was addressed by agents of the U. S. Gov-
ernment to American residents in the East, espe-
cially our missionaries (H. G- O. Dwight, Edwin
E. Bliss, W. E. Williams) whose intelligent replies
to the inquiries made are replete with important
facts and suggestions illustrative of the subject.
Hints for Scripture also may be gleaned from them.
It is stated e. g. (p. 80) that camels, ordinarily occu-
pying from 30 to 4fl days on the journey to Motit
from Aleppo hv the way of Orfn and the Desert,
will accomplish the distance on an emergency in 13
days. (See addition to Hakan, Amer. ed.) The
Hon. George P. Harsh baa written a valuable trea-
tise on " The Camel, his Organization, Habits, and
Uses, considered with reference to his Introduction
into the United States," Boston, 1836, lOmo. It
is understood that the attempt to domesticate and
employ the camel in the southeru parts >f our
country has proved a failure. II.
■illlnn derived Ann the Arabs. 8w the
i from the Arabian naturalist Damn-, qiutea
•v Bcahart, BBtm. I. IS.
CATION flIOrj: [Uamding-phet,fattMm\ :
'Papviiy, Aler. Pappa; [Comp. Aid. Kapay-] Jo*
Kapar- Cnmm\ the place in which Jair the judge
was buried [Judg. x. 5]. The few notices of
Jair which we possess have all reference to the
country E. of Jordan, and there is therefore no
reason against accepting the statement of Jose^hus
(Ant. v. 7, § 6) that Camon was a city of GUead
In support of this is the mention by Polybius (v.
70, § 12) of a Camoun (Kapovy) in company with
Pella and other trans-Jordanic places (Keland, 679V
In modern times, however, the name has not beta
recovered on the E. of Jordan. Eusebius and Je-
rome identify it w.U» Ctamoh, hi the plain of
Esdraelou. G
CAMP. [xUCAJCTMXFrS.1
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S60
CAMPHIRE
OAM'PHIRE ("I5b," cipher: jrixpoj: Cy-
prus, Cyynu). There can be do doubt that
"camphire" is an incorrect rendering of the He-
brew term, which occurs in the sense of tome aro-
matic substance only in Cant. i. 14, iv. 13: the
margin in both passages has " cypress," giving the
form but not the signification of the Greek word.
Lamphire, or, as it is now generally written, cam-
phor, is a product of a tree largely cultivated in
the island of Formosa, the Camphora officinarum, of
the Nat. order lsxuracea. There is another tree,
the Dryobalanopt aromatica of Sumatra, which
also yields camphor; but it is improbable that the
substance secreted by either of these trees was
known to the ancients.
From [For?] the expression "cluster of cipher in
the vineyards of Engedi," in Cant. L 14, the Chal-
dee version reads u bunches of grapes.' 1 6 Several
versions retain the Hebrew word. The substance
really denoted by ciplter is the tdnoot of Diosco-
rides, Theophrastus, Ac, and the cyprot of Pliny,
i. e. the /Atwsonia alba of botanists, the henna of
Arabian naturalists. So K. Ben Melek (Csnt. i.
14;: " The cluster of copher is that which the Ar-
abs call al-henna" (see Celsius, Bierob. i. 223).
Although there is some discrepancy in the descrip-
tions given by the Greek and Latin writers of the
cypros-plaiit, yet their accounts are on the whole
sufficiently exact to enable us to refer it to the
henna-plant. The Arabic authors Avicenna and
Serepion also identify their henna with the cypim
of Dioscorides and Galen (Koyle in Kitto's Bibl.
CycL art. Kopher).
" The KVwpot" says Sprengel ( Comment, on
Diotcor. i. 124), "is the Lnu-tonia alba, Lam.,
which includes the L. inermis and tpinoaa, Linn.:
it is the Copher of the Hebrews and the Henna of
the Arabs, a plant of great note throughout the East
to this day, both on account of its fragrance and
of the dye which its leave* yield for the hair."
In a note Sprengel adds that the inhabitants of
Nubia call the henna-plant Khofreh ; he refers to
Delisle (Fhr. jEgypt. p. 12). Hasaelquist (Trav.
246, Lond. 1766), speaking of this plant, says " the
leaves are pulverized and made into a paste with
water; the Egyptians bind this paste on the nails
of their hands and feet, and keep it on all night:
this gives them a deep yellow [red?], which is
greatly admired by Eastern nations. The color
lasts for three or four weeks before there is occasion
to renew it. The custom is so ancient in Egypt
that I have seen the nails of the mummies dyed in
this manner." Sonnini ( Voyage, i. 297) says the
women are fond of decorating themselves with the
lowers of the henna-plant; that they take them
in their hand and perfume their bosoms with them.
Compare with this Cant. i. 18; see also Hariti
Tnir. i. 29), Prosper Alpinus (De Plant. JCgypt.
. . 13), PUny N. H. xii. 24), who says that a good
kind grows near Ageakro, Oedmann ( Verm. Sam.
« From I?!), oUmt; "Quia mullens in orient*
ungues obHnunl " (Stoonis, Lex. s. v.). Cf Arabic
Jtf, viz, and the Syrlae )?ffttlA The Greek
<mr*oc Is the same word as the Hebrew P).
» The Oeb. "l^S, also denotes « redemption,"
•supUUtm;" whence some of the Hebrew doctors,
n ssvUlac bSt&H, hare found eat the urystsrr of
CASTA
i. c. 7, and vi. p. 102), who satisfactorily i_„„.
Michaelis's conjecture (%jp. ad Lex. Heb. ii 1205)
that " palm-flowers " or "dates" are intended; tes
also Roeenmiiller (Bib. BoL p. 183), and WUktn
son (Anc. Egypt, ii. 845).
Some have supposed that the expre s si on rendered
by the A. V. « pare her nails " ' (Deut. xxi. 12)
has reference to the custom of staining them with
henna-dye; but it is very improbable that there is
any such allusion, for the captive woman was or-
dered to shave her head, a mark of mourning: such
a meaning therefore as the one proposed is quite
out of place (see RosenmiiUer, Schol ad Deut. xxi.
12). Not only the nails of the hands and the feet,
but the hair and beard were also dyed with henna,
and even sometimes the manes and tails of bones
and asses were similarly treated.
The Lawtonia alba when young is without
thorns, and when older is spinous, whence Linnss-
us's names, L. inermu and L. sstnota, he regard-
ing his specimens as two distinct species. The
henna-plant grows in Egypt, Syria, Arabia, and N.
India. The flowers are white, and grow in clusters,
and are very fragrant The whole shrub is from
four to six feet high. The fullest description is
that given by Sonnini. The Lawtonia alba, the
only known species, belongs to the natural order
Lylliraeea. W. H.
CA'NA or GALILEE, once Cana ik Gaj-
ilkk (Kara ttjs raAiAaiar; Syriac, Peth. Kaavt,
\ I AJD, Nitrian, Katnah, m 1 tr\-rf Cana
Gnlilan), a village or town memorable as the scene
of Christ's first miracle (John ii. 1, 11, iv. 46), as
well as of a subsequent one (iv. 46, 54), and also as
the native place of the Apostle Nathanael (xxi. 2).
the Messiah, 183 *?3 VM, " the man tna* p""!*-
tlates all things " (Patrick's Commentary).
' n^BSTIS nntpK) ; ttt. "and the snail
do her nails." Onkelos and Beadtaa understand ttx
expression to denote " letting her nails grow," at s
sign of grief. The Hebrew « do her nails," however
must surely express more than " letting them alone/
</ • This to an error. The Nitrian •eat pahUstMf
by Curetoa (Lond. 1869) agrees in the fsna of ttx
word (John Iv. 46) with the Pethito *
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CANA
Che four passages quoted — all, it will be observed,
Iran St John — we the only ones in which the
■ame occurs. Nether of them affords an; clue
»o the situation of Can*. All we can gather is,
that it wan not far from Capernaum (John ii. 12,
hr. 46), and also on higher ground, since our Lord
went down (<taW0ij) from the one to the other (ii.
18). No further help is to be obtained from the
notices either of Josephus ( VU. § 16; B.J.i. 17,
I 5) — even if the place which he mentions be the
same — or of Eusebiua and Jerurae in their Ono-
mnitiaM. *
The traditional site is at Kefr Kama, a small
Tillage about 4) miles northeast of Nazareth. It
now contains only the ruins of a church said to
stand orer the house in which the miracle was per-
formed, and — doubtless much older — the fountain
from which the water for the miracle was brought
( Msm, lii. 443-6). The Christians of the village
are entirely of the Greek Church. The '* water-
pots of stone" were shown to M. Lamartine,
though at St Willibald's visit centuries before
there had been but one remaining (Early Trav.
16). In the time of the Crusades, the six jars
were brought to France, where one of them is said
still to exist in the Musee d' Angers (see M. Di-
iron's Essays in the Aimala Archiotogiqua, xi.
6, xiii. 9).
The tradition identifying Kefr Kama with Cans
is certainly of considerable age. It existed in the
time of WlffibaM (the latter hah* of the 8th cent),
who visited it in passing from Nazareth to Tabor,
and again in that of Phocas (13th cent See Re-
hnd, 680). From that time until lately the tradi-
tion appears to have been undisturbed. But even
by Quaresmius the claims of another site wen ad-
mitted, and these hnve been lately brought forward
by Dr. Robinson with much force. The rival site
is a village situated further north, about 6 miles
north of Stfiitriih (Sepphoris) and 9 of Nazareth,
near the present Jefat, the Jotapata of the Jewish
wars. This village still bears the name of Kint
tUtta (JuJlit bU), a name which is in
every respect the exact representative of the Hebrew
original — as Kama, [jfyif, is widely differ-
ent from it — and it is In this fact that the chief
strength of the argument in favor of the northern
Kana seems to reside. The argument from tradi-
tion is not of much weight The testimonies of
Willibakl and Phocas, given above, appear to hare
escaped the notice of Dr. Robinson, and they cer-
tainly form a balance to those of Adrichomius and
others, which he quotes against Ktfr Kama (Rob.
u. 346-9, iii. 108, with the note on De Saulcy;
eomp. Ewald, v. 147; Mislin. lii. 443-6).
The Gospel history will not be affected whichever
site may be discovered to be the real one. G.
• Dr. Robinson (Bibl. Ret. iii. 905, ed. 1841)
vronounces the addition of eUJetU to the northern
Kind conclusive In favor of that village: most of
the later writers acquiesce in this view. Thomson
r a is es a doubt whether any such nesignsticn dis-
tinguishes the one place from the other. Of lie
nany, he says, to whom De put the question, " only
ne had ever heard of 'be word JeU as a part
1 the name; and from the hesitancy with wh'ch
Jus one admitted H, I was left in doubt whether
ts did not merely acquiesce in it at my suggestion."
' to* and Book, 11. 191) Wr. Dixon (IMy Land,
») »•• a loa-r nots In which he contends for the
CANAAN
301
other K&*A in opposition to Robinson's view. It is
impossible to say which of these villages was the
scene of the first miracle. Both of them are mi
enough to Nazareth to make them, in oriental life,
parts of the same neighborhood. It has beet)
alleged for the northeastern K&na that it is more
directly on the way to Capernaum. But there is
not a word of proof that Jesus wss going down to
Capernaum at the time ; he was at Cana, wherever
it was, because he and his disciples had been invited
there to attend the marriage (John ii. 2). Nor if
he went down to Capernaum from Cana immedi-
ately after tbe marriage (which is not certain —
since fura rouro, John ii. 12, may mark that move-
ment as only relatively subsequent) does the expres-
sion 'going down' settle anything; for it would
be topographically exact whether he went from the
one K&na or the other. Nor does the nobleman's
coming to him at Cana, from Capernaum, to inter-
cede for his son (John iv. 46 ff. ) decide the question ;
for it is merely said that on bearing that Jesus
had returned to Galilee from Judssa, he came to
him where he was — of course, whether the Cans
in which he found him was the nearer or the more
distant one.
Stanley (Notice of Locatitiu, fe.. p. 188) sug-
gests that Cana may have been one of tbe Galilean
homes of Jesus; but his going thither on the return
from Judssa (John iv. 43 ff. ) so far from favoring this,
is rather opposed to it The reason assigned for
doing so, namely, that " » prophet is not without
honor save in his own country," explains in effect
why he avoided Nazareth (his warpit), to which be
might have been expected to go, and went to Cans,
a place having so much less interest for him. H.
CANAAN ()M? (=C'na'an; comp. the
Greek name JOS, as mentioned below) [loa, hum-
bled]: Xavaiy; Jos. Xaviarof Chnnaan). 1.
The fourth son of Ham (Gen. x. 6; 1 Chr. i. 8;
comp. Jos. Ani. i. 6, § 4), the progenitor of the
Phoenicians (" Zidon " ), and of the various natiou
who before the Israelite conquest peopled the sea-
coast of Palestine, and generally the whole of the
country westward of the Jordan (Gen. X. 15; 1
Chr. i. 13). [Cabaan, land of; Camaantiks.]
In the ancient narrative of Gen. ix. 20-27, a curse
is pronounced on Canaan for the unfUial and irrev-
erantial conduct of Ham: it is almost as if the
name had belonged to both, or the father were al-
ready merged in tbe son.
2. The name " Canaan " is sometimes employed
for the country itself — more generally sty'ed " the
land of C." It is so in Zeph. ii. 5 ; and we also
find "Language of C." (Is. xix. 18): "Wsisof
C." (Judg. iii. 1): "Inhabitants of C." (Ex. xv
15): "King of C." (Judg. iv. 9, 23, 21, v. 19):
" Daughters of C." (Gen. xxviii. 1, 6, 8, xxxvi. 3):
"Kingdoms of C." (Ps. exxxv. 11). In addition to
tbe above the word occurs in several passages where
it is concealed in the A. V. by being translated.
These are: Is. xxiii. 8, "traffickers," and xxiii. 11,
"the merchant city;" Gesenius, "Jehovah gab
Befehl iiber Canaan : " Hos. xil. 7, " He is a mer-
chant; " Ewald, >• Kanaan halt triigtrische Wage: "
Zeph. i. 11, "merchant-people;" Ewald, "dassaus
Cananiter sind dahin." G.
CANAAN, thb LAND or flWJ V*"&
from a root "M"9, signifying tobtloto, see 3 Chr.
xxviii. 19; Job xl. 19, amongst other passages in
which the verb is used), a Dam* denoting to* cons-
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352 CANAAN
67 treat of the Jordan and Dead Sea, and between
those waters and the Mediterranean ; specially op-
posed to the " land of Gilead," that in, the high
table-land on the east of the Jordan. Thus: "our
ittle one* and our wire* ahall be here in the dtie*
of (iilead .... but we will paat over anued into
(be land of Canaan " (Num. xxxii. 26-32), and «ee
xxxiii. 51 : " Phineas . . . retorned from the chil-
dren of Reuben and the children of Gad out of the
land of Gilead into the land of Canaan to the chil-
dren of Israel," Josh. xxii. 32: see also lien. zii.
*.. ixiii. 2. 19, xxxi. 18, xxxiii. 18, hit. 6, xxxrii.
I, xhiii. 3, 7, xlix. 30; Num. xiii. 2, 17, xxxiii.
40, 51; Josh. xxi. 2; Judg. xxi. 12. True, the dis-
trict to which the name of " low land " is thus
applied contained man; very elevated spots: — Sbe-
ehem (Gen. xxxiii. 18 1, Hebron (xxiii. 19), Bethel
v ixiv. 6), Bethlehem (xlviii. 7), Shiloh (Josh. xxi.
2; Judg. xxi. 12), which are all stated to be in the
" land of Canaan." But high as the level of much
of the country went of the Jordan undoubtedly is,
there are several things which must always hare
prevented, as they still prevent, it from leaving an
impression of elevation. These are, (1) that re-
markable, wide, maritime plain over which the eye
ranges fur miles from the central hills ; a feat-ur of
the country which cannot be overlooked by the
roost casual observer, and which impresses itself
most indelibly on the recollection; (2) the still
deeper, and still more remarkable and impressive
hollow of the Jordan valley, a view Into which may
be commanded from almost any of the heights of
central Palestine; and, (3) there is the almost con-
stant presence of the long high line of the moun-
tains east of the Jordan, which from their distance
bare the effect more of an enornnua cliff than of a
mountain range — looking down on the more bro-
ken and iso'ated hills of < 'anaan. and furnishing a
constant standard of height lefcre which everything
is dwarfed.
The word •• < airaanite " was used in the O. T.
in two sense*, a I roader and a narrower, which will
be most conveniently examined under that head;
but this does not ap|ienr to be the case with "Ca-
naan." at least in the older cases of its occurrence.
It is only in biter notices, such as Zeph. ii. A, and
Matt. xv. 22, that we rind it applied to the low
maritime plains of Philistia and Phoenicia (romp.
Mark vii. 26). In the same manner it was by the
(ireeks that the name XcS, Cot, was used for
l'hieiiicia, i. r. the sea-side plain north of the
"Tynan ladder*' (see the extract in Reland. 7,
•ud Geseuius, 690), and by the later Phoenicians
both of Pha-uicia proper and of the Punic colonies
in Africa. (See the coin of l^odicea ad Lib. and
the testimony of Augustine, both quoted by Gese-
uius, 696.) The I.XX. translators had learnt to
apply this meaning to the word, and in two cases
they render the Hebrew words given above by
X£pa r&r ♦oiWsojr (Kx. xvi. 35; Josh. v. 12.
winp. v. 1), as they do "Canaanites" by ♦obyon 5.
G.
• CANAAN, LANGUAGE OF, la. xix.
ft. See Canaaniteu; Ham.
CATfAANITE, THE (Rec. T. i KaruWrnr,
\. Kommitiii; l-chm. rTisch. Treg.] with B
0, t KomvuZm ; l> [hi Matt. I, Xwaraios: Cha-
sxreetu), the designation of the Apostle Simon,
stmrwise known as "Simon [the] Zetotes." It
lean (n Matt. x. 4; Mark, ill. 18.
The word does not signify a descendant of Ca-
CANAANITKS
naan, that being in the Greek both of the i.XA
and the N. T. Xowoxor = ^SS? (oomp. Matt
xr. 22 with Mark vii. 26). Nor doss it signify, sa
has been suggested, a native of Kana, since thai
would probably be KoWtt/s. But it conies fron.
• Chaldee or Syriac word, ]t*l r _, KameJbt, a
(TUAJ.J3 H * ■ ' OT Kaneniek [?], by which
the Jewish sect or Action of "the Zealots" — sc
prominent in the last days of Jerusalem was desig-
nated (see Buxtorf, Lex. [Tab*.] a. t.).* This, Syr-
iac word is the reading of the Peabito version. The
Greek equivalent of Kiuuan 'a ZnAarrrjt, Zekui,
and this St. I .use (vi. 15; Acts i. 13) has eorrestly
preserved. St. Matthew and St. Mark, on the
other hand, have literally transferred the Syrian
word, as the LXX. translators did frequently before
them. There is no necessity to suppose, as Mr.
Cureton does (Nitrian Sec. huntvii.), that they
mistook the word for <TI » I .V 1 D R > I Mil
= Xanmuos, a Canaanite or descendant of Ca-
naan. The Evangelists could hardly commit such
an error, whatever subsequent transcribers of their
works may have done. But that this meaning
was afterwards attached to the word is plain from
the readings of the Codex Bene (U) and the Vul-
gate, as given above, and from ibe notice quoted
from Cotelier in the note to Winer's article (p.
463). The spelling of the A. V. has doubtless
led many to the same conclusion; and it would lie
well if it were altered to " Kanauite," or some other
form distinguished from the well-known one in
which it now stands. G.
• Simon is supposed to have been called the
Canauite" or "Zealot" liecanse of his former
zeal in behalf of Judaism. As there was anothe-
Simon among the Apostles, he appears to have re-
tained the name after he !«caine a disciple, as k
means of distinction, though it hail ceased to
mark the trait of character out of which it arose.
It has been said that he took tbc appellation from
his having belonged to a political sect known as the
Zealots, mentioned by Josephus (#. ./. iv. 3, § 9);
but though he may have shown the same tendencies
of character, the party historically distinguished
by that name did not appear till a later period.
See iVetstein's A'or. Trtt. i. 366. H.
CA'NAANITES, THE 0353?'?, i. e. ac-
curately according to Hebrew usage — Gesso, /let.
(imm. § 107 — "the Canaanite;" but in the A.
V. with few exceptions rendered as pluiat, and thei*
fore indistinguishable from L*';"??" . which also,
but very unfrequently, occurs: Xarcuvribf, 4*ofri{,
Ex. vi. 15, comp. Josh. v. 1: Chtmannu), a word
used in two senses: (1) a tribe which inhabited a
particular locality of the land west of the Jordan
before the conquest; and (2) in a wider sense, the
people who inhabited generally the whole of that
country.
1. Kor the tribe of "the Canaanites "only — th*
dwellers in the lowland. The whole of the couutrv
west of Jordan was a " lowland " as compared with
the loftier and more extended tracts on the eas* ■
but there was a part of this western country which
was still mora emphatically a "lowland." («.,
There were the plains lying between the shore of
the Mediterranean and the foot uf the bills -jf Baa-
jamiu, Judab, and Kphraim — the Ske/thk a
i plain of Philistia on the south — that of f
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UANAANITES
bstweun Jaflk and Carmel — the great plain of Es-
s uanlo n in the rear of the b»y of Akka; and lastly,
the plain of Phoenicia, containing Tyre, Sidon, and
all the other cities of toat nation, (A.) But sep-
arated entirely bom theae m the still lower region
of the Jordan Valley or Arabah, the modern <Mr,
a region which extended ui length from the sea of
Cinneroth (Gennesareth) to the sooth of the Dead
Sea about 190 miles, with a width of from 8 to 14.
The climate of these sunken regions — especially
of the valley of the Jordan — is so peculiar, that it
U natural to find them the special possession of one
tribe. '• Amalek " — so runs one of the earliest
and most precise statements in the ancient records
of Scripture — " Amalek dwells in the land of the
south ; and the Hittite, and the Jebusite, and the
Amorite, dwell in the mountains; and the Canaan-
it* dwells by the sea, and by the side of Jordan "
(Num. xiii. Si.)). This describes the division of
the country a few years only before the conquest.
But there had been little or no variation for cen-
turies. In the notice which purports to be the
earliest of all, the seats of the Canaanite tribe —
as distinguished from the sister tribes of Zidon,
the Hittites, Amorites, and the other descendants
of Canaan — are given as on the seashore from
Zidon to Gaza, and in the Jordan valley to Sodom,
Gomorrah, and Lasha (afterwards Callirhoe), on the
shore of the present Dead Sea (Gen. x. 18-30).
In Josh. xi. 3 — at a time when the Israelites were
actually in the western country — this is expressed
more broadly. " The Canaanite on the east and
the west" is carefully distinguished from the
Amorite who held " the mountain " in the centre
of the country. In Josh. xiii. 2, 3, we are told
with more detail that " all the ' circles ' (nSVS)
of the Philistines . . . from Slhor (the Wady et-
Aritk) unto Heron northward, is counted to the
Canaanite." Later still, the Canaanites are still
dwelling in the upper part of the Jordan Valley —
Hethshean ; the plain of Ksdraelon — Taanach,
tlileam, and Megiddo; the plain of Sharon — Dor;
and also on the plain of Phoenicia — Accho and
Zidon. Here were collected the chariots which
firmed a prominent part of their armies (Judg. i.
19, iv. 3; Josh. xvii. 16), and which could indeed
be driven nowhere but in these level lowlands (Stan-
ley, 8. <f P. p. 134).
The plains which thus appear to have been in
possession of the Canaanites specially so called,
were not only of great extent; they were also the
richest and most important parts of the country,
and it is not unlikely that this was one of the rea-
sons for the name of " Canaanite " being
2. Applied as a general name for the non-Israel-
ite inhabitants of the land, as we have already seen
was the ease with " Cannau."
Instances of this are, (Jen. xii. 6; Num. xxi.
3 — where the name is applied lo dwellers in the
south, who in xiii. 2.1 are called Amalekites; Judg.
L 10 — with which oomp. Gen. xiv. 13 and xiii. 18, ,
and Josh. x. 6, where Hebron, the highest land in '
Palestine, is stated to be Amorite: and Gen. xiii. j
13, where Use "land of Canaan " is distinguished
train the »ery Jordan railey itself. See also Gen.
xxtv. 3, 37, comp. xxviil 2. A: V.x. xiii. I :, comp.
5. But in many of its occurrences it is difficult
to know in which category to place the word. Thus
in Gen. 1. 11: if the floor of Atad was at Beth-
hogta, dose to the west side of the Jordan, "tin
nanaanites" mint he intaudVl in the narrower and
83
CANAANITES 858
stricter sense; but the expression " inhabitants of
the land " appears as if intended to be more gen-
eral. Again, in Gen. x. 18, Itf, where the presnut
writer believes the tribe to lie intended, Gesenius
takes : .t to apply to the whole of the Canaanite
nations. But ui these and other similar instances,
allowance must surely lie made for the different
dates at which the various records thus compared
were composed. And besides this, it is difficult to
imagine what accurate knowledge the Israelites can
have possessed of a set of petty nations, from whom
they had been entirely removed for four hundred
years, and with whom they were now again brought
into contact only that they might exterminate them
as soon as possible. And before we can solve such
questions we also ought to know more than we do
of the usages and circumstances of people who dif-
fered not only from ourselves, but also possibly in a
material degree from the Orientals of the present
day. The tribe who iiossessed the ancient city of
Hebron, besides being, as shown above, called inter-
changeably Canaanites and Amorites, are in a third
passage (Gen. xxiii.) called the children of Heth or
Hittites (comp. also xxvii. 40 with xxviii. 1, 6).
Tlie < anaauites who were dwelling in the land of
the south when the Israelites made their attack on
it, may have been driven to theae higher and more
barren grounds by some other tribes, possibly by
the Philistines who displaced the Avrites, also
dwellers in the low country (l)eut. li. 23).
Beyond their chariots (see above) we have no
clue to any manners or customs of the Canaanites.
like the Phoenicians, they were prolstlily given to
commerce ; and thus the name became probably it
later times an occasional synonym for a merchant
(Job xli. 6; I'rov. xxxi. 24; comp. Is. xxiii. 8, 11;
Hos. xii. 7 ; Zeph. i. 1 1. See Kenrick, I'hcen. p.
232).
Of the language of the Canaanites little can bs
said. On the one hand, being — if the genealogy
of Gen. x. be right — Hamites, there could be no
affinity lietween their language and that A the Is-
raelites, who were descendants of Shetu. On the
other is the fact that Abram and Jacob shortly
after their entrance to the country seem able to
hold converse with them, and also that the names
of Canaanite purports and places which we possess,
are translatable into Hebrew. Such are Melchize-
dek, Hamor, Shechem, Sisera . . . Kphratb, and
also a great number of the names of places. But
we know that the Kgyptian and Assyrian nan es
have been materially altered in their adoption into
Hebrew records, either by translation into Hebrew
equivalents, or from the impossibility of accurately
rendering the sounds of one language by those of
another. The modem Arabs have adopted the lie
brew names of places ss nearly as would admit of
their having a meaning in Arabic, though that
meaning may be widely different from that of the
Hebrew name. Examples of this are B<il-ir, Bail
Vihm, Bir rt-8tbn, which mean respectively, " house
of the eye," " house of flesh," " well of the lion,"
whjle the Hebrew names which these have super-
seded meant "house of caves," "house of bread,"
" well of the oath." May not a similar process
have taken place when the Hebrews took possession
of the Canaanite towns, and " called the lands after
their own names? " (For an examination of this
interesting but obscure subject see Gesenius, lltbr
Spr. pp. 223-6.)
The •• Nethinim " or servants of the temple seem
to have origuiated in the dedication of captives
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864
CANDACE
I in war front the petty states surrounding the
Israelites. [Netbisim.] If this was the cue,
and if they were maintained in number from sim-
ilar sources, there must be many non-Israelite names
tn the lists of their families which we prssees in
Ear. ii. 43-64; Neh. vii. 46-66. Several of the
names in those catalogues — such as Sisera, Me-
hunim, Nephushim — are the same as those which
we know to be foreign, and doubtless others would
be found on examination. The subject perhaps
would not lie beneath the examination of a Hebrew
scholar.
This is perhaps the proper place for noticing the
various shapes under which the formula for desig-
nating the nations to be expelled by the Israelites
is given in the various books.
1. Six nations: the Canaanites, Hittites, Amor-
ites, Perizzites, Hivites, and Jebusites. This is
the usual form, and, with some variation in the
order of the names, it is found in Ex. iii. 8, 17,
xxiii. 33, xxxiii. 2, xxxiv. 11; Deut. xx. 17; Josh,
ix. 1, xii. 8; Judg. iii. Ii. In Ex. xiii. ft, the same
names are given with the omission of the I'eriz-
rites.
3. With the addition of the (iirgasliites, making
up the mystic number seven (Deut. vii. 1 ; Josh,
iii. 10, xxiv. 11). The Girgaahitea are retained
and the Hivites omitted in Neh. ix. 8 (comp. Ear.
ix. 1).
8. In Ex. xxiii. 88. we find the Canaanite, the
Hittite, and the Hivite.
4. The list of ten nations in (Jen. xv. 19-21 in-
cludes some on the east of Jordan, and probably
some on the south of Palestine.
5. In 1 K. ix. 20 the Canaanites are omitted
from the list. U.
CANT) ACE (KarodVrn, Strab. xvii. p. 820), a
4ueen of Ethiopia (Meroe), mentioned Acts viii.
27. The name was not a proper name of an indi-
vidual, but that of a dynasty of Ethiopian queens.
(See Plin. ri. 35; Dion Cass. liv. 6; Strab. I. c)
The eunuch of this queen, who liad charge of all
her treasure, is mentioned in Acts as having been
met by Philip the Evangelist on the desert road
from Jerusalem to CJaza, and converted to Chris
tianity. Kthiopian tradition gives him the name
of Indich; and in Iren- iii. 12, and Etiaeb. //. A\
ii. 1, he is said to have first propagated the gospel
in Arabia Felix and Ethiopia, but Sophronius
makes him preach and suffer martyrdom in the
island of Cevlon. (See Wolf, Cum, ii. 114.)
H. A.
• The foregoing is the generally received view,
but is subject still to some doubt. Of the writers to
whom appeal is made, Stralw (xvii. 2, § •')) says ex-
pressly that the inhabitant* of Meroe appoint kings
($curi\i us) as their sovereigns, and appoint them
for their pergonal qualities, being therefore elective,
and not hereditary ; and also that the royal resi-
dence of Candace was Napata (-rovro j|r to 0o-
WAciok TTjt KaridVnr), a different place from
Meroe, eighty-six geographical miles farther north.
Dion Cassius (liv. 5, though he write* erroneously
TaraVn) makes the same distinction, referring the
queens who bore this title to Napata, and not Meroe.
In accordance with these notices, Kawlinaon (Utrod-
otut, ii. 41) makes Napata the capital of one part
of Ethiopia, and Meroe the seat of another inde-
pendent kingdom. The passage in Pliny (Pitt,
ffat. vi. 35) docs not disagree with this conclusion,
.hough it is cliiefly his language that has misled
a. if they have fallen into error here. His
CANDLESTICK
words are the following: "Inde Napata IJf
mill.; oppidum id porvum inter predict*
Abeoadinsulam Meroen CCCLX M. Herbaa 'ires
Meroen demum viridioree, silvarumque ahquid *p-
paruisse et rhinocerotum elephantorumque vestigia
Ipsum oppidum Meroen ab introitu insula* abesse
LXX. mill, psssuum : juxtaqne aliam insulam Tadu
dextro subeuntibus slveo, qua portum raceret.
/Edificia oppidi pauca. Regnare feminsin C'an-
dacem; quod nomen multis jam annis ad regina*
tramdit" If "ssdiflcia oppidi" refers to "Me-
roen," just before, then " regnare Candaeem " does
of course, and Candace reigned in the city and
inland of that name. But, on the other hand,
Meroe was an important city, and could not weD.
be said to consist of " a few buildings," and Napata
might be so described : and hence, as some suppose,
Pliny at this point goes Imck to the remoter Napata,
of which he has already spoken as " parvum," and
so much the more as that is uppermost in the mind,
is being the place from which he reckons the situa-
tion of the other places named.
Others suppose that Napata was only one of the
capitals of Meroe, and that Strabo and Dion Cassius
speak of Candace in connection with the former
place rather than the latter, because she had a noted
palace there. It follows, then (to make the con-
ciliation here complete), that Strabo must mean by
"kings" rulers of both sexes. Ritter (A'mVraWf,
i. 592, 2d ed. ) regards the Napata of Pliny as a
different place from that of Strabo. For a fuller
statement of the case, the reader is referred to J
(I. M. ljrarent's AevleilameTUlicke Stttriien, pp
140-146 (Gotha, 1866); and BUL Saem, 1866
pp. 615-16.
The name Candace, says Riietachi (Herzog's
Reat-Encykl. vii. 243), appears not to be of Semitic
origin, at least no satisfactory etymology has yet
been assigned for it The supposition that the
Candace in Acts viii. 27 was the one who fought
against the Komans b. c. 22 (Strabo, xvii. 1, § 64 1
is just possible, so far a* the dates are concerned,
but has every presumption against it. Some of
the commentators suppose her to hare been the
same; in which case she must have reigned under
the emperor Claudius, and have been nearly ninety
years old at the time of Philip's baptizing the
eunuch. Pliny's statement that Candace was a
transmitted title of these Ethiopian queens renders
so violent a supposition needier. H.
CANDLESTICK (TTTW : A„ xr (« toD «w-
toi, 1 Mace. i. 21 ; 6 oddVori t- •Styo'ptrot ki%-
vol Kal KcuSutros HiaXtl-wrwi *.• vy raw, Ittod.
Sic. op. Schleiisn. Then. s. v. ), vhici M?"»es was
commanded to make for the tabernacle, is deecrilied
Ex. xxv. 31-37, xxxvii. 17-24. It is called in I.ev.
xxiv. 4, *' the pure," and in Ecclus. xxvi. 17, " the
holy candlestick." With its various appurtenances
(mentioned below) it required a talent of "pur*
gold," and it was not mouldrrl, but "of beaten
work " (ropevrt))- Josephus, however, says (Jfat-
iii. 6, § 7) that it was of ensf paid («t» x *Ttvpiim\
and hollow. From its golden base OTT^i 0oVi>,
Joseph. ), which, according to the Jews, was 3 feet
high (Winer, Leuchler), sprang a main shaft or reed
and spread Itself into ss many branches
as there are planet*, including the sun. It ter-
minated in 7 heads all in one row, all standing
parallel to one another, one by one, in hrjttatiot
of the number of the planet*" (Whiston's Jo*. «*
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CANDLESTICK
i) As the description given in Ex. it not very
lieu, we abbreviate Ughtfoot's explanation of it.
•* The foul of it id gold, from which went up a
■haft •might, which was the middle light. Near
the foot was a golden dish wrought almondwiae;
and a little above that a golden knop, and above
that a golden flower. Then two branches, one ou
each side, bowed, and coming up ae high as the
middle shaft. On each of them were three golden
cups placed almondwise, on sharp, scollop-shell
fashion ; above which was a golden knop, a golden
Cower, and the socket. Above the branches on the
middle shaft was a golden boas, above which rose
two shafts more; above the coming out of these
was another boss, and two more shafts, and then un
the shaft upwards were three golden scollop-cups,
a knop, and a flower: so that the heads of the
branches stood an equal height" ( Works, ii. Sail,
ed. Pitman). Calmet remarks that "the number
7 might remind them of the sabbath." We have
seen that Josephus gives it a somewhat Egyptian
reference to the number of the planets, but else-
where (B. J. vii. 6, § 5) he assigns to the 7
branches a merely general reference, as rqi wapi
T0>f 'lovtulois </38o/ui8ot tV ri/ihy inQcwl(ov-
T«t. The whole weight of the candlestick was 100
minae; its height was, according to the Kabhis, 5
feet, and the breadth, or distance between the ex-
terior branches 3J feet (Jahn, Arch. BibL § 329).
It has been calculated to have been worth 507B/.
exclusive of workmanship.
According to Josephus the ornaments on the
shaft and branches were 70 in number, and this
was a notion in which the Jews with their peculiar
reverence for that number would readily coincide;
but it seems difficult from the description in Exodus
to confirm the statement. On the main shaft
(called "the candlestick,'' in Ex. xxv. 34) there
is said to be "4 almond-shaped bowls," with tbeir
knops and their flowers," which would make 12
of these ornaments in all ; and as on each of the 6
branches there were apparently (for the expression
in verse 33 is obscure) 3 bowls, 3 knops, and 3
Sowers, the entire number of such figures on the
candlestick would be 66. The word translated
* bowl " in the A. V. is ^3}, Kprriip, for which
oseph. (L c.) has Kparqpltia mil poto-icoi- It is
■<dd to have been almond-shaped (lj?ITP, irrtrv
wwusVoi KopvitrKois), but whether the fruit or flower
of the almond is intended cannot be certain. The
word Tin?? hi variously rendered "knop" (A.
V.), "pommel'' (Geddes), o-fVuswrty (I-XX.),
tphenda (Vulg.), "apple" (Arabic, and other ver-
sions); and to this some apply the iotaxoi, and
lot (at is more natural) the <r<pau>fa of Josephus.
The third term U ITI^, "a bud," K ptra (LXX.
and Joseph.), which from an old gloss seems to be
put for any &y$os ttmtti(or, Kpirats 8/iouiv.
From the met that it was expressly made " after
the pattern shown in the mount," many have en-
deavored to find a symbolical meaning in these or-
naments, especially Meyer and Uiihr (Symbol, i.
(16 ft* ). Generally it was " a type o) preaching "
(Godwyn's .!/"«•» nrvl Annm, ii. 1, or of "the
tght of the law" (Ughtfoot, L c). SimUrly
sandiest irks are made types of the spirit, of the
Church, of witnesses, Ac. 'Coii.p. Zech. iv. ; Ker.
1 4. xL 4, 4c.; Wemyss, r lat. Symbol, s. v.)
The candlestick was placed on the south sid* f
CANDLESTICK 866
the first apartment of the tabernacle, opposite th>
table of shew-bread, which it was intended to il-
lumine, iu an oblique position (Aofvr) so that the
lamps looked to the east and south (Joseph. AM.
las. <5, § 7; Ex. xxv. 87); hence the central was
called " the western " U-up, according to some,
though others render it ' the evening lamp," and
say that it alone burned perpetually (Ex. xxvii. 20,
21 ), the others not being lit during the day, al-
though the Holy Place was dark (Ex. xxx. 8; 1
Mace iv. 60). In 1 Sam. iii. 3 we have the ex-
pression "ere the lamp of God went out in the
temple of the Lord," and this, taken in connection
with 9 Chr. xiii. 11 and Lev. xxiv. 2, 3, would
seem to imply that "always" and "continually,"
merely mean " tempore constitute, " ». e. by night;
especially as Aaron is said to have dressed the lamps
every morning and lighted them every evening.
Itabbi Kimchi (ad loc.) says that the other lamps
often went out at night, but " they always found
the icesttrn lamp burning." They were each sup
plied with cotton, and half a log of the purest
olive-oil (about two wine-glasses), which was suf-
ficient to keep them burning during a long night
(Winer).
The priest in the morning trimmed the lamps
with golden snuflers (3^nD?Q : <Va/nie-T%>«r:
furciptt), and carried away tne snuff in golden
dishes (fPFirra : bwatipara: ncenxt, Ex. xxv.
•18). When carried about, the ijuidlestick was oov
ered with a cloth of blue, and put with its append
ages in badger-skin bags, which were supported on
a bar (Num. iv. 9).
In Solomon's temple, instead of this candlestick
(or besides it, as the Rabbis sty, for what became
of it we do not know), there were 10 golden can-
dlesticks similarly embossed, 5 on the right and 5
on the lea (1 K. vii. 49; 2 Chr. iv. 7). These are
said to have formed a sort of railing before the
vail, and to have been connected by golden chains,
mi/ler which, on the day of atonement, the high-
priest crept. They were taken to Babylon (Jer.
Hi. 19).
In the temple of Zerubbabd there was again a
single candlestick (1 Mace. i. 21, iv. 49). ftni
OsnalstsVis (From A-h of Ittae.)
taken from the Herodian temple by Titus, and car-
ried in triumph immediate! v Wro» the conquer™
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S56
CANDLESTICK
(Joseph. B. J. vii. 5, § 5). The description given
af it* k(vt and Arrrel navkltncoi by Joaephus,
■greet only tolerably with tba deeply interesting
•ralptnre on toe Arch of Titos; but be drops ■
hint that it waa not. identical with the one used in
the Temple, saying (possibly in allttakm to the fan-
taatic griffins, Ac, sculptured on the pediment,
which are to much worn that we found it difficult
to make them out), re tpyor s^AAaa-ro rqr koto,
rifri)it*Tipa)tj(ft\(ranrvyjfitlai- where ate Wins-
ton's note. Hence Jahn (Hebr. Com. § clix.) says
that the candlestick carried in the triumph was
" minuichat different from the golden atmUrttirk af
tie temple." These questions are examined in Re-
land's treatise De Spvliis TernpH Hieroml. in Arm
Titiano contpicuu. The general accuracy of the
sculpture is undoubted (Prideaux, Con. i. 106).
After the triumph the candlestick was deposited
iu the Temple of Peace, and according to one story
tall into the Tiber from the Milvian bridge during
(lie flight of Haxentius from Constantine, Oct. 28,
312 A. p.; but it probably was among the spoils
transferred, at the end of 400 years, from Rome to
arthage liy Gent, ric, A. u. 466 (Gibbon, iii. 291).
It was recovered by Belisarius. once more carried
in triumph to Constantinople, "and then respect-
fully deposited in the Christian church of Jerusa-
lem " ( Id. iv. 24), A. D. 533. It lias never been
heard of since.
When our Lord cried " I am the light of the
world " (John viii. 12), the allusion was prob-
ably suggested by the two large golden chandeliers.
lighted in the court of the women during the Feast
of Tabernacles, which illuminated all Jerusalem
(Wetstein, ad toe.), or perhaps to the lighting of
this colossal candlestick, "the more remarkable iu
the profound darkness of an Oriental town " (Stan-
ley, 8. d- P.p. 428). F. W. K.
* According to the description given in ICx. xxv.
31-37, the candelabrum, or chandelier, of the tali-
ernacle (improperly called candlestick in the iimi-
mon English version) was constructed as follows:
From a ban or stand (called ^J^i properly tlie
upper portion of the thigh where it joins the liody,
and hence, naturally, the support on which a struct-
ure rests) rose an upright central shaft (T2J7,
a reed, cane) bearing the central lamp; from two
opposite sides of it proceeded other shafts (DO!?),
three on a side, making six branches from the main
■haft, all being in the same plane with it, and each
bearing a lamp.
As parts of the main shaft and its branches,
serving for ornaments of the structure, are men-
tioned flovoer-cupt (P^D^, properly a cup or boicl,
hence, the calyx or outer covering of a flower), capi-
tal! ("iriS?, crown of a column, its capital, Am.
ht. 1; Zeph. ii. 14), and Jlowen (rPB). In
shape, the capital may have had the rounded form
of fruit, as indicated in some of the ancient ver-
sions and .losephus.
From the representation in verses 33-86, these
parts appear to have been arranged as follows:
Vach of the six side-branches (ver. 33) had three
lower-cups (calyxes) shaped like the calyx of the
almond blossom, and terminated in a crown or cap-
ital, vrith its ornamental flower, as a receptacle for
-he lamp. The central shaft (vers. 34, 35) was
■snooted of four such combinations of calyx, copi-
OANON OF SCRIPTURE, THE
UL and flower, each pair of side-branches matins;
on the capital (ver. 86) of one of the three lower
the fourth and uppermost bearing the central
lamp.
As thus understood, the passage is interpreted
according to its strictest grammatical construction,
and each term is taken in its ordinary aeceptati «
in the Hebrew Scriptures. The form, as thus repre-
sented, is more symmetrical than the one sculpt-
ured on the Arch of Titus, which plainly conflicts
with some points in the description, and has no
historical claim to represent the form of the candel
abrum of the first Hebrew tabernacle.
Whether the lamps were all on the same level,
as supposed to I* repre s en ted on the Arch of Titus
(for the central shall is defined at the top), whether
the central lamp was highest, as supprxrd by
F.wald, and whether the seven lamps were arranged
in a pyramidal form, as supposed by Scachius, is
matter of mere speculation. Rut on either of the
two latter suppositions, the structure is not only
more symmetrically artistic in itself, but harmo-
nizes better with the designation of the central
shaft by the general name of the whole (i I ut",
in ver. 34), the other parts being only its subordinate
appendages. Keil, in the BibL CuiMmentar of
hleil and Delitzach, and in his ArchmUinjit, where
an engraved representation is given, arbitrarily re-
verses the order of the '?' , 3| and the "^ft??,
as given three times in the Hebrew text.
The term cmultrttirk (A. V. ) is obviously inap-
propriate here. It is also improperly used In the
New Testament bi passages where lampstmtd is
meant by the Greek word (Avx*(a).
As to the allusion in our Saviour's words, " I
am the light of the world," it has been shown by
Uicke (who examines the subject minutely), and
by Meyer, that tbey could not have been suggested
by the lighting of the lamps in the temple. On
the contrary, there is a manifest reference to the
repeated and familiar predictions of the Messiah, as
" a light of the Gentiles " (Is. xlii. 6, xlix. fi), as
" the Sun of righteousness " (Mai. iv. 2), to which
allusion is made in l.uke i. 78, 79, as "the day-
spring from on high," " to give light to them that
sit in darkness." Comp. Matt. iv. 16; Luke ii.
32. T. J. C.
CANE. [Rmn>.]
CANKERWORM. [Locust.]
CANTTEH (PI'S, one Codex nabs : Xo-
voA\ Alex. Xaraar: CJicne), E«. xxrii. 23. [Cai^
NKH.J
CANON OF SCRIPTURE, THE, may
be generally described as " the collection of hooks
which forms the original and authoritative written
rule of the faith and practice of the Christian
Church." Starting from this definition it will he
the object of the present article to examine shortly.
I. The original meaning of the term; II. The Jew-
ish Canon of the Old Testament Scriptures as to
(a) its formation, and (0) extent; III. The Chris-
tian Canon of the Old; and IV. of the New Tes-
tament.
I. The use of the word Canon. — The word
Canon (Korair, akin to 7XT[) [of. Gesen. Tke*. a
v.], icirn, a-dVro, eanna [coavuVs, ekatmO], earn*
cannon) in classical Greek is (1.) properly a tt> a ifk %
rod, as the rod of a shield, or that used in i
Digitized by
Googk
0ANO5
(fisMtforwa), or * urpenter's rule. (3.) The kit
■age oners an easy transition to tb« metaphorical
on of the word far a ttitiny rule in etnica (oomp.
Arist. Elk. Ific iii. 4, 6), or in art (the Canon of
Polyoletue; Luc. tie Salt. p. 946 B.), or in language
(the Canon* of Grammar). The varied gift of
tongues, according to the ancient interpretation of
Acta ii. 7, ma regarded as the u canon " or tent
which determined the direction of the labors of the
several Apostles (Severian. ap. Cram. Cut. in Act.
ii. 7, literal iiciimf yKiaoa mBima Kara*)-
Chronological tables were called nWru xporiKol
(I'lut. Sol p. 37); and the summary ofa book
aas called martir, aa giving the "rule," aa it were,
of its composition. The Alexandrine grammarians
applied the word in this sense to the great '■ clas-
sical " writers, who were styled " the rule " (6
KaraV), or the perfect model of style and language.
(3.) But in addition to these active meanings the
word was also used passively (or a measured space
(at Olympia), and, in later times, far a lued lax
(Du Cange, s. v. Camm).
The ecclesiastical usage of the word often a com-
plete parallel to the classical. It occurs in the
I.XX. in its literal sense (Jud. xiii. 6), and again
in Aquila (Job xxxviii. 6). In the N. T. it is
found in two places in St. Paul's epistles (Ual. vi.
18; 2 Cor. x. 13-16), and in the second place the
transition from an active to a passive sense is wor-
thy of notice. In patristic writings the word is
commonly used both as "a rule" iu the widest
sense, and especially in the phrases " the rule of the
Church," "the rule of faith," the rule of truth "
(e Kvir t$> duxkntrlas, i icarur rij» aAnitlas,
i norm* Tf)s wlgrtvsi and so abo kovwv <St«An-
ruurtixit, and i tau>4n> simply). This rule was
regarded either aa the abstract, ideal standard, em-
bodied onl} in the life and action of the Church ;
or, again, as the concrete, definite creed, which Mt
forth the facta from which that life sprang (reg-
nla: Tertull. de Virg. eel I). In the fourth
century, when the practice of the Church was fur-
ther systematized, the decisions of synods were
styled " Canons," and tlie discipline by which min-
sters were hound was technically " the Rule," and
loose who were thus bound were styled Canonici
1" Canons"). In the phrase "the canon (i. e.
fixed part) of the mass," from which the popular
tense of " canonize " U derived, the passive sense
again prevailed.
As applied to Scripture the derivatives of KarAv
are used long before the simple word. The Latin
translation of Origen speaks of Scriptural Canon-
ical (de Princ. ir. 33), libri reguiarei (Comm. in
Matt. § 117), and libri canomzrtti (id. § 28). In
another place the phrase haberi in Cammt (Prol
m Cant. s. f. ) occurs, but probably only as a trans-
lation of *woj>( fto-ftu, which is used in this sod cog-
nate senses in Athauasius (Ep. Fat.), the Laodi-
sane Canons (aWavoVurra, Cm*, lix.), and later
writers. This circumstance seems to show that the
title " Canonical " was first given to writings in the
sense of " admitted by the rule," and not aa "form-
OA2ION
357
« Crednsr accepts the popular Interpretation, as it
inofuoal wan equivalent to "having the force of
aw," and supposes that seriptHr* Ugis, a punas <f-
larrinc In the Ho* of the persecution of Diocletian,
moments yoa4xu tarom, which howsvsr doss not, as
Isr ss I know, occur anywhere (Zvr GejeA. 4. Kan.
ft. 67K The tenus mnonirai and canenix* are prob-
iMr of Alexandrine origin ; bat then Is not the
stfMss* avM e ues for connecting the " canon " of elas-
ing part of and giving the rule." It U true thai
an ambiguity thus attaches to the word, which inaj
mean only " publicly used in the Church ; " but such
an ambiguity may find many parallels, and usag*
tended to remove it." The spirit of Christendom
recognized the books which truly expressed Us es-
sence; and in lapse of time, when that spirit wis
deadened by later overgrowths of superstition, the
written "Rule" occupied the place and received
the uaine of that vital "Rule" by which it was
first stamped with authority (o «o»ir tt}s aArj-
Stias al Stiat y papal, laid. Pelus. Ep. cxiv. ; oomp.
Aug. de doctr. Chr. iv. 9 (6); and as a contrast
Anon. ap. JKuseb. B. E. v. 28).
The first direct application of the term xaywr to
the Scriptures seems to be in the verses of Amphi-
lochius (c 380 A. d. ), who concludes his well-known
Catalogue of the Scriptures with the words oStoi
aiptuiiaraTos Kaviw an «fr/ rSr BtowrtbcTur
ypapar, where the word indicate* the rule by
which tie contents of the Bible must be deter-
mined, and thus secondarily an index of the con-
stituent books. Among Latin writers the word Is
commonly found from the time of Jerome (ProL
Gal . . . Tobias et Judith non imt in Canone)
and Augustine (De Civ. xvil. 24, . . . perpand
auctoritatem Canonit obtinuerunt; id. xviii. 88,
. . . mcenhmatr in Canone), and their usage of
the word, which is wider than that of Greek writers,
is the source of its modern acceptation.
The uncanonical books were described simply aa
" those without," or " those uncanonized " (ajcor
ririara, Cone. Load. lix. ). The Apocryphal books,
which were supposed to occupy an intermediate
position, were called " books read " (ayayiyrawKo-
lura, Athan. Ep. Feit.), or "ecclesiastical " (<•©-
cUtiaiHd, Kufin. mi Sgnb. Apott. § 38), though
the latter title was also applied to the canonical
Scriptures (Leont /. c. infr.). The canonical books
{[juont. de Sect. ii. to, Kara ri(6ntva $t0\la\
were also called " books of the Testament " (4r
tiiSnmi &t$\la), and Jerome styled the whole col-
lection by the striking name of " the holy library "
(Bibliotheea mncta), which happily expresats *h»
unity and variety of the Bible (Oredner, SSnr Grtek.
d. Kan. § 1 ; /fist, of Canon of ff. T. App. D).
II. (a) The formation of the Jeicith Canon. —
The history of the Jewish Canon in the earliest
times is beset with the greatest difficulties. Befoto
the period of the exile only faint traces occur of th<
solemn preservation and use of sacred books. Ac
cording to the command of Hoses the ■» book of the
law" was "put in the side of the ark" (Deut xxxL
25 If.), but not in it (1 K. viii. 9; comp. Joseph.
Ant. iii. 1. 7, v. 1, 17), and thus in the reign of
Josiah, Hilkiah is said to have "found the book of
the law in the bouse of the Lord " (9 K. xxil. 8;
comp. 2 Chr. xxxiv. 14). This " book of the law,"
which, in addition to the direct precepts (Ex. xxiv.
7), contained general exhortations (Deut. xxviii.
61) and historical narratives (Ex. xvil. 14), was
further increased by the records of Joshua (Josh,
xxiv. 26), and probably by other writings (1 Sam
steal authors with the " canon " of Scripture, not-
withstanding the tempting analogy. If It eould U
shown that o marir was used at an early period ftn
the (ut of —end books, then It would be the simpler
interpretatior V> take ma*ori(t<r*ai In the sense oi
" being eotsred en the ust" [For this view ss* f. C
Ptur, Dii Beleutun? da Worm Koi-i». In HUgai,
Md's Znuear /. win. XStU., 1868, I. 141 1M
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468
CANON
r. 95), tkomgh It is impossible to detixinhie tbeir
Mretents." At a subsequent time co flt ct io n s of
pro ea b s were made (Pror. nr. 1 ), and the later
prophet* (especially Jeremiah ; comp. Kneper, Jt-
rtm. Ubror. m. mttrp. el timdex, BeroL 1837)
were fiuniliar with the writing! of their predeoes-
m, a circumstance which ma; naturally be con-
nected with the training of " the prophetic schools.'
It perhaps marks a further step in the formation
of the Canon when " the book of the I-ord " is men-
tioned by Isaiah as a general collection of sacred
teaching (xxxiv. 16 ; comp. xxix. 18), at once fa-
miliar and authoritative; bat it is unlikely that
any definite collection either of " the psalms " or
of « the prophets " existed before the Captivity.
At that time Zechariah speaks of " the law " and
" the former prophets " as in some measure coor-
dinate (Zech. tU. 12); and Daniel refers to « Uu
book*" (Dan. ix. 2, ffnSDil) in a manner which
seems to mark the prophetic writings as already
collected into a whole. Even after the Captivity
the history of the Canon, like all Jewish history up
to the date of the Maccabees, in wrapt in great ob-
scurity. Faint traditions alone remain to interpret
results which are found realized when the darkness
is first cleared away. Popular belief assigned to
Kara and " the great synagogue " the task of col-
lecting and promulgating the Scriptures as part of
their work in organizing the Jewish Church.
Doubts have been thrown upon this belief (Kau,
Dt Sj/rnig. magnd, 1726; comp. Ewald, (ietch. d.
V. In: in. 191), and it is difficult to answer them,
from the scantiness of the evidence which can be
adduced ; but the belief is in every way consistent
with the history of Judaism and with the internal
evidence of the books themselves. The later em-
beUisliments of the tradition, which represent Ezra
as the second author of all the books [2 Ebukas],
or define more exactly the nature of bis work, can
only be accepted as signs of the universal belief in
his labors, and ought not to cast discredit upon the
simple fact that the foundation of the present Ca-
non is due to him. Nor can it be supposed that
the work was completed at once ; so that the
account (2 Mace. ii. 13) which assigns a collection
of books to Kebemiah is in itself a confirmation of
the general truth of the gradual formation of the
Canon during toe Persian period. The work of
Nebemiah is not described as initiatory or final.
The tradition omits all mention of the law, which
may be supposed to have assumed its final shape
under Ezra, but says that Nehemiah "gathered
together the [writings] concerning the kings and
prophets, and the [writings] of David, and letters
■4 kings concerning offerings " while " founding a
fcrary" btarafiaWifHyot 3</9Aie6v)ajnr nrmr
rvryoys t£ w«ol ratr /jturiAcW koI xpodnfrmr ml
ro rev AovtS srol erurroAAi jSao-iAsair wspl sW-
itfiirttv; 2 Mace. L c). The various classes of
books were thus completed in succession ; and this
a AooonHog to some (Fabric. Cod. Pmdrp. r. T.
. 1118), this collection of sacred books was preserved
ky Jeremiah at the destruction of toe Temple (comp.
I Usee. U. 4 f.) ; aeeordlng to othan It was consumed
together with too ark (Bplph. dt Pond. dv. II. 162).
<nlK. xxtl. 8 a"., 2 Chr. xxxlv. 14 If., mention Is made
wly of the Law.
» The rcssrenoe to the work of Judas Mace. In 2
4see. Ii. 14, wajnK 0c *u lovftoc tA o'cawwn w tora
hi rer wibtfLo* rbf yryor&m foXr twtcwJryayt rarra,
itam me' feur, appears firm the connection to refer
CANON
view tsarmoiizses with what must have been dst
natural development of the Jewieh faith after las
Betura. The Coostitntion of the Church and the
formation of the Canon were both from their naturs
gradual and mutually dependant. The construction
of an errsieiastiral polity involved the practical de-
termination of the divine rale of truth, though, as
in the parallel case of the Christian Scriptures,
open persecution first gave a clear and distinct ex-
pression to the implicit faith.
The persecution of Antiochus (nl c 168) was for
the Old Testament what the persecution of Dio-
cletian was for the New, the final crisis which
stamped the sacred writings with their peculiar
character. The king sought out " the books of
the law" (ret fa0\la rov ro>ov, 1 Mace. i. 66)
and burnt them : and the possession of a " book
of the covenant " ( fk&xior SiaHinit) was a cap-
ital crime (Josep h . AM. xii. 6, § 4, t^aWfrre
cfron 0f/SA»f tifttilr) icpa cal repot ....).
According to the common tradition, this proscrip-
tion of " the law " led to the public use of the writ-
ings of the prophets, and without dismaying the
accuracy of this belief, it is evident that the gen-
eral effect of such a persecution would be, to direct
the attention of the people more closely to the books
which they connected with the original foundation
of their faith. And this was in fact the result of
the great trial. After the Maceabsean persecution
the history of the formation of the Canon is merged
in the history of its contents.* The Bible appears
from that time as a whole, though it was natural
that the several parts were not yet placed on an
equal footing, nor regarded universally and in every
respect with equal reverence " (comp. Zunz, Die got-
Utd. Vortr. d. Jvden, pp. 14, 95, Ac).
But while the combined evidence of tradition
and of the general course of Jewish history leads
to the conclusion that the Canon in its present
shape was formed gradually during a lengthened
interval, beginning with Ezra and extending through
a part or even the whole (Neh. xii. 11, 22) of the
Persian period (B. c. 468—132), when the cessation
of the prophetic gift d pointed out the necessity and
defined the limits of the collection, it is of the ut-
most importance to notice that the collection was
peculiar in character and circumscribed in contents.
All the evidence which can be obtained, though it
is confessedly scanty, tends to show that it it false,
both in theory and bet, to describe the O. T. as
" all the relics of the Hebneo-Chaldaic literature
up to a certain epoch " (De YVette, Am/. § 8), if
the phrase is intended to refer to the time when
the Canon was completed. The epilogue of Eede-
siastes (xii. 11 If.) speaks of an extensive literature,
with which the teaching of Wisdom is contrasted,
and " weariness of the flesh " is described as the
result of the study bestowed upon it. It is im-
possible that these "many writings" era have
perished in the interval between the composition
of Eccleslastes and the Greek invasion, and the
In particular to his can with retard to toe
of the copies of the sacred writings which wen '
llumwinl. It Is of importance to notice tfc
work was a rrtivation, and not a s» cnttntiim.
t Tet the distinction between the three
Inspiration which were applied by Abarbanel
AVitf. § 168, 6) to the three causes of writings
known to the early rabbins.
d After Mahtchl, aeeordlng to the Jewish tredMel
(Tltringa, 06s. Sncr. vi. 6; op. Katl, 1. t.\
of
(KsU
ts m>
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CANON
Ipoerypha includes several fragments which mint
-referred to the Persian period (Buxtorf, Tiite^itu,
10 1; Hottinger, TAu. P/ttf. ; Hengatenberg, Bei-
Irigt, i. ; Havernick, EM. i. ; Oehler, art. Kanon
i. A. T. in Henog'a £n<yU.).
(0) The contents of the Jewish Canon. -The first
■otice of the O. T. at consisting of distinct and
definite parts occurs in the prologue to the Greek
translation of the Wisdom of Sirach (Ecclesiasticus).
The date of this is disputed [Ecclesiasticus ;
Jesos son up Sirach] ; but if we admit the
later date (c B. c 131), it falls in with what has
been said on the effect of the Antiochian persecu-
tion. After that " the law, the prophecies, and the
remainder of the books " are mentioned as integral
■ections of a completed whole (o ro/toj, noi ai
rwMpirreiai, col t4 Koiwit rir 0i/3Aio>r), and the
phrase which designates the last class suggests no
reason for supposing that that was still indefinite
and open to additions. A like threefold classifica-
tion is used for describing the entire O. T. in the
Gospel of St Luke (xxiv. 44, iv ry re/iy Hvwrimt
«ol upofJrrtut icol il«A/u>?s; oomp. Acts xxriii. 23),
and appears again in a passage of l'hilo, where the
Therapeutic are said to find their true food in " laws
and oracles uttered by prophets, and hymns and
(to aXAa) the other [books V J by which knowledge
and piety are increased and perfected " (Philo, de
l"Ua coat. 3). [Riblk.]
The triple division of the 0. T. is itself not a
niere accidental or arbitrary arrangement, but a
reflection of the different stages of religious devel-
opment through which the Jewish nation passed.
The Law is the foundation of the whole revelation,
the special discipline by which a chosen race was
trained from a savage willfulness to the accomplish-
ment of its divine work. The Prophets portray
the struggles of the same people when they came
into closer connection with the kingdoms of the
world, and were led to look for the inward antitypes
cf the outward precepts. The Hagiographa carry
the divine lesson yet further, and show its working
in the various phases of individual life, and in rela
tion to the great problems of thought and feeling,
which present themselves by a necessary law in the
later stages of civilization (comp. Oehler, art. Ka-
non, in Herzog's EncgkL p. 353).
The general contents of these three classes still,
however, remain to be determined. Josephis,
the earliest direct witness on the subject, enumer-
ates twenty-two books " which are justly believed to
I* divine " (va &atalcn 8«m Tdrio-Ttu/i/va) •" Ave
books of Moses, thirteen of the prophets, extending
to the reign of Artaxerzes (i. e. Esther, according
to Josephus)," and four which contain hymns and
ilirections for life (Joseph, c. Apion. t 8). Still
'lere is some ambiguity in this enumeration, for
« Ths limit axed by Josephn* marks the period to
which the propbotio history extended, and not, as b
sommnnly ■aid, the date at which the 0. I. canon
was Itself anally closed.
* la Ant. xiil. 10, } 6, Josephus simply says that
the Sedduceea rejected the prtctpu which were not con-
tained In the laws of Moms [imp ou« axoy^ypairTat
iv row UmvvnK hVm), but derived on»y from tndi-
*m (r« «« npaiwmK, opposed to vd yryoa^irva).
As statement has no connection whatever with .be
•ther writings of the Canon.
The Canon of the Bamautuis was oooflned to the
reatatsaxh, not so much from their uosUllty to the
•ews, as from their undue exaltation of ths lav (Kail,
eM-fSU).
CANON 356
in order to make up the number*, it is uecesaaq
either to rank Job among the prophets, or to ex-
clude one book, and in that case probably Ecoie-
siastes, from the Hagiographa. The former alter
native is the more probable, for it is worthy of
special notice that Josephus regards primarily the
historic character of the prophets (to *ot' ainovi
wpaxBtvra ovrtypa^ay), a circumstance which
explains his deviation from the common arrange-
ment in regard to the later annals (1 and 2 Ghr.,
Ear., Neh.), and Daniel and Job, though be is si-
lent as to the latter in his narrative (oomp. Orig.
op. Euseb. II. E. vi. 26). The later history, he
adds, has also been written in detail, but the records
have not been esteemed worthy of the same credit,
" because the accurate succession of the prophets
was not preserved in their case " (Jid to p,i) y
vioDtu r))r TsV wpoe>irre>r ducat/Si) Itaioxh')-
" But what faith we place in our own Scriptures
(ypd/tfuurar) is seen in our conduct. They have
suffered no addition, diminution, or change. From
our infancy we learn to regard them as decrees of
God (0<ev Siyfiara); we observe them, and if
need be, we gladly die for them " (c. Apion, i. 8;
oomp. Euseb. H. E. iii. 10).
In these words Josephus clearly expresses not his
own private opinion, nor the opinion of his sect,
the Pharisees, but the general opinion of his coun-
trymen. The popular belief that the Sadduceea
received only the books of Moses (TertuU. Dt
Prasscr. UasrtL 46; Hieron. in Matth. xxii. 31, p.
181 ; Origan, c. Cdi. i. 49), rests on no sufficient
authority ; and if they had done so, Josephus could
not have failed to notice the fact in his account of
the different sects [Sadduckkh].* In the tradi-
tions of the Talmud, on the other hand, Gamaliel
is represented as using passages from the Prophets
and the Hagiographa in his controversies with
them, and they reply with quotations from the
same sources without scruple or objection. (Comp.
Eichhom, EinL § 35; Ijghtfout, Horat llebr. et
Talm. ii. 616; C. F. Schmid, Enarr. Sent. FL Jo-
seph! de libru V. T. 1777; G. GuldenapfeL Dis-
sert Josephs de Sadd. Can. Sent, exhibent, 18J4.)
The casual quotations of Josephus agree with his
express Canon. With the exception of Prov.,
Eccks., and Cant, which furnished no materials
for his work, and Job, which, even if historical,
offered no point of contact with other history, he
uses all the other books either as divinely inspired
writings (5 Moses, Is., Jer., Ex., Dan., 12 Proih./,
or at authoritative source* of truth.
The writings of the N. T. completely confirm
the testimony of Josephus. Coincidences of lan-
guage show that the Apostles were familiar with
several of the Apocryphal books (Week, Ueber d.
SteUung d. Apokr. v. s. w. in Stud. it. KrU. 1853.
pp. 267 ff.); c but they do not contain one authori-
tative or direct quotation from them, while, with
the exception of Judges, Eccl., Cant, Esther, Ezra
c The chief passages which Bleek quotes, after Stiei
and Nltnch, are James 1. 19 II Ecclus. v. 11 ; 1 Pet. I. ft
7 II Wlsd. ill. 8-7; Bob. xl. 34, 35 II 2 Msec. vi. 18 —
vti. 42 ; Heb. I. 8 Wisd. vii. 26, fee. ; Bom. i. 20-82
D Wisd. xiii.-xv. ; Rom. ix. 21 II YVbd. xv. 7 ; Bph. vi.
18-17 II Wind. v. 18-20. But it is obvious that If tbest
passages pr~ve latbntctoruy that the Apostolic writers
wvre acqtuunttd with the Apocryphal books, they Indt*
ce"j with equal clearness that their s Una with regard
to them cannot have been purely accidental. An ear
lier criticism of t_j alleged coincidences is giver te
Oosm's Canon of Striptwt, ff 85 ft
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300 OAAOA
mi Nebetuiah, every other book in the- Hebrew
Canon is toed cither for illustration or proof.*
Several of tbe early fathers descrSe the content*
af the Hebrew Canon in terms which generally
agree with the results already obtaiiied. Mkuto
of Sardis (c 179 x. r>.) in a journey tu the East
made the question of the exact number and order
of -the books of the OH Testament "a subject of
special inquiry, to satisfy the wishes of a friend
( Kiueb. B. E. iv. 26). He gives the remit in the
Uluwing form ; the book* are, 5 Mote* . . . Josh.,
Jud., Kuth, 4 K-, 2 Chr., Pa., Pror. (SaAo/iawot
ntuxM/iioi col Zofla), Eccl., Cant, Job, Is., Jer.,
12 Propb., Dan., Ex., Esdr. Tbe arrangement is
peculiar, and the books of Nebemiah and Esther
arc wanting. Tbe former is without doubt included
in the general title " Esdras," and it ha* been con-
jectured (Eichbom, Aral § 52; comp. Kouth, RtL
Sncr. i. 138) tbat Esther may hare formed part of
the same collection of records of the history after
the exile. 6 Tbe testimony of OmcKjt labors under
a similar difficulty. According to tbe present Greek
text (Enseb. H. E. vi. 25; In Pt. i. Pkiluc. 3),
in enumerating the 33 books " which the Utbrtxt
band down as included in tbe Testament (Jrtia&fr-
«ov»)," he omits the book of tbe 13 minor proph-
et*, and adds " the Letter " to tbe book of Jeremiah
and Lamentations ('Isosuiaj chr Bp^voti mat rf
irurroKf l» iri). The number is thus imperfect,
and the latin version of Kufinus has rightly pre-
semd the book of the 12 prophets in the catalogue
placing it after Cant and before the greater proph-
ets, a strange position, which can hardly have been
due to an arbitrary insertion (cf. HiL PrvL m P*.
t3).« Tbe addition of "the Letter" to Jer. is in-
expucaue except on the assumption that it was an
error springing naturally from the habitual use >f
the LXX., in which the books are united, for there
is not the slightest trace that this late apocnjihal
fragment [Bakicii, Book or] ever formed part
of tbe Jewish Canon. The statement of Jki.omk
is dear and complete. After noticing the coinci-
dence of the 2-2 books of the Hebrew Bible with
the number of the Hebrew letters, and of the 5
double letters with the 5 "double books" (Sam.,
K., Chr., Ezr., Jer. ), he give* the contents of the
Law, the Prophets, and the Hagiographa, in exact
accordance with the Hebrew authorities, placing
Daniel in tbe last class : and adding that whatever
is without the number of these must be placed
among tbe Apocrypha. (" Hie prologus Script,
quasi gakatum pruicipium omnibus libris qnoa de
Hebrew vertimus in I-atinum oonvenire potest, ut
scire valeamus, quidquid extra ho* est, inter Apoc-
rypha esse ponendum," Hieron. ProL Gal.). The
statement of the Talmutl is in many respects so
remarkable that it must be transcribed entire.
" But who wrote [the books of the Bible] V Moses
wrote his owu book (?), the Pentateuch, '/.<• xctvm
i passages an quoted In the N. T. which an
not found in the canonical books. The most impor-
tant of then is that from the prophecies of Enoch
"xaKMH. Book or) (Jude, 14). Others nave been found
m I vie xl. 49-51; John vU. 88; James Iv. 5, 6;
t Oor. li. 9 ; but these an mon or less questionable.
' llody (D* B'M. Tat. p. 648) quotes a singular
now, fslsely attributed to Atbanasius, who likewise
emits aether. " Sunt ettam ex autiquls Ilebrans qui
aether admitlant, atque ut uumerus Idem (32) am-
sa % cum Jwittibus copularunt" The book is want-
ing akn in lb* Synopt. S. Strip:, Ortgtr. Mix., Am-
iWlisMm, Wtsjstonu Qdtirtu, to.
CANOl*
atemt Balaam and Job. Joshua wrcl* hh aw*
book and the eight [last] Terse* of the Ptatilaara
Samuel wrote his own book, the book of Jadgw
and Kuth. David wrote the book of l'Sahas, [of
which, however, some were composed] by the tec.
venerable eiders, Adam, the first man, Melehisadek,
Abraham, Hoses, Hainan, Jeduthun, Asaph, and
the three son* of Korah. Jeremiah wrote his own
book, the books of Kings and Lamentation*. Hes-
ckiah and his friends [reduced to writing] the books
contained in the Memorial word laMSCHaK, i. t.
Isaiah, Proverbs. Canticles, Eccleaiaste*. The ma
of the great Synagogue [reduced to writing] the
books contained in the memorial letter KaNDaG,
i. t. Exekiet, tbe 12 lesser prophets, Dames, and
Esther. Ezra wrote his own book, and brought
down the genealogies of the books of Chronicles to
his own time* .... Who brought the remainder
of the books [of Chronicles] to a dose? Nehemiab
the son of Hachabjah " {Baba Batkra I. 14 b, np.
Oehler, art. Kaaom, tc).
In spite of the comparativdy late date (c A. r>.
500), from which this tradition is derived, it is
evidently in essence the earliest description of the
work of Ezra and tbe Great Synagogue which has
been preserved. The details must be tested by
other evidence, but the general description of the
growth of tbe Jewish Canon bears every mark of
probability. The early fables a* to the work of
Ezra [2 Esdkas ; see above] are a natural corrup-
tion of this original belief, and after a time entirely
supplanted it ; but as it stands in the great collec-
tion of the teaching of the Hebrew Schools, it bears
witness to tbe authority of the complete Canon,
and at tbe same time recognize* it* gradual forma-
tion in accordance with the independent results of
internal evidence.
The later Jewish Catalogues throw little light
upon the Canon. They generally reckon twenty-
two books, equal in number to the letters of the
Hebrew alphabet, five of the law, eight of the
Prophet* (Josh., Judg. and Kuth, 1, 2 Sam., 1,
2 K., Is., Jer. and Lam., Ex., 12 Proph.), and
nine of the Hagiographa (Hieron. Prvl. in Rtg.).
Tbe hut number was more commonly increased tc
eleven by the distinct enumeration of tbe books of
Ruth and Lamentation ("the 34 Books" C?~WV
n^?D~tS1), and in that case it was supposed that
the Too! was thrice repeated in reverence for tbe
sacred name (Hody, Ot BibL Text. p. 644; Etch-
horn, EinL § 6 ). In Hebrew MSS., and iu tbe early
editions of the U. T.. tbe arrangement of tbe buei
books oners great variations (Hody, /. c, gives a large
collection), but they generally agree in reckoning all
separately except the books of Ezra and Nebemiah d
(Buxtorf, Hottinger, llengstoiiberg, Haveruick, U.
cc. ; Zulu, (JoUetd. Vvrtri^t d. Juden).
c Origan expressly excludes 1 Mace, from Urn eaana
{?{•»« tovti>k sari i* Mexs.), although written tn He-
brew. BertboMt's statement to the contrary Is Incor-
rect (Bint. ) 81). although Kell (rfr Auct. Can. 1Mb.
JUarr. 67) maintains the same opinion.
•* Notwithstanding the unanimous Judgment of later
writers, then an tmrre of the existence of doubts
among the first Jewish doctors as to some books.
Thus la the Mishna (Jad. 8, 6) a discussion Is resorted
as to Cant, and Brclea. whether they " soil the hands ; '
and a dlflbreoce as to the latter book existed between
the gnat schools of rBllel and snammal. The sans
doubts a* to feels*, an repeated in another ten '
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CANON
So tar Chen ft has been shown that the Hebrew
3aaon was uniform and coincident with our own ; °
jut while the Palestinian Jem oonibined to pre-
<erre the strict limits of the old prophetic writings,
the Alexandrine Jews allowed themselves greater
freedom. Their ecclesiastical constitution was less
definite, and the same influences which created
among them an independent literature disinclined
them to regard with marked veneration more than
the Law itself. The idea of a Canon was foreign
to their habits; and the fact that they possessed
the sacred books not merely in a translation, but
in a translation made at different times, without
any unity of plan and without any uniformity of
execution, necessarily weakened that traditional
feeling of their real connection which existed in
Palestine. Translations of later books were made
(1 Mace., Kcclus.. Iloruch, Ac.), anil new ones
were written (3 Mace., Wiad. ), which were reck-
oned in the sum of their religious literature, and
prolstuly placed on an equal footing with the Hagio-
grapha in common esteem. But this was not the
result of any express judgment on their worth, but
a natural consequence of the popular belief in the
doctrine of a living Word which deprived the pro-
phetic writings of part of their distinctive value.
So far as an authoritative Canon existed in Egypt,
it is probable that it was the same as that of Pal-
estine. In the absence of distinct evidence to the
contrary this is most likely, and positive indications
of the fact are not wanting. The translator of the
Wisdom of Sirach uses the same phrase (o rifun
col oi wptxpnrm xal t4 &\\a 0i0\ia) in speaking
of his grandfather's Biblical studies in Palestine,
and of bis own in Egypt (comp. Eichhorn, KinL
(22). and be could hardly have done so, had the
llible been different in the two places. The evi-
dence of 1'iiiui, if less direct, is still more conclu-
sive. His language shows that he was acquainted
with the Apocryphal books, and yet he does not
make a single quotation from them (Hornemann,
titmti*. ml iUmlr.ductr.de Om. I". T. ex Philone,
pp. 28. 2J, ap. l'jchhora, t'inL § 86), though they
offered much that was favorable to his views. On
the other hand, in addition to the Law, he quotes
all the books of " the Prophets," and the Psalms
and Proverbs, from the llagiographa, and several
oT them (Is., Jer., Hot., Zech., I's., Prov.) with
clear assertions of their " prophetic " or inspired
character. Of the remaining llagiographa (Neh.,
Roth, Lam., 1, 2 Chron., Dan., Keel., Cant) be
makes no mention, but the three first may haw
been attached, as often in Hebrew usage, to other
books (Kz., Jud., Jer.), so that four writings alone
are entirely unattested by him (comp. Hornemann,
fee Talmud (.Soie. f. 30, 2), when it Is said that the
book would have been ooncaslsd (*32) but for tin
gustation s at the beginning and the end'. Comp. HBe-
ron.Cbmm. in J5 •<*•». a. f. : " Alunt Hebrasi cum intsr
isstsm scripts n alom o nl s quae twtiqoata sunt oee In
sin wis doraverunt, et hie liber obi' 'Brandos vide-
retar, so qood vanss Del asaereret cnMturas . ...
•a hoc nno capltoio (xil.) meruisse auctorltatem . . ."
Parallel passages are quoted in the notes on the pas-
isfa, and by Bleek, Stmt. u. Krit. 1868, pp. 822 ff.
""no docbts ss to Ksther \ave been already noticed.
*. sss/as of references to the Apocrypha, books frmn
swish wrltsxs has bean made by Hottioger (Tnts.
fkOtt 16GB), and collected and reprinted by Words-
teeth (Oi\Uu Canon of Uu Scriplurrj, App. C). Com-
tase also the valuable notices It Zona, Die fottext.
%».*/«*«,»( 128 0.
CANON
861
tc). A further trace of the identity of the Alex-
andrine Canon with the Palestinian is found in the
Apocalypse of Eadras [2 Esiiius], where " 24 open
books" are specially distinguished from the mass
of esoteric writings which were dictated to Ezra bj
inspiration (2 Esdr. xiv. 44 ft'.).
From the combination of this evidence there can
be no reasonable doubt that at the beginning of
the Christian era the Jews had only one Canon of
the Sacred writings, defined distinctly in Palestine,
and admitted, though with a less definite apprehen-
sion of it* peculiar characteristics, by the Hellen-
izing Jews of the Dispersion, and that this Canon -
was recognized, as far as can be determined, by our
Lord and his Apostles. But on the other hand,
the connection of other religious books with the
Greek translation of the O. I .. and their common
use in Egypt, was already opening the way for an
extension of the original Canon, and assigning an
authority to later writings which they did not de
rive from ecclesiastical sanction.
III. a. The Hillary of the Christian Canon.
of the Old Testament. — The history of the Old
Testament Canon among Christian writers exhibits
the natural issue of the currency of the LXX., en-
larged as it had been by apocryphal additions. In
proportion as the Fathers were more or less absolutely
dependent on that version for their knowledge of
the Old Testament Scriptures, they gradually lost
in common practice the sense of the difference be-
tween the books of the Hebrew Canou and the
Apocrypha. The custom of individuals grew into
the custom of the Church ; and the public use of
the Apocryphal books obliterated in popular regard
the characteristic marks of their origin and value,
which could only be discovered by the scholar. But
the custom of the Church was not fixed in an ab-
solute judgment. It might seem as if the great
leaders of the Christian Body shrank by a wise
forethought from a work for which they were un-
fitted; for by acquirements and constitution they
were little capable of solving a problem which must
at last depend on historical data. And this re- -
mark mu«t lie applied to the details of patristic ev-
idence on the contents of the Canon. Their haWr
must be distinguished from their judgment, ilxi
want of critical tact which allowed them to use the.
most obviously pseudonymous works (2 Esdras,-
Enoch) as genuine productions of their supposed
authors, or as "divine Scripture," greatly dimin-
ishes the value of casual and isolated testimonies
to single books. In such cases the form as well as.
the act of the attestation requires to be examined.)
and after this the combined witness of different
Churches cin alone suffice to stamp a book with
ecclesiastical authority.
* The passages from the Talmud relating to Canticle*
and Ecclesfastes are quoted and translated In mil by
Olnsborg ( ColvUtk. Lood. 1861, pp. 18-15). The phrase
used Id some of these passages, " to soil (or ' pollute '|
the hand*," has often been misunderstood. As applied*
to a book, it signifies "lobe sacred "or "canonical,'*
not the reverse, ss might naturally be supposed. This
fact Is dearly shown, and the reason of It given, by.
Oinsburg, Sang of Songs, London, 1867, p. 8, nots>
A.
<* The dream of a second and third revision of the
Jewish Canou In the times of Bleaaer and HlUel, by
whl -h the Apocryphal books were ratified (Qenebrard),
res:" on no basis whatever. The supposition that the
Jews rejected the Apocrypha after our Lord's <
(Card. Perron) la equally unfounded. (Win* fa
of ScruHurr. f I 28. 26
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863
CANON
la* c o n n atio n which m i — lily introduced
by the me of the I.XX. n Anther increased
•hen the Western Church rote in importance. The
LXX. itself in the original of the Old Latin, and
the recollection of the original distinction between
the eonstHoent book* of the Bible became more
and more difficult in the version of a Tetsioo; and
at the same time the Hebrew Church dwindled down
to an obscure sect, and the intercourse between the
Churches of the East and West grew leas intimate.
The impulse which instigated Mebto in the second
ce nter ; to seek in "the East" an "accurate" ac-
eount of " the books of the Old Testament," grad-
ual; lost its force as the Jewish nation and literature
were further withdrawn from the circle of Christian
knowledge. The Old Latin Tendon converted use
popularly into belief, and the investigations of Je-
rome were unable to counteract the feeling which
had gained strength silent!;, without any distinct
and authoritative sanction. Yet one important,
though obscure, protest was made against the grow-
ing error. The Nazareoea, the relics of the He-
brew Church, in addition to the New Testament
" made use of the Old Testament, as the Jews "
(Epiph. flier, xxix. 7). They had "the whole
Law, and the Prophets, and the Hagiograpba so
called, that is the poetical books, and the Kings,
and Chronicles and Esther, and all the other books
m Hebrew " (Epiph. L c. rap* ovrotf yap was o
rifun «a) oi nfxxprrrm vol va ypaftia Aeyo/uva,
fifd 8« ra <mxnpa\ <ral a! BawiA«<at «ra) Ilapa-
Xtnrintm *al A>fft%> mil rftAAa s-arva tfipax-
xin aWyiraWa-erai). And in connection with this
fact, it is worthy of remark that Justib Marty k,
who drew his knowledge of Christianity from Pal-
estine, makes no use of the apocryphal writings in
any of bis works.
From what has been said, it is evident that the
history of the Christian Canon is to be sought in
the Ant instance from definite catalogues and not
from isolated quotations. But even this evidence
is incomplete and unsatisfactory. A comparison of
the subjoined table (No. I.) of the chief extant Cat-
alogues will show bow few of them are mlly inde-
pendent; and the later transcriptions are commonly
af no value, as they do not appear to hare been
made with any critical appreciation of their dis-
tinctive worth.
These Catalogues evidently Gall into two great
classes, Hebrew and Latin ; and the former, again,
exhibits three distinct varieties, which are to be
traced to the three original sources from which the
Catalogues were derived. The first may !« called
tha pure Hebrew Canon, which is that of the
Church of England (the Talmud, Jtnmr, Joan.
Damme.). The second differs from this by the
munon of the look of Esther (Meliln, [Atham.]
Smn. S. Script., Greg. Sat., Am/jiilvcl,., I.ttmt.,
.Vktpi. Colli*.). The third differs by the ooW-
•»w of Baruch, or "the Letter" (0r»j««, Atiia-
*>!., Cgr. flteros., [CondL Load.,] Ml. Pittar.).
rhj omission of Esther may mark a real variation
ji the opinion of the Jewish Church [Khthek],
tut the addition of Baruch is probably due to the
place which it occupied in direct connection with
Jeremiah, nut only in the Greek and latin trans-
itions, but perhaps also in some copies of the
lebrew text [Bakich, Book ok]. This is ren-
Mred more likely by the converse fact that the Lam-
tatatioas and Baruch are not distinctly enumerated
v/ many writers who certainly received both books.
[ the four first centuries this Hebrew Canon
CANOK
is the only one which is distinctly neogxuaid, atii
it is supported by the combined authority of toast
fathers whose critical judgment is entitled to the
greatest weight In the mean time, however, as
has been already noticed, the common usage of the
early fathers was influenced by the position which
the Apocryphal books occupied in the current ver-
sions, and they quoted them frequently as Script,
ure when tliey were not led to refer to the judg-
ment of antiquity. The subjoined talks (No. II.
will show the extent and character of this partial
testimony to the disputed books.
These casual testimonies are, however, of com-
paratively slight value, and are, in many cases, op-
posed to the deliberate judgment of the author*
from whom they are quoted. The real divergence
as to the contents of the Old Testament Canon is
to be traced to Augibtixk, whose wavering and
uncertain language on the point furnishes abundant
materials for controversy. By education and char-
acter he occupied a position more than usually
unfavorable for historical criticism, and yet his
overpowering influence, when it feD in with ordi-
nary usage, gave consutency and strength Id the
opinion which be appeared to advocate, for it may
be reasonably doubted whether be differed inten-
tionally from Jerome except in language. In a
famous passage (de Ztocfr. Canst ii. 8 (13)) he
enumerates the books which are contained in " lbs
whole Canon of Scripture," and inclu d es among
them the Apocryphal books without any dear mark
of distinction. This general statement u further
confirmed by two other p assag e s , in which it is
argued that be draws a distinction b etween the
Jewish and Christian Canons, and refers the author-
ity of the Apocryphal books to the judgment of the
Christian Church. In the first passage be speaks of
the Maccabsean history as not » found in the Sacred
Scriptures which are called canonical, but in others,
among which are also the books of the Maccabees,
which the Church, and not the Jews, holds for ca-
nonical, on account of the niarveUous sufferings of
the martyrs [recorded in them] ..." (quorum
supputatio temporum non in Scripturis Sanctis,
quae Canonical appellantur, sed in aliis invenitur,
in quibus sunt et Machabaeonun libri, quo* non
Judaei, sed eceleaia pro Canonkis habet . . . Dt
Crr. xviii. 36). In the other pass a ge be speaks of
the books of the Maccabees as "received (recepta
by the Church, not without profit, if they be read
with sobriety" (c Gaud. i. 38). But it will be
noticed that in each case a distinction is drawn be-
tween the " Ecclesiastical " and properly " Canon-
ical " books. In the second case be expressly lowers
the authority of the books of the Maccabees by re-
marking that "the Jews have them not like the
Law, the Psalms, and the Prophets to which the
Lord gives His witness " (Aug. L c). And the
original catalogue is equally qualified by an intro-
duction which distinguishes between the authority
of books which are received by all and by some of
the Churches; and, again, between those which are
received by churches of great or of small weight
(de Doctr. Car. ii. 8 (12)) so that the fast which
immediately follows must be interpreted by this
rule. In confirmation of this view of Augustine's
special regard for the Hebrew Canon, it may be
further urged that be appeals to the Jews, " the
librarians of the Christiana," as possessing " all the
writings in which Christ was prop he s ied of" (/a
P*. zL, Pa. hi.), and to "the Law, the Psalms, ami
the Prophets," which were supported bv the witness
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CANON
jf the Jew* (e. Gaud. L c), as unhiding " all the
isaxtieal authorities of the Sacred books " (de tfisifc
Eeek*. p. 16), which, at he says it another place
[de CSe- xr. 33, 4), " were proerod in the temple
af the Hebrew people by the care of the niooeaaire
priest*." But on the other hand Augustine fre-
quently uses passages from the Apocryphal books
as coordinate with Scripture, and practically dis-
regards the rules of distinction between the various
classes of sacred writings which be had himself laid
down. He stood on the extreme verge of the age
of independent learning, and follows at one time
the conclusions of criticism, at another the prescrip-
tions of habit, which from his date grew more and
mon> powerful.
The enlarged Canon of Augustine, which was, as
it will be seen, wholly unsupported by any Greek
authority, was adopted at the Council of Car-
thage (A. D. 897?), though with a reservation
(Can. 47, De e infirmnndo isto Canone traiumarina
eeetetia eoneulatur), and afterwards published in
the decretals which bear the name of Innocent,
Damabub, and Gelasius (cf. Credner, Zur Gesck.
i. Kan. 151 ff.); and it recurs in many later writ-
ers. But neverth e l e ss a continuous succession of
the more learned lathers in the West maintained
the distinctive authority of the Hebrew Canon up
to the period of the Reformation. In the sixth cen-
tury Pkikasius ( Comm. m Apoe. iv. Cosin, § 93 ? ),
in the 7th Gregory the Great (Moral xix. 31, p.
683), in the 8th Beds (In Apoe. iv.?), in the 9th
Alcuix (op. Hody, 664; yet see Cam. vi., rii.),
in the 10th Radulfhus Flav. (In Lent. xiv.
Hody, 656), in the 13th Peter or Clooni (Ep.
c. PeXr. Hody, L c), Huoo de S. Victore (de
Script. 6), and John op Salisbury (Hody, 656;
Cosin, § 130), in the 13th Huoo Cardinalu
(Hody, 666), in the 14th Nicholas Li k anus
(Hody, p. 657; Cosin, { 146), Wyclipfe (? oomp.
Hody, 658), and Occam (Hody, 657 ; Cosin, § 147 ),
in the 16th Thomas Anglicus (Cosin, § 160),
and Thomas de Walden (Id. § 161), in the 16th
Card. Ximkmes (Ed. CompL Pre/.), Sixtus Sk-
snssts (Biblioth. LI), and Card. Cajetan (Hody,
p 662; Cosin § 173), repeat with approval the
decision of Jerome, and draw a dear line between
the Canonical and Apocryphal books (Cosin, Seko-
lasticnl History of the Canon; Reuse, <A'« Gesck.
d. keiligen Schrijlen N. T., Ed. 2, § 338).
Up to the date of the Council or Trent, the
Romanists allow that the question of the Canon
was open, but one of the first labors of that assem-
bly was to circumscribe a freedom which the growth
of literature seemed to render perDuus." The de-
cree of the Council " on the Canonical Scriptures,"
which was made at the 4th Session (April 8th,
1546), at which about 53 representatives were pres-
ent, pronounced the enlarged Canon, including the
Apocryphal books, to be deserving in ad its parts
of "equal veneration" (pari pietatis affetu), and
added a list of books " to prevent the possibility of
doubt" (ne cat dubitatio suboriri poasit). This
hasty and peremptory decree, unlike in its form to
any catalogue before published, wss closed by a sol-
emn "Mit^f"*^ against all who should " not receive
the entire books with all their parts as sacred and
■monical " (Si quia autem libros insos integros cum
tnnibus sub partibus, prout in eeciesia catholica
agi eonsueveruut et in veteri vuigata uuina edi-
i Th* hljtorj of the Catalogue published at the
aascil of Flora** (1441) is obscure (Cssta }4 16* '•)>
CANON 361
tione habentnr, pro sacris et canonids non suacepe-
rit . . . . anathema esto, Cone Trid. Sea. iv.)
This decree wss not, however, passed without oppo-
sition (Sarpi, 189 ft*, ed. 1666, though Pauavadno
denies this); and in spite of the absolute terms in
which it b expressed, later Romanists have sought
to find a method of escaping from the definite
equalization of the two classes of Sacred writings
by a forced interpretation of the subsidiary clauses.
Du Pin (Dissert, prelim, i. 1), Lamy (App. BibL
ii. 6), and Jahn (EM. in d. A. T., i. 141 ff. op.
Reuss, a. a.0. § 337), endeavored to establish tws
classes, of proto-Canonical and deutero-Canonical
books, attributing to the first a dogmatic, and to
the second only an ethical authority. But such a
classification, however true it may be, is obviously
at variance with the terms of the Tridentine de-
cision, and has found oomparativdy little favor
among Romish writers (comp. [Herbst] Welte
EM. ii. ff. 1 f.).
The reformed churches unanimously agreed bi
confirming the Hebrew Canon of Jerome, and re-
fused to allow any dogmatic authority to the Apoo-
ryphal books, but the form in which this judgment
was expr e ss ed varied considerably in the different
confessions. The Lutheran formularies contain no
definite article on the subject, but the note which
Luther placed in the front of his German transla-
tion of the Apocrypha (ed. 1584), Is an adequate
declaration of the later judgment of the Commun
ion : " Apocrypha, that is. Books which are not
placed on an equal footing (ntcht gleich gehatten;
with Hdy Scripture, and yet are profitable and
good for reading." This general view was furthei
expanded in the spechl prefaces to the separate
books, in which Luther freely criticised their indi-
vidual worth, and wholly rejected 8 and 4 Esdras,
as unworthy of translation. At an earlier period
Caristadt (1530) published a critical essay, De ca-
nomcis scripturis Hbellus (reprinted in Credner,
Zrr Gttck. d. Kan. pp. 291 ff.), in which be fol-
lowed the Hebrew division of the Canonical books
into three ranks, and added Wisd., Eoclus., Judith,
Tobit, 1 and 2 Mace, as Hagiographa, though not
included in the Hebrew collection, while be rejected
the remainder of the Apocrypha with considerable
parts of Daniel as " utterly apocryphal " (plant
apocrypki; Credn. pp. 389, 410 ff).
The Calvinistic churches generally treated the
question with more precision, sod introduced into
then- symbolic documents a distinction between the
" Canonical " and " Apocryphal," or " Ecclesiasti-
cal ' books. The Gallican Confession (1561), after
an enumeration of the Hieronymian Canon (Art. 3),
adds (Art. 4) " that the other ecclesiastical books
are useful, yet not such that any article of faith
could be established out of them " (quo [sc Spiriin
Snncto] tuggerente doctmw, ittot [sc. tibrot Canon-
•cos] no nUit Hbris ecclesiasticis ducemere, qui, ut
tint utiles, non stmt tamtn tjutmodi, ut exits eon-
stitu, poeitU atiquis fidti arttcuha). The Belgk
Confession (1561 ?) contains a similar enumeration
of the Canonical books (Art 4), and allows thdr
public use by the Church, but denies to them all
independent authority in matters of faith (Art. 6).
The later Hdvetic Confession (1563, Bullinger) no-
tices the distinction between the Canonical and
Apocryphal books without pronouncing any judg-
ment or. ie question (Niemeyer, btor. Syrnb. Et-
and It was probably limited to the determlnattoa of
books ftr BuitsiastiaU ass (Reuss, } 326).
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364
CANON
Ho. J.— OHUSTUir CATALOGUES OF THK BOOKS 0> m OLD TBTAJtaWT.
Ik* Bat extendi only to men book* m an dtosutad. Of the rfgns, • indkata* that tho book b hik—U
BKkoned u HW» fimptun.- t that It to plaoad expnadf in a Henri rank : T that It to -— ■«.~-j wtla
efeaM. A blank maiki to* auenoa of the author u to th* book in qnoniou.
L CewcmAH Catalog ens:
[Laodicene] . A. D. J6J
Carthaginian . . 897(?)
Apoatolie Canom ....
Petvatb Catalogues:
(a) Greek toriten.
Melito . .a. d. 0.180 [180]
Orlgen . . . . c 183-963
Athanauu* . . . 396-378
Cyril of Jerus. . . 316-386
Bgmjxu 8. Script. ....
[Nieaphori] Stiehometria . .
Gregory of Nix. . 800-391
AmphUocbiu* . . e. 880
Epipbaniiu . . e. 303-408
Leontiai .... e. 690
Joanne* Daman. . . f750
Nlcephorus Calliit . e. 1880
Cod. Gr. Sax. X
(8) Loan writers.
Huario* Pictav. A. D. f o. 870
Hieronymu*. . . 399-430
Bnflnn* . . c 880 [t410]
Aoguitinn* . . . 866-180
[Damanu]
[Innocentim]
Oaadodoru* .... t670
Udonu Hiipal. . f696 [888]
Bacram. Gallic, "ante ta mo*
1000"
fPod.CkromSiae.TTI.. .
t
t
t
t
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•?
Cone. Laod. Can. fix.»
Cone. Carthag. in. Can.
xxxix. (Alii xhrii.).*
Can. Apoat IzztL (AK
htxxr.).*
Ap. Euaeb. B. E. fr
86.
Ap. Euaeb. H. E. tL
86.*
Ep. Fat. L 767, ad.
Ben.'
Cateeh. h. 86.
Credner. Zm- Geek. dee
Kan. p. 197 tt."
Credner, a. a. O. p.
117 ff."
Carm. xii. 31, e* Par.
1840.<*
Ampbiloeh. ad. Combef.
p. 183.9
De Maunrit, p. 163,
ed. Petar."
De Seeds, Act. ii. (Gal-
landi, xii. 626 f.).»
De Fide orthod. It. 17.»
Hody, p. 648.1*
Monlfrocon, BM. Cott-
on, p. 198 f.
ProL m Pi. 16."
ProL GaltaL ix. p. 647
ff., ed. Migne."
Expo*. Symt. p. 87 f.>«
DeDoctr.CkriiLn.tV
Credner, a. a, 0. p. 188
Ep. ad Extnp. (Gal
lendi, fiii. 661 t).
DeIntt.Diie.IMt.xii.*
De Oria. t1. 1."
Hody, p. 664.
Ed. Tiach. p. 488 IE]
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CANON
4m. J8e/. p. 468/. The Westminster Omtaion
{Art. 8) places the Apocryphal booki on a level
with other human writings, and oonoedea to them
nn other anthoritj in the Church.
The English Church (Art 6) appeal* directly to
the opinion of St Jerome, and concede* to the
Apocryphal book* (including [1671] 4 Eedraa and
The Prayer of Manatee* ") a use " for example of
Bit and inatructlon of manner*," but not for the
CANON
866
a The Latin copy of 1602 include* only 2 8 Bedr..
West, Kcdus., ToUt, Jud., 1, 2 Maoe. (Hardwtck,
Hi*, of Art. 9. Kb).
establishment of doctrine; and a similar deeUon ia
given in the Irish Article* of 1615 (Hanlwick, I «.,
841 t). The original English Articles of 1AM
contained no catalogue {Art. 6) of the content* of
" Holy Scripture," and no mention of the Apocry-
pha, alUmngh the Tridentine decree (1546) might
seem to have rendered this necessary. The exam-
ple of foreign Churches may have led to the addi-
tion upon the later revision.
The expressed opinion of the later Greek Church
on the Canon of Scripture has been modified in
some cases by the circumstances under which the
declaration wa* made. The "Confession "of Cyril
NOTES ON TABU NO. L
1 TLe evidence against the authenticity of this
Canon, as an original part of the collection, is de-
risive, in spit* of the defease of Blekell (Surf, u. Kril.
U. 611 ft".), ss th* p r e sen t writer ho shown at length
in another place (Hi*, of If. T. Omen, lv. 498 ff. [p.
•84 If., 2d ad.]). Th* Oanon recurs in th* Capitular.
Aquitgran. e. xx-, with th* omission of Barueh sad
Lamentations.
S The same Canon appears in Oonc Hipp. Can.
xxxvi. Th* Greek version of the Oanon omits th*
books of Maccabees; and the history of th* Council
lanlf is very obscure. Uomp. Costa, } 82.
S This Canon mentions thru books of th* Maocabeos.
Judith la not fcund in some M88. ; and generally it
may be obasrred that the published text of th* Uon-
clhar Canons needs a thoroogh revidon. Bccledasti-
eae Is thus mantionad : i(tt»tv Si Tporurmpturrm i/uv
Itavdapftr voter tovv peeve rip* oo+iav tot voAvnovOvt
3>ip*>. Camp. Oonstit. Apia. 11. 67.
The Canons of Laodleee, Carthage, and the Apostolic
janoos, were all ratified in the Qutai-Sextine Council,
Otn.%
* *l«pt|uac ffw Operate not ivivroX$ lv ivL Ori-
gan expressly says that tins catalogue Is « 'E0patot
vapattMaei, end begins with the wordsj tin U at
linen SvofiifUiM maf'Sfioaiovs oitt. He quotes sev-
eral of the Apocryphal books ss Scripture, ss will be
ssan below ; and in hla Letter to Aflricanus defends the
Interpolated Greek text of Daniel end the other 0. T.
books, on the ground of their public use (Ep. ad Af
tic % 3 ft".). The whole of this last passage is of the
deepest Interest, and places in the clearest light the
influence which the LXX. exercised on common opin-
ion.
s Athanaslus closes bis whole catalogue with the
words : ravra irwyat tov ewniptov . . . kv Tovrotc u. 6-
raif T* Tqt tvotfitiat tt&WicaAftor cvayy«At£<Tai.
XsSctf rovrotc fatjBaAArrw • ued* rovrwr a4>atp<urVM
n . . . hmv ami erfsa 0t/lAia rovrwr rjteVr, oil mayo-
mtfuunm. ok* Ttnwwittra Si eaparwv waiipmv arayti**-
— u ow* rots Aprt woooepxoitsrotc sal 0ovAou*Votc martf-
sjetevat rev TJjf tvotfitiat AAyov.
t The list of the Apocryphal books is prefaced by a
alauss nearly Identical with that In Athansdos. In a
sseond enumeration (Credner, a. a. O. p. 144), teres
books of the Mauabta end Sutmma en snumsrated
among the uiMm.
7 The Apocryphal books en headed : «<u torn, im-
Myarru Tijt nAataf atW now. Susanna (i. «. Add.
to Daniel) Is reckoned smong them.
t The catalogue ends with the Words : wooa* lx«'* '
it w ft* rovTMv eerdv eve Iv yvnoiott.
* The ve r ses occur under the name of Gregory of
■uvdansus, but an generally referred to Amphlloeblus.
9f anther he says : rovrott wpoowymplvovoi rhf 'Eo&to
mm. tie concludes: ovroc HmMmnt KaWtv iv
•y tHoW ofOwvivtTTtn* ypotpwF.
M (Jplphaniu* adds of Wisdom and Bcelue. : /tr * r
noun ntv Mi ami WyWAioot, AAA' etc aptsybr ^M> ove
' e se Veeerm t, 4*6 ovSi . . . fa rjj t^s outeqepf xtfsWy
s Wre e wea ej The same catalogue is repeated Ss Mens.
a. 180. In another place (sure. Her. Ixevl p. 941), he
speaks of the tsarhlng contslned In " the xxil. books '
of the Old Test In the New Test, and then fa ra» 2*
eV&ut , ZoAouwrrOff ts *>ejtl eat vtov Sttpex *« ww
■t'Aiw yp>4Wc eitatc. In e third cetalogas (ate. /let
viil. p. 19) he edds the letters of Barueh and Jeremlal.
(which he elsewhan specially notices as wanting in the
Hebrew, at Mens. p. 168), and speaks of Wisdom and
Rectus, as ir op^iAActy (among the Jews), x*>»U aAAur
row pifi/Uir sVamuceilvW. Oomp. ado. He. xxix.
p. m.
It LeonL I. e. revrd laii n\ unnjliun MMXa *>
rp t««Atj<ri\ eat waAaie ami Wa, eV ra weAata edrre
dVxwrat ot 'ryipniot.
19 Jean. Damasc L c 4 SedXarev SoAottMTOt cat e
So^ta tov 'Iiwov . . . cVaperot fter sat KaAat AAA,' ovs
aptSaovvrat, ovo* imtivro lv tq mufitrrtp.
It Qulbue nonnulli adjldunt Esther, Judith, et To-
bit fares Si tovtw rpt ypaenis in> vUov (Hcdy,
J. «.>.
14 Hilar. 2. e. Quibusdsm autem visum est odditis
Tobla et Judith xxiv. librcs sennniium numerum Gns-
carum lltterarum oonnomerare. . . .
It Hleron. 1. e. Qnlcquld extra hoa (the books of the
Hebrew canon) est, inter apocrypha ponendum. Igt-
tur Sapitntia, qose vulgo Salomonls inserlbttnr, et Jans
filii Srach liber, et Judith et TMal et Potior turn
sunt in oanone. Marhnbatorum primum llbrum He*
braloum rsperl : escundus Qrsscus est ... Of. JVo*.
«• Librot Salom. ad Carom. <( Htliod. lartur et
Xlmviprnt, Jau JUH Srach liber, et alius etaitWypa-
S^oc, qui Sapitntia Saiomonit inseribttur . . . Sto-
ut ergo Judith et TbMl et Unthahmmim libros legit
quldem ooelesla, ssd Inter canonlcos noo recipit, lie et
haw duo Tolnmlna legit ad sBdlncationem plebls, noo
ad auctoritatem eoelealasticorum dogmatum conflr
mandam. Comp. Prologos Id Dan. Ktrem., Tobit, Ju-
dith, Jonam; Mp. ad Paulinum, 1111. Hence at the
doss of Sstber one verj ancient MS., quoted by Mar
tianav on the place, adds: Hueusqoe oompletma
est Vet Test Id est, omues canonices Scriptures . . .
quae transtulit Hleronymus ... do Hebretca ver
itate . . . cestsrss vero Scriptuns, quss non sunt ean-
oolcas, sed dienntur ecclesiasticse, Ittm sunt, id est .
giving the list contained In Prot. Oalat.
15 After giving the Hebrew canon and the reoerreA
canoo of N. T., Ruflnus says: Sciendum tamen est
quod et alii libri sunt, qui noo canonic! ssd eccUsias
tici a majoribus appsllati sunt, Id est, SapUntia, quae
didtur Saiomonit T et alia SapUntia quss did tur fun
8muh . . . ejusdem vero ordlnis LtbeUus est Tboue
et Judith et Machabaorum libri . . . Qua omnia leg!
quldem In eoclesiis roluerunt, non tamen profsm ad
auotoritatam ex bis fidd oonnrmandam. Cssterss vero
Scriptures opocrypAos nomlnarunt, quss In e wl o stW ,
legl noluerunt
17 See below.
11 Oaanodorus gives also, however, with marks of
a~gh respect the catalogue of Jerome. Oomp. Ooatn,
*8»
19 IsMorus, Bk- Ossslodorus, gives the catalogue af
Jerome, as well a. that of Augustine. Oomp. Ooatn,
tut.
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CANON
Laesr, wbo was mod favorably (T.»poseH towards
ha Protestant Churches, confirms the laodionm
Oetalogue, and marks the Apoorynhal books as not
fiisMMnn, the same divire authoritj as those whose
eanonicity is unquestioned (Kinnnel, Men. Fid.
Eccla. Or. I. p. 42, to Kupot wapa rov wayaylov
mi/terras owe (xovotr it to, Kuplvs xoi anuic>r-
3<(A«f >orar«i &i$Kia). In this judgment Cyril
Ijiear was followed by his friend Metrophanes Cri-
topulus, in whose confession a complete list of the
hooks of the Hebrew Canon is given (Kimmel, ii.
p. 109 {.), while some value is assigned to the
Apocryphal books (aroOA^Tovr oux iryoifuOa) in
consideration of their ethical value; and the de-
tailed decision of Metrophanes is quoted with ap-
proval in the " Orthodox Teaching " of Platon,
Metropolitan of Moscow (ed. Athens, 1838, p. 59).
The " Orthodox Confession " simply refers the sub-
ject of Scripture to the Church (Kimmel, p. 159, rj
huKnala fx>i tV ("(ovala* . . . ra SoKiud(n tos
ypcup&s ; comp. p. 133). On the other hand the
Synod at Jerusalem, held ui 1072, "against the
Canonists," which is commonly said to have been
led by Komiah influence (yet comp. Kimmel, p.
Ixxxviii.), pronounced that the books which Cyril
Luear "ignorantly or maliciously called apocry-
phal," are " canonical and Holy Scripture," on the
authority of the testimony of the ancient Church
([Kimmel,] Weissenboni, Dotith. Confess, pp. +67
f ). The Constantinopolitan Synod, which was
held in the same year, notices the difference exist-
ing between the Apostolic, Laodicene, and Cartha-
ginian Catalogues, and appears to distinguish the
Apocryphal books as not wholly to be rejected (laa
uirrot r&y T7Jt woAafat tialMiitns Bi$kl*r rp
hmfi&fAiati rm» ayurfpifyav oil aufimpi\aftBa-
ptrtu . . . oi/K &r^3Xi}ra rvyx^yobtrt &t6kov).
The authorized Russian Catechism ( Tht Doctrint
of the Ruuiim Church, Ac., by Rev. \V. Black-
more, Aberd., 1845, pp. 37 ff.) distinctly quotes and
defends the Hebrew Canon on the authority of the
Greek Fathers, and repeats the judgment of Atha-
nasius on the usefulness of the Apocryphal books
as a preparatory study in the Bible; and there can
lie no doubt but that the current of Greek opinion,
in accordance with the unanimous agreement of the
ancient Greek Catalogues, coincides with this judg-
ment.
The history of the Syrian Canon of the 0. T. is
involved in great obscurity from the scantiness of
the evidence which can be brought to bear upon it.
The Peshito was made, in the first instance, directly
from the Hebrew, and consequently adhered to the
Hebrew Canon; but as the LXX. was used after-
mds in revising the version, so many of the Apoc-
rphal books were translated from the Greek at an
«rly period, and added to the original collection
l.Vaaem. BibL Or. i. 71). Yet this change was
only made gradually. In the time of Ephrem (c.
a. D. 370) the Apocryphal additions to Daniel were
yet wanting, and his commentaries were confined to
the books of the Hebrew Canon, though be was
acquainted with the Apocrypha (Lardner, CretU-
bUity, Ac., It. pp. *27 t; see Lengerke, Daniel,
exit). The later Syrian writers do not throw much
'ight upon the question Gregory Bar Hebrsms,
!u bis short '■tmmentary on Scripture, treats of the
book* In the following order (Assem. Bibl. Orient,
i. 383)' *he Pentateuch, Josh.,. ludg., 1 ft 9 Sam.
(i,UlK., Prov., Kcehu., Eccl., Cant., WwL,
Bath, Bin. But., Job, Is., 13 Pmph., Jar., Lam.,
la-, Dan., Bel, I Gosp., Acts . . . 14 Epist of St
OANOH
861
Paul, omitting 1 ft 3 Chr., Ear., Neh., Esther, 7bMt,
1 ft 3 Mace-, Judith, 'Baruchr), Apocabgne, Epist.
J ante*, 1 Pet, 1 John.
In the Scriptural Vocabulary of Jacob of Edeasa
(Assam, tap. 499), the order and number of the
books commented upon is somewhat different:
Pent, Josh., Judg., Job, 1 ft 2 Sam., David (L e.
Ps.), 1 ft 3 K., Is., 12 Proph., Jer , Urn., B.truch,
Ex., Dan., Prov., Wild., Cant, Ruth, Esth., Ju-
dith, Eccbu., Acts, Epist Jama, 1 Pet, 1 John,
14 Epist of St Paul, 4 Gosp., omitting 1 ft 9
Chr., Ear., Neh., Eccl., TMt, 1 ft 3 if ace, Apoc
(comp. Assam. BibL Orient, iii. 4 no/.).
The Catalogue of Ebed-Jesu (Assem. BibL Ori-
ent., iii. 5 If.) is rather a general survey of all the
Hebrew and Christian literature with which he was
acquainted (Catalogue librorum omnium Eccksiae-
ticorum) thin a Canon of Scripture. After enu-
merating the books of the Hebrew Canon, togetha
with Eccbu., Witd., Judith, add. to Dan., and B»
ruch, he adds, without any break, " the tradition!
of the Elders " (Mishuah), the works of Josephus,
including the Fables of Maop which were popularly
ascribed to him, and at the end mentions tho
" bonk of Tubiam and TobU." In the like manner,
after enumerating the 4 Gosp., Acts, 3 Cath. Epist
and 14 Epist of St. Paul, he passes at once to the
Diateasaron of Titian, and the writings of "the
disciples of the Apostles." Little dependence, cow-
ever, can be placed on these lists, ss they feat on
no critical foundation, and it is known from other
sources that varieties of opinion on the subject of
the Canon existed in the Syrian Church (Assem.
Bibl. Orient. Ui. 6 not.).
One testimony, however, which derives its origin
from the Syrian Church, ia specially worthy of
notice. Junilius, an African bishop of the Cth
century, has preserved a full aad interesting account
of the teaching of Paulus, a Persian, on Holy
Scripture, who was educated at Nisibis where " the
Divine Law was regularly explained by pubhc mas-
ters," its a branch of common education MmtU
Depart, [dm.] leg. Prctf.). He divides the ooulu
of the Bible into two classes, those of " perfect,"
and those of " mean " authority [media auctori-
tatis]. The first class includes all the books of the
Hebrew Canon with the exception of 1 A 3 Chr.,
Job, Canticles, and Esther, and with the addition
of Ecclenatticm. The second class consists ot
Chronicles (3), Job, Esdras (2), Judith, Esther,
and ifaccabeet (3), which are added by "very
many" (phaimi) to the Canonical books. The
remaining books are pronounced to be of no au-
thority, and of these Canticles and Wisdom are
said to be added by " some " (qtddam) to the Ca-
non. The classification as it stands is not without
difficulties, but it deserves more attention than it
has received (comp. Hody, p. 653; Gallandi, Bib-
liath. xii. 79 ff. [Migne, PatroL Lot. vol. Ixviii.]
The reprint in Wordsworth, On the Canon, App.
A., pp. 42 ff., is very imperfect). [See Westoott's
Oimmo/the N. T., 2d ed., pp. 485-87.]
The Armenian Canon, as far as it can be ascer-
tained froir •'"itions, follows that of the LXX., but
it is of no critical authority; and a similar remark
applies to the ./Ethiopian Canon, though it is mom
easy in this ease to trace the changes through
which it has paased (Dillmann, Ueber d. AZtk
Kar ! n Ewald'- lahrbucher, 1853, pp. 144 ff.).
In addition to the books already quoted undai
thf Vnds for which they are specially valuable,
some still remain to be noticed. C i" Scbmid,
Digitized by
Googfe
868 canon
flirt, oat et Vindic. Can. S. Vet. et Nov. Test.
Lift. 1776; [II. Corrodi], Vertuch oner Beleuch-
Hmy. . . d BiU. Kanons, Halle, 1793: Movers,
Ijod amiam Hitt. Can. V. T. illustrati, Brealau,
1843. The great work of Hody (De Bibtior. Text.,
Uxoo. 1705) contains a rich store of materials,
though even this is not free from minor errors.
Stuart's Critical Hillary and Defence of the Old
TeH. Cttnon, London, 1849 [Audorer, 184ft] is
rather an apology than a history. [It has particu-
lar reference to Mr. Norton's " Note on the Jewish
Dispensation, the Pentateuch, and the other Books
of the Old Testament," in vol. ii. of his Etulences
of the Genuineness of tite Gospels, Cambridge,
1844 (pp. xlviii.-cciv. of the 2d ed., 1848), in
which the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch
was denied. See also Palfrey, Lectures on the
Jewish Scriptures, Boston, 1838, etc. i. 20-42; De
Wette, EM in die Backer de* A. T., 6« Aufl.
1852, pp. 13-46, or Parker's (often inaccurate)
translation, i. 20-119, and Appendix, pp. 412-28;
Dillmann, Utber die Biidung der Sammlung hei-
Hger Schriften A. T. (in the Jahrb. f devische
TheoL 1858, iii. 419-91); Bleek, EM. in das A.
T., Berlin, 1860, pp. 662-716, and the references
under the art Apocrypha. — A.]
IV. The history of the Canon of the New Tet-
UunenL — The history of the Canon of the N. T.
presents a remarkable analogy to that of the Canon
of the O. T. The beginnings of both Canons are
obscure, from the circumstances under which they
arose ; both ^rew silently under the guidance of an
inward instinct rather than by the force of external
authority ; both were connected with other religious
literature by a series of books which claimed a par-
tial and questionable authority; both gained defi-
niteness in times of persecution. The chief differ-
ence lies in the general consent with which all the
churches of the West have joined in ratifying one
Canon of the N. T., while they are divided as to
the position of the O. T. Apocrypha.
The history of the N. T. Canon may lie conven-
ient!) divided into three periods. The first extends
to the time of Hegesippus (c. A. n. 170), and in-
cludes the era of the separate circulation and grad-
ual collection of the Apostolic writings. The sec-
ond is closed by the persecution of Diocletian (a. d.
303), and marks the separation of the sacred writ-
ings from the remaining Ecclesiastical literature.
The third may be denned by the third Council of
Carthage (a. d. 397), in which a catalogue of the
books of Scripture was formally ratified by conciliar
authority. The first is characteristically a period
of tradition, the second of speculation, the third of
authority ; and it is not difficult to trace the feat-
ures of the successive ages in the course of the his-
tory of the Canon.
1. 77ie history of the Canon of '.he New Testa-
ment to 170 a. u. — The writings of the N. T.
themselves contain little more than faint, and per-
lapa unconscious intimations of the position which
hey were destined to occupy. The mission of the
\postles was essentially one of preaching and not
•f writing; of founding a present church and not
»f legislating for a future one. The " word " is
anentially one of "bearing," "received," and
"banded down," a "message," a "proclamation."
CANON
Written instruction waa In each parUeulai jast
only occasional and fragmentary; and the complete-
ness of the entire collection of the incidental records
thus formed is one of the moat striking prooft of
the Providential power which guided the natun!
development of the church. The prevailing method
of interpreting the O. T., and the peculiar position
which the first Christians occupied, u standing
upon the verge of "the coming age" (alir).
seemed to preclude the necessity and even the use
of a " New Testament." Yet even thus, though
there is nothing to indicate that the Apostles re-
garded their written remains as likely to preserve i
perfect exhibition of the sum of Christian truth
coordinate with the Law and the Prophets, tliey
claim for their writings a public use (1 Theas. v.
-27; Col. iv. 16; Rev. xxii. 18), and an authorita-
tive power (1 Tim. iv. 1 ff.; 2 Theas. iii. 6; Rev.
xxii. 19); and, at the time when 2 Peter was writ-
ten, which on any supposition is an extremely early
writing, the Epistles of St. Paul were placed in sig-
nificant connection with " the other Scriptures " "
(ras \oiwas ypaipd's, not ras &\\as ypatyts).
The transition from the Apostolic to the sub-
Apostolic age is essentially abrupt and striking.
An age of conservatism succeeds an age of creation ;
but in feeling and general character the period
which followed the working of the Apostles seems
to have been a faithful reflection of that which they
moulded. The remains of the literature to which
it gave birth, which are wholly Greek, are singu-
larly scanty and limited in range, merely a few Let-
ters and " Apologies." As yet, writing among
Christians was, as a general rule, the result of a
pressing necessity and not of choice; and under
such circumstances it is vain to expect ether a dis-
tinct consciousness of the necessity of a written
Canon, or any clear testimony as to its limit*.
The writings of the Apostolic Fathers (c.
70-120 A. u.) are all occasional. They sprang out
of peculiar circumstances, and offered little scope
for quotation. At the same time the Apostolic
tradition was still fresh in the memories of men,
and the need of written Gospels was' not yet made
evident by the corruption of the oral narrative.
As a consequence of this, the testimony of the
Apostolic fathers is chiefly important as proving
the general currency of such outlines of history and
types of doctrine as are preserved in our Canon.
They show in this way that the Canonical books
offer an adequate explanation of the belief of the
next age, and must therefore represent completely
the earlier teaching on which that was based. In
three places, however, in which it was natural to
look for a more distinct reference, Clement (i}<.
47), Ignatius (ad Eph. 13), and Polycarp (Ep. 8)
refer to Apostolic Epistles written to those whom
they were themselves addressing. The casual co-
incidences of the writings of the Apostolic fathers
with the language of the Epistles are much more
extensive. With the exception of the Epistles of
Jude, 2 Peter, and 2, 3 John, 1 ' with which no co-
incidences occur, and 1, 2 Thessaloniana, Oolos-
sians, Titus, and Philemon, with which the coinci-
dences are very questionable, all the other Epistles
were clearly known, and used by tfcem ; but atiS
they are not quoted with the formulas which pre-
« The late tradition commonly quoted from PhorJus
Bildiotk. 254) to show that St. John completed the
Canon, raters only to the Gospels : ion r<>Movt oS iW-
»■♦«' lia^tfootc yAiiiro-ai* r* e* *r sjp *a rov
ieow6rv¥ vafcr « sol tfavpara irai Atiiy/tarm .... !•#
Ta{f t* «ai ovy8urp0pM0V ....
6 The titles of the dlsputeJ hooks of the M. T. an
italicised throughout, fcr convenience of I
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OANOH
fee dUtjona from the 0. T. () ypafif kiy* y(-
ypaxrai, Ac.);° nor is the famous phrase of Igna-
tius (ad Philad. 5, wooa<puy&>v to? tbayytklt? lis
vmokX 'Ino~ou koX rots iirooTe'Aoif is wpt<r$vrf-
ot'«> imtXrivlas) sufficient to prove the existence of
* collection of Apostolic records as distinct from the
sum of Apostolic teaching. The coincidences with
the Gospels, on the other hand, both in fact and
substance are numerous and interesting, but such
as cannot be referred to the exclusive use of our
present written Gospels. ?'ich a use would have
been alien from the character of the age, and in-
consistent with the influence of a historical tradi-
tion. The details of the life of Christ were still
too fresh to be sought for only in fixed records;
and even where memory was less active, long habit
interposed a barrier to the recognition of new
Scriptures. The sense of the infinite depth and
paramount authority of the O. T. was too powerful
even among Gentile converts to require or to admit
of the immediate addition of supplementary books.
But the sense of the peculiar position which the
Apostles occupied, as the original inspired teachers
of the Christian church, was already making itself
felt in the sub-apostolic age; and by a remarkable
agreement Clement (ad Cor. i. 7, 47) Polycarp (ad
PhiL 3), Ignatius (ad Rom. 4) and Barnabas (e. 1)
draw a clear line between themselves and their pred-
ecessors, from whom they were not separated bv
any lengthened intervals of time. As the need for
a definite standard of Christian truth became more
pressing, so was the character of those in whose
writings it was to be sought more distinctly appre-
hended.
The next period (130-170 A. d.), which may be
fitly termed the age of the Apologists, carries the
history of the formation of the Canon one step fur-
ther. The facts of the life of Christ acquired a
fresh importance in controversy with Jew and Gen-
tile. The oral tradition, which still remained in
the former age, was dying away, and a variety of
written documents claimed to occupy its place.
Then it was that the Canonical Gospels were defi-
nitely separated from the mass of similar narratives
in virtue of their outward claims, which had re-
mained, as it were, in abeyance during the period
jf tradition. The need did not create, but recog-
nized them. Without doubt and without contro-
versy, they occupied at once the position which
they have always retained as the fourfold Apostolic
record of the Saviour's ministry. Other narratives
remained current for some time, which were either
interpolated forms of the Canonical books (The
Gospel according to the Hebrews, Ac.), or inde-
pendent traditions (The Gospel according to the
Egyptiant, Ac), and exercised more or less influ-
CANON
809
• The exceptions to thl* statement which occur in
fas latin versions of Polycarp (ad Phil. e. 12 " ut
lis 8erlpturts dictum est," P«. Iv. 4 ; Kph. Iv. 26), and
daraabas (c 4 "stout seriptuin est," Matt. xx. 16),
cannot be urged against the uniform practice which is
obse r v e d in the original texts. Some of the most re-
markable Evangelic citations are prefaced by [Kt/piot]
ttnv, not Aryct, which seems to show that they were
ssrlved from tradition and Lot from a written nasra-
ive (Clem. E>.. 18, 48).
• The correctness of the old Latin version of Barna-
bas in e. 4, " stent seriptuin est," is now confirmed by
the Oadrx Smaitieus, which reads att yeypaxrat. This ',
V) Interesting as perhaps tne earlier, example which j
■as cone down to us of an express quotation of a book
at the N. T. as Scripture. A. I
M
ence upon the form of popular quotations, and per-
haps in some cases upon the text of the Canonical
Gospels; but where the question of authority was
raised, the four Gospels were ratified by universal
consent The testimony of Jubtin Marttk (t c.
246 A. D.) is in this respect most important.*
An impartial examination of his Evangelic refer-
ences, if conducted with due reference to his general
manner of quotation, to possible variations of read-
ing, and to the nature of his subject, which ex-
cluded express citations from Christian books, shows
that they were derived certainly in the main, prob-
ably exclusively, from our Synoptic Gospels, and
that each Gospel is distinctly recognized by him
(Dial e. Tryph. c 103, p. 831, D, tr yap tou
awouvnuovfvuaotv a qrn/xl fab rvr cWoctto'-
Ae>r (Matthew, John) airrov icai rm» tictl-
vots w apaKokov0r)<rivTaf (Mark, Luke)
ovrrtT&xpai • • • Comp. DmL e. 49 with Matt
xvii. 13; Dial c. 106 with Mark iii. 16, 17; Dial;
c 10S with Luke xxiii. 46). The references of
Justin to St John are lees decided (comp. Apol. i.
61; Dial [88,] 63, 123, 56, Ac.; Otto, in IUgens
Zeitschrifl, u. s. w. 1841, pp. 77 ff. 1843, pp. 34
ff.); and of the other books of the N. T. he men-
tions the Apocalypse only by name (Dial. c. 81),
and offers some coincidences of language with the
Pauline Epistles.
The evidence of Papias (c. 140-150 a. d.) is
nearly contemporary with that of Justin, but goes
back to a still earlier generation (i tptafHrrtpos
IXeye). In spite of the various questions which
have been raised as to the interpretation of the
fragments of his " Enarrations " preserved by Euse-
bius (ff. E. iii. 39) it seems on every account most
reasonable to conclude that Papias was acquainted
with our present Gospels of St. Matthew and St.
Mark, the former of which he connected with an
earlier Hebrew original (qp^wvirt); and probably
also with the Gospel of St John (Frag. xi. Kouth;
comp. Iren. v. tub Jin.), the former Epistles of St.
John and St. Peter (Euseb. ff. E. iii. 24), and the
Apocalypse (Frag. Tiii.)."
Meanwhile the Apostolic writings were taken by
various mystical teachers as the foundation of
strange schemes of speculation, which are popularly
confounded together under the general title of
Gnosticism, whether Gentile or Jewish in their
origin. In the earliest fragments of Gnostic writ-
ers which remain there are traces of the use of the
Gospels of St Matthew and St John, and of 1
Corinthians CAwApeum ue-ydAn [Simon M.] ap.
HippoL adv. Bow. vi. 16, 9, 13) and the Apoca-
lypse was attributed by a confusion not difficult of
explanation to Cerinthus (Epiph. Bar. li. 3). In
other Gnostio (Ophite) writings a little later there
o • The date 248 is doubtless a misprint for 146 ;
but the year of Justin's death is uncertain. Mr. Hort,
in an able article In the Journal of Class, and Sacred
Philology far June 1868 (ill. 191), assigns It to A. n.
148 ; most scholars have placed it in the neighborhood
of a. d. 165. On this subject, and on the date of Jus
tin's writings, see Donaldson, Hist, of Christian Lit
and Doctrine, II. 78 f., 82 ff., Lond. 1866. A.
c A fragment of Papias's Commentary on the Apoc
alypse Is preserved in the Commentary published by
Cramer, Cat. m Apoc. p. 860, which la not noticed ) j
Booth.
• Vrag. xl. of Bouth above referred to has Den
shown to belong to another Papias, who lived in the
eleventh century. See J. B. Ughtfbot, St. teasFs Jt>
to the Oalatians, 2d ed., 1886, p. 286, note. A
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370
CANOK
era nfeencea to 8t Matthew, Si. Luke, St Jobs,
Bomans, 1, 9 Corinthians, Galatians, Ephesisns,
Hebrews {But. of N. T. Canon, pp. 313 tt. [249
ft*., 2d ed.]); and the Clementine Homilies contain
clear coincidence* with all the Gospels (Horn. xix.
80 St Mark; Horn. xix. 22 St. John). It is, in-
deed, in the fragments of a Gnostic writer, Basil-
ides (c 125 a. ».), that the writings of the N. T.
are found quoted for the first time in the same
aianner as those of the O. T. (Basil, up. Hipp. adv.
Hair. p. 238, ■vrypawraf, 240, y ypafb, Ac).
[See, however, the addition to note a, p. 369.] A
Gnostic, Heracleon, was the first known commenta-
tor on the Christian Scriptures. And the history
of another Gnostic, Marcion, furnishes the first
distinct evidence of a Canon of the N. T.
The need of a definite Canon must have made
itself felt during the course of the Gnostic contro-
versy. The common records of the life of Christ
tnaj be supposed to have been first fixed in the dis-
cussions with external adversaries. The standard
of Apostolic teaching was determined when the
Church itself was rent with internal divisions. The
Canon of Makxion (c. 140 A. D.) contained both
elements, a Gospel (" The Gospel of Christ ") which
was a mutilated recension of St. Luke, and an
"Apostle" or Apostolicon, which contained ten
Epistles of St I'aul — the only true Apostle in
Marcion's judgment — excluding the pastoral Epis-
tles, and that to the Hebrew (Tert adv. Mare. v. ;
Epiph. adv. Bar. xlii. ). The narrow limits of this
Cauon were a necessary consequence of Marcion's
belief and position, but it offers a clear witness to
the fact that Apostolic writing! were thus early re-
garded as a complete original rule of doctrine. Nor
is there any evidence to show that be regarded the
books which he rejected as unauthentic. The con-
duct of other heretical teachers who professed to
admit the authority of all the Apostles proves the
converse ; for they generally defended their tenets
by forced interpretations, and not by denying the
authority of the common records. And while the
first traces of the recognition of the divine inspira-
tion and collective unity of the Canon comes from
them, it cannot be supposed, without inverting the
whole history of Christianity, that they gave a
model to the Catholic Church, and did not them-
selves simply perpetuate the belief and custom
which had grown up within it
The close of this period of the history of the
N. T. Canon is marked by the fnietenre of two
important testimonies to the N. T. as a whole.
Hitherto the evidence has been in the main frag-
mentary and occasional ; but the Mukatoriam
Canon in the West *nd the Pkhhito in the East,
deal with the collection of Christian Scriptures as
such. The first is a fragment, apparently trans-
lated from the Greek, and yet of Roman origin,
mutilated both at the beginning and the end, and
written, from internal evidence, about 170 A. D.
It commences with a clear reference to St Mark's
Gospel, and then passes on to St Luke as the third,
St John, the Acts, thirteen Epistles of St PauL
The first Epistle of St John is quoted in the text;
and then afterwards it is said that " the Epistle of
Jude and two Epistles of the John mentioned above
<• We have given what appears to be the meaning
sf tha corrupt text of to* passage. It would be oat
sf plaee to dlaraaa all to* disputed points ban ; oomp.
Mat. ofil. T. Canon, pp. 2*2, [184, 2d ad.] ft, and
i than given.
OAHOH
(aapcracryai: or "which bear the name of Man,"
supertcriplat) are reckoned among the CaihoHc
[Epistles] (MS. CathoUca, i. e. Ecclesia?)." " W«
receive moreover the Apocalypses of John and Petes
only, which [latter] some of our body will not bare
read in the Church." ° Thus the catalogue omiti
of the books received at present the Epistle of
Janet, tha Epittle to the Hebrews, and S Peter
while it notices the partial reception of the Revela-
tion of Peter. The Canon of the Peahito forms s
remarkable complement to this catalogue. It in-
cludes the four Gospels and the Acta, fourteen
Epistles of St Paul 1 John, 1 Peter, and James,
omitting Jude, 2 Peter, 2, 3 John, and the Apoca-
lypse ; and this Canon was preserved in the Syrian
Churches as long as they had an independent litera-
ture (Ebed Jesu t 1318 a. d. ap. Assem. BibL Or.
iii. pp. 3 ft".). Up to this point, therefore, 9 Peter
is the only book of the N. T. which is not recog-
nized as an Apostolic and authoritative writing;
and in this result the evidence from casual quota-
tions coincides exactly with the enumeration in the
two express catalogues.
9. The history of the Canon of the If . T.from
170 A. D. to 303 A. D. — The second period of the
history of the Canon is marked by an entire change
in the literary character of the Church. From the
dose of the second century Christian writers take
the foremost place intellectually as well as morally ;
and the powerful influence of the Alexandrine
Church widened the range of Catholic thought, and
checked the spread of speculative heresies. From
the first the common elements of the Koman and
Syrian Canons, noticed in the last section, form a
Canon of acknowledged books, regarded as a whole,
authoritative and inspired, and coordinate with the
O. T. Each of these points is proved by the testi-
mony of contemporary fathers who repres e n t the
Churches of Asia Minor, Alexandria and North
Africa. Iren.mjs, who was connected by direct
succession with St John (Euseb. B. E. v. 20),
speaks of the Scriptures as a whole, without dis-
tinction of the Old or New Testaments, as " perfect
inasmuch ss they were uttered by the Word of God
and His Spirit" (Adv. Bow. ii. 98, 2). " There
could not be," he elsewhere argues, » more than
four Gospels or fewer" (Adv. Hair. iii. 11, 8 ft*.).
Clement of Alexandria, again, marks "the
Apostle" (t AwoWoAor, Strom, vii. 3, § 14; some-
times oroWoAoi) as a collection definite as "the
Gospel," and combines them " as Scriptures of the
Lord" with the Law and the Prophets (Strom, vi.
11, $ 88) as "ratified by the authority of one
Almighty power" (Strom, iv. 1, § 2). Tebtw
lian notices particularly the introduction of the
word Testament for the earlier word Instrument,
as applied to the dispensation and the record (adv
Marc. iv. 1), and appeals to the New Testament,
as made up of the " Gospels " and " Apostles "
(Adv. Prax. 15). This comprehensive testimony
extends to the four Gospels, the Acts, 1 Peter, 1
John, thirteen Epistles of St Paul, and the Apoco-
hfpse ; and, with the exception of the Apocalypse,
no one of these books was ever afterwards rejected
or questioned till modern times. 6
But this important agreement as to the principal
contents of the Canon left several points still unde-
cided. The East and West, as was seen in the baa
a Tha Mankhees
truth of this
.. I. 297 f.
nal exception as tha
JSst *
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OAM ON
W o tko , severally received soma book* which ware
sot universally accepted. So far the error la; in
defect; but in other cases apocryphal or unapcetolic
books obtained a partial sanction or a popular use,
before the; finally passed into oblivion. Both these
phenomena, however, were limited in time and
range, and admit of explanation from the internal
character of the books in question. The examina-
tion of the claims of the separate writings belongs
to special introductions; but the subjoined table
(No. III.) will give a general idea of the extent and
nature of the historic evidence which bean upon
them.
This table might be much extended by the in-
sertion of isolated testimonies of less considerable
writers. Generally, however, it may be said that
of the " disputed " books of the N. T., the Apoca-
lypte was universally received, with the single ex-
ception of Dkmysius of Alexandria, by all the
writers of the period ; and the Epistle to the lie-
iract, by the Churches of Alexandria, Aaia(V)
and Syria, but not by those of Africa and Koine.
The Epistles of St. Jama and St. Jude, on the
other hand, were little used, and the Second Ep.
of St. Peter was barely known.
But while the evidence for the formation of the
Canon is much more copious during this period
than during that which preceded, it is essentially
of the same kind. It is the evidence of use and
not of inquiry. The Canon was fixed in ordinary
practice, and doubts were resolved by custom and
not by criticism. Old feelings and beliefs were per-
petuated by a living tradition ; and if this habit of
mind wss unfavorable to the permanent solution of
difficulties, it gives fresh force to the claims of the
acknowledged books, which are attested by the
witness of every division of the Church (Oriokn,
Cypriam, Mkthodius), for it is difficult to con-
ceive how such unanimity could have arisen except
from the original weight of apostolical authority.
For it will be observed that the evidence in favor
of the acknowledged books as a whole is at once
dear and concordant from all sides as soon as the
Christian literature is independent and considerable.
The Canon preceded the literature and was not de-
'ermined by it.
i. The history of the N. T. Catum from A. D.
303-397. — The persecution nf Diocletian was di-
rected in a great measure against the Christian
writings (Lack Instil, v. 2; de Mori. Pence. 16).
The influence of the Scriptures was already so great
sod so notorious, that the surest method of destroy-
ing the faith seemed to be the destruction of the
records on which it was supported. The phut of
the emperor was in part successful. Some were
found who obtained protection by the surrender of
the sacred books, and at a later time the question
of the readnussion of these " traitors " (traditora),
CANON
871
* The «nuiMKtion of Um Paulina Epistles marks
due doubt which had existed as to the Hebrews: Epls-
ktta) Paul! ApoitoU xui. ; ejusdem ad Hebrews una.
D the Council of Hippo ( Out. 86) the phrase is sim-
ply « xlv. Epistles of 8t. Paul." Generally It may be
j sjs er f ed that the doubt was tn many, if not in most,
bum as to the authorship, and not as to theeanonicity
1 the b tter. Comp. Hteron. J*, ad Dard., 129, t 8.
» The M88. of the Vulgata own the sixth century
aswnwards vwy frequently contain the apocryphal
RfsMIe to too Uonlcasai among the Pauline Epistles,
■a ur ally after the Epistle to the Ooloarians, but also
a other places, without any mark of suspicion. The
est as CM HoW. (Brit Mas ) 2888 (see. xL)ta which
as they wan emphatically called, created a sehisai
in the Church. The Donatists, who ""'"^"H
the sterner judgment on their crime, may be re-
garded as maintaining in its strictest integrity the
popular judgment in Africa on the contents of the
Canon of Scripture which was the occasion of the
d is s e nsi on ; and Augustine allows that they held in
common with the Catholics the same " Canonical
Scriptures," and were alike " bound by the author-
ity of both Testaments" (August c. Oesc. L 81,
57; Ep. 139, 3). The only doubt which can be
raised as to the integrity of the Donatist Canon
arises from the uncertain language which Augus-
tine himself uses as to the Epistle to the Hebrews,
which the Donatists may also have countenanced.
But, however this may have been, the complete
Canon of the N. T., as commonly received at pres-
ent, was ratified at the third Council or Car-
thage (a. d. 397),° and from that time wis ac-
cepted throughout the Latin Church (Jerome,
Innocent, Hufinus, Philastrius), though oc-
casional doubts as to the Epistle to the Hebrews
still remained' (laid. Hisp. Proem. §§ 85-109).
Meanwhile the Syrian Churches, faithful to the
conservative spirit of the East, still retained toe
Canon of the Peshito. Chhysostom (t 407 A. D.),
Theodore of Mopsuestia (t 429 a. d.), and
Theodoret, who represent the Church of Anti-
och, furnish no evidence in support of the Epistles
of Jude, 8 Peter, 2, 8 John, or the Apocalypse. Jo-
rni.ius, in his account of the public teaching at
Nigibis, places the Epistles of Jama, Jude, 2,
3 John, 2 Peter in a second class, and mentions
the doubts which existed in the East as to the
Apocalypte. And though Ephrem Syrvb was
acquainted with the Apocalypse (Opp. Syr. ii. p.
333 c), yet his genuine Syrian works exhibit no
habitual use of the books which were not contained
in the Syrian Canon, a fact which must throw soma
discredit upon the frequent quotations from them
which occur in those writings which are only pre-
served in a Greek translation.*
The Churches of Asia Minor seem to have occu-
pied a mean position as to the Canon between the
East and West. With the exception of the Apoca-
lypse, they received generally all the books of the
N. T. as contained in the African Canon, but this
is definitely excluded from the Catalogue of Greg-
ory of Nazianzub (tc. 389 a. p.), and pro
nounced "spurious" (riBor), on the authority of
•' the majority " (of wKtiovs), in that of Amphilo-
chtos (c. 380 A. o.), while it is passed over in
silence in the Laodicene Catalogue, which, even if
it has no right to its canonical position, yet be-
longs to the period and country with which it is
commonly connected. The same Canon, with the
same omission of the Apocalypte, is given by Cyril
of Jerusalem (t 386 a. d.); though Epipha
It occurs after the Apocalypse, diners In several r espe c ts
from any of Anger's MSS. Comp. Anger, Dtr taodies.
ntrbruf, Leips. 1848, pp. 142 ft The Greek title In
(not F), wpoc Aaov&ucnouc apgrrcu, Is apparently only
a roderlng of the Latin title from the form of the
name (g. Laudlcenses). [The text of this Epistle, ac-
cording to four MS3. In the British Museum, Is given
by Mr. Westcott in his History of the Canon of the
V. T., 3d as., App- E.)
« • On the doubtful genuineness of the (frtek writ-
ings whioh bear the name of Ephrem, see TregeUse
Textual Criticism of the N. T. (Home's tntrod., 10th
ed vol. IV.), p. 187, note, and Kodtger In Hersog'i
n*» SncfU It 87. A
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OANOlk
mn, who was hii fellow-countryman and contem-
porary, confirms the Western Canon, while he no-
one the doubts which were entertained as to the
Apoadypte. These doubts prevailed in the Church
H Constantinople, and the Apv -^ypse, does not
Hem to have been recognized Jiere down to a late
period, though in other respects the Constantino-
puliUn Canon was complete and pure (NlCKfHO-
M7S, Photiub, CEcuxEDtirs, TllKOPHYLACT,
t C. 1077 A. D.).
The well-known Kestal letter of Athanasius
(f 373 A. i>.) bears witness to the Alexandrine
Canon. This contains a clear and positive list of
the books of the N. T. as they are received at pres-
ent ; and the judgment of Athanasius is confirmed
by the practice of his successor Cyril.
One important Catalogue vet remains to be men-
tieiud. After noticing in separate places the ori-
gin and use of the Gospek. and Epistles, Eusebius
sunu up in a famous passage the results of his
inqu'ry into the evidence on the Apostolic books
furauhed by the writings of the three first centu-
ries ' H. E. in. 23). Hie testimony is by no means
free flrom difficulties, nor in all points obviously
eonav.itent, but his last statement must be used to
fix tre interpretation of the former and more cur-
so*y notices. In the first class of acknowledged
bookn (opoAo-vo intra) he places the four Gospels,
the I pieties of St. Paul (i. e. fourteen, H. E. iii.
3), 1 John, 1 Peter, and (tt yt Qavti-n) in case its
itulhi fticilyh admitted (such seenu to be his mean-
ing), -he Apocalypse. The second class of disputed
book* (brrtKryiutra) he subdivides into two parts,
the f at consisting of such as were generally known
and .ecognized (yyipifui rots woaaoij), including
the 1 pieties of Jama, Jude, 2 Peter, 2, 3 John ;
and toe second of those which he pronounces spu-
rious (v68a), that is which were either unauthentic
or mvipostolic, ss the Acts of Paul, the Shepherd,
the Apocalypse of Peter, the Apocalypse of John
(if atjt a work of the Apostie), and according to
some the Gospel according to the Hebrews. These
two ureal classes contain all the books which had
received ecclesiastical sanction, and were in common
distil guished from a third class of heretical forger-
ies («. o. the Gospels of Thomas, Peter, Matthias,
4c.).
Cve point in the testimony of Euaebius is partic-
ular)/ deserving of notice. The evidence in favor
of tK< apostolic authority of 3 Peter which can be
derive] from the existing writings of the first three
cenh-ries is extremely slender; but Euaebius, who
poaavoed more copious materials, describes it as
" get erslly well known ; " and this circumstance
alone suggests the necessity of remembering that
le early Catalogues rest on evidence no longer
. reliable for us. In other respects the classification
of Eosebhu is a fair summary of the results which
folio* from the examination of the extant ante-
Xiaae literature.
1 m evidence of later writers is little more than
the repetition or combination of the testimonies
slreudy quoted. An examination of table No. IV.,
-. J 74, which includes the most important Caia-
vgtts of the writings of the N. T., will convex a
■tear summary of much that has been said, acl
uprly the most important omissions.
At the era of the Reformation the question of
!hc ST. T. Canon became again a subject of great
tor gh paribl interest. The hasty decree of the
Co^cQ of Trent, which affirmed the authority of
«8 aa* bioks commonly received, called out the
CANON 873
opposition of controversialists, who quoted and en
forced the early doubts. Erasmus with charac-
teristic moderation denied the apostolic origin of
the Epistle to the Bebreat, 2 Peter, and the Apoc-
alypse, but left then- canonical authority unques-
tioned (Pivef. ad Antilegom.). Luther, on the
other hand, with bold self-reliance, created a purely
subjective standard for the canonicity of the Script-
ures in the character of their " teaching of Christ,"
and while he placed the Gospel and first Epistle of
St. John, the Epistles of St. Paul to the Komans,
Galatians, Ephesians, and the first Epistle of St.
Peter, in the first rank as containing the " kernel
of Christianity," he set aside the Eputle to the He-
brews, St. Jade, St. James, and the Apocalypse at
the end of hie version, and spoke of them and the
remaining Antilegouiena with varying degrees of
disrespect, though he did not separate 2 Peter and
2, 3 John from the other Epistles (comp. Landerer,
Art. Kanon in Herzog's Encyklop. p. 295 ff.).
The doubts which Luther rested mainly on inter-
nal evidence were variously extended by some of
his followers (Melancthon, Centur. Magdeb.,
Flacius, Gerhard: comp. Reuse, § 334); and
especially with a polemical aim against the Komish
Church by Chemnitz (Exam. Cone. Trid. i. 73).
But while the tendency of the Lutheran writers
was to place the Antikgomena on a lower stage of
authority, their views received no direct sanction in
any of the Lutheran symbolic books, which admit
the " prophetic and apostolic writings of the Old
and New Testaments," as a whole, without further
classification or detail. The doubts as to the An-
tilegomena of the N. T. were not confined to the
Lutherans. Carustadt, who was originally a
friend of Luther and afterwards professor at Zurich,
endeavored to bring back the question to a critical
discussion of evidence, and placed the Antilegomena
in a third class " on account of the controversy as
to the books, or rather (ut oertius loquar) aa to
their authors" (De Can. Script, pp. 410-12, ed.
Credn.). Calvin, while he denied the Pauline
authorship of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and at
least questioned the authenticity of 2 Peter, did not
set aside their canonicity (Prof, ad Hebr.; ad
2 Petr.); and he notices the doubts as to St. James
and St. Jude only to dismiss them.
The language of the Articles of the Church of
England with regard to the X. T. is remarkable.
In the Articles of 1552 no list of the books of
Scripture is given ; but in the Elizabethan Articles
(1562, 1571) a definition of Holy Scripture is
given as " the Canonical books of the Old and New
Testament, of whose authority was never any doubt
in the Church" (Art. vi.). This definition is fol-
lowed by an enumeration of the books of the 0.
T. and of the Apocrypha; and then it is said sum-
marily, without a detailed catalogue, " all the books
of the N. T, aa they are commonly received, wt
do receive and account them for Canonical (pre
Canonicis habemus)." A distinction thus remains
between the " Canonical " books, and euch " Ca-
nonical books aa have never been doubted in the
Church;" and it seems impossible to avoid the
conclusion that the framera of the Articles intended
to leave a freedom of judgment on a point on which
the greatest of the continental reformers, and even
of Romish scholars (Sixtus Sen. BibHoth. 8.11;
Caietan, Prtef. ad Epp. ad Hebr., Joe., 2, 3 John,
Jud.) were divided The omission cannot have
arisen solely from the fact that the Article in ques-
tion was framed with reference tn the Church of
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374
CANON
M*. IT. THB CHIEF CATALOGUES OV TKK BOOKS 01 IBM KEW THTiHMl
Omtj "oaipatsd" books an noticed, or inch u wan In aome degree ranognlmd «J authorMrttr*.
The flymbob an need as befbn.
I. Ocwciuab Catalogues:
[Laodicea]
Carthage
Apostolic (Condi. Quiniasxt.)
1. Oriental Catalogues:
(«) Syria.
The Peshito Version . . .
Junilius
Joann. Damaso. ....
Ebed Jeeu ....
(o) Paltttmt.
Eusebiua . .
Cyril of Jerus. .
Eniphsnius .
(c) Alexandria.
Origen . .
Athanatiua
(of) Ama Minor.
Gregor. Nas.
Ampbiloebiua
(e) Cotulantinople.
Chrysostom
Leontiua .
Nioephorua .
>«. Occtdehtal Catalogues:
(») Africa.
Cod. Claron. . . . .
Augustine
» Italy.
Can. MwaL
FUlsstrins
Jerome .
Rufinnj
Innocent
[GeUaita]
Caaaiodonu ( VtL Tram )
;«■ Qpain.
Isidore of Serine
Cod. BarocHU
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CANON
lone, with which the Church of England m
•greed on the N. T. Canon ; for all the other Prot-
estant confessions which contain any list of books,
give a list of the books of tin New as well as of
the Old Testament (Con/. Belg. 4; Cob/. GoK 8;
Conf. Fid. I). Rut if this license is rightly con-
ceded by the Anglican Articles, the great writers
of the Church of England hare not sTailed them-
seins of it The early commentators on the Ar-
ticles take little (Burnet) or no notice (Beveridge)
of the doubts as to the Antilegomena; and the
chief controversialists of the Reformation accepted
the full Canon with emphatic avowal (Whitaker,
Dap. on Scripture, cxiv. 105; Fulke's Defence of
Ung. Tram*, p. 8; Jewel, Defence of ApoL ii. 9, 1).
The judgment of the Greek Church in the case
of the O. T. was seen to be little more than a re-
flection of the opinions of the West. The differ-
ence between the Roman and Reformed Churches
on the N. T. was less marked; and the two con-
flicting Greek confessions confirm in general terms,
without any distinct enumeration of books, the pop-
ular Canon of the N. T. (Cyr. Luc. Conf. i. 42;
I tenth. Confess, i. 467). The confession of Ms>
rnoFilAXES gives a complete list of the books; and
compares their number — thirty-three — with the
years of the Saviour's life, that " not even the num-
ber of the Sacred books might be devoid of a di-
vine mystery " (Metroph. Critop. Conf. ii. 105, Ed.
Kimm et Weissenb.). At present, ss was already
the case at the close of the 17th century (Leo Al-
htius, ap. Fabric. BibL Grtec. v. App. p. 38), the
Antilegomena are reckoned by the Greek Church
as equal in Canonical authority in all respects with
the remaining books (Catechism, 1. c. supr.).
CANON 876
The assaults which have been made, ee|eebuly
during the present century, upon the authenticity
of the separate books of the Old and New Testa-
ments belong to the special articles. The genera!
course which they have taken is simple and natural
Sender (Untermek. d. Kan. 1771-5) first led the
way towards the later subjective criticism, though
he rightly connected the formation of the Canon
with the formation of the Catholic Church, but
without any clear recognition of the providential
power which wrought in both. Next followed a
series of special essays in which the several books
were discussed individually with little regard to the
place which they occupy in the whole collection
(Schleiermacher, Bretschneider, De Wette, Ac.).
At last an ideal view of the early history of Chris-
tianity was used as the standard by which the books
were to be tried, and the books were regarded as
results of typical forms of doctrine and not the
sources of them (F. C. Baur, Schwegler, Zeiler).
All true sense of historic evidence was thus lost.
The growth of the Church was left without expla-
nation, and the original relations and organic unity
of the N. T. were disregarded.
For the later period of the history of the N. T.
Canon, from the dose of the second century, the
great work of Lardner ( CredibUiiy of the Gospel
History, Works, i.-vi. Ed. Kippia, 1788) furnishes
ample and trustworthy material*. For the earlier
period his criticism is necessarily imperfect, and
requires to be combined with the results of later
inquiries. Kirchhofer's collection of the original
passages which bear on the history of the Canon
( Quellensammhmg, «. s. to., Zurich, 1844) is useful
and fairly complete, but frequently inaccurate.
NOTKS OX TABLE NO. IT.
1 The omission of the Apocalypse is frequently ex-
plained by the expressed object of the Catalogue, ss a
net of books lor public ecclesiastical use : 5m fit! flif)-
Asa imyiniemetu, own pared with the former canon :
fin ofi fin t&utrumdc yfoApofa Xiyeaitai tv tjj JjEKAaors ,
e.v.A. Teteompare the Catalogue of Cyril.
1 The Catalogue adds likewise the ApostoUoal Con-
stitutions (dtarayiu ...4V Ska* 040A£hc,) for esoterio
ass. When the Catalogue was confirmed in the Quln-
Issxthw Council (Can. 2), the Constitutions were ex-
cluded on the ground of corruptions ; but no notiee
was taken of the Bpistles of Clement, both of which,
as Is well known, are found at the end of the Cod.
Alex., and are mentioned In the Index before the gen-
eral summary of books ; which again Is followed by
the titles or the Apocryphal Psalms of Solomon.
s He adds also " the Apostolic Canons," and accord-
ing to one MS. the two Epistles of Clement
4 The other chief passages In Kusebtus are, H. E.
M. S, 24 ; 11. 28. His object In the passage quoted Is
4»a « yaA« n ii ra i j c Wi to* finAMeeirmv vrje Kaxvrrs fiuKftfrsf
(The list concludes with the words, r* fit KotwiwAr-
r« i£e> irrievW «V ievriptf * «u fitm per iy c ucAifo-tf Jtl)
ueywiMramu, Tavra pie&i cava travrhy dyayfouoYf u-
few iprovff*af . . . .
• At the end of the list Athanaslos says (camp, above),
Sefitl< iovtw bnftaMirm, unfi) nurmr aAaiet tefW n.
T AmphTloch. I. c. :
n* fit «eurl rhr weot "Rfiealotie nooW,
ovk ei Xryerrtr yrrfrUyip 4 x&c*t.
•tir" WAetweV; —fioAwmr ieigraawe
TtWc pjer iirrA faerie, oc ii tsmvt pAern
Xpqrat firvetr&u, Tiff 'Ioxm0ov alar,
pie* fit Ilrrpav, rTtte t" leime plan , ,
vtjv fi* 'Am*i\*btr T^r 'Wave* wSJut
AMS per eytcptrevetr, ot e-Auove fii ye
PSSer Ksytmnr. Ofiroc awVcvficoTarov
K»Mv ty tie ■mr wtowreimmi jteimr . . .
I This Canon of Ohrysostom. which agrees with that
of the Peshlto, Is fully supported by the casual evi-
dence of the quotations which occur in his works.
The quotation from 2 Peter, which Is found In Bom.
i* Joonn. 84 (88), torn. Till. p. 280 (ed. Par.), standi
alone. Snides' ssssrtion (s. v. ImArrtfi) that be re-
ceived " the Apocalypse and lam Epistles of St. John '■
Is not supported by any other evidence.
» Nioephorus adds to the disputed books ™ the Gos-
pel according to the Hebrews." In one MS. the Apoe
olypse of St. John Is placed also among the Apocry-
phal books (Credner, a. a. 0. p. 122).
le This Catalogue, which excludes the Epistle to the
Hebrews and the Apocalypse (statutum est nihil aliud
leg! In ecelesia debere catholics nisi . . . . et Paun
trcdecim eplstolas et septem alias ....), Is followed
by a section In which PhDsstrlus speaks of "other
[heretics] who assert that the Epistle to the Hebrews la
not Paul's " (Her. 89). And In another place (Her.
80) he reckons It as heresy to deny the authenticity
of the Ocepel and Apocalypse of St. John. The differ
ent statements sssm to be the result of careless com
Dilation.
u This catalogue Is described as " secundum anti
quam translatifnem," and stands parallel with thorn
of Jerome sod Augustine. The enumeration of the
Catholic epistles Is somewhat ambiguous, but I believe
that it fncludes only three epistles. Bptrtoue Peri
ad gentes, Jacobi, Johanais ad Parthoa, The Insert a
of Ada) after gentes, seems to have been a typograph-
ical error, for the present writer has not found the
reading In any one of fou' MSS. which be has exam-
ined
" In another place (De Steles. Ogle. L 12) Mdom
mentions wVaout condemning the donbts which ex-
isted as to toe Epistle to the Hebrews, ■'times, 2, 8 Jean,
2 Feter, but not ss to Jmde.
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376 cam opt
Ik* writing! of F. C Bear and bis followers often
aontain very valuable hints as to the charaetcristioi
*f the several books in relation to later teaching,
however pemne their conclusions ma; be. In op-
position to them Thiersch has vindicated, perhaps
with an excess of zeal, but yet in the main rightly,
the position of the Apostolic writings in relation
to the first age ( Vertuch tur BerttJhmg, «.*.».,
Eriangen, 1845; and Erwiederung, u. *. v., Er-
uuig. 1846). The section of Reuss on the subject
{Die (Jack. d. hciL Schriften N. T., 2te Aufl.
Brannschw. 1863 [4th ed. 1864]), and the article
of Landerer (Heraog's Encyldop. a. v.) contain val-
uable summaries of the evidence. Other references
and a fuller discussion of the chief point* are given
by the author of this article in The Hittory of the
Canon of the N. T. (Cambr. 1855). B. F. W.
* Among the more recent writers on the subject
the following may be mentioned : Kistlin (of the
Tubingen school), Die peewkmymt LiUtratw der
iltcttcn Kirch*, an Bettrag tur Getch. der Bild-
mtff da Kammt, in Baur and Teller's Thiol Jahrb.
1851, x. 149-221; Gausses, Lt canm des Saintet
Ecnturet, etc., i vol. Lausanne, 1860, translated
and abridged by Dr. E. N. Kirk, The Canon of
the Holy Scripture* examined m the Liyht of His-
tory, Boston, 1862 (Amer. Tract Soc.); Credner,
Gttch. de* Neutett Knnon, herautg. ran Dr. G.
Voltmar, Berlin, 1860; Bleek, EinL in dot N. T.,
Berlin, 1862, pp. 631-678; Hilgenfeld, /Mr Kanon
und the Kritik de* N. T., HaOe, 1863; Reuss,
ffittoire du canon del Sainttt Ecrituret dan*
ttightt chreHame, 2< eU, Strasbourg, 1864, first
published in the Strasbourg Revue de Theologie,
1860-63; Westcott, The Bible m the Church,
London, 1864, 18mo, a popular work; and a second
edition, enlarged and revised, of his Hittory of the
Canon of the If. T., London, 1866, the best trea-
tise ou the subject in English. Ser further the
references under Gospels, and the njmes of other
books of the New Testament. A.
CANOPY (Kvrwvtior- conoptvm : Jud. x. 21,
xiii. 9, xvi. 19). The canopy of Holofemes is the
only one mentioned, although, perhaps, from the
" pillars " of the litter [Bed] described in Cant Hi.
10, it may be argued that its equipage would in-
clude a canopy. It probably retained the mosquito
nets or curtains in which the name originated, al-
though its description (Jud. x. 21) betrays luxury
and display rather than such simple usefulness,
v'arro (P. JR. ii. 10, 8) uses qua in concpeitjacmt
>f languid women, very much as araravoums . . .
tw t«7 KtntnAm {!• c) describes the position of a
luxurious general. (For further classical illustra-
tion, see Diet of Ant art. Cokopkcm.) It might
•ossibly be asked why Judith, whose business was
escape without delay, should have taken the trouble
to pull down the canopy on the body of Holofemes ?
I*robably it was an instance of the Hebrew notion
that blood should be instantly covered (comp. 2
Mam. xx. 12; Lev. ivii. 13) [Blood]; and for
this purpose the light bedding of Syria was inade-
quate. [Bed.] Tent furniture also is naturally
lighter, even when most luxurious, than that of a
palace; and thus a woman's hand might unfix it
Iron) the pillars without much difficulty. H. H.
CANTICLES (D"n^n TB$, Song of
Songt, L e. the most beautiful of songs: faua
ir/kirmm: Cantiatm Canticorum), entitled in the
L V. Tm Sokg op Solomon. No book of the
) T. haw been the subject of more varied criticism,
CANTICLES
or been more frequently selected for separate tons
lation than the Song of Solomon. It may be easy
venient to consider it under four points of view: I
Author and date ; II. Form, HL Meaning; IV
Canomdty.
L Author and date. — By the Hebrew title it is
ascribed to Solomon; and so in all the versions, sad
by the majority of Jewish and Christian writers,
ancient and modern. In fact, if we except t> few
of the Tahnudical writers (Bava Bathra, R. Moses
Kimchi; see Gray's Key), who assigned it to the
age of Hezekiah, there is scarcely a dissentient voice
down to the close of the last century. More recent
criticism, however, has called in question this deep-
rooted and well accredited tradition. Among Eng-
lish scholars Kennicott, among German Eiehhorn
and Rosenmuller, regard the poem as belonging to
the age of Ezra and Nebemiah (Kennicott, Dit*. L
20-22; Eiehhorn, Einltitung in da* A. 7\,Bd.m.|
647, p. 531 ff., 2d ed. ; Rosenm. Animadv. m Louth.
Protect, SchoL m V. T.y. Kennicott based his
opinion upon the uniform insertion of the », in all
the copies, in the name of David (VP). The
name, however, occurs only once (iv. 4); and the
insertion of the letter in this solitary instance is
easily accounted for by a supposed error in trans-
scription. At any rate the insertion of the » would
not bring the Canticles so for down as the time of
Ezra ; since we find the same peculiarity in Has.
iii. 5, and Am. vi. 5 (Gesen. Lex. s. v.). The
charge of Cbaldaism has been rigorously pressed
by Rosenmuller, and especially by Eiehhorn. But
Gesenius (Heb. Gr. $ 2) assigns the book to the
golden age of Hebrew literature, and traces " the
few solitary Chaldaisms " which occur in the writ-
ings of that age to the hands of Chaldee copyists.
Gesenius has moreover suggested sn important dis-
tinction between ChaMaisnu and dialectic variations
indigenous to N. Palestine, where be conjectures
that Judges and Canticles were composed. The
application of this principle is sufficient to elimi-
nate most of the Chaldaisms alleged by Eiehhorn
(«. g. IT for "1£K); while the occurrence of sim-
ilar forms in Phoenician affords an indication of
other intrusive forces beside the Aranuean acting
upon the Biblical Hebrew. Nor is the suggestion
of Gesenius that the book was written in N. Pal-
estine, and consequently tinged with a local color-
ing, inconsistent with the opinion which places it
among the " one thousand and five " songs of Sol-
omon (1 K. iv. 32). Comp. 1 K. ix. 19 with 2
Chr. viii. 6, where the buildings of Lebanon are
decidedly contrasted with those of Jerusalem, and
are not therefore to be confounded with the » bouse
of the forest of Lebanon " (1 K. vii. 2), which was
probably in Jerusalem. By a further comparison
of these passages with Robinson (BibL Be*, iii.
441), who describes remains of massive buildings
as still standing on l^banon, it will appear prob-
able that Solomon had at least a hunting-seat some-
where on the slopes of that mountain (comp. Cant,
iv. 8). In such a retreat, and under the influence
of it* scenery and the language of the surroundins:
peasantry, he may have written Canticles. Artisti-
cally this would have been in keeping with th* gen-
era) conditions ot pastoral poetry. In our owl
language such compositions are not unfrequently ac-
commodated to rustic ideas, and sometimes to pro-
vincial dialect*. If, moreover, it should be urgee
that Chaldaisms are not provinoahsms, it snay be
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CANTICLES
I that Solomon ouuld scarcely be ignorant of
Jm A**" 1 "" literature ol hi* own time, and that
M may ham consciously used it fur the purpose of
soriobmant (Uesen. llttr. Or. §§ 2, 4).
The title, though it ia possibly too flatteriug L
hate come from the band of Solomon, must turn
dieted in the copy used by the I.XX., and conse-
guentiy can by claim to a respectable antiquity
The moral argument put forward by the supporters
of the moat recent literal interpretation, and based
upon the improbability of Solomon's criminating
himself (see below), is not very conclusive. His
conduct eoukl easily be trace:) to a spirit of gener-
ous self-accusation ; and at any rate it need not be
ncalted above the standard which was likely to
flourish in the atmosphere of a court such as his.
On the whole then it seems unnecessary to depart
from the plain meaning of the Hebrew title.
Supposing the date fixed to the reign of Solomon,
great ingenuity lias been employed oy the Rabbin-
ical and some Christian writers, id determining at
what period of that monarch's life the poem was
written (see I'ol. iiyn. Pros/, ad Cant.). The point
at issue seems to have been whether Solomon ever
repented after his fall. If he did, it was contended
that the ripeness of wisdom exhibited in the Song
jeemed the natural growth of such an experience:
if he did not, it was urged that no other than a
spiritually-minded man could have composed such
a poem; and that therefore it must have been
written while Solomon was »tui the cherished of
God. Then again it was a moot point whether the
composition was the product of Solomon's matured
wisdom, or the fresh outburst of his warm and
passionate youth; whether in fact the master ele-
ment of tbe poem were the literal form, or the
allegorical meaning. Tbe question resolves itself
into one of interpretation, and must be determined
by reference to III. below.
II. Form. — This question b not determined by
Ike Hebrew title. Tbe rendering of □ , "1 , Cyn "VW,
mentioned by Simonis (Lex. Heb.), "series earmi-
oum" (comp. aapi, chain), and adopted by
Paulus, Good, and other commentators, can scarcely
sompete with Ueeenius's, " Song of Songs, i. e. the
most beautiful of songs " (comp. l's. xlv. 1,
."VVT ~VVD, "a delightful song," Gesen.; "car-
saen jneundum," Rosenm.; comp. also Theoer.
Idyl. viH. Tpvofikh us'Aot)- The non-continuity
which many critics attribute to the poem is far
from being a modern discovery. This is sufficiently
attested by the l*t. "Cantica canticorum," and
the Cktldee paraphrase. " the songs and hymns
which Solomon, the propVt, the king of Israel,
uttered in the spirit of prophecy before the Lord."
(rhislerius (16th oeut.) considered it a drama in
Ive acta. One of the first separate translations
published in Kngland is entitled •■ The Canticles,
sr Babdes of Solomon, in Kuglysh metre." 1549;
ind in 1596 appeared Solomon's Song in 8 eclogues,
by J. H. [Jerrase Markham]: the number of
aefogoes in this latter production being the same
m that of the Idyb into which the book was after
wards divided by Jahn. Down to tbe 18th cent
t o wo w, the Canticles ware generally regarded as
i-r'lnoous.
Gregory [of] Nazianzus call* it yujKpixhr Spifid
»• «oi oir to. According to Patrick, it is a " Pas-
toral Gclogiie," or a " Dramatio poem ; " according
» l4wth, '«n epithabmium, or b~vurri>t nup-
877
CANTICLES
tiahs tt a pastoral kind." Michaeris and 1
miiller, while differing as to its interpretation, agree
in nuking it continuous, " carmen amatorium '
(Mich.). A moditied continuity was suggested by
Bossuet, who divided the Song into 7 parts, or
scenes of a pastoral drama, ourre>|ioiiding with the
,7 days of the Jewish nuptial ceremony (Lowth,
Protect, xxx.). Bossuet is followed by Calmet,
Percy, Williams, and Lowth; but his division is
impugned by Taybr (Fragm. Calmet), who pro-
poses one of 6 days: and considers the drama to be
putt-nupttd, not imlr-mi/iti it, as it is explained
by Bossuet. Tbe entire nuptial theory has been
severely handled by J. D. Michaelis, and tbe literal
school of interpreters in general. Michaelis attacks
tbe first day of Bossuet, and involves in its destruc-
tion the remaining six (Not. ad Lowth. PraL xxxi.).
It should be observed that Lowth does not com-
promise himself to tbe [perfectly dramatic character
of the poem. He makes it a drama, but only of
the minor kind, i. e. dramatic as a dialogue; and
therefore not more dramatic than an Idyl of The-
ocritus, or a Satire of Horace. The fast is, that
he was unable to discover a plot; and evidently
meant a good deal more 'by tbe term "pastoral"
than by tbe term " drama." Moreover, it seems
clear, that if the only dramatic element in Cant-
be the dialogue, the rich pastoral character of its
scenery and allusions renders the term aroma less
applicable than that of idyl Bossuet, however,
claims it as a regular drama with all the proprieties
of the classic model. Now the question is not so
much whether the Canticles make up a drama, or
a series of idyls, as which of these two Greek names
tbe more nearly expresses its form. And if with
Lowth we recognise a chorus completely sympathetic
and assistant, it is difficult to see how we can avoid
calling the poem a drama. But in all the transla-
tions of the allegorical school which are based upon
the dramatic idea, the interference of tbe chorus b
so infrequent or so indefinite, the absence of any-
fang like a dramatic progress and development
sufficient to enlbt the sympathy of a chorus is so
evident, that the strongly marked idyllic scenery
could not fail to outweigh tbe scarcely perceptible
elements of dramatic intention. Accordingly the
idyllic theory, propounded by Sig. Helesegenio,
confirmed by the use of a similar form among tbe
Arabians, under tbe name of " Cassides " (Sir W.
Jones, Pol: At. Comment, iii.), and adopted by
Good, became for a time the favorite hypothesis of
the allegorical school. After Markham s transb
tion, however (see above), and the division of Uhiale-
rius, we cannot consider this theory as originating
either with the learned Italian translator, or, as
suggested by Mr. Home, with Sir W. Jones.
The idyllic form seems to have recommended
itself to the allegorical school of translators as get-
ting rid of that dramatic unity and plot which
then- system of interpretation reduced to a succes-
sion of events without any culminating issue. In
j fact, it became the established method of division
both with literal and allegorical transition; e. g.
Herder, Pye Smith, Kleuker, Magnus; and as late
as 1846 was maintained by Dr. Nores of Harvard
University, an ultra literalist. But the majority
j of recent translators belonging to tbe literal school
I have adopted the theory of Jacobi, originally pro-
I posed in 1776, and since developed by Umbreit,
Ewald, Meier, Ac. Based as this theory b npon
the drvnatie evolution ol a simple love-story, it
supplies that csa.ntial movement and IntemVthe
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378 0ANTICLE8
want of which was fait by Lowth; and justifies the
application of the term drama to a competition of
which it manifesto the vital principle and organic
structure.
By the reactionary allegoristo, of whom Kosen-
niuller may be considered the representative, the
Song of Solomon has either been made absolutely
continuous, or has been divided with reference to
its spiritual meaning, rather than its external form
(r. y. Hengstenberg, and Prof. Burrowes).
The supposition that the Cant, supplied a model
to Theocritus seems based on merely verbal coinci-
dences, such as could scarcely fail to occur between
two writers of pastoral poetry (comp. Cant. i. 8,
vi. 10, with Theocr. xviii. 30, 36; Cant. iv. 11 with
Theocr. n. 26, 27 ; Cant. viii. 6, 7, with Theocr.
ixiii. 23-26 ; see other passages in Pol. Syn. ;
Lowth, PixtL ; Gray's Key). In the essential mat-
ters at form and of ethical teaching, the resemblance
does not exist.
III. Meaning. — The schools of interpretation
may be divided into three : — the mystical, or
typical ; the allegorical ; and the literal.
1. The mystical interpretation is properly an
offshoot of the allegorical, and probably owes its
origin to the necessity which was felt of supplying
a literal basis for the speculations of the allegoristo
This basis is either the marriage of Solomon with
Pharaoh's daughter, or his marriage with an Israel-
itish woman, the Shulamite. The former (taken
together with Harmer'a variation) was the favorite
opinion of the mystical interpreters to the end
of the 18th century: the latter has obtained since
itx introduction by Good (1803). The mystical
interpretation makes its first appearance in Origen,
who wrote a voluminous commentary upon the
Cant. Its literal basis, minus the rrystical ap-
plication, is condemned by Theodoret (a. i>. 420.)
It reappears in Ahulpharagius (1226-1286), and
was received by (irotius. As involving a literal
basis, it was vehemently objected to by Sanctius,
Durham, and Calovius; but approved of and sys-
tematized by Bossuet, endorsed by I oath, and used
for the purpose of translation by Percy and Wil-
liams. The arguments of Calovius prevented its
taking root in Germany: and the substitution by
Good of an Israelitish for an Egyptian bride has
not saved the general theory from the neglect which
was inevitable after the reactionary movement of
the 19th century allegorists.
2. Allegorical. — Notwithstanding the attempts
which have been made to discover this principle of
interpretation in the LXX. (Cant iv. 8); Ecclus.
xlviL 14-17) ; Wisd. (viii. 2); and Joseph, (c.
iston. i. § 8); it is impossible to trace it with any
ntainty further back than the Talmud (see Gins-
jurg, Introd.). According to the Talmud the
beloved is taken to be God, the loved one, or bride,
is the congregation of Israel. This general relation
is expanded into more particular detail by the Tar-
gum, or Chakiee Paraphrase, which treats the Song
rf songs as an allegorical history of the Jewish
people trom the Exodus to the coming of the Mes-
siah and the building of the third temple. In
order to make out the parallel, recourse was bad to
the most extraordinary devices : e. g. the reduction
sf words to their numerical value, and the free in-
leichanging of words similar to each other in sound.
EWwute as it was, the interpretation of the Tar-
-<im <vas still further developed by the mediaeval
lews; but generally constructed upon the same
Usas jo rleal hypothesis. It was introduced into their
OASTIOLKS
litiirj, cal services; and during the prrsnriril.sss of
the middle ages, its consoling appeal to the pawl
and future glories of Israel maintained it as the
popular exposition of a national poem. It would
be strange if so universal an influence as that of
the scholastic philosophy bad not obtained an ex-
pression in the interpretation of the Canticles. Such
an expression we find in the theory of Ibn Caapi
(1280-1340), which considers the book as repre-
senting the union between the active intellect (in-
tellectus agens), and the receptive or material
intellect (intellectus materialis). A new school of
Jewish interpretation was originated by Mendels-
sohn (1729-1786); which, without actually denying
the existence of an allegorical meaning, determined
to keep it in abeyance, and meanwhile to devote
itself to the literal interpretation. At present the
most learned Kabbis, following Lowisohn, have
abandoned the allegorical interpretation in toto
(Herxheiruer, 1848; Philippson, 1854).
In the Christian Church, the Talmudical inter-
pretation, imported by Origeu, was all but univer-
sally received. It was impugned by Theodore of
Mopsuestia (360-429), but continued to bold its
ground as the orthodox theory till the revival of
letters; wlen it was called in question by Erasmus
and (Irotius, and was gradually superseded by the
typical theory of Grotius, Kossuet, Lowth, Ac
This, however, was not effected without a severe
struggle, in which Sanctius, Durham, and Calovius
were the champions of the aUtgiticnl against the
typical theory. The latter seems to have been
mainly identified with Grotius (Pol. Syn.). and was
stigmatized by Calovius as the heresy of Theodore
Mopsuest., condemned at the 2d council of Con-
stantinople, and revived by the Anabaptists. In
the 18th century the allegorical theory was reas-
serted, and reconstructed by Puflendorf (1776) and
the reactionary allegorists ; the majority of whom,
however, with KosenmiiUer, return to the system
of the Chaldee Paraphrase.
Some of the more remarkable variations of the
allegorical school are: — («.) The extension of the
Chaldee allegory to the Christian Church, originally
projected by Aponius (7th century), and more fully
wrought out by De Lyra (1270-1340), Brigbtman
(1600), and Cocceius (1603-1699). According to
De Lyra, chaps, ii.-vii. describe the history of the
Israelites from the Exodus to the birth of Christ ;
chap. vii. ad Jin. the history of the Christian
Church to Constantine. Brightman divide* the
Cant, into a history of the Legal, and a history of
the Evangelical Church ; his detail is highly ekbo
rate, e. g. in Cant. v. 8, he discovers an allusion t>
Peter Waldo (1160), and in verse 18 to Bober:
Trench (1290). (A.) Luther's theory limits the
allegorical meaning to the contemporaneous history
of the Jewish people under Solomon, (c. ) Accord-
ing to Gbislerius and Com. a Lapide the Bride is
the Virgin Mary, (d ) l*uffendorf refers the spir-
itual sense to the circumstances of our Saviour's
death and burial.
3. The literal interpretation seems to have beer
connected with the general movement of Theodore
Mopsuest. (360-429) and his followers, in opposi-
tion to the extravagances of the early Christian al-
legorists. Its scheme was nuptial, with Pharaoh
daughter as the bride. That it was by many re-
garded as the only admissible interpretation apnea*
from Theodoret, who mention* this opinion only at
condemn it Borne down and overwhelmed by tea
proline genius of mediaevil allegory, ww hat* s
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CANTICLES
riiaaase of it ic Abolpharagius (via. tupr.); and in
*e MS. commentary (BodL Oppnh. OolL No.
395), died by Mr. Ginsburg, an/i by him referred
jonjeotarally to a French Jew of the 13th or 13th
cent. This Conunentarv anticipates more recent
Briticism by interpreting the Song aa celebrating
the humble love of a shepherd and thepherdeu.
The extreme literal view waa propounded by Cas-
tellio (1544), who called the Cant. "Colloquium
Salomonia cum arnica quAdam Sulamitha," and re-
jected it from the Canon. Following out this idea,
VVhiaton (1793) recognized the book aa a composi-
tion of Solomon ; but denounced it aa foolith, lot-
civiout, and idotntrotu. Meanwhile the nuptial
theory was adopted by Grotius as the literal basis
of a secondary and spiritual Interpretation; and,
after its dramatical development by Boesuet, long
continued to be the standard scheme of the mys-
tical school. In 1803 it was reconstructed by
Good, with a Jewish instead of an Egyptian bride.
The purely literal theory, opposed on the one hand
to the allegorical interpretation, and on the other
to Castellio and Whiston, owes its origin to Ger-
many. Michaelis (1770) regarded the Song as an
exponent of wedded love, innocent and happy.
But, while justifying it* admission into the Canon,
he is betrayed into a levity of remark altogether in-
consistent with the supposition that the book is
inspired (SoL ad Louth. PraL). From this time
the scholarship of Germany was mainly enlisted on
the aide of the literalista. The literal baa!« became
thoroughly dissociated from the mystical super-
structure; and all that remained to be done was to
elucidate the true scheme of the former. The most
generally received interpretation of the modem lit-
eralista is that which was originally proposed by
Jacob! (1771), adopted by Herder, Amnion, Urn-
breit, Ewald, Ac.; and more recently by Prof.
Meier of TUbingen (1854), and in England by Mr.
Ginsburg, in bis very excellent translation (1857).
According to the detailed application of this view,
ts given by Mr. Ginsburg, the Song is intended to
display the victory of humble and constant love
over the temptation* of wealth and royalty. The
tempter is Solomon; the object of his seductive en-
deavors is a Shiuamite shepherdess, who, surrounded
by the glories of the court and the fascinations of
unwonted splendor, pines for the shephent-tover
from whom she has been involuntarily separated.
The drama is divided into 5 sections, indicated
by the thrice repeated formula of adjuration (ii 7,
Ui. 6, viii. 4), and the use of another closing sen-
tence (t. 1).
Section 1 (Ch. i. — ii. 7): scene — a country seat
of Solomon. The shepherdess is committed to the
charge of the court-ladies (" daughters of Jerusa-
lem"), who hare been instructed to prepare the
way for the royal approach. Solomon makes an
unsuccessful attempt to win her affections.
Sect. 9 (ii. 8 — Ui. 5) : the shepherdess explains to
the court-ladies the cruelty of her brothers, which
had led to the separation between herself and her
Sect 3 (Ui. 6— t. 1): entry of the royal train
Into Jerusalem. The shepherd follows his betrothed
vito toe city, and proposes to rescue her. Some
af her court companions are favorably impressed by
bar constancy.
Sect. 4 (v. 9— vlu. 4): the shepherdess tout her
xraaaa, and still further engages the sympathies of
her companions. The king'* flatteries and prom-
ass are unavailing.
CANTICLES 879
Sect. 5 (via. 6-14): the conflict la over; virtus
and truth hare won the victory, and the shep-
herdess and her beloved return to their happy
home; visiting on the way the tree beneath whose
shade they first plighted their troth (viu. 6). Her
brothers repeat the promises which they had once
made conditionally upon her virtuous and irre-
proachable conduct.
Such is a brief outline of the scheme most re-
cently projected by the literalista. It must not ha
supposed, however, that the supporters of the aUr ■
goncal interpretation have been finally driven froo
the field. Even in Germany a strong band of re
actionary allegorista have maintained their ground
including such names sa Hug, Kaiser, Kosenmul
ler, Hahn, and Hengstenberg. On the whole, tbek
tendency is to return to the Chaidee Paraphrase
a tendency which is specially marked in Koaenmul
ler. In England the battle of the literalista hat
been fought by Dr. Pye Smith (Congreg. Mug
for 1837-38); in America by Prof. Noyes, whe
adopts the extreme erotic theory, and is unwilling
to recognize in Cant, any moral or religiout de~
ngn. It should be observed that such a sentiment
as this of Dr. Noyes is utterly alien to the views
of Jacobi and his followers, who conceive the rec-
ommendation of virtuous love and constancy to be a
portion of the very highest moral teaching, and in
no way unworthy of an inspired writer.
The allegorical interpretation has been defended
in America by Professors Stuart and Burrowee.
The internal arguments adduced by the allegorista
are substantially the same which were urged by
Calovius against the literal basis of the mystical in-
terpretation. The following are specimens : —
(o.) Particulars not applicable to Solomon (v.
9): (A.) particulars not applicable to the wife o>
Solomon (i. 6, 8; v. 7; vi. 13, cf. i. 6): (c.) Solo
mon addressed in the second person (viii. 19): (d.)
particulars inconsistent with the ordinary condi-
tions of decent love (v. 2): (<■.) date 90 yean
after Solomon's marriage with Pharaoh's daughter
(comp. Cant v. 4, and 1 K. vi. 38). It will
readily be observed that these arguments do not in
any way affect the literal theory of Jacobi.
For external arguments the allegorista depend
principally upon Jewish tradition and the analogy
of Oriental poetry. The value of the former, as
respects a composition of the 10th cent- B. c, if
estimated by Mich. (Not. ad Lowih.) at a very low
rate. For the latter, it is usual to refci to such
authors aa Chardin, Sir W. Jones, llerbtlot, Ac
(see Roaenm. Animad.). Rosenmiiller gives a song
of Hafiz, with a paraphrase by a Turkish commen-
tator which unfolds the spiritual meaning. For
other specimens of the same kind see Lane's Kgyp-
Hani. On the other hand the objections taken by
Dr. Noyes are very important (New TrantL). It
would seem that there is one essential difference be-
tween the Song of Solomon and the allegorical
compositions of the poets in question. In the Ut-
ter the allegory is more or less avowed ; and distinct
reference is made to the Supreme Being : in the
former there is nothing of the kind. But the most
important consideration adduced by the literalisU
is the fact that he Cant are the production of a
lifferent country, and separated from the songs of
the Sufis and the Hindoo mystics by an interval
of nearly 3000 yean. To which it may be added
that the Song of Solomon springs out of a religion
wnkh Das nothing in common with the Pantheism
of Persia and India. In short, the conditions of
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380
CANTICLES
production in the too cases am utterly diatir .lir.
Bat the literslists are not content with destroying
this analogy ; they proceed further to maintain that
allegories do not generally occur in the sacred writ-
ings without some intimation of their secondary
meaning, which intimation in the case of the Cant,
ia not forthcoming. They argue from the total
•Hence of our Lord and his Apostles respecting this
book, not indeed that it is uninspired, but that it
was never intended to bear within its poetic en-
velope that mystical sense which would have ren-
dered it a perfect treasury of reference for St. Paul,
when unfolding the spiritual relation between
Christ and Mis churefa (see 2 Cor. xi. 2; Kom. vii.
4; Eph. v. 23-32). Again, it is urged that if
this poem be allegorically spiritual then its spirit-
ualism is of the very highest order, and utterly in-
consistent with the opinion which sasigus it to Sol-
omon. The philosophy of Solomon, as given in
KccL, is a philosophy of indifference, apparently
suggested by the exhaustion of all sources of phys-
ical enjoyment. The religion of Solomon had but
little practical influence on his life; if he wrote the
glowing spiritualism of the Cant, when a young
man, bow can we account for his fearful degener-
acy? if the poem was the production of his old
age, bow can we reconcile it with the last fact re-
corded of him that " his heart was not ptrfect with
the Lord, his God V " For the same reason it is
maintained that no other writer would have selected
Solomon as a symbol of the Messiah. The exces-
sively amative character of some passages is desig-
nated as almost blasphemous when supposed to be
addressed by Christ to his church (vii. 8, 3, 7, 8):
and the fact that the dramati* /lertona are three,
is regarded as decidedly subversive of the allegor-
ical theory.
The strongest argument on the side of the sBe~
gorists is the matrimonial metaphor so frequently
employed in the Scriptures to describe the relation
letween Jehovah and Israel (Ex. xxxiv. It, 16;
Num. zr. 39; 11. lxxiii. 27; Jer. iii. 1-U; Ec
itL, xxiii., Ac.). It is fully stated by Prof. Stuart
(0. T. Canon). On the other hand the literahsU
deny so early a use of the metaphor. They con-
tend that the phrase " to go whoring after other
gods" describes a literal fact; and that even the
metaphor as used by the prophets who lived after
Solomon implies a wedded relation, and ther efo re
cannot be compared with the ante-nuptial affection
which forms the subject of Cant.
IV. Canonicity. — It has already been observed
"hat the book wss rejected from the Canon by C'as-
effio and Whiston -, but in no case has it* rejection
wen defended on external grounds. It is found in
lie LXX., and in the translations of Aquih, Sym-
nachus, and Theodotion. It is contained in the
catalogue given in the Talmud, and in the cata-
logue of Melito; and in short we have the same
evidence for its canonicity as that which is com-
monly adduced for the canonicity of any book of
theO. T.
(In addition to the ordinary sources, reference is
advised to Lowth, Protect, xxx., xxxi., together
vith the notes of Michaebs, and the animadversions
of Kosenmiiuer. Oxon. 1821; Harrow's Outline*,
%c-, London, 2d ed. 1776; TrsnsL with notes by
Mason Good, Lond. 1803; Congreg. Mng. for 1837
wd 1838; Ntx TrnnsL of Prot., A'crt, and Cant.
j Prof. Noyes, Boston, 1846 [2d ed. 1867] ; Oms-
tentary on Sony, Ac., by Prof. Burrowes, Phila-
' " , 1853 [2d ed. New York, 1866]; Dm Ge-
CANTIOLB8
recuc UokeSed, by J. T. Jacobi, 1771 ; kmkmm't
Lieder der lithe, Ac, in voL iii. of Herdar's work*.
Stuttgart and Tubingen, 1852; Da* HokeUed Sal
omeft, Ac., by Ewald, Gittingen, 1826; Da* float
Lied Satumuni* atuyeJegt von W. Ueogstenberg
Berlin, 1853; Da* Hoke Lied, Ac, by Ernst Meier
| Tubingen, 1854; The Sang of &>»$«, Ac, by C.
' D. Ginsburg, Land. 1857 : the hut mentioned is
specially recommended to the English reader.)
T. E.B.
* Among the names of other writers on Canticles
should be mentioned Kenan (Cantu/ue da Cam-
(tones, tr ans l atin g and treating of the plan, age,
aud character of the poem, 2d ed., 1861); Ewald in
his Dkkterd.A. B. (ed. 1866-7); Detitxseh (1851)
who maintains the tnmtical theory (da* Myterimn
der Eke i*t da* Mmterimm det Hokenuede*\ ac-
cording to which the reader has the deeper spiritual
sense brought near to him, not so much by the au-
thor as by the Spirit that guided the author; lim-
breit, Hoke* Lied (in Herzog's Reai-Encgk. vL
206-230), almost a treatise by itself, and occupied
chiefly with a critique of the later expositions; Bleek
(JLinL ta da* A. T. pp. 635-11) who finds in it
not so much the hand as the character of Solomon;
and Rev. W. Houghton (London, 1865), a Tram-
latkm and Skori Explanatory Note*: the Soar
viewed as secular, and the theme the fidelity of
chaste love, constant and devoted. Isaac Tayks
(Spirit of Hebrae Poetry, New York, 1862) has a
very instructive chapter (ch. x.) on this book. He
supposes Solomon to have invented the characters
and incidents which form the ground-work of the
poem, and not to have drawn them from his own
history. He does not admit the objections to i'a
ethical character to be well founded. "It is a
divinely inspired myth, conveying the deepest and
moat sacred elements of the spiritual economy in
the terms and under the forms of instinctive human
feeling and passion. ... It has justified its pres-
ence in the Canon by the undoubtedly religious
purposes it has served, in giving animation, and
depth, and intensity, and warmest tone to the de-
vout meditations of thousands of the most devout
and of the purest minds." The n/mboUcal view is
ably supported by Dr. L. Withington, Solomon'*
Song, Trantlated and Explained (Boston, 1861).
The Song represents the love which exists between
Christ and the church — the bride, the Lamb's wife
— with special referen ce to the conversion of the
Gentiles, when a more sublime and spiritual re-
ligion should prevail. The arguments for this po-
sition are drawn out with singular sentences and
power. The version is avowedly free, so as "to
give not only the meaning, but to pre se rve the
poetic and moral shading, and thus make It to the
reader now what it was to the Hebrews." It it
seldom that so many remarks profoundly s ugg es t
ire beyond the direct scope of the book, and as
many expressions of rare beauty are found in th*
pages of a Commentary. The 'raiHhtwn, on la*
whole, is less highly wrought than ihe other parts.
Among the more recent writers who adopt uV
literal theory, besides Bleek and Kenan, already
referred to, may be mentioned Hetttgstedt (1848
in Maurer's Costa*. voL iv.), Bittcber (1848)
rriedrich (1855), Hitaig (1855, Extge*. Bern*
xvi.), Vaihinger (1858), Weissbach (1868), and
Davidson (Intnd. to Ike 0. 7\, 1862, ii. 889-
421). Ginsberg's art. Salomon'* Song fa, lh* «f
edition of Koto's CfcL of BM. Lit. will tats*
perusal. H
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CAPERNAUM
CAPERS ATJM (Rec. Text, Ka*eprao4p;
laeam. [Tiseh. and Treg.] with B [D Z Sin. etc]
Kcupapfaoip, at if Dim "©D, " village of Na-
ihum;" Syriao Nitr. DOmJ ; w\-o Pesh.
D(LwJ f osn- CnpAamcvm), a name with
which all are familiar aa that of the scene of many
lets and incident! in the life of Christ. There is
no mention of Capernaum in the 0. T. or Apocry-
pha, bat the passage la. iz. 1 (in Hebrew, viii. 33)
"a applied to it by St. Matthew. The word Caphnr
in the name perhaps indicates that the place was
of late foundation. [Caphab.]
The few notices of its situation in the N. T. are
not sufficient to enable us to determine its exact
position. It was on the western shore of the Sea
of Galilee (tV mpa0a\curirlar, Matt. iv. 13;
comp. John vi. 34), and if recent discoveries are to
be trusted (Coreton's Nitricm Rec John vi. 17),
was of sufficient importance to give to that Sea, in
whole or in part, the name of the u lake of Caper-
naum." (This was the case also with Tiberias, at
the other extremity of the lake. Comp. John vi.
1, "the sea of Galilee of Tiberias.") It was in
the "land of Gennesaret " (Matt. xiv. 34, compared
with John vi. 17, 31, 34), that is, the rich, busy
plain on the west snore of the lake, which we know
from the descriptions of Josephus and from other
sources to have been at that time one of the most
prosperous and crowded districts in all Palestine.
[li&iifESARKT.] Being on the shore Caperna-
um was lower than Nazareth and Cans of Gal-
ilee, from which the road to it was one of descent
(John ii. 13; Luke iv. 31), a mode of speech which
would apply to the general level of the spot even
if our Lord's expression " exalted unto heaven "
(tyv04o-n, Matt. xi. 33) had any reference to height
if position in the town itself. It was of sufficient
use to be always called a " city " (wo'Aij, Matt ix.
1; Mark i. 33); had its own synagogue, in which
our Lord frequently taught (John vi. 69 ; Mark i.
31; Luke iv. 83, 38) — a synagogue built by the
centurion of toe detachment of Koman soldiers
which appears to ban been quartered in the place"
(Luke vii. 1, comp. 8; Matt. viii. 8). But besides
the garrison there was also a customs station, where
the dues were gathered both by stationary (Matt,
ix. 9; Hark ii. 14; take v. 27) and by itinerant
(Matt. xvii. 34) officers. If the " way of the sen "
was the great road from Damascus to the south
'Ritter, Jordan, p. 371 ), the duties may have been
evied not only on the fish and other commerce of
the lake, but on the caravans of merchandise psas-
jig to Galilee and Judaea.
The only interest attaching to Capernaum is at
the residence of our l/>rd and his Apostles, the
tens of so many miracles and "gracious words."
\t Nazareth He was "brought up," but Caper-
naum was emphatically his "own city;" it was
when He returned thither that He is said to have
bean " at home " (Mark ii. 1 ; such is the force of
«V *!*«■ — A. V. "in the house"). Ilerehechose
the Evangelist Matthew or Levi (Matt. ix. 9). Tne
Wethers Simon-Peter and Andrew belonged to Ca-
armaum (Mark i. 29), and it is perhaps aUonbie
•o imagine that it was on the sea-beach below tne
■own (fir, doubtless, like true orientals, these two
« *n» tart of s Roman having built the synagogue
ansaalr asanas srans argument against the •rssearUy
tfaWtowa
CAPERNAUM
881
fishermen kept dose to home), while le»is> wot
"walking" there, before "great multitudes" had
learned to " gather together unto Him," that they
heard the quiet cs«_ which was to make them for-
sake all and follow Him (Mark i. 16, 17, comp. 38).
It was here that Christ worked the miracle on the
centurion's servant (Matt. viii. 6; Luke vii. 1), on
Simon's wife's mother (Matt. viii. 14; Mark i. 30;
Luke iv. 38), the paralytic (Matt. ix. 1 ; Mark ii.
1; Luke v. 18), and the man afflicted with an un-
clean devil (Mark i. 33; Luke iv. 33). The son of
the nobleman (John iv. 46) was, though resident at
Capernaum, healed by words which appear to have
been sjuken in Cans of Galilee. At Capernaum
occurred the incident of the child (Mark ix. 33;
Matt, xviii. I ; comp. xvii. 34); and in the syn*
gogue there was spoken the wonderful discourse of
John vi. (see verse 59).
The doom which our Lord pronounced against
Capernaum and the other unbelieving cities of the
plain of Gennesaret lias been remarkably fulfilled.
In the present day no ecclesiastical tradition even
ventures to fix its site; and the contest between
the rival claims of the two most probable spots is
one of the hottest, and at the same time the mos*
hopeless, in sacred topography. Fortunately noth-
ing hangs on the decision. The spots in dispute
are (1.) Khnn HinyeJi, a mound of ruins which
taken iU name from an old khan hard by. This
"nound is situated dose upon the seashore at the
northwestern extremity of the plain (now et-Chu-
toeir). It is of some extent, but consisting of heaps
only with no visible rains. These are south of the
ruined khan; and north of them, close to the
water-line of the lake, is a targe sprinz surrounded
by vegetation and overshadowed by a tin-tree which
gives it its name — 'Ain et- Tin (the *|>ring of the
fig-tree). Three miles south is another large' spring
called the " Round Fountain," which is a mile and
a hah* from the lake, to which it sends a consider-
able stream with fish.
2. Three miles north of Khm Miuyrh is the
other claimant, Tell Hum, — ruins* of walls and
foundations covering a space of " hah" a mile long
by a quarter wide," on a point of the shore pro
jecting into the lake and backed by a very gently
rising grouud. Rather more than three miles fui
ther is the point at which the Jordan enters the
north of the lake.
The arguments in favor of Khnn M'myrh will
be* found in Robinson ii. 4<>:)-l, Hi. 344-358).
They are chiefly fnnnded on Josenhus's account of
his visit to Cephanioine. which l)r. R. would iden-
tify with the mounds near the khan, and on the
testimonies of successive travellers from ArcuUbs to
Quaresmius, whose notices I>r. R. interprets —
often. It must be confessed, not without difficulty
— hi reference to Khnn .Wmyeh. The fountain
Capharnaum, which Josephus elsewhere mentions
(B. J. iii. 10, $ 8) in a very emphatic manner u a
chief source of the water of the pbin of Gennesa-
ret and as abounding with fish, Dr. R. believes to
be the 'Ain et-Tin, But the " Round fountain "
certainly answers better to Josepbus's account than
a spring so dose to the shore and so near one end
of the district as is 'Ain et-Tin. The claim of
Khan Minyeh is also strongly opposed by a later
traveler (Bonar, pp. 437-41). Still thai makes
noto-ng for TeU Bin.
• Test rams ... no ordinary dty
•real Wn (Boaar, ■*>. 414. 4Ut
atts of •
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382
CAPERNAUM
The argUuieuts in favor of Tell Dim date from
■bout 1675. liny are urged by Dr. Wilson. The
prir!ci|Kil on* U the name, which is maintained to
Se a relic of the Hebrew original — Caphar having
riven place to TeO. Dr. Wilson also ranges Jo-
Kphus on his side (Lands of the Bible, ii. 189-149.
See also Hitter, Jordan, pp. 835-843, who supports
I'i-U Him). Khan Minyeh, et-Tabighati, and
TtU Hum, are all, without doubt, ancient sites,
'•ut the conclusion from the whole of the evidence
is irresistible : that it is impossible to say which of
them represents Capernaum, which Cborarin, or
allien Bethsaida. Those anxious to inquire further
into this subject may consult the originals, as given
above. For the best general description and re-
production of the district, see Stanley, 8. d* P.
eh. z. G.
* The later travellers in Palestine leave the ques-
tion as to the spot on which Capernaum stood
hardly less perplexed than it was before. " The
disputed sites of the cities of Gennesaret," says
Dean Stanley, after his second visit to the East
(Notice* oJT localities, etc., p. 195), " must still re-
main disputed." Porter ( Handbook of Syria, ii.
435) accepts Dr. Robinson's conclusion in favor of
Khan Mmyeh, so called from an old caravansarai
near a heap of ruins, on the northern edge of Gen-
nesaret. 'Ain ei-Tin is only another name IV r
the same place, derived from a fig-tree which over-
bangs a fountain in the neighborhood. Dr. Thom-
son (Land and Boole, i. 542-548) and Mi Dixon
(Holy Land, ii. 173, London, 1865) decide for Tell
H&m, at the head of the hike, about three miles
northeast of Khan Minyeh. The claim of 'Ain
Mudaioarah, or the Round Fountain, near the
south end of the plain of Gennesaret, and so
named from being " enclosed by a low circular wall
of mason-work," has for some time past been kept
in abeyance; but Mr. Tristram (Land of Israel,
p. 448, London, 1865) has brought it forward once
more, and certainly with reasons for it which are
not without weight. He speaks with greater au-
thority on some branches of the argument from his
character as an eminent naturalist. Josephus states
\B. ./. iii. 10, § 8) that the fountain of Capernaum
produced the Koptuciros, a fish like that of the lake
near Alexandria. Mr. Tristram now maintains
Jiat neither of the places except the Round Foun-
tain furnishes this mark of identification. "The
■emarkahle siluroid, the catfish or coracine (itopajcT-
ot), alwunds to a remarkable degree in the Round
'ounuin to this day. . . . We obtained specimens
a yard long, and some of them sre deposited in the
British Museum. The loose, sandy bottom of this
fountain is peculiarly adapted for this singular fish,
which buries itself in the sediment, leaving only
its feelers exposed. . . . Here, in the clear shallow
water, it may, when disturbed, be at once detected,
swimming in numbers along the bottom. . . . But
it is not found at 'Ain et-Tin, where the fountain
could neither supply it with cover nor food; nor
could we discover it at 'Ain Tdbighah " (the nearest
fountain to TeO Him, though distant two miles to
the southward), " where the water is hot and brack
Isb." Mr. Tristram thinks it worth while to men
lion that fever is very prevalent at this day at 'Am
Mwlawnrah (the Round Fountain), whereas "the
toy, elevated, rocky ground of TeO Him" would be
tomparatively free from it. " Peter's wife's mother
»y sick of a fever" at Capernaum (Mark i. 80).
For other details of his able argument the reader
a referred to his work as above. The AbM Micboo
OAPHAB-S ALAM A
( Fie oe Jesus, L 230-84, Paris, 1806) who has
travelled in Palestine, holds in like manner that Um
Caphamauui of Josephus (B. J. iii. 10, § 8) ii
identical with the Round Fountain, and hence that
the Capernaum of the New Testament most be
found at that place. So Norton, Trans, of the
Gospel*, Kith Note*, ii. 55, 56. On the other hand
the English explorers, Captain Wilson and his as-
sociates, are reported to have found indications
which point to Tell Him as the disputed site.
They regard as such the discovery of a synagogue
in a state of fine preservation, remarkable for its
elegant architecture, and belonging in all probability
to an age earlier ' than that of Christ (Athenman,
Feb. 24, 1866). It may have been one of the Gal-
ilean synagogues in which the Saviour himself
taught and performed some of his mighty works
It is certain that such a discovery shows that an
important town must once have existed on this
spot; but this of itself would not settle the ques-
tion of the name of the town. Mr. Thrupp (Journ.
of Class, and 8acr. Phihl. ii. 300-308) also con-
tends for TeO. Him as the site of Capernanm; Dr.
Tregelles (ibid. iii. 141-154) presents a widely differ-
ent view, placing Capernaum close by Bethsaida
(Julias), near the mouth of the Upper Jordan, in
the BaHhah, which (and not the Ghtnceir) he re-
gards as the plain of Gennesaret described by Jose-
phus.
It may be added in regard to Khan Minyeh that
the recent excavations of the English exploring ex-
pedition (see Athenmm, Marsh 81, 1866) havs
brought to light nothing there except some frag-
ments of " masonry and pottery of comparatively
modern date." H.
OATHAK ("©'i from a root signifying "to
cover," Ges. p. 707), one of the numerous words
employed in the Bible to denote a village or col-
lection of dwellings smaller than a city (Ir). Mr.
Stanley proposes to render it by ''hamlet" (S. 4
P. App. § 85), to distinguish its occurrences from
those of Chaveah, Chatzer, Benoteh, snd other
similar words. As an appellative it is found only
three times: 1 Chr. xxvii. 25; Cant. vii. 11, and 1
Sam. vi. 18 (in the last the pointing being differ-
ent, Gopher, "^53) ; but in neither is there any-
thing to enable us to fix any special force to the
word.
In names of places it occurs in Citkphab-Am-
monai, Ciiephirah, Caprar-salama. But the
rumber of places compounded therewith mentioned
in the Talmuds shows that the name became a
much commoner one at a time subsequent to the
Biblical history. In Arabic Kefr is in frequent
use (see the lists in the Index to Robinson, ii. and
iii.). To us its chief interest arises from its form-
ing a part of the name Capkrnaum, i. e. Caphar*
nahum. G.
CATHAR-SAL'AMA (Xa^aptm\afid ;
Alex. XapQapveunfta: Capharsalama), a pbes
MfLV, Joseph. Ant. xii. 10, § 4) at which a battls
was fought between Judas Maccabanis and Nieanr-
(1 Mace. vii. 31). From the fugitives having tacen
refuge in the "city of David," it would appear to
have been near Jerusalem. Is it not possible that
it was Siloam, the Arabic name of which is Kefr-
sehoin f Ewald places it north of Ramb en ths
Samaritan boundary (Gesch. iv. 868, note), bat m
certain traces of it seem to hare bam yet tomad.
O
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CAPHENAl'HA
CAPHEN'ATHA (XofuraAf: CbpAeMAa),
t pboe apparently cloae to and on th east aide of
Jerusalem, which was repaired bj Jonathan Macca-
natus (1 Mace. xii. 37). The name ! b derived by
Lightfoot from O'phnioA, the Talnradic word for
unripe figs. If this be correct, there is a remark-
si le correspondence between the name Oaphenatha
and those of Bethany (house of dates), Bethphage
(bouse of figs), and of the Mount of Olives itself,
on which the three were situated — all testifying to
the ancient fruitfulness of the place. G.
APHTHA (KaptTpa; [Vat. n«ipa; AM.
Alex. Kafipa:] EtwcatUu), 1 Eadr. t. 19. [Chk-
phirahT]
CAPHTOS ("I'lnS?: KamroWo [ex-
cept in Jer.]: Cappadoaa): OAPHTORIM
(D^hl??: [in Gen.,] rtupSopittp, [Alex.] Xa»>-
vepisiiii [in 1 Chr., Rom. Vat. omit; Alex. Xup-
opitifi; Comp. Aid.] KapSopulu; [in Deut. Ko»-
wiSoKts-] Caphtorim, Cappaaoca), a country
thrice mentioned a* the primitive seat of the Phi-
listines ( Dent. ii. 23 ; Jer. xlvii. 4 ; Am. ix. 7), who
are once called Caphtorim (Deut. ii. 33), as of the
same race as the Hizraite people of that name
(Gen. x. 14; 1 Chr. i. 12). The position of the
country, since it was peopled by Mizraites, must be
supposed to be in Egypt or near to it in Africa, fur
the idea of the southwest of Palestine is excluded
by the migration of the Philistines. In Jer. it is
spoken of at "VIP19S "'N, and hat therefore been
•apposed to be an island. ""M, howerer, has a
wider signification ; commonly it it any maritime
land, whether coast or island, aa in the expression
Dyian *»N (Gen. x. 6), by which the northern
coasts and the islands of the Mediterranean seem
to be intended, the former, in part at least, being
certainly included. It must be remembered, how-
erer, that the Nile it spoken of as a sea (DJ) by
Nahum in the description of No, or Thebes (ill. 8).
[No.] It is also possible that the expressi on in
Jer. merely refers to the maritime position of the
Philistines (comp. Ex. xxr. 16), and that Caphtor
Is here poetically used for Caphtorim.
The writer (EncydapmBa Britamuca, 8th ed.,
Egypt, p. 419) has proposed to recognize Caphtor
In the ancient Egyptian name of Coptos. This
name, if literally transcribed, is written in the hiero-
glyphics Kebtu, Kebta, and Keb-Her, probably pro-
nounced Kubt, Kabt, and Kebt-Hor (Brugsch.
Gtogr. SiwcAr. Tat xxxriiL no. 899, 900), whence
?opuc Kecpr, KenTo, KenTto,
KeSTOO,Gr.KoVrof,Arab.liiS,Kuft. The
similarity of rame is so great that it alone might
satisfy us, but the correspondence of Alyinrrot, as
if Ala yvrn, to "'Vl?? ***. unless "H refer to
the Philistine ooast, seems conclusive. We mv«t
sot suppose, howerer, that Caphtor was Coptos' '*.
OAPHTOK
888
a The conquest of the Avim doss not seam to have
yam complete wtteo the Israelites enteral tbt Prom-
ina Land, far they an mentioned alter the " flvs lords
•f the Philistines" In Josh. (xttl. 8). Th* expression
I la Dent U. 28, « And the Avbn who dwelt In
(C'TSTIJ, wrongly made a proper name In
•» A. f , sad hi the LXX.. where the fre
| mutt rather be compared to the Coptite nuiue, prob-
I ably in primitive ages of greater extent than under
j the Ptolemies, for the number of uomes was in the
course of time greatly increased. The Caphtorim
stand last in the list of the Mizraite peoples in Gen.
and Chr., probably as dwellers in Upper Egypt, the
names next before theiu being of Egyptian, and the
earliest names of 1 jbyan peoples [Kuril 1 ]. It is
not necessary to discuss other identifications that
have been proposed. The chief are Oappadociu.
Cyprus, and Crete, of which the last alone, from
the evident connection of the Philistines with Crete,
would have any probability in the absence of more
definite evidence. There would, however, be great
difficulty in the way of the supposition that in the
earliest times a nation or tribe removed from an
inland to the mainland.
The migration of the Philistines is mentioned or
alluded to in nil the passages speaking of Caphtor
or the Caphtorim. It thus appears to have been
an event of great importance, ami this supposition
receives support from the statement in Amos. In
the lints of Gen. and Chr., as the text now stands,
the Philistines are said to hare come forth from
the Casluhim — " the Casluhini, whence came forth
the Philistines, and the Caphtorim," — where the
Hebrew forbids us to suppose that the Philistines
and Caphtorim both came from the Casluhim.
Here there seems to have been a transposition, for
the other passages are as explicit, or more so, and
their form does not admit of this explanation. The
period of the migration must have been very re-
mote, since the Philistines" were already established
in Palestine in Abraham's time (Gen. xxi. 32, 34).
The evidence of the Egyptian monuments, which
is indirect, tends to the same conclusion, hut takes
us yet further back in time. It leads us to suppow
that the Philistines and kindred nations were cog-
nate to the Egyptians, hut no different from theni
in manners that they must have separated before
the character and institutions of the latter had at-
tained that development in which they continued
throughout the period to which their monuments
belong. We find from the sculptures of Kameaes
III. at Medeenet Habou. that the Egyptians about
1200 B. c. were at war with the Philistines, the
Tok-karu, and the Shayrataua of the Sea, and that
other Shayrataua served them as mercenaries. The
Philistines and Tok-karu were physically cognate,
and had the same distinctive dress; the Tok-karu
and SbayraUn* were also physically cognate, and
fought together in the same ships. There is reason
to believe that the Tok-karu are the Carians, and
the Shayratana cannot be doubted to be the Chcre-
thim of tor Bible and the earner Cretans of the
Greeks, inhabiting Crete, and probably the coast of
Palestine also (Enc Brit art. Egypt, p. W2). All
hear a greater resemblance to tile Egyptians than
does any other group of foreign peoples represented
in their sculptures. This evidence points therefor*
to the spread of a seafaring race cognate to the
Egyptians at a very remote time. Their orurm is
not alone spoken of in the record of the migration
of the Philistine*, but in the tradition of the
Tn**n has become, through the preview -h»na>
of ~> to "?, 'lurMtt), even to Asaah (Oase), Caphtorim
whoeams twin from Caphtor des tr o y ed them and dwelt
in their stead." may eaten that a part of the Avtaa
alone perished.
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384
CAPHTHOKlM
Poomicians that they came from the Erythnean
Sea [Arabia], and we must look for the primeral
not of the whole rice on the coasts of Arabia and
Africa, where all ancient authorities lead us mainly
to place the Cushites and the Ethiopians. [Ci'SH.]
The difference of the Philistines from the Egyptians
in dreas and manners is, as we have seen, evident
on the Egyptian monuments. From the Bible we
learn that their laws and religion were likewise dif-
ferent from those of Egypt and we may therefore
consider our previous supposition aa to the time of
the separation of the peoples to which they belong
to he positively true in their particular case. It is
probable that they left < aphtor not long after the
first arrival of the M unite tribes, while they had
not yet attained that attachment to the anil that
afterwards so eminently characterized the descend-
ants of those which formed the Egyptian nation.
The words of the prophet Amos seem to indicate a
deliverance of the Philistines from bondage. « [Are]
ye not as children of Ethiopians (D M .tt 12) unto
me, [O] children of Israel? bath the lord said.
I lave not I caused Israel to go up out of the land
of Ktwpt, and the Philistines from Capbtor, and
Aram from Kir?" (Am. ix. 7j. The mention of
the Ethiopians is worthy of note: here tbey are
perhaps spoken of as a degraded people. The in-
tention appears to be to show that Israel was not
the only nation which had been providentially led
from one country to another where it might net lie,
and the interposition would seem to imply oppres-
sion preceding the migration. It may be remarked
that Manetho speaks of a revolt and return to
allegiance of the Libyans, prolably the Ijehabim.
or Lubim, from whose name Libya, Ac., certainly
came, in the reign of the first king of the third
dynasty, Necherophes or Xecherochis, in the earliest
age of Egyptian history, B. c. cir. 2600 (Cory, Anr.
Frag. 2d ed. pp. 100, 101). R. S. P.
CAPHTHORIM (BnfogB: Vat. omits:
Alex. Xtupopieiu ; [Comp. Aid. KwpBooitl/A •■]
Vnphtorm). 1 Chr. i. 12. [Caphtok.]
CAPHTORIMS (OnhnSJ: o! Koarrd-
toKts- Coppadocts). Deut ii. 28. [Caphtoh.]
CAPPADO'CIA (Koinroooirlo). This eastern
district of Asia Minor is interesting in reference to
New Testament history only from the mention of
its Jewish residents among the hearers of St Peter's
first sermon (Acts ii. 9), and its Christian residents
among the readers of St Peter's first Epistle (1
Pet i. 1). The Jewish community in this region,
doubtless, formed the nucleus of the Christian : and
the former may probably be traced to the first in-
troduction of Jewish colonists into Asia Minor by
Seleueus (Joseph. Art. xii. 3, § 4). The Komai.
period, through the growth of large cities and the
construction of roads, would afford increased facUi-
tie- for the spread both of Judaism and Christianity,
t should be o b s erve d that ( 'appadocia was easily
tpproached from the direction of Palestine and
Syria, by means of the pass called the CilicJan
Gates, which led up through the Taurus from the
low coast of Cilicia, and that it was connected, at
lost under the later Emperors, by good roads with
vne district beyond the Euphrates.
The range of Mount Taurus and the upper course
of the Euphrates may safely be mentioned, in gen-
eral terms, as natural boundaries of (appadocia on
the south and east. It* erocraphical limits on toe
wast and north were variable. In early times the
CAPTAIN OF THE GUARD
name reached as far northwards as the Eirxute Sea
The region of Cappadocia, viewed in this extent,
constituted two satrapies under lbs Persians, and
afterwards two independent monarchies, (.me was
Cappadocia on the Pontus, the other Cappadocia
near the Taurus. Here we bare the germ of the
two Roman provinces of Pontus and Cappadocia.
[Pomtvs.] Several of the monarcha who reigned
in Cappadocia Proper bore the name of Ariarathcs
One of tbem is mentioned in 1 Mare. xv. 22. The
last of these monarcha was called Archdaus (see
Joseph. Art. xvi. 4. § 6). He was treacherously
treated by the Emperor Tiberius, who reduced his
kingdom to a province A. D. 17. This is the
position in which the country stood during the
time of St. Peter's apostolic work. "
Cappadocia is sn derated table-land intersected
by mountain-chains. It seems always to have been
deficient in wood ; but it was a good grain country,
and it was particularly famous for grazing. Its
Roman metropolis, afterwards both the birthplace
and episcopal see of St Basil, was < 'snares (now
Kiiuuint/th ), formerly Mazaea, situated near Mount
Argsms, the highest mountain in Asia Minor.
Some of its other cities were equally celelirated in
ecclesiastical history, especially Nyssa, Nazianzus,
Samosata and Tyana. The native fappadocians
seem originally to have belonged to the Syrian
stork: and since Ptolemy (v. 6) places the cities of
Iconiuni and Dcrbe within the limits of this region,
we may possibly obtain from this circumstance soma
light on "the speech of Lycaonia," Acts xiv. 11.
[I.ycaonia.] The best description of these parts
of Asia Minor will be found in Hamilton's AV
srnrrAes. and Texier's Ant Mineurt. J. S. H.
CAPTAIN. (1.) As a purely military title,
Captain answers to ~ ltt? in the Hebrew army, and
X'Afopx"' (tribumu) in the Roman. [Armt.]
The " captain of the guard " (arfarowttipxyi^
in Acta xxviii. 16, is also spoken of under ARMT
[p. 164]. (2.) V?P ( which is occasionally ren-
dered en/Main, applies sometimes to a military (Josh
x. 24; Judg. xi. 6, 11; Is. xxii. 3; Dan. xi. 18),
sometimes to a civil command (r. </■ Is- i. 10, Hi.
6): its radical sense is iliritiim, and hence Jedmn
without reference to the means <*mployed : the term
illustrates the double office of tbe tS^tT. (3.) The
"captain of the temple" (<rrp<mryA» rov Itpov)
mentioned by St Ijike (xxii. 4: Acts iv. 1, v. 24)
in connection with the priests, was not a military
officer, but superintended the guard uf |irkests and
l-evitw. who kept watch by night in the Temper.
The office appears to have existed from an early
date: the '• priests that kept the door" (2 K. xii.
!», xxv. 18) are described by Josepbus (Art. x. 8, §
5) as robs ^uAaWorrat to Upbr ifytfiirai'- a
notice occurs in 2 Mace iii. 4 of a syxwrrttrnj to*
itpov: this officer is styled orrpanrfos by Joseph
(Ant. xx. 6, § 2; B. J. vi. 5, J 3); and In tl
Miabna (MuklolK i- § 2) D2n "in U?*H, » the
captain of the mountain of the Temple; " his duty,
as described in the place last quoted, was to vis"
the posts during the night, and see that the sentries
were doing their duty. (4.) The term o>x>rr*i>
rendered " mysWii " (Heb. ii. 10), has no rcserenrc
whatever to a military office. W. L. B.
• CAPTAIN OP THE GUARD. Th>
of the officer (A. V.) to whose custody Paul sat
other prisoners were committed at Rome (Aast
us
the
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CAPTAIN OF THE GUARD
xxviii. 16), where a stricter translation would be
Pnetorian prefect or commander of the Pretoria!)
tamp. See Wiesekr's ChronnL da apot'oL Zeilak.
p. 86. The force of the article in that place {rf
vrpaTowtiifxf) opens an interesting question.
The command of the praetorian guard was originally
divided between two prefects, but during the reign
of Claudius, Burrus or Burrhus Afranius, a distin-
guished Roman general, was appointed sole praftc-
tut pratorio, and retained this office as late cer-
tainly as the beginning of A. 1>. 62. On his death
the command was committed again to two prefects,
as it bad been at first, and this continued to be the
arrangement until a late period of the empire. The
time of Paul's arrival at Rome could not have been
far from A. u. 62, as admits of being shown by an
independent calculation. Wieseler supposes tsi
irrpaTowtSipxV *° re ^ er *° ""• Burrus, as sole
prefect at that time, and he urges the expression
as a reason for assigning the apostle's arrival to A.
o. 62, or the year preceding. So also Anger, Dt
temporum in Actit A/nut. ratiane, p. 100, and l<ew-
in, Faui Sacri, p. 325. It is very possible that this
view is the correct one. It would furnish a striking
coincidence between Luke's narrative and the his-
tory of the times. Vet, in speaking of die pnetorian
prefect, the writer of the Acts may have meant the
one who acted in this particular case, the one who
took into his charge the prisoners whom the cen-
turion transferred to him, whether he was sole
|>erf-ct or had a colleague with hini; comp. xxiv.
23. De Wette assents to Meyer in this explanation
of the article. The expression, as so understood,
does not affirm that there was but one prefect, or
deny it.
But if the words & iKarivrafxat • • • t«? errpa-
Tvrttipxji (Acts xxviii. 16) are not genuine," this
question concerning r« falls away, so far as it
depends on Luke's authority. At the same time
U«e words (if added to the text) express what was
unquestionably true, according to the Roman usage
(see Plin. KjiitU x. 65); but of course we have
then the testimony only of some glossator who (if
we may coiu'ectiire a motive), knowing what the
rule was, apprises the reader of its observance as to
the other prisorers, because he would represent Paul
in being '• suffered to dwell by himself" as ex-
ampted from the rule, or if at first subjected to the
<* • For o ffcaToVrapxOf . . . n? 6i ITavAy tVcrpajnf,
Idchmuo, Ttneheudorf, and Tregelles resd simply
mtfiawri rtf llavAy. The words to question, corre-
sponding to " the centurion delivered the prisoners to
the captain of the guard, but " of the A. V., were also
rejected as a gloss by Mill and Bengel, and marked as
very doubtful by Oriesbaeh. Though found in a great
majority of the manuscripts, they are wanting in alt
•f the oldest and brat class which contain the passage,
namely, the Slnaitic, Vatican, Alexandrine, and a very
valuable St. Petersburg palimpsest of the fifth century ;
also In the two best cursive H3S. (loll, 18), another very
good ons (40k and cue or two more. (Toe MS3. CDK
are unfortunately mutilated here.) They are likewise
absent from the oldest and best of the ancient ver-
sions (Peenito Syriac, Coptic, Vulg-ite, Armenian, and
the Jtthinpic in T. P. Piatt's edition), and Chrysos-
tom IgnoruM them both in his text and commentary.
The earliest witness for them appears to be the later
Syrtac version, ss revised by Thomas of Barkel a. r>.
416, which has them marked with an asterisk, indi-
cating that they did not originally belong to It. (The
JttUopfc of the Polyglott is here ot no authority.)
The oldest Oresk MS. which has t^em <L) is not earlier
than the mkkil- of the ninth century ; »-s oldest Ores*
26
captivities of thb jews sab
custody (which no doubt was the fact), m aftet-
wards treated with special indulgence. — " Captain
of the guard " in Gen. xxxix- 1, xl. 3, 4, &e. prcb-
ably should be " captain "or " otBcer of the execu-
tioners." [Joseph; Potifhah.J II.
CAPTIVITIES OF THK JEWS. The
bondage of Israel in Egypt, and their subjugation
at different times by the Philistines and other na-
tions, are sometimes included under the above title;
and the Jews themselves, perhaps with reference to
Daniel's vision (oh. vii.), reckon their national cap-
tivities as four — the Babylonian, Median, Grecian,
and Roman (Eisenmenger, KnUlecktet JudtnUntm,
vol. i. p. 748). But the present article is confined
to the forcible deportation of the .lews from their
native land, and their forcible detention, under the
Assyrian or Babylonian kings.
The kingdom of Israel was invaded by three or
four successive kings of Assyria. Pul or Sardana-
palus, according to Kawlinson ( Outline of Assyrian
History, p. 14, but compare Kawl. llerodotut, vol.
i. p. 466), imposed a tribute, B. c. 771 (or 762
KawL) upon Menabem (1 Chr. v. 26, and 2 K. xr.
19). Tiglath-Pileaer carried away u. c. 740 the
trans-Jordanic trilies (1 Chr. v. 26) and the inhab-
itants of Galilee (2 K. xv. 29, compare Is. ix. 1), to
Assyria. Shalmaneser twice invaded (2 K. xvii. 3,
5) toe kingdom which remained to lloshea. tnok
Samaria u. c. 721 after a siege of three years, and
carried Israel away into Assyria. In an inscription
interpreted by Rawlinson (lltrodotut, vol. i. p. 479),
the capture of Samaria is claimed by King Sargon
(Is. xx. 1) as his own achievement The cities of
Samaria were occupied by people sent from Babylon,
Cuthah, Ava, Hamath, and Sepharvaim : and llalab,
Habor, Hara, and the river of Gozan became the
seats of the exiled Israelites.
Sennacherib B. c. 713 is stated (1<awl. Outline,
p. 24, but compare Demetrius ap. Clem. Alexand.
Stromatu, i. 21, incorrectly quoted as confirming
the statement) to have carried into Assyria 200,001)
captives from the Jewish cities which he look (2 K.
iviii. 13). Nebuchadnezzar, in the first half of his
reign, it. c. 606-662, repeatedly invaded Judssa,
besieged Jerusalem, carried away the inhabitants to
Babylon, and destroyed the city and Temple. Tvr*
distinct deportations are mentioned in 2 K. xxiv
14 (including 10,000 persons) and xxv. 11. One
father cltsd for them ((Bcumentns) flourished at the end
of the tenth- This concurrence of nil the oldest and
most Independent authorities iu the omission of words
vrhioh might so easily creep in from a marginal glou.
iHwuiit irreconcilable with the supposition of their gen-
uineness. They are, however, defended by Borne
mann, De Wette, Meyer, and Afford, who would ex.
plain their omission by the Homaoteleultm m fcaroV
rapgof , . . oTparawee'apxn • ''his is unsatisfac-
tory, (1) because uie HrnnauUttHtan in w> Imperfect that
it was not likely to cause any error ; (2) Imuause it would
only occasion the loss of the words fa lowiiuj inriy
rapxoc : (3) because it does not spvnar hnw or wh.v it
should affect ait our oldest anri t»st MUthorities (in*
eluding the versions used by all the principal churches)
end leave hardly a trace of Its influence on the great
hum of modern manuscripts. Alfoni, it should be
noticed, in hit fourth edition (1861) brackets the wonts
ss doubtful. The critical scholar may find It instruct-
ive to compare other examples of glosmrial wMrdone
In the Beoeiveu Teat and the mass of latei manu-
scripts of the Acts, in opposition to the meet ancient
authorities : see Acts li. 30, 81 ; vtil. 37 ; xUi. 12' xv.
18, 24, 84 ; xvtti. 21 ; xxl. 8, 25 ; ixili. 9 ; xxiv. 6-8
22, 28, SB i «»• 16; xxviii. 29. etc. A
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886 CAPTIVITIES OF THE JEWS
In 9 Chr. xxxvi. 20. Three in Jer. lii. 38, 89, in-
eluding 1600 persons, and one in Dan. i. 8. The
two principal deportations were, (1) that which took
place n. c. 698, when Jehoiachin with all the
nobles, soldiers, and artificers were carried away;
and (2) that which followed the destruction of the
Temple and the capture of Zedekiah u. c. 588. The
three which Jeremiah mentions may have been the
contributions of a particular class or district to the
general captivity ; or they may haw taken place,
under the orders of Nebuchadnezzar, before or after
tile two principal deportations. The captivity of
certain selected children, n. c. 607, mentioned by
Daniel, who was one of them, may have occurred
when Nebuchadnezzar was colleague or lieutenant
of his cither Nabopolaesar, a year before he reigned
alone. The 70 years of captivity predicted by
Jeremiah (xxv. 12) are dated by Prideaux from
B. c 606 (see Connection, anno 606; and comp.
Davison, CM Pnphecy, Lect. vi. pt. 1). If a sym-
bolical interpretation were required, it would be
more difficult to regard (with Winer and Kosen-
miiller) these 70 years as an indefinite period desig-
nated arbitrarily by a sacred number, than to be-
lieve with St. Augustine (Jinarratio in /'«. cxxvi.
1) that they are a symbol of "all time." The
captivity of Ezekiel dates from B. c. 698, when
that prophet, like Mordecai the uncle of Esther
(ii. 6), accompanied Jehoiachin.
We know nothing, except by inference from the
book of Tobit, of the religious or social state of the
Israelitish exiles in Assyria. Doubtless the con-
stant policy of 17 successive kings had effectually
estranged the people from that religion which cen-
tered in the Temple, and hail reduced the number
of faithful men Mow the 7000 who were revealed
for the consolation of KUjah Some priests at least
were among them (2 K. xvii. 28), though it is not
certain that these were of the tribe of Levi (1 K.
xii. 31). The people had been nurtured tor 250
years in idolatry in their own land, where they de-
parted not (2 K. xvii. 22) from the sins of Jeroboam,
notwithstanding the proximity of the Temple, and
the succession of inspired prophets (2 K. xvii. 13)
among them. Deprived of these checks on their
natural inclinations (2 K. xvii. 15), torn from their
native soil, destitute of a hereditary king, they
probably became more and more closely assimilated
to their heathen neighbors in Media. And when,
after the lapse of more than a century, they were
joined B. c. 598 by the first exiles from Jerusalem,
very few families probably retained sufficient faith
in the God of their fathers to appreciate and follow
the instruction of Ezekiel. But whether they were
many or few, their genealogies were probably lost,
a fusion of them with the Jews took place, Israel
ceasing to envy Judab (Is. xi. 13); and Ezekiel
may have seen his own symbolical prophecy (xxxvii.
16-19) partly fulfilled.
The captive Jews were probably prostrated at
first by their great calamity, till the glorious vision
of Ezekiel in the 5th year of the Captivity revived
and reunited them. The wishes of their conqueror
were satisfied when he had displayed his power by
transporting them into another land, and gratified
his pride by inscribing on the walls of the royal
palace his victorious progress and the number of his
captives. He could not have designed to increase
the population of Babylon, for be sent Babylonian
•"J""^*! into Samaria. One political end certainly
ww attained — the more easy government of a
oeopi* separated from local tradition* and saaod-
CAPTIYITIES OF TIIE JK«A
ationa (see Uesenius on Is. xxxvi. 16, and comnj.i
Gen. xlvii. 21 ). It was also a great advantage tt
the Assyrian king to remove from the Egyptian
border of his empire a people who were notoriously
well-affected towards Egypt. The captives were
treated not as slaves but as colonists. There was
nothing to hinder a Jew from rising to the highest
eminence in the state (Dan. ii. 48), or holding the
most confidential office near the person of the king
(Neh. i. 11 ; Tob. i. 13, 22). The advice of Jere-
miah (xxix. 5, Ac) was generally followed. Tbs
exiles increased in numbers and in wealth. They
olwerved the Mosaic law (Esth. iii. 8; Tob. xiv. 9).
They kept up distinctions of rank among themselves
(Kz. xx. 1 ). And though the assertion in the Tal-
mud be unsupported by proof that they assigned
thus early to one of their countrymen the title of
Head of the Captivity (or, captain of the people, 2
Eadr. v. 16), it is certain that they at feast pre-
served their genealogical tables, nnd were at no loss
to tell who was the rightful heir to David's throne.
They had neither place nor time of national gather-
ing, no Temple; and they offered no sacrifice. But
the rite of circumcision and their laws respecting
food, Ac. were observed ; their priests were with
them (Jer. xxix. 1 ) ; and possibly the practice of
erecting synagogues in every city (Acts xv. 21) was
begun by the Jews in the Babylonian captivity.
The Captivity is not without contemporaneous
literature. In the apocryphal book of Tobit,
which is generally believed to be a mixture of po-
etical fiction with historical facts recorded by a
contemporary, we have a picture of the inner lift
of a family of the tribe of Naphtali, among the
captives whom Shalmaneser brought to Nineveh.
The apocryphal book of Baruch seems, in Mr.
Layard's opinion, to have been written by one
whose eyes, like those of Kzekiel, were familiar
with the gigantic forms of Assyrian sculpture.
Several of the Psalms appear to express the senti-
ment* of Jews who were either partakers or wit-
nesses of the Assyrian captivity. Kwald assigns
to this period Ps. xlii., xliii., lxxxiv., xvii., xvt.,
xlix., xxii., xxv., xxxviii., lxxxviii., xl., lxix., cix., Ii.,
Ixxi., xxv., xxxiv., lxxxii., xiv., cxx., exxi., exxiii.,
exxx., exxxi. And in Ps. Ixxx. we seem to have
the words of an Israelite, dwelling perhaps in Ju-
da» (2 Chr. xv. 9, xxxi. 6), who had seen the
departure of his countrymen to Assyria: and in Ps.
exxxvii. an outpouring of the first intense feelings
of a Jewish exile in Babylon. But it is from the
three great prophets, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel,
that we learn most of the condition of the children
of the captivity. The distant warnings of Jere-
miah, advising and cheering them, followed them
into Assyria, There, for a few years, they had nc
prophetic guide: till suddenly the vision of Kzekie.
at Chebar (in the immediate vicinity if Nineveh,
according to Layard, or, according to others, near
Carchemish on the Euphrates) assured them that
the glory which filled the Temple at Jerusalem was
not hopelessly withdrawn from the outcast people
of God. As Jeremiah warned them of coming
woe, so Ezekiel taught them how to bear that which
was come upon them. And when he died, after
passing at least 27 year* (Ez. xxix. 17) In captivity,
Daniel survived even beyond the Return; and
though hi* high station and ascetic life ptobably
secluded him from frequent familiar intercourse wHk
his people, he filled the place of chief interpreter of
God's will to Israel, and gave the moat conspicooui
example of devotion and obedience to Hi* laws.
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CAPTIVITIES OF THE JEWS
He Babylonian captivity was brought to a close
by the decree (Ezr. i. 2) of Cyras B. c. 536, and
'M return of a portion of the nation under Shesh-
bazzar or Zerubbabel u c. 635 Ezra b. c. 458, and
Nehemiah n. c. 445. The number who returned
upon the decree of b. -. 536 (which was possibly
framed by Daniel, MDnian, Hut. of Jem, ii. 8)
was 42,300, besides servants. Among them about
30,000 are specified (compare Ezr. ii. and Neh.
fii. J as belonging to the tribes of Judah, Benjamin,
and Levi. It has been inferred (Prideaux, <mno
536) that the remaining 12,000 belonged to the
tribes of Israel (compare Ezr. vi. 17). And from
the bet that out of the 24 courses of priests only
4 returned (Kzr. ii. 36), it has been inferred that
the whole number of exiles who chose to continue
in Assyria was about six times the number of those
wbo returned. Those who remained (Esth. riii. 9,
11), and kept up their national distinctions, were
known as The Dispersion (John vil. 35; 1 Pet i.
1; .limes i. 1): and, in course of time, they served
a great purpose iu diffusing a knowledge of the
true God, and in affording a point for the com-
mencement of the efforts of the Evangelists of the
Christian faith.
Many attempts have been made to discover the
ten tribes existing as a distinct community. Jo-
sepbus (Ant. xi. 5, § 2) believed that in his day
they dwelt in large multitudes, somewhere beyond
the Euphrates, in Arsareth, according to the author
of 2 Esdr. xiii. 45. Rabbinical traditions and fa-
bles, committed to writing in the middle ages, assert
the same tact (Lightfoot, Ilor. Hebr. in 1 Cue. xiv.
Appendix), with niany marvellous amplifications
(Eisenmaiger, Knt. J ml. vol. ii., eh. x. ; Jahn, lie-
brew Commonwealth, App. bk. vi.i. Tbe imagina-
tion of Christian writers has sought them in the
neighborhood of their last recorded habitation:
Jewish features have been traced in the Affghan
tribes : rumors are heard to this day of a Jewish
colony at the foot of tbe Himalayas: the Black
Jiws of Malabar claim affinity with them : elabo-
rate attempts have been made to identify them re-
cently with the Nestorians, and in the I7tb cen-
tury with the Indians of North America. But
though history bears no witness of then' present
distinct existence, it enables us to track the foot-
steps of the departing race in four directions after
the time of the Captivity. (1.) Koine returned
and mixed with the Jews (l.uke n. 36 ; Phil. iii. 5,
Ac) (2. ) Some were left in Samaria, mingled with
the Samaritans (Ezr. vi. 91; John iv. 12), and
became hitter enemies of the Jewa. (3.) Many
remained in Assyria, and mixing with the Jews,
formed colonies throughout the East, and were
recognized as an integral part of the Dis|iemion
(see Acta ii 9, xxvi. 7 ; Buchanan's Christian IU-
uarehet, p. 212), for whom, probably ever since
the days of Ezra, that plaintive prayer, the tenth
of the Shemoneh Esre, has been daily offered,
" Sound the great trumpet for our deliverance, lift
sp • banner for tbe gathering of our exiles, and
unite us all together from the four ends of the
earth." (4.) Most, probably, apostatized in As-
yria, as Prideaux (aimo 677 ) supposes, and adopted
die usages and idolatry of the nations among whom
fcey wen planted, and became wholly swallowed up
p them. Dissertations on the Ten Tribes have
CARBUNCLE
887
nTij, 1
Of. *M Arabs* (XS,
been written by Calmet, Commeniai » UiUrul, sol
iii. and vi.; by Witsius, j£ggpUaea ; and by J.
D. Michaelis.
The Captivity was a period of change in the ver
nacular language of the Jews (see Neh. viii. 8) and
in the national character. The Jews who returned
were remarkably free from the old sin of idolatry:
a great spiritual renovation, in accordance with the
divine promise (Ez. xxxvi. 24-28), was wrought in
them. A new and deep feeling of reverence for
the letter of the law and for the person of Moses
was probably a result of the religious servioe which
was performed in the synagogues. A new impulse
of commercial enterprise and activity was implanted
in them, and developed in the days of the Disper-
sion (see James iv. 13). W. T. B.
CAKABA'SION CVa&urtwv; [Vat. Kapa-
flatreimr; Aid.] Alex. Kapaffaaimy: MarimoUi).
a corrupt name to which it is difficult to fiud any-
thing corresponding in the Hebrew text (1 Esdr.
ix. 34).
CARBUNCLE. Tbe representative in the
A. V. of the Hebrew words 'ekd&ch and b&Vkatk
or birt'Uth,
1. 'EkdiA (rr^ift* : Attot K/mrriWou; Aft>o»
■yAu*iji, Sym. Theod.; \. rmwrafurfwu, Aq. :
lapidtt tadpH) occurs only hi Is. liv. 12 in the de-
scription of the beauties of the new Jerusalem:
•' I will make thy windows of agates and thy gates
of carbuncles " (comp. Tob. xiii. 16, 17, and Rev.
■ad. 18-21) — "general images," as Ijowth (JVotei
on It. 1. c.) has remarked, "to express beauty,
magnificence, purity, strength, and solidity, agree-
ably to the ideas of tbe Eastern nations." The
translators of the A. V., having in mind the ety-
mology of the Hebrew word," render it " carbun-
cle; " but as many precious stones have the quality
of " shining like fire," it is obvious that such an
interpretation is very doubtful. Symmachus, re-
ferring the word to a Chaldee signification of the
root, namely, " to bore," understands " sculptured
stones," whence the Vulg lapult* »cui/>ti (see Ko
senmuUer, Schoi ad Jet. liv. 13). Perhsps the
term may be a general one to denote any briyhl
tparkling gem, but as it occurs only once, without
any collateral evidence to aid us, it is impossible to
determine the real meaning of the word.
2. Bdrikalh, birtielh (n|2"|?, fffiPty '■ "
trftiipaySoi, Kipaivias, Sym. : tmaragdtu), the
third stone in the first row of the sacerdotal breast-
plate (Ex. xxviii. 17, xxxix. 10), also one of the
mineral treasures of the king of Tyre (Ez. xxviii
13). Braun (Ue I'ettU. Sacerd. Ueb. p. 652,
AmsL 1680) supposes with much prolutbility that
the smaragdus or emerald is the precious stone sig-
nified. This view is supported by the LXX. (which
always gives apipaySos as the representative of tbe
Mr'kath), the Vulgate, and Josephus (Ant. iii. 7,
§ 6). Pliny (xixvii. 5) speaks in terms of the
warmest admiration of the smaragdus, and enu-
merates no fewer than twelve kinds, but it is prob-
able some of them are malachites or glass. It is
certain that the smaragdus which, according to
Theophrastus ( Fr. ii. 24, ed. Schneider), was sent
as a pre s en t from the king of Babylon into Egypt.
" utunden lnstttult la-Ma rx Ignlarlo " (Fnytag, Jjtt
Arab. s. v.).
» treat pi^, "to sand tjrm ttghfrua*." «•>
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388 OAROAS
•ad which, at Egyptian chronicler! relate, M foor
jubits long by three wide, mint have been made of
some other material than emerald ; but cudfMryoos
is used by Theophrastua to denote the emerald.
" This gem," he says, " is very rare and of a small
size ... It has some peculiar properties, for it
renders water of the same color with itself. . . .
It soothes the eyes, and people wear seals of this
stone in order that they may look at them." ° Mr.
King {Antique Genu, p. 30) is of opinion that the
sniaragdi of l'liny may be confined to the green
ruby and the true emerald. Braun believes that
the Greek <rp<ipaySt>t, pdpaytos is etymobgically
allied to the Hebrew term, and Kaliach (Kz. xxviii.
17) is inclined to this opinion: see also Gesenius,
lleb. el Ch. /.ex. s. v. np^B. Some, however,
believe the Ureek word Is a corruption of the Sans-
krit smarakatn, and that both the gem and its
name were imported from Hactria into Europe,
while others hold that the Sanskrit term came from
the West See Mr. King's valuable remarks on
the Smarnffdtu, - Antique Gems," p. 30-37.
W.H.
CAR'CAS (D31D: 'ApxtaaTos [this form
lielougs to Carehena, ver. 14; BapafUs or -$&;
Alex. 9a0a(i Comp. Xapafiif] Charchat), the
seventh of the seven ''chamberlains " (i. e. eunuchs,
CD^D) of king Abasuerus (Esth. i. 10). The
name has been compared with the Sanskrit kar-
tofa = severe (see Gesenius, 713).
• CAR'CHAMIS (XofMopfr; Alex. KoA-
X<utvt ; 11 MSS. Kapxa/iis '■ Charcamit), a city
on the Euphrates (1 tsar. i. 23), the same as Car-
c-iiemish. A.
CAR'CHEMISH (ttHs?-)? : [in Jar.,]
Xap/uls\ [Comp. K<m>x«M s: J Charcamit). The
Scriptural Carchemish is not, as has generally been
supposed, the classical Cireesium. It lay very much
higher up the Euphrates, occupying nearly the site
of the later Mabog, or Hierapolis. The Assyrian
inscriptions show it to have been, from about n. c.
1 100 to B. c. 850, a chief city of the llittites, who
were masters of the whole of Syria ftotn the bor-
ders of Damascus to the Kupnrates at Bir, or BireJi-
jik. It seems to have commanded the ordinary
passage of the Kuphrate* in this part of its course,
and thus in the contentions between Egypt and
Assyria its possession was of primary consequence
(comp. 3 Chr. xxxv. 20 with Jer. xlvi. 2). [Add
Is. x. 9.] Carchemish appears to have been taken
by Pharaoh-Necho shortly after the battle of Me-
giddo (ab. n. c. 608), and retaken by Nebuchad-
nezzar after a battle three years later, «. c. 605
(Jer. xlvi. 2). Tne word Carchemish would mean
" the fort of Chemosh," the well-known deity of
the Moabites. [In the A. V. 2 Chr. xxxv. 20 it
is written Chabchkmisii; in 1 Esdr. i. 23, Car-
< II AM 18.] G. K.
CARE' AH (Pnp \bald-lieud]: Ko^fl; Alex.
Kouhjj; [Aid. Kafir;*':] Caret), father of Jobanan
i«K. xxv. 23), elsewhere in the A. V. spelt Ka-
bbah.
CA'RIA (Kapla), the southern part of the re-
run which in the N. T. is called Asia, and the
4 The smaragdus of Cyprus, however, of which
tbsopt us s tu s speaks, Is the copper emerald, Chy»-
mBa i wtuoh he srans hhuself to have saspsetsd.
CARMEL
southwestern part of the peninsula of Asia MLua
In the Roman times the name of Caria was prob
ably less used than previously. At an earlier pe-
riod we find it mentioned as a separate district ( 1
Mace. xv. 23). At this time (h. c. 139) it was in
the enjoyment of the privilege of freedom, granted
by the Komans. A little before it had been as-
signed by them to Kbodes, and a littie later it was
incorporated in the province of Asia. From tlis
context it appears that many Jens were resident in
Caria. The cities where they lived were probably
Ualicarnassus (/&.), Cnidun (il. also Acts xxvii. 7)
and Miletus (Acta xx. 15-38). Off the coast of
Caria were the islands I'atmim, Coo, Kiiuuks.
J. S. H.
CARMATJIAKS (Canmmli). The inhabit.
ants of Carmania, a province of Asia on the north
side of the Persian Gulf (2 Ksdr. xv. 30). They
are described by Strabo (xv. p. 727) as a warlike
race, worshipping Ares alone of all the gods, to
whom they sacrifice an ass. None of them mar-
ried till he bad cut off the head of an enemy
and presented it to the king, who placed it on his
palace, having first cut out the tongue, which was
chopped up into small pieces and mixed with meal,
and in this condition, after being tasted by the
king, was given to the warrior who brought it, and
to his family to eat. Neorchus says that most of
the customs of the Carmauians, and their language,
were Persian and Median. Arrian gives the same
testimony (/no*. 38), adding that they used the
same order of battle as the Persians. W. A. W.
CARTHE (Xmii; [Vat.] Alex. Xofftn; [Aid.
Kappr):] C'aree), 1 Esdr. v. 25. [Hakim.]
CAR"MEL. Nearly always with the definite
'article, b?D?n, i. «. « the park," or " the well-
wooded place" [garden-land, Fiirst]. L (o Kip-
uijAoj: Carmel [Carmeiut, Channel). In Kings,
generally "Mount C," ?H "1H : opot to Ka/>uV
\u>r: in the Prophets, "Carmel.") A mountain
which forms one of the most striking and charac-
teristic features of the country of Palestine. As
if to accentuate more distinctly the bay which forms
the one indentation in the coast, this noble ridge,
the only headland of lower and central Palestine,
forms its southern boundary, running out with a
bold bluff promontory all but into the very waves
of the Mediterranean. From this point it stretches
in a nearly straight line, bearing about S. S. E.,
for a littie more than twelve miles, when it termi-
nates suddenly by a bloff somewhat corresponding
to its western end, breaking down abruptly into the
hills of Jenin and Samaria which form at that part
the central mass of the country.
Carmel thus stands as a wall between the mari-
time plain of Sharon on the south, and the more
inland expanse of Esdraelon on the north. Towards
the former the slopes or spurs, by which the central
ridge descends, sre gradual ; but on the north side
the gradient* are mare sudden, in many places de-
scending almost by precipices to the Kiahon, which
runs at the foot of the mountain in a direction gen-
erally parallel to the central axis.
The structure of Carmel is in the main the J*T»
formation (upper oolite), which is prevalent in the
centre of Western Palestine — a soft white lime-
stone, with nodules and veins of flint- As usual in
limestone formations U abounds in eaves (" mors
than 9000," Mialin, ii. 46), often of great lengU
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CABMRL
md extremely tortuous. At the west end an (bond
chalk and tertiary breccia formed of fragment* of
chalk and flint (Runegger, in Hitter, PaL p. 713).
On the northeast of the Mount, beyond the Nahr
tl-MuhiUn, plutonic rocks appear, breaking through
the deposited strata and forming the beginning of
the basalt formation which runs through the Plain
of Endraekm to Tabor and toe Sea of (ialilee (Hit-
ter, 713-13). The round stones known by the
uainesof "lapidesJudaici" and " FJyah's melons,"
are the bodies known to geologists as "geodes."
Their exterior is chert or flint of a lightish brown
eoior; the interior hollow, and lined with crystals
of quartz or chalcedony. They are of the form,
and often the size, of the large water-melons of the
east. Formerly they were easily obtained, but are
now very rarely found (Seeteen, ii. 1.11-4: Parkin-
son's Organic Remiins, i. 323, 461). The "ol-
ives " are commoner. They are the fossil spines of
a kind of echinus (cblnri* ylnmlifera) frequent in
these strata, and in size and shape are exactly like
the fruit (Parkinson, iii. 45). The " apples " are
probably the shells of the cidnrii itself. For the
legend of the origin of these " fruits," and the
position of the " field " or ■' garden " of Elijah in
which they are found, see Mislin, ii. 64, 65.°
In form Carmel is a tolerably continuous ridge,
at the W. end about 600,* and the E. about 1600
feet above the sea. The highest part is some four
miles from the east end, at the village of Etfiih,
which, according to the measurements of the Eng-
lish engineers, is 1728 feet above the sea. In ap-
pearance Carmel still maintains the character which
'here is no reason to doubt was the origin of its
name. It is still clothed with the same "excel-
lency " of " wood," which supplied the prophets of
Israel and Judah alike with one of their most
favorite illustrations (Is. xxxiii. 0; Mic vii. 14).
Modern travellers delight to describe its "rocky
dells with deep jungles of copse," — its " shrub-
beries thicker than any others in central Palestine "
(Stanley, MS.), — its "impenetrable brushwood of
oaks and other evergreens, tenanted in the wilder
parts by a profusion of g-une and wild animals "
(Porter, ITandb.), but in other places bright with
" hollyhocks, jasmine, and various flowering creep-
ers" (Van de Velde). "There is not a flower,"
says the last-named traveller, " that I have seen in
Galilee, or on the plains along the coast, that I do
not find here on Carmel .... still the fragrant,
lovely mountain that he was of old " (i. 317-18).
« The legend Is sometimes told of laxarus (Seetsen,
ifeiam, 1854, U. 184).
• The cupola of the convent is 660 ft. above the sea
(Admiralty Chart, 1686). Tor the general form of the
ridge, see the ssotion on Van ds Velde's new map.
e • " The Flora of Carmel," says Schubert, writing
en the spot, " is one of the richest and most diversified
In all Palestine, since It unite* the products of the
mountain with those of the vallej and the Ma-coast."
He enumerates torty-eeven different kinds of flowers
round there, without pretending to oomplete the list
"A botanist," he remarks, "might spend a year there,
tod every day be adding new specimens to his collec-
tion " (Htur n dot Morgnlmd, W. 212).
Mr. Trlstsam, who wandered at leisure ov»r the Car-
■Ml range, speaks of " the wonderful profus! >n of flow-
wing shrubs, in all their glory " (about f-e middle of
Harch), as the grand characteristic of thf "excellency
jf OaruwI." He mentions (giving at the same time
in botanical names) the arbutus, myrtle, scented bay,
RMlder-rose, a sweet^eented evergreen Uke toe rauros-
\uw. elder, earoh-tree or locust. wild-oUv*. terebinth
CARMEL
" The whole mountain-side was dressed with blos-
soms, and flowering shrubs, and fragrant herbs '•
(Martinean, p. 639).*
Carmel fell within the lot of the tribe of Asber
(Josh. xix. 36), which was extended as far south as
Dor ( Timtara), probably to give the Asheritos a
share of the rich corn-growing plain of Sharon.
The king of " Jokneam of Carmel " was one of the
Canaanite chiefs who fell leforc the arms of Joshua
(xii. 22). These are the earliest notices which we
possess of the name. There is not in them a hint
of any sanctity as attaching to the mount. But
taking into account the known propensity of the
early inhabitants of Palestine to convert "high
places " into sanctuaries, — the prominence of Car-
mel, — the fact that an altar of Jehovah did exist
there before the introduction of Baal worship into
the kingdom (1 K. xviii. 30), — Elijah's choice of
the place for the assembly of the people, such as-
semblies being commonly held at holy places, —
and the custom, which appears to have liecn preva-
lent, of resorting thither on new-moon and sabbath
(2 K. iv. 23), — taking these into account, there
seem to be grounds for believing that from very
early times it was considered as a sacred spot In
later times we know that its reputation was not
confined to Palestine. Pythagoras was led to it by
that reputation ; such is the express statement of
his biographer lamblichua, who himself visited the
mountain ; Vespasian too came thither to consult
— bo we are told by Tacitus, with that mixture of
fact and fable which marks all the heathen notices
of Palestine — the oracle of the god, whose name
was the same as that of the mountain itself; an or-
acle without image or temple, — " ara tantum et
reverentia" (f)ict. of G'eosr. Carmelus).
But that which has made the name of Carmel
most familiar to the modern world is its intimate
connection with the history of the two great
prophets of Israel — EUjah and Elisha. The fiery
zeal of the one, the heeling tenderness of the other,
are both inseparably connected in our minds with
this mountain. Here Ehjah brought back Israel
to allegiance to Jehovah, and slew the prophets of
the foreign and false god ; here at hix entreaty were
consumed the successive "fifties" of the royal
guard; hut here, on the other hand. Klisha re-
ceived the visit of the bereaved mother whose sot-
he was soon to restore to her arms (2 K. iv.
25, Ac).
The first of these three events, without doubt,
tree-broom, Judas-tree (one mass of bunches of brill-
iant red laburnum-shaped bloom), hoary-leafed haw-
thorn, service-apple, and most abundant of all, the
■tonu-tree, " one sheet of pure white blossom, rivalling
the orange in its beauty and Its perfume ; all these hi
flo,rer together wafted their fragrance In volume*
through the air."
" Then the ground, wherever there was a fragment
of open space, was covered with tall red hollyhocks,
pink oouvolvulus, valerians, a beautiful large red
lioum, a gladiolus, a gigantic mottled arum, red tu-
ll-s, ranuncuJuMe (large and red), pheasant's eye, ol
er-iless varieties, tufts of exquisite oyclamen, a mass
of bloom under every tree, Ave species of orchis, — the
curious Ophryt atrata, with Its bee-like lip, another
Uke the ipider-orchU, and a third ilka the man-orchis ;
while tour ■pedes of Onotma, and especially the brill-
iant yellow Ontama Syriacum, bung from every rock
It was the garden of lden nut wild; yet all this
beauty scarcely last* • month " (Umd if Jsnssf, pr
486, 407, 2d ed.). II
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890
CAKMKL
took pbue at the extern end of the ridge. In bet
It U difficult to find another site, the actual name
af which has not been pref e rr e d, in which every
particular is so minutely fulfilled as in this. The
tradition preserved in the convent, and among the
Drums of the neighboring tillages, — the names of
the places, — the distance from Jezreel, — the na-
ture of the locality, — the presence of the never-
failing spring, — all are in its favor. It is, how
ever, remarkable that the identification has been
made but lately, and alao that it should have been
made by two travellers almost at the same time
— Lieut. Van de Velde in 1852, and Professor
Stanley in 1853. This interesting site cannot be
better described than in the words of the latter
traveller.
"The tradition is unusually trustworthy; it is
perhaps the only case in Palestine in which the
recollection of an alleged event has beeu actually
retained in the native Arabic nomenclature. Many
names of towns have been so preserved ; but here is
no town, only a shapeless ruin, yet the spot has
a name, — Kl-Maharrabih, — ' the Burning,' or
'the Sacrifice.' The Druses come here from a
distance to perform a yearly sacrifice; and, though
it is pMsible this practice may have originated the
name, it is more probable that the practice itself
arose from an earlier tradition But be the
tradition good or bad, the localities adapt them-
selves to the event in almost every particular. The
summit thus marked out is the extreme eastern
point of the range, commanding the last view of
the sea behind, and the first view of the great plain
in front. . . . There on the highest ridge of the
mountain may well have stood, on its sacred ' high-
place,' the altar of Jehovah which Jezebel had cast
down. Close beneath, on a wide upland sweep,
under the shade of ancient olives, and round a well "
of water, said to be perennial, and which may
therefore bave escaped the general drought, and
have been able to furnish water for the trenches
round the altar, must have been ranged on one
side the king and people with the 850 prophets of
Uaal and Astarte, and on the other the solitary and
commanding figure of the prophet of Jehovah.
Full before them opened the whole plain of Ee-
draelon ; the city of Jezreel, with Ahab's palace and
Jezebel's temple, distinctly visible; in the nearer
foreground, immediately under the base of the
mountain, was clearly seen the winding stream of the
Kishon." To this may be added that a knoll is
pointed out between the ridge and the plain, bear-
ing the name of Tell KatU, b "the hill of the
Priests," and that the modem name of the Kishon
is Nahr tl-Mukaila, "the river of slaughter."
11 The closing scene still remains. From the
slaughter by the side of the Kishon the king went
up to the glades of Carmel to join in the sacrificial
feast. And Ehjah too ascended to the ' top of the
mountain,' and there with his face on the earth re-
named rapt in prayer, while his servant mounted
• the highest point of all, whence there is a wide
•km of the blue reach of the Mediterranean, over
the western shoulder of the ridge. .... Seven
times the servant climbed and looked, and seven
• Joatpbus distinctly says that the water was ob-
tained from the neighboring well : irb rfc uptac
'jbH. vUl. 18, J 5). Thar* is therefore no occasion
the trs" jotncMeoca " dlsoovend by Prof. Blunt, Vnd.
O om rii m tt t (n. xxtt.).
» aot this knoll appears, from the desc ripti on of
'a* aw TaMs (I. 880), and from tus new map (Dee.
OARTtTBTj
times there was nothing. .... At Uat eat of tfat
far horizon there rose a little cloud,* and it grew
in the deepening shades of evening till the wbolt
sky was overcast, and the forests of Carmel shook
in the welcome sound of the mighty winds, which
in eastern regions precede a coming tempest " (Si-
nai o» Palestine, 358-6).
There is good reason to believe that a later inci-
dent in the life of the same great prophet took
place on Carmel. This was when he " caused fire
to come down from heaven " sod consume the two
"fifties" of the guard which Ahaziah had de-
spatched to take him prisoner, for having stopped
bis messengers to Baal-xebub the god of Ekron (8
K. i. 9-15). [See Elijah, J 3.] In this nar-
rative our Version, as is too frequently the case,
conceals the force of the original by imperfect trans-
lation. "A hill" (v. 9) should be "the mount"
("IT'Oj the word always used for Carmel, and, in
connection with Ehjah, for Carmel only, with the
exception of Sinai, which of course cannot be in-
tended here. Josephus (Ant, ix. 2, § 1), with
equal force, has M rrjs xopwpris rov Spovs.
The tradition in the present convent is, that
Elijah and Elisha both resided on the mountain,
and a cave is actually shown under the high-altar
of the church as that of Ehjah. There is nothing
in the Scripture to sanction such a statement with
regard to Ehjah, but in the case of Elisha, the tra-
dition may rest on better grounds. After the as-
cent of Elijah, Elisha went to Mount Carmel (2 K.
ii. 25), though only for a time; bat he was again
there at the Sbunammite's visit (iv. 25), and that
at a time when no festival, no '• new-moon or sab-
bath " (iv. 23), required his presence. (In iv. 27,
there is nearly the same error as was noticed above
in reference to i. 9 ; " the hill " should be rendered
"the mount.")
This is the last mention of Carmel as the scene
of any event in the sacred history. Its sanctity nc
doubt remained, but it is its richness and its prom-
inence, — "Tabor among the mountains; Carmel
by the sea," — which appear to have taken hold of
the poets of the nation, both of Israel and Judah,
and their references to it are frequent and charac-
teristic (Cant vii. 5; Is. xxxv. 2, xxxvii. 84; Jer
irri. 18, L 19; Am. 1. 8, ix. 3; Mic vii. 14; Nab.
i.4).
Carmel has derived its modern name from the
great prophet; Mar EU/at is the common desig-
nation, Kirmel being occasionally, but only sel-
dom, heard. It is also the usual name of the con-
vent, though dedicated " in honorem BB. Virginia
Marias.*'
Professor Stanley has pointed out (8. e* P. 868)
that it is not any connection with Ehjah that gives
the convent its interest to the western world, but
the celebrated order of the Barefooted Carmelite
Friars, that has sprung from it, and carried its
name into Europe. The order is said in the tradi-
tions of the Latin Church to have originated with
EUjah himself (St. John of Jems, quoted in MIslin,
49), but the convent was founded by St. Louis,
and its French origin is still shown by the practict
1868), the only one in which It Is marked, to be toe
tar oft*.
<- This cloud Is treated to the mnnularlss of tha
Roman Cathode Church as a type of tha Virata
Mary. (See auetta, U. p. 46, and zwmaWawi Bam
July 16.)
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OAKMEL
if anrurling the French flag on various :ccask>ns. i
Edward I. of England was a brother of the order, i
and one of its most famous generals was Simon
Stokes of Kent (see the extracts in Wilson's Lands
h. 346. For the convent and the singular legends
connecting Mount Carmel with the Virgin Mary
and our Lord, see Mislin, ii. 47-50). By Napo-
leon it was used as a hospital during the siege of
Acre, and after his retreat was destroyed by the
Arabs. At the time of irby and Mangles's visit
<1817) only one friar remained there (Irby, 60).
G.
• It is instructive, as a means of learning the
relative position of places, to know what points of
geographical interest can be seen from such watch-
towers of the Holy Land. The best position for
viewing the prospect from Carmel is that furnished
from the flat roof of the convent. Standing there,
with our bees toward the east, the attitude of the
Hebrew in naming (he points of the compass, we
have behind us " the great and wide sea," as the
Psalmist calls it (civ. 25), which suggested to the
sacred writers so many of their grandest images for
setting forth an idea of God's power. Before us lies
an extensive reach of the plain of Esdraelon (Jez-
reel), and the summits of Gilboa and the lesser
Harmon. On the southeast is the mountainous
tract, known as that of fiphraim or Samaria, filled
up with a rolling sea of hill-tops to an indefinite
extent. Looking to the south, along the coast, at
the distance of ten miles, is Athlil, the site of a
famous castle of the Crusaders, one of the last foot-
holds which they relinquished to the Saracens. A
tew miles beyond there, though not in sight, are
the ruins of Caaarea, so interesting from its con-
nection with the fortunes of the great apostle. The
line of vision on the north is bounded by the bills
near Nazareth and Safed. Indeed, the path which
leads up to the monastery of Carmel, indented in
the white limestone, is distinctly visible, like a strip
of snow, from the Wely so famous for its view of
Ksdraekm behind Nazareth. It would be easy, so
far as the distance is concerned, to make out the
position of ancient Tyre, now Sur ; but the projec-
tion of Rts el-Abi id, the White Promontory, hides
it from view. The graceful curve of the bay of
Atka, sweeping from that city ( Accho of the 0. T.
and Ptolemais of the N. T.) to the head of Carmel,
appears from here to great advantage. Glimpses of
the Kiahon (et-Afakatta) as its waters flash under
the sun-light mark, at points here and there, the
course of that stream as it winds its way from the
foot of Tabor to the Mediterranean. Directly at
the base of the mount is the little sea-port of ff'nfa,
soe of the harbors of Asher, but actually held by
the Sidonians (Judg. i. 31). A rich landscape of
olive-yards, gardens of vegetables, wheat-fields, and
s few palms, fills up the narrow margin between
the sea and the roots of the mountain.
For a description of the scene from oJier hands,
see Lord Nugent's Limit, Classical and Safed
it 167; Tristram's Land of /trad, p. 65; Pts-
tanse'i Land of the Gospel, p. 150 ff; and Tischen
toffs /teste in dm Orient, ii. 223-235 H.
2. (X<mA in Josh ; to K4ppi)Aoi> in Sam.:
Carmel [Carmehu].) A town in the mountain-
•ns country of Judah (Josh. xv. 65), familiar to us
at the residence of Nabal (1 Sam. xxv. 2, 5, 7, 40),
od the native place of David's favorite wife, •' Ab-
,»» the CarmeUtess " (1 Sam. xxvii. 3; 1 Chr. iii.
I ;. This was doubtless the Carmel at which Saul
OABNAIM
391
set up a "plate" fJ,U literally a "hand;"
comp. 2 Sam. xviii. 18, "Absalom's place," when
the same word is used) after his victory over Am
alek (1 Sam. xv. 12). And this Carmel, and not
the northern mount, must bave been the spot at
which king Uzziah had his vineyards (2 Chr. xxvi.
10). In the time of Kusebius and Jerome it was
the seat of a Koniau garrison ( Onomaslicon, Car-
melus). The place appears in the wars of the Cru-
sades, having been held by king Ainalrich against
Saladin in 1172. The ruins of the town, now
Kurmut, still remain at ten miles below Hebron in
a slightly S. E. direction, doee to those of Matn
(Maoo), Zif (Ziph), and other places named with
Carmel in Josh. xv. 55. They are described both
by Robinson (i. 494-8) and by Van de Velde (ii.
77-79), and appear to be uf great extent Con-
spicuous among them is a castle of great strength,
in the walls of which are still to be seen the large
bevelled masonry characteristic of Jewish buildings.
There is also a very fine and large reservoir. This
is mentioned in the account of king Amalrich's
occupation of the place, and now gives the castle
its name of Katr et-Birkeh (Van de Velde, ii. 78).
G.
OAB'MBLITB O^ 1 ?")?: Kap^tot, Xop-
uoJoi [Vat FA. -Sat] in i Chr. xi. 37 ; Alex. Kap-
ftr)\ttTT)s in 2 Sam. ii. 2, KapunAi in 1 Chr. xi.
37 : CarmeU, de Carmelo, Carmelites). A native
of Carmel in the mountains of Judah. The term
is applied to Nabal (1 Sam. xxx. 5; 2 Sam. ii. 2,
iii. 3) and to Hezrai, or Hezro, one of David's
guard (2 Sam. xxiii 35; 1 Chr. xi. 37). In 2
Sam. iii. 3 the LXX [Kappfaa] must have read
.-Vblp"}?, " CanneBtess." W. A. W.
OAR'MELITESS (rvbjp-]? : Ko/> M tA»»,
Kap/iT/Aia: CarmeU, Carmelite). A woman of
Carmel in Judah : used only of Abigail, the favorite
wife of David (1 Sam. xxvii. 3; 1 Chr. iii. 1). In
the former passage both LXX. and Vulg. appear to
have read "^P"??, "Carmelite." W. A. W.
CARTkll OP")? [ Q vine-dresser, Ges.; a dis-
tinguished one, FUrst] : Xap/if [Vat. -j»t i] : Char-
mi). 1. A man of the tribe of Judah, father of
Achan, the "troubler of Israel" (Josh. vii. 1, 18;
1 Chr. ii. 7), according to the first two passages
the son of Zabdi or Zimri. [Zabdi.] In 1 Chr.
iv. 1 the name is given as that of a "ton of Ju
dah ; " but the same person is probably intended ;
because (1) no son of Judah of that name is else-
where mentioned; and (2) because, out of the five
names who in this passage are said to be " sons "
of Judah, none but Pharez are strictly in that rela-
tion to him. Hezron it the 2d generation, Har
the 4th, and Sbobal the 6th.
2. [Alex. Xapnti in Num. ; Vulg. Carnd in 1
Chr.] The 4th son of Reuben, progenitor of the
family of the Carmites 0P"13n) (Gen. xlvi.
9; Ex. vi. 14; Num. xxvi. 6; 1 Chr. v. 3). G.
CARDITES, THE OP"??!?: i Xaptili
[Vat o Xaf/ui'] Charmita). A branch of the
tribe of Reuben, descended from Carmi 2 (Num.
xxvi. 6).
CARNA1M (Kapratv, Alex. Kapvuv; [Sin.
in 1 Mace. v. 26, KapvaiS '■] Cnrnalm), a large and
fortified city in the country east of Jordan — " tbs
land of Galaad ; " containing a " temple " (*>
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d'J2
c amnio*
r/fimi «V K.). It m besieged and taken by
Tudas Maccaba-ua (1 Mace. v. 2U, 43, 44). t'ndcr
the name of Cak.nkiN (to Kapyloy) the same
xcurrence is related in 2 Mace. lii. 21, 2(i, the
temple Iwing called the Atargatkio.n (to 'ATop-
yoruor)- This enables u* to identify it with
Ahhtmiotii-Kakkaim. (j.
CARN'ION. [CaR.NAIM.]
CARPENTER. [Handicraft.]
CARPUS (Kd>rrot [/rail, or irrisi], on the
accentuation, see Winer's Grammar, 6th ed. p. 49),
a ( hristiau at Troas, with whom St. l'aul slates
tliat lie left a cloak [and also his books and certain
|iarrbmenLs] (2 Tim. iv. 13); on which of bin 1
journeys it is uncertain, but probably in passing
through Asia Minor after his first captivity, lor the
but time Itffore liis martyrdom at Home. Accord-
ing to Hippolytus, Carpus was bishop of Derytus
in Thrace, called Btrrhita in the Synu/mt lit Ilia
tl M**rtt Pitijthetii'um. which ]>asses under the
name of Dorotheus of Tj re. II. A.
CARRIAGE This word occurs only six times
in the text of the A. V., and it may be useful to
remind the reader that in none of these docs it bear
its modern sense, but signifies what He now call
" baggage." The Hebrew words so rendered are
three. 1. V?2>, e'fc, generally translated " stuff"
or " vessels." It is like the Greek word axevot ;
and in its numerous applications ]ierhaps answers
most nearly to the Knglish word " things." This
word, rendered " carriage," occurs in I Sam. xvii.
22 — "David left his 'baggage' in the h-uidi of
the keeper of the ' baggage : ' " also Is. x. 28 —
" At Michmash he hath left his ' baggage.' "
2. TVpQS, Ctbi'uUh, "heavy matters," J uc'g.
xviii. 21 only, though perhaps the word may liear
a signification of " preciousucss,'' which is some-
times attached to the root, and may allude to the
newly acquired treasures of Uie Uanites (l,XX.
Alex. tV KTriatv rJ/f tvho^ov)-
3. The word rendciul " carriages " in Is. xlvi.
1 should, it would apjiear (ties. Tim. MI7 b;
Jiutia, ii. 101), lie "your burdens."
4. In the N. T., Acts xxi. 15, " we took up our
carriages" is the rendering of t-wioKtvaotinivoi.
and here also the meaning is simply " baggage "
(Jar. prap(irati). a
5. Hut in the margin of 1 Sam. xvii. 20. and
sxvi. 6, 7 — and there only — "carriage" is em-
ployed in the sense of a wagon or cart ; the '• place
jf the carriage " answering to " trench " in the
Jext. The Hebrew word is ^|5Q, from npjj,
a wagon, and the allusion is to the circle of wagons
which surrounded the encampment (lies. Tlitg.
For carnages
ClIAKIOT.
the modern sense,
i Caht;
G.
CAR'SHENA (KJIfH? : l-XX. omits ;
\ratber, 'Apitttraiosi FA.t Apswaof ; Comp. Kap-
rsrdO Cliarietui), one of the seven princes 0"?t£)
if l'ersia and Media who " saw the king's face, and
a • The Incident referred to In Acts xxl. 15 (lee
Ao. 4 uImito) shows tlte presence of an e.»e-witnee*.
What Paul *n-l hi* travelling companions did was to
sis mi their burptge, in part perhaps tbe alius which
they were carrying up to Jerusalem (Acts xxlv. 17),
m tbatr boasts of burden. The loading and unloading
CART
sat tbe lint in the kingdom '" of lhasueia* (Esth
i. 14). A similar name, Cardrn, is found is
modern Persian. For other derivations from the
ancient dialects of Persia, see Geseniua, 717.
CART (n^|3' : = &f>*ta- jtautnn* ; aUo ren-
dered " wagon," Gen. xlv. 19, 27; Num. vii. .1, 7
8: from 737, roil, Ges. p. 989). a vehicle drawn
by cattle (2 Sam. vi. 6), to be distinguished from
tbe chariot drawn by horses. [ClIAUUT.] Cans
and wagons were either open or covered (Num. vii
:i), and were used for conveyance of persons (Oej.
xlv. 19), burdens (1 Sam. vi. 7, 8), or produce
(Am. ii. 13). As there are no roads in Syria and
Palestine and the neighboring countries, wheel-
carriages for any purpose except conveyance of
agricultural produce are all but unknown ; and
though modem usage has introduced Kuropean car*
riages drawn by horses into Egypt, they were un
known there also in times comparatively recent.
(Stanley, S, ./• P. 135; Porter, Damatna, i. 339:
Lynch, Xamitirt, 75,84; Niebuhr, I'oyioe, i. 123:
Layard, Sin. ii. 75; Mrs. Poole, EnyluliKunum in
l'-i,'JI' t ' 'IA series, 77.) The oidy cart used in Wes
tern Asia has two wheels of solid wood (Olearius,
TrmrtU, 418; SirK. [K.J Porter, TrnrtU, ii. 533).
For the machine used fur threshing in Egypt and
Syria, see Threshing. But in the monuments
of ancient Egypt re prese n tations an found of carts
Egyptian cart with two
(Wilkinson.)
with two wheels, having four or six spokes, used
for carrying produce, and of one used for religious
purposes having four wheels with eight spokes. A
Egyptian cart with four wheels. (WUkJi
bas-relief at Nineveh represen ts a cart having tare
wheels with eight spokes, drawn by oxen, eonveyiiuj
female captives ; and others represent carta cap-
tured from enemies with captives, and also somt
of the camels or mules forms ever an important Ueas
In Eastern travelling. It Is a circumstance that weak
Interest tbe author of the narrative as one of the party
bat otherwise seems mentioned witioct any ntotiv*
Luke, who wrote the Acts, was wiu the s p oslU «
this journey (*»«-. Aetr xx. 0, xxi. .» sad 16). B
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CAB VINO
wmt b untying timber and other articles (Layard
Mb. U. 896, A'in. <f ^oA. 134, 447, 583, Mm. of
Bab. pt- li. 1>U. 12, 17). Four-wheeled carriages
are said by Pliny (N. II. rii. M5) to have been in-
vented by the Phrygians (Wilkinson, Anc i-yypt,
Abridcm. i. 884, 386; ii. 39, 47). The carts used
CASLUHIM
*96
Assyrian out drawn by oxen, (layard, U. 896.)
in India for conveying goods, called Suggar or
Hackeri, have two wheels, in the former case of
solid wood, in the latter with spokes. They are
drawn by oxen harnessed to a pole (Capper, India,
pp. 346, 353). H. W. P.
CARVING. (1.) nibflO, carved wort m
rtKtf, from S^, earve; In pL /TWbftB, corwrf
figures. (9.) ntthn, ftom HT>n, carve =
X<v&r<rm. (8.) nftnt?, participle in Pual of (n|jn
not used) pfSP, cut, delineate: engraved, or carved
{work), 1 K. vi. 35. (4.) 1TVI5, caned work, from
HH9, open, appUed to wood, 1 K. vU. 36; to
gems, Ex. xxviU. 9, 86; 9 Chr. ii. 7, 14; to stone,
Zeeh. iii. 9: yXuatfi, W/^ia, tyKo\arrir: emta-
tura.
The arts of earring and engraving were n uch in
request in the construction both of the Tabernacle
and the Temple (Ex. xxxi. 2, 5, xxxv. 33; IK. vi.
18, 35; Ps. lxxiv. 6), as well as In the ornamenta-
tion uf the priestly dresses (Ex. xxviii. 9-36; Zech.
Hi. 9 ; 3 Chr. ii. 7, 14). In Solomon's time Huram
the Phoenician had the chief care of this as of the
larger architectural works. H. W. P.
CASEMENT. [Lattice.] W. 4 W
CASIPHIA (S;?D3 [whiter said of snowy
tvxmtalns, Flint] : I, ipyuf(<p rev ream; [Comp.
» Rao*0«f rev rowov:] m Chiuphia loco), a
place of uncertain site on the road between Habyka
and Jerusalem (Ezr. viii. 17). Neither the Caspisi
Pyue nor the city Kmian, with which some writer?
have attempted to idtiitify it, are situated upon
this route. (Ueeeu. Tktt. 703.)
* Fiirst has a long note in bis lexicon on this
enigmatical word, lie Mipposea it to denote " the
snov/y-mountainous Caucasian region." it is not
said that Ezra himself came to this place on his
journey from Babylonia to Jerusalem; but only
that the river Ahava (Ex. viii. 15), from the banks
of which he sent messengers to the Jewish exiles in
Casiphia, lay on his route. This stream (mentioned
only in Ezra) may have been in the extreme north
of Babylonia; and the caravan in this instance,
taking a more northern track than usual, may hare
passed so near this point as to render it practicable
while they halted there, to send the messengers to
Casiphia and await their return. KJtto suggests
on Ahava ( CycL of BibL Lit., 3d ed.) that in this
instance a more circuitous route may haw been a
safer one for the wayfarers, and was chosen on that
account Fiirst, guided by an ancient Jewish tra-
dition, would identify the "large country" (Is.
xxii. 18) to which Shebna, the treasurer of Hezekiah,
was to be driven, with this same Caspiana or
Casiphia. H.
CA8XETJ (Xoo-«A«S: Chsfeu), 1 Mace i. 64,
ir. 52, 69 ; 2 Mace. i. 9, 18, x. 5. [Ciiislev:
Months.]
OASXUHIM (DTTbp? : Xoo-mW,,; [in
1 Chr., Rom. Vat. omit, Alex.' Comp. XaoAawf ip :]
Chatham, [Caetuim]), a Mizraite people or tribe
(Gen. x. 14; 1 Chr. i. 12). In both passages in
which this word occurs, it would appear, as the
text now stands, as if the Philistines came forth
from the Casluhim, and not from the Caphtorim,
as is elsewhere expressly stated: here therefore there
would seem to be a transposition [Cafhtok]. The
only clew we have as yet to the position of the
Casluhim is their place in the list of the sons of
Mizraim between the Pathrusim and the Caphtorim,
whence it is probable that they were seated in Upper
Egypt [Path i«w; Cai-iitou], The LXX seem
to identify them with the □ , SOBJn of Ps. brviii.
81 (A. V. "princes "), which some, though not the
LXX. in that place, take to be a proper name, and
compare with the native civil name of Hermopoli*
Magna. This would place the Casluhim in the
Heptanomis [Hashmannim]. Bochart(/ J Aak0,i*.
31) suggests the identity of the Casluhim and the
Colchians, who are said to have been an Egyptian
colony (Herod, ii. 104; Diod. Sic i. 28), but this
story and the similarity of name (< Jes. 77««. s. v. ) <i>
not seem sufficient to render the supposition a pass-
able one. Gesenius, however, gives it his support
( Thts. I. c). Forster conjectures the Casluhim. to
be the inhabitants of Cassiotis, the tract- in whisk
is the slight elevation called Mount Castas (Kpp.
ml MichntUt, p. 16 ff.). Runsen assumes this to
be proved (Bibehoerh, p. 26). There is r howevo*,
n r-ious difficulty in the way of this-supposiiiow —
the nature uf the ground, a low littoral tract of rock,
covered with shifting and even quick sand, like the
neighboring " Serbonian bog," and which we can-
not suppose ever to have supported much animal: or
vegetable life, far less a whole people or tribe.
R. & R
* On the name Dietrich says- (Gas.. Htbr m
Chald. Honda., 6te Aufl.1- "Th» (iircW nam
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894
0A8PHON
KaXrw <u have arisen out of the okl JT n s n a tw im,
out the reverse: for no sure example of the inser-
tion of an * can be adduced in tbe Semitic lan-
guages." H.
CAS1 HON (XwoW; Alex. Xao-dw* [Cw-
*»■]), 1 Mace. v. 36. Casphok.]
CASTHOR (Xwrexii.: [Alex. K«r<p«j>; Sin.
Kao^e*:] Cn^pAor), one of the fortified cities in the
•land of Galaad" (1 Mace. v. 28), in which the
lews took refuge from the Ammonites under Tlm-
otbeus (comp. ver. 6), and which with other cities
was taken bj Judas Maccabeus (v. 86). In the
latter passage the name is given as Casphok, and
in 2 Mace. xii. 13 as Caspis, if indeed the same
place is referred to, which is not quite clear (see
F.wald, iv. 359, note). G.
CAS'PIS (KAnTix; [Alex. Kotmv:] Co*,
ohm), a strong fortified city — whether east or west
of Jordan is not plain — having near it a lake
(\luyrt) two stadia in breadth. It was taken by
Judas Maccabeus with great slaughter (2 Mace,
xii. 13, 16). The parallel history of the 1st Book
of Maccabees mentions a city named Casphok or
Caspiion, with which Caapis may be identical —
but tbe narratives differ materially. G.
CASSIA. The representative in the A. V. of
the Hebrew words laddah and ketzfdtli.
1. K'uU&h (fTJT5: If l t : casta, ttacU) occurs
in Ex. xxx. 24, as one of the ingredients in the
composition of the " oil of boly ointment; " and in
Ex. xxvii. 19, where "bright iron, cassia, and
ealamu« " are mentioned as articles of merchandise
brought by Dan and Javan to the market of Tyre.
There can be no doubt that the A. V. is correct in
tbe translation of the Hebrew word, though there
is considerable variety (if reading in the old versions.
The LXX. and Josephus (Ant. iii. 8, § 3) have
it-is, i. e, some species of fl«g, perhaps the Iris
flortntinrt, which has an aromatic root-stock. Sym-
maclius and the Vulg. (in Ez. L e.) read ttacte,
" liquid myrrh." The Arabic versions of Saadias
and Erpenius conjecture cottus, which l)r. Royle
(Kitto's Ct/c. art. ' Ketzioth ') identifies with Auct-
ImxHit t'osltu, to which he refers not the kiddSh,
but the kttzi'fith of the Hebrew Scriptures (see be-
low). The Chaldee and Syriac, with most of the
European versions, understand cautu by hddik:
they are followed by (iesenius, Simonis, Fiirst, Lee,
and all the lexicographers. The accounts of cassia
as given by ancient authors are confused ; and the
investigation of the subject is a difficult one. It is
slear that the latin writers by the term casta un-
derstood both the Oriental product now under con-
sideration, as well as some low sweet herbaceous
plant, perhaps the Dajthru gmlium, linn, (see Fee,
Flore de Mrgik, p. 32, and Du Molin, Flor. Poet.
Ancienne, 277): but the Greek word, which is first
jaed by Haodotus (ii. 86), who says (iii. 110) the
" from TT|? : Arab. Ju», or (Jj>, " to cleave,"
'to taw sntlhwiae ; " so eallsd from the spHtttox; of
*»bark.
6 The country of the Moavlli was in the Ohinamo-
nopbora reaio, and not far from Aromata xVnporium,
ind tbe author of the Peripiua puticulertae cassia
smotifsc the ojcpnrt* of the same roast (Tennent, Oeyton,
«0, note), as u> ^tT^S, see Bochart, Otcf. Sac
a. I. Ob. H. < 21, and Rosenmultor, SWofc ad Be. I. e.
■ho, hoisenr, Identity it with Sanaa, in Arabia.
CASSIA
Arabians procured it from a shallow lake b. task
country, is limited to the Eastern product. Dioa.
corides mentions several kinds of cassia, and says
they are produced in Spicy Arabia (i. 12). One
kind is known by tbe name of man/leti*, or accord
ing to Galen (Dt Theriac ad Pi*, p. 108), of
uumylivt, from the ancient city and promontory
Mosylion, on the coast of Africa and the sea of
liabel Mandeb, not for from the modern Cape
Uuanlafui (Sprengel, Amot. ad Dtatoor. i. 12).
Will not this throw some tight on Ex. xxvii. 19.
where it will be observed that, instead of the ren-
dering ** going to and fro " in the text of the A. V*.,
the margin has Meuznl T " Dan and Javan and
Meuzal traded in thy markets with cassia, calamus."
Ac. The cassia would be brought from India to
Meuzal, and from thence exported to Tyre and other
countries under tbe name of MtvmtitU, or Meuzal
cassia.''
Dioecorides speaks of another kind of cassia called
Kitlo, which has been supposed by some to be sub-
stantially the same as tbe Hebrew word Kiddah, to
which it certainly bears a strong resemblance. If
the words are identical, they must denote cassis
of different qualities, for the kitlo rf Dioecorides
was very inferior, while we cannot doubt that the
cassia used in the composition of the holy ointment
would be of tbe best kind.
Cassia is not produced by any trees which are
now found growing in Arabia. It is probable there-
fore that the Greek authors were mistaken on this
subject, and that they occasionally hare regarded
products imported into Arabia, and thence exported
northwards to other countries, as tbe natural pro-
ductions of that country. The cassia-bark of com-
merce is yielded by various kinds of Cimunnomtm,
which grow in different parts of India, and is not
the product of only one species of tree. Cmnn-
monum malabathricum of S. India supplies much
of the cassia-bark of commerce. Dr. Hooker says
that cassia is an inferior cinnamon in one sense,
though, as it never comes from the same species ss
tbe true cinnamon, the statement is ambiguous.
2. Ketaotk (tiT'SJi:' coo-fa: casta), only in
Ps. xlv. 8, " All thy garments smell of myrrh, aloes,
and cassia." This word is generally supposed to
be another term for cassia: the old \ersions are in
favor of this interpretation, as well as the etymology
of the Hebrew word. Tbe Arabic r«d» Salh-kn,
which, from its description by Al nl Fadli and
Avicenna (Celsius, Hierob. ii. 364-5), evidently
denotes some cassia-yielding tree. Dr. Royle sug-
gests (see above) that kelzTith is identical in mean-
ing and in form with the Arabic kuotii, koott, or
[Syriac] koothtn' whence is probably derived the
cvtttu of the Greeks and Komana. Dioscoridei
(i. 15) enumerates three kinds of castas, an Arabian
Indian, and Syrian sort : tbe first two are b;
Sprengel referred to Cotttu arabiatt, linn. (St
f from tbe root
"to scraps,"
6
rf
SSJJ, Arab. «Jai\
pssL"
"to tope*,
S4n * 1 1 nr ^ from tbe root
ffWraz*
quasi cortex detnetus.
S • »
* kXwJt «*•"», !• *• radieki aromatloai Indkat ■
Arable* species. Earn. HJ See fieytag
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CASTLE
•ibaiicnm). The koott of India, called by Euiu-
■rans Indian orrit, is the root of what Koyle haa
lamed Auckhmdia cottut. There ia no reason,
downer, why we should abandon the explanation
if the old versions, and depart from the satisfactory
rtymological evidence afforded by the Hebrew term
lo the doubtful question of identity between it and
the Arabic hootU W. H.
CASTLE. [Fortificatioss.]
CASTOR AND POL-LUX, the Dioscuri
(AioorKoupoi, Acts zxviii. 11 V For tne mythology
of these two heroes, the twin-eons of Jupiter and
Leda, we must refer to the Diet, of liiug. and
MythoL We have here to do with them only so
far as they were connected with seafaring life.
They wore regarded as the tutelary divinities (fl«oi
o-arrqp'f) of sailors. They appeared in heaven as
the constellation of Uemini. Immediately on ship-
board they were recognized in the phosphoric lights,
sailed by modern Italian sailors Hie fret of St.
Flrno, which play about the masts and the sails
(** In magna tempestate apparent quasi stelhe velo
insidentes : adjuvari se tunc periclitantes existimant
PoUucis et Castoris nuraine," Senee. NiU. QuatL i.
1; eomp. 1'lin. ii. 37). Hence the frequent allu-
sions of Roman poets to these divinities in con-
nection with navigation (see especially Hor. Cam.
L 8. 2, " fratres Helena;, lucida sidera," and iv. 8.
31). As the ship mentioned here by St. Luke was
from Alexandria, it may be worth while to notice
that Castor and Pollux were specially honored in
the neighboring district of Cyrenaica (ScAot. l'ind.
i-ylh. v. 6). In Catull. iv. 37, we have distinct
ueution of a boat dedicated to them. See alio
hrviii. 65. In art these divinities were sometimes
represented simply as stars hovering over a ship,
but more frequently, a* young men on horseback
with conical caps, and stars above them (see the
coins of Hhegium, a city of Bruttii, at which St.
Star coin of Bnrttil. Obv. : Baads of Castor and
PoDux to right. Bar. : Castor and Pollux mount*>l,
advancing to right In the exergue BPETTinN.
'aul touched on the voyage in question, ver. I'l).
Juch figures were probably painted or sculptured
st the bow of the ship (hence mpiirrifior; see IH>t.
of Antic/, art. Inagne). This custom was very
frequent in ancient shipbuilding. Herodotus says
(Hi. 37) that the Phoenicians used to place the fig-
area of deities at the bow of their vessels. Virgil
(j£n. x. 309) and Ovid ( TritU t 10. 2) supply us
with illustrations of the practice; and Cyril of
Alexandria (Cramer's Catena, ad I. c) says that
such was always the Alexandrian method of orna-
QMOtlmr each aide of the prow. [Ship.]
J. S. H.
« The word Ciuta occurs once only In classical Latin,
tamely, In Martial, Epig. xlii. 69 ; bat that some birrl
u Intended Is beyond a doubt. The ancient Gretas
sod Romans do not appear to bav« kept donvntfc cais.
■Te hare eoaght In vara fbr the sHs.li»»« ailoxlon to
■Mis lomaiian In saaaataal aoUtora.
CATERPILLAB 896
CATS (oi ai\ovpoi: catto") occurs only la
Baruch vi. 23 [Epist of Jer. 33], in the passage
which sets forth the vanity of the Babylonish idols:
" Upon their bodies and heads sil l*ts, swallows,
and birds, and the cats also." The Greek aXKou-
pos, as used by Aristotle, haa more particular ref-
erence to the wild cat (Fetit calm, Ac.). Herod-
otus, in the well-known passage (ii. 60) which treats
of the cats of Egypt, uses alAovpor to denote the
domestic animal; similarly Cicero ( Twc. v. 27.
78) employs felit; but both Greek and latin
words are used to denote other animals, apparently
some kinds of marten (Miirtet). The context of
the passage in Baruch appears to point to the do-
mesticated animal. Perhaps the people of Babylon
originally procured the cat from Egypt.
The domestic cat of the ancient Egyptians is
supposed by some to be identical with the Felit
mnniculala, Ruppell, of Nubia, and with our own
domestic animal, but there is considerable doubt
on UiU matter. The Egyptians, it is well known,
laid an absurd reverence to the cat ; it accompanied
them in their fowling expeditions; it was deemed
a capital offense to knf one; when a cat died.it was
Felit mamadnta.
embalmed and buried at Bubastis, the city sacred
to the moon, of which divinity the cat was reckoned
a symbol (Herod, ii. 66; Wilkinson, Anc. Fgtgit. i.
246, lx>nd. 1854; Jabloneki, Panth. .Egypt, ii. 6ft,
Ac.; Diod. Sic. i. 83). It is generally believed
that the cat was employed by the ancient Egyp-
tians as a retriever to bring them the game they
killed in their fowling expeditions; we cannot credit
anything of the kind : that the cat, as a great fa-
vorite, was allowed to accompany the fowler, is
beyond dispute, but it was doubtless for the sake
of a share in the booty, and not for the benefit of
the fowler. Without laying much stress on the
want of sufficient sagacity for retrieving purposes,
we cannot believe that the cat could ever have been
trained to go into the water, to which it haa a very
strong aversion. 6 See the wood-cuts in Wilkinson,
where the fowler is in a boat accompanied by his
cat As to D , *S, which Bochart takes to mean
wild cats, see Beast. The cat belongs to tiw
family Felida, order Carnirorn.
CATERPILLAR. The representative in
the A. V. of the Hebrew words ehatU and yelek.
1. ChAsil (VdII: iutpt,, flpoCxoi, ipvtrlfin
o Bven to a proverb : —
" Cains amat places, sed non vult thussre plantain.'
■' Letting I dare not wait npon T would,
Like the poor cat I' the adage." — Sbakap. Msrtsta
1.7.
See Trench's L u— ni m rYewrei, p. MP
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896
OATHTJA
rmbigo, brudms, arugo). The Hebrew word oet are
k> 1 K. rlii. 87; 9 Chr. *i. 28; Pa. lxxviij. 46; b
xxxiii. 4; Joel i. 4. It U evident from the incon-
sistency of the two moet important oU versions in
their renderings of this word, that nothing is to be
learnt from them. Boohart has endeavored to show
that there are nine or ten Hebrew names to denote
different species of locusts; it has been shown
[Locust] that this cannot really be the case, that
the destructive kinds of locust which at times visit
the Bible lands must be limited to two or three
species, the most destructive being the Acridtwn
//ereffrimtm and the (EdipaL, nu'gratoria ,- conse-
quently tome of these name* must stand either for
different conditions in the life of the locust, or they
may be synonyms, or else they may denote other
iuect devourera. The term now under notice
seems to be applied to a locust, perhaps in its larva
state. The indefinite rendering of the A. V. may
well, we think, be retained to express the ChitU, or
the consumer.
2. Ytlek. [See Locust, 8.]
W. H.
CATHU'A (KaeW; [Vat. Kova:] Coma),
1 Esdr. v. 30. Apparently answers to GiDDEL in
Hebrew text. [Kritzsche (b'xeg. Hnndb. in loc.)
makes Ttttaip the representative of Giddd, and
finds no Hebrew correspondent of KaBovtL A.]
CATTLE. [Buu.]
CAULS (B^att?: ip*\i KU x : torque*).
The margin of the A. V. gives " net-works." The
Old English word "caul" denoted a netted cap
worn by women. Compare Chaucer ( Wyf of
Bathe* Tale, C. T. 1. 6599):
" Let as, which is the proudest of ham alls,
That werith on a eoverebjef or a eaUe."'
The Hebrew word MMMm thus rendered in Is. iii.
18, is, like many others which occur in the same
passage, the subject of much dispute. It occurs
but once, and its root is not elsewhere found in
Hebrew. The Rabbinical commentators connect
X with V3T> thibbilt, rendered "embroider" in
Sx. xxriii. 39, but properly " to work in squares,
make checker-work." So Kimehi (Lex. s. v.) ex-
plains thllniAm as "the name of garments wrought
m checker-work." Kashi says they are " a kind of
net-work to adorn the bead." Abarbanel is more
full: he describes them as " head-dresses, made of
silk or gold thread, with which the women bound
their heads about, and they were of checker-work."
fhe word occurs again in the MUbna (Celim,
nxviii. 10), but nothing can possibly be inferred
from the passage itself, and the explanations of the
commentators do not throw much light upon it.
It there appears to be used as part of a net-work
worr as a head-dress by women. Bartenora says it
was " a figure which they made upon the net-work
°w ornament, standing in front of it and going
-ound from one ear to the other." Beyond the
fact that the thlbitim were head-dresses or orna-
ments of the head-dress of Hebrew ladies, nothing
«•. »»> add to be known about them.
Schrscder (De Vest. MuL, cap. ii.) conjectured
that they were medallions worn on the necklace,
S '••' ,
and identified thibidm with the Arab 2L*A+*v,
Hwmakth, the diminutive of tirr i *■ atoms, the
m, whieh b appBed to denote the sub -shaped
cavi
oman.uits worn by Arab -omen alont their aeelei
But to this Gesenius very properly objects ( Jm. 1
809), as well as to the explanation of Jahn (ArelUU
i. 3, 139), who renders the word "gause veils."
The Versions give but little assistance. The
1.XX. raider iuwlUicia, " plaited work," to which
Koavp&ovt, " fringes," appears to have been added
originally as a gloss, and afterwards to have crept
into the text. Aquib has rtXatiAras, "belts."
The Targum merely adopts the Hebrew word with-
out translating it, and the Syriac and Arabic
vaguely render .t "their ornaments."
W. A. W.
* CAUSEY (French chauttee), a raised or
paved way (nbDD), in 1 Chr. xxvi. 16, 18, and
Prov. xv. 19 (margin), in the A. V. ed. 1611, but
afterwards changed to causeway, a corruption for
cautey. "Causeway," however, b found in the
margin of Is. vii. 3 in A. V. ed. 1611: See Wor-
cester's and Webster's Dictkmarin, and Eastwood
and Wright's Bible Word-Bout, p. 90. Ii.
•CAUSEWAY. [Causey.]
CAVE (rn^C : a-rbXatov. fpeUmen : in A
V. Is. 0. 19, holt ; [Is. xxxii. 14 ;] Jer. vii. 1 1, den ;
Josh. xiii. 4, literatim, Utarah ; Maara, Vulg.).
1. The chalky limestone of which the rocks of
Syria and Palestine chiefly consist presents, as is
the case in all limestone formations, a vast number
of caverns and natural fissures, many of which have
also been artificially enlarged and adapted to various
purposes both of shelter and defense. (Page, Text-
Book of Geology, p. 141; Kitto, Phy*. Geoor. of
Put. p. 72.) This circumstance has also given oc-
casion to the use of so Urge a number of words as
are employed in the Scriptures to denote caves,
holes, and fissures, some of them giving names to
the towns and placet in their neighborhood. Out
of them, besides No I., may be selected the follow-
ing:—
H "Wl or ~lV* (Gee. p. 4S8), a hole ; usu-
ally TpdVyAtf, and carema. From this come («.
, "in, dweller in cava, the name of the Horites of
Mount Seir, Wady Ghoeyer, expelled by the Edam-
ites, probably alluded to by Job, a Troglodyte race
spoken of by Strabo. (Gen. xiv. 6, xzxvi. 21;
Deut. ii. 12; Job xxx. 6; Strab. i. p. 42, xvi. pp
775-776; Burckhardt, Syria, p. 410; Robinson, ii.
69, 157; Stanby, S. <f r. §§ 68-71.) [Horitks.]
(ft.) TJin, land of cavern (E*. xlvii. 16, 18;
Burckhardt, Syria, pp. 110, 286): Avpaswis,
LXX.: ^ira«s Vulg. [Haobax.] (a) W?
7 VIP, home of cavern*, the two towns of Beth-
horon (Josh. xvi. 8, 5). [Beth-hobou.] (A;
C^Mn, taw cavern*, the town Horonaim (Is. xv.
5). [HoboxaIM.]
HL D^jrl, r*" ett if 'fKflV* *» "**» (Q*». p
445) for bird*,' Cant. U. 14: <nc<w»: foramina
[Jer. xlix. 16, yuuaXtai- carema,'] Obad. 3
oW: sctsnms: A. V. deft*.
IV. rnnjO: T p»/iaX(a:a«w , *ia». , AV.deis
a ravine through which water Sows (Gee. p. 858)
Jodg. vi.9. .
The cares of Syria and Palestine are sUD need
either occasionally or permanently, as babHations
as at Anib, near Ssoft, Ramoth-Gilead (Backing
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CAVE
m, TnmeU im Syria, p. 68). The shepherds near
Hebron leave their villages in the summer to dwell
In c*>*e§ and ruins, in order to be nearer to their
Bocks and fields (Robinson, i. 218). Almost all the
habitations at Om-keit, Gadara, an cares (Burck-
hardt, p. 373). An extensive lystem of cares exists
at Beit Jibrtn, Eleutheropolis, in Judah, which has
serred for residence or concealment, though now
disused (Robinson, ii. 63); and another between
Bethlehem and Hebron (Irby and Mangles, p. 103).
The most remarkable caves noticed in Scripture
in: — 1. That in which Lot dwelt after the de-
struction of Sodom (Gen. xiz. 30). 3. The cave
of Machpelah (xxiii. 17). 3. Gave of Makkedah
(Josh. x. 16). 4. Cave of Adullam (1 Sam. xxii.
1). 5. Cave of En-gedl (xxiv. 3). 6. Obadiab's
save (1 K. xviii. 4). 7. Elijah's cave in Horeb
(xix. 9). 8, 9. ' The rock sepulchres of Laiarus,
and of our Lord (John xi. 38; Matt, xxvii. 60).
Some of these mar be identified, and to others ap-
proximate, if not absolutely identical, sites may be
assigned. Thus the existing caverns near the S. E.
end of the Dead Sea serve fully to justify the men-
tion of a cave as the place of Lot's retirement; as
those on the W. side agree both in situation and
in name with the oaves of En-gedi (Lynch, Sarra-
ww, p. 234 ; Robinson, i. 600; Stanley, p. 396). The
eave of Machpelah undoubtedly lies beneath the
mosque at Hebron (Robinson, ii. 79 ; Stanley, p. 149 ;
Benj. of Tudela, Early Trav. p. 86). The cave of
Makkedah can hardly be the one to which tradition
has assigned the name (Irby and Mangles, p. 93);
Jbr though it is not necessary to suppose that the
eave was close to the town of Makkedah, yet the
situation of the great caverns both at Bat Jibrtn
and at Dar Dubb&n in neither case agrees with
that of Makkedah as given by EuaeUus, eight miles
from Eleutheropolis (Roland, p. 886; Robinson, ii.
33, 53; Stanley, p. 811). The site assigned by the
same ancient authority to Adullam, 10 m. E. of
Eleutheropolis, agrees as little with that of the cave
believed by tradition to have been David's hiding-
place, namely, in the Wady Khirdlim at the S. E.
of Bethlehem, which in some respects agrees with
the Scripture narrative better than the neighbor-
hood of Ddr Dubb&n, assigned to it by Mr. Stan-
ley. (See 1 Sam. xx. 6, and particularly xxii. 3,
4; Joseph. Ant. ri. 18, § 3; Roland, p. 649; Irby
and Mangles, p. 103; Robinson, i. 483; Stanley,
p. 369.) [See Odollam.]
The cave in which Obadhth concealed the proph-
ets cannot now be identified, but it was probably
in the northern part of the country, in which abun-
dant instances of caves fit for such a purpose might
be pointed out.
The sites of the cave of EUjah, as well as of the
" deft " of Moses on Mount Horeb (Ex. xxxiii. 88)
are also obviously indeterminate; for though tradi-
tion has not only assigned a place for the former
on Jebel Musa, and consecrated the spot by a
chapel, there are caves on the competing summit
si* SerbU, to one or other of which it might with
squat probability be transferred. (Stanley, p. 49:
Robinson, i. 103; Burckhardt p. 608.)
Besides then special caves there is frequent men-
lion in O. T. of caves as places of refuge. Thus
the Israelites are said to have taken refuge from the
Philistines in "holes'* (1 Sam. xtv. 11): to whiof
the name of the scene of Jonathan's conflict, Hikh-
ads (Mirbmaah), sufficiently answers. (Stanley,
>. 804: Rob. i. 440; Irby, p. 89.) So also in the
(ana of Cideon they had token refuge from the Mid-
OAVB 891
Unites in dens and caves and strougtoidt.. such as
abound in the mountain region of Manasseh
(Judges ri. 3; Stanley, p. 341.)
Not only have the caves of Palestine afforded
refuge from enemies, but during the earthquakes
also, by which the oountry has been so often vik-
ited, the inhabitants have found in them a safe
retreat This was the case in the great oonvukion
of 1837, when Sa/ed was destroyed; and to this
mode of retreat the prophet Isaiah probably alludes
(Is. ii. 10, 19, 31; Robinson, ii. 428; Stanley,
p. 161).
But Adullam is not the only cave, nor were its
tenants the only instances of banditti making the
caves of Palestine their accustomed haunt Jose-
phus (Ant. xiv. 16, § 6) relates the manner in
which, by order of Herod, a cave occupied by rob-
bers, or rather insurgents, was attacked by soldiers
let down from above in chests and baskets, from
which they dragged forth the inmates with hooks,
and lolled or thrust them down the precipices; or,
setting fire to their stores of fuel, destroyed them
by suffocation. These caves are said to have been
in Galilee, not far from Sepphoris; and are prob-
ably the same as those which Josephus himself, in
providing for the defense of Galilee, fortified near
Gennesaret, which elsewhere he calls the caves of
Arbela (B. J. i. 16, § 3-4, ii. 30, § 6, Kit, § 37).
Bacchidea, the general of Demetrius, in his expedi-
tion against Judas, encamped at Messaloth, near
Arbela, and reduced to submission the occupants
of the caves (Ant. xti. 11, § 1; 1 Mace. ix. 3).
Messaloth is probably ."11705, afenj, of terraces
(comp. 3 Chr. ix. 11 ; Ges. p. 967). The Messaloth
of the book of Maccabees and the robber-caves of
Arbela are thus probably identical, and are the
same as the fortified cavern near Mcdjtlel (Mag-
dala), called Xalaal Jim Mann, or Pigeon's Castle,
mentioned by several travellers. They are said by
Burckhardt to be capable of containing 600 men.
(Reland, pp. 368, 676; Burckhardt Syria, p. 331;
Irby and Mangles, p. 91 ; Lightioot Cent. Chorogr.
ii. 231; Robinson, ii. 398; Raumer, p. 108: comp
also Hoe. x. 14.) [Beth-Arbel.]
Josephus also speaks of the robber inhabitants
of Trachonitis, who lived in large caverns, present-
ing no prominence above ground, but widely ex-
tended below (Ant. xv. 10, § 1). These banditti
annoyed much the trade with Damascus, bnt were
put down by Herod. Strabo alludes very distinctly
to this in his description of Trachonitis, and de-
scribes one of the caverns as capable of holding
4000 men (Strabo, xvi. p. 766; Raumer, p. 68;
Jollifle, Travels in Pal I 197).
Lastly, It was the caves which lie beneath and
around so many of the Jewish cities that formed
the last hiding-places of the Jewish leaders in the
war with the Romans. Josephus himself relates
the story of his own concealment in the caves if
Jotapata; and after the capture of Jerusalem, John
of Gischala, Simon, and many other Jews endiav-
ored to conceal themselves in the caverns beneath
the city; whilst in some of them great spoil and
vast numbers of dead bodies were found of those
who had perished during the siege by hunger or
from wounds (Joseph. B. J. ill. 8, § 1, vi. 9, § 4).
The rock dwellings and temples of Petra an de-
scribed in a separate article.
Natural cavities in the rock wen and an fre-
quently used as cisterns for water, and at places of
imprisonment (Is. xxiv. 33; E» •rod! 88; Zeeh
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898
OEDAR
be 11) [Cistern; Phisok]; also as stalls for bone*
and for granaries (Irby and Mangles, p. 146). No
cse, however, of rock caverns more strikingly con-
Beets the modern usages of Palestine and the adja-
cent regions with their ancient history than the
employment of them as burial-places. The rocky
soil of go large a portion of the Holy I-and almost
forbids interment, excepting in cavities either nat-
ural or hewu from the rock. The dwelling of the
demoniac among the tombs is thus explained by
the rock caverns abounding near the Sea of Galilee
(Jolliflc, i. 36). Accordingly numerous sites are
shown in Palestine and adjacent lands of (so-called)
sepulchres of saints and heroes of Old and New
Test., venerated both by Christians and Moham-
medans (Early Travel*, p. 36; Stanley, p. 148).
Among these may be mentioned the cave of Mach-
pelah, the tomb of Aaron on Mount Hor, of Joseph,
and of Rachel, as those for which every probability
cl identity in site at least may be claimed (Irby
and Mangles, p. 134; Robinson, i. 218, 219, ii. 275-
987). More questionable are the sites of the tombs
of Elisha, Obadiah, and John the Baptist, at Sa-
maria; of Habakkuk at Jebdtha (Gabatha), Micafa
near Kctla, and of Deborah, Rebekah's nurse, at
Bethel (Stanley, pp. 143, 149; Keland, pp. 772, 698,
981 ; Rob. ii. 304 ). The questions so much debated
relating to the tombs in and near Jerusalem and
Bethany will be found treated under those beads.
But whatever value may belong to the connection
of the names of judges, kings, or prophets, with
the very remarkable rock-tombs near Jerusalem,
there can be no doubt that the caves bearing these
names are sepulchral caverns enlarged and embel-
lished by art. The sides of the valley of Jehosli-
aphat are studded with caves, many of which are
inhabited by Arab families. (Sandys, p. 188 ; Maun-
drell, p. 446; Robinson, i. 241, 349, 364; Bartletl,
Walla about Jerusalem, p. 117 ). It is no doubt the
vast number of caves throughout the country, to-
gether with, perhaps, as Maundrell remarks the
taste for hermit life which prevailed in the 5th and
6th centuries of the Christian era, which has placed
the sites of so many important events in caves and
grottoes; e. <j. the birth of the Virgin, the Annun-
ciation, the Salutation, the birth of the Baptist and
of our Lord, the scene of the Agony, of St. Peter's
denial, the composition of the Apostles' Creed, the
Transfiguration (Shaw, pt ii. c 1 ; Maundrell, E.
T. p. 479): and the like causes have created a tra-
litionary cave-site for the altar of Ehjah on Mount
Carmel, and peopled its sides, as well as those of
Mount Tabor, with hermit inhabitants. (1 K.
sviii. 19; Irby and Mangles, p. 60; Reland, p. 329;
Winer, s. v. Carmtl; Am. Ix. 3; Sir J. Maunde-
lifle, Traveli, p. 81; Sandys, p. 208; Maundrell,
E. T. p. 478; Jahn, Arch. BiU. p. 9; Stanley, p.
168; Kitto, Phy. Gtogr. pp. 80,31; Van Egmont,
TraveU, U. 5-7.) H. W. P.
CEDAR (riS; Kitpo,: ctdrui: from pS,
soot of WIS, coded at compretud, Gesen. p. 148).
The term la expressive of a mighty and deeply
tooted tree, and is usually understood to apply here
to one of the coniferous kind, but not always to
mat which is commonly known as the Cedar of
The conditions to be fulfilled In order to answer
• The aUfc fuo s between the Lebanon esdar and
» Daodaim eonaj s ts chiefly In the oooss, whloh In
ss latent grow tn palm, and upon stalks ; the asms
CEDAR
all the descriptions in the Bible of a i
that it should be tall (Is. ii. 13), spreading (Es.
xxxi. 3), abundant (1 K. v. 6, 10), fit for beams,
pillars, and boards (1 Kl vi. 10, 15, vii. 8), masts
of ships (Ex. xxvii. 6), and for carved work at
images (hi. xliv. 14). To these may be added qual
ities ascribed to cedar-wood by profane writers
Pliny speaks of the cedar of Crete, Africa, and
Syria as being most esteemed and imperishable.
The same quality is ascribed also to juniper. In
Egypt and Syria ships were built of cedar, and in
Cyprus a tree was cut down 120 feet long and pro-
portionately thick. The durability of cedar was
proved, he says, by the duration of the cedar roof
of the temple of Diana at Kphesus, which had lasted
400 years. At Utica the beams, made of Numid-
ian cedar, of a temple of Apollo had lasted 1170
yean! Vitruvius speaks of the antiseptic proper-
ties of the oil of cedar and also of juniper (Plin.
U. If. vii. 5, xvi. 40; Vitruv. ii. 9; Joseph. Art.
viii. 6, § 2; Sandys, TmceU, pp. 166, 167).
Not only was cedar timber used by David and
Solomon in their buildings (2 Sam. v. 11; 1 K. v.
6, vi. 16, vii. 2), but also in the second Tample
rebuilt under Zerubbabel, the timber employed was
cedar from Lebanon (Ear. iii. 7; 1 Esdr. iv. 48, v.
65). Cedar is also said by Josephus to have been
used by Herod in the roof of bis temple (B. J. v.
5, $ 2). The roof of the Rotunda of the Church
of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem is said to have
been of cedar, and that of the Church of the Vir-
gin at Bethlehem to have been of cedar or cypress.
(Williams, Boh) City, ii. 202; Quaresmius, Kluc.
Ttrr. SancL vi. 12; Per. p. 2; Tobler, Bethlehem,
pp. 110, 112.)
Now in some important respects no tree but the
cedar (Pima cairns), at its almost equivalent, the
Pima Deodara," can answer the above conditions.
The characteristics of these two trees, of which
great numbers an* found from Mount Taurus to the
Himalayas, are so often interchanged that they are
scarcely to be distinguished the one from the other.
No tree is at once so lofty, spreading, and umbra-
geous, and the wood of the Deodara at least is ex-
tremely durable. The difficulties which are found
in reconciling the ancient descriptions with the
modern specimens of cedar wood lie, (1) in the fit-
ness of cedar trees for masts of ships (Ex. xxvii. 5);
(2) still more in the very general agreement as to
the inferior quality of the timber, which is usually
described as less valuable than the worst sorts of
deaL Of authorities quoted by Dr. Royle in his
article on the subject in Dr. Kitto's Cyclopaedia (art.
£re»), two only ascribe serviceable qualities to the
cedar-wood, whether grown in England or in speci-
mens brought from the ancient cedar grove on Mount
IiObanon. Accordingly, Celsius in his Hierobotan
icon has endeavored to prove that by the cedar of
Scripture is meant the Pintu tykeitrit at Scotch
fir, and that by "fir" is intended the cypress.
Others have supposed that the Sandarac tree, the
citrus of Pliny, CaUitri* quadrmakit, or Thy a
articulata, represents the cedar. The timber of
this tree is extremely hard and durable; the roof
of the mosque of Cordova, built in tlw 9th century
is constructed of it, which was formerly supposed
from the Spanish name altrce to have been mads
of larch (Cook, Skttcket sn Spam, p. 6, sjh* note
also an longer and mors distinctly I stasd, Ik* f*M|
of both is extnmely i
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CKDAK
tmgimun. llimdb. »f Arck i. 4.*8). Besides these
trees, the C'ephaloniou pine, the common yew, Tamu
iaecata, and the juniper cedar, L'tdrtu hacafera, or
■aycuhrm, each of thein possesses qualities which
umrer to aome at least of thuse ascribed to the
eedar. The opinion of Celsius is founded in great
measure on the use by the Arabs and Arabic writers
of the word '««', arz, evidently the equivalent of
f T?& •""**, to express the cedar of I^ebanon, and
also at Aleppo the Piruu sylrtstris, which is abun-
dant both near that city and oil l^ebanou. A sim-
ilar argument will apply also to the Thuja articulata
of Mount Atlas, which is called by the Arabs ri-
der, a name which led to the mistake as to the ma-
terial of the Cordova roof from its similarity to
the Spanish alerce (Niebubr, Deter, de TArabie,
p. 131. &e., and Quotient, xc. p. 169, <te.; Pliny,
// iV. riii. ]], 15; Kitto, Era, Tkuja; Hay,
CEDAR 899
i Wat. Barb. c. iv. 49; (ieaen. p. 148, who njsats
\ tbo opinion of Celsius; Winer, ». v.).
i It may be observed. ( 1 . ) That unsuccessful exper-
iments on English-grown cedar, or on wood derived
from the trees of the ancient cedar groxe of M«-
non, do not as yet invalidate all claim of tlie cedar,
whether Lebanon or Ueodara cedar, to share in tlie
qualities anciently ascribed to it. Besides the trees
which belong to the one grove known by the name
of "the Cedars," groves and green woods of cedar
are found in other parts of the range (Buckingham,
Trarett among Arabs, p. 488; Hny. Cyrt. s- r.
Sipias Robinson, iii. 593; Burckhardt, Syria, p.
19; Loudon, Arboretum, vol. iv. pp. 2400, 2407;
Celsius, IlitroboUmicon, i. 83; Belnn, Obt. de Ar-
boribut contferu. ii. 162, 165, 166). (2.) That H
has been already shown that the Deodars cedar
certainly possesses in a remarkable degree the prop-
erty of durability, said to be wanting in the Leb-
Calino' I. •'•anon. (From a Photogrmp'i.)
smo eedar. But (3.) The remains of wood wed
in the Nineveh palaces were supposed by I-ayard to
he eedar, a supposition confinued by the inscrip-
ions, which show that the Assyrian kings imported
cedar from Lebanon. This wood is now proved by
microscopic examination to be yew (Liyard, A', and
It. pp. 356, 357; Loudon, u. <. p. 2431).
In speaking, therefore, of cedar of lyjbanon used
in building for beams, pillars, or ceiling boards, it
is probable that the wood of more than one tree
was employed, but turner the one name of cedar,
tnd that the trees which furnished the material
vere, besides the Pinus eedrut. the Cedrut Deodn- 1,
he yew, ( Taxut baecala), and also the Scotch pine
{Pituu syhxtlrit). The Sandarac tree ( Thuja artic-
ulata) is said by Van Egmout ( Travels, ii. 280) to
have been found on Lebanon, but no bint of im-
portation of foreign timber is anywhere given in
Scripture, or by Josephus, whilst each of the above-
oamed trees grows there in greater or less abun-
isaee. The Pinut tylcestrit may have furnished
Jss materia] of the ship-masts mentioned by Exe-
kiel: and it may be added, that the I.XX. render
•• masts " in that passage by larovt iKarivom ,
at nfe »J'Jtr, or tike Jir.
But there is another use of cedar rood men
tinned in Scripture, namely, in purification (l>ev
x'.v. 4; Num. xix. 6). The term cedar h applied
l>y I'liny ui the lesser cedar, oxycedrut, a Phoenician
juni|ier, which is still common on the Lebanon,
and whose wood is aromatic. The wood or fri'it
of this tree was anciently burnt by way of p>.i
fume, espectally at funerals (Hlin. H. N. xdii. 1, S ;
Ov. rati. ii. 568; Horn. Od. v. 60). The tret is
common in Egypt anc" Nubia, and also in Arabia
in the Wady Mousa. where the greater cedar is not
found. It is obvious'y likely that the use of the
more common tree should be enjoined while the
people were still in the wilderness, rather than of
tlie uncommon (Shaw, Travels, p. 464; Burck-
hardt, Syritt, p. 430; KusaelL, Xubia, p. 425).
I The grove of trees known ss the Cedars of l*b-
anon oonsists of about 400 trees, standing quits
alone in a depression of the mountain with no bass
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400
CEDAR
Mar, about MOO feet above the sea, and MOO be-
ow the ninimit. About 11 or 12 are very large
and old, 36 large, 60 or middle size, and more than
300 younger and smaller ou«." The older trees
have each several trunks and spread themselves
widely round, but most of the others are of cone'
like form and do not send out wide lateral branches. 6
In 1660 there were 28 old trees, in 1739 I'ococke
counted 16, but the number of trunks makes the
operation of counting uncertain. They are re
garded with much reverence by the native inhab-
itants as living records of Solomon's power, and
the Maronite patriarch was formerly accustomed to
celebrate there the festival of the Transfiguration
at an altar of rough stones. Within the last 10
years s chapel has been erected (Kobinson, iii. 590,
Ml ; Stanley, S. <* P. p. 140). H. W. P.
There can, we think, be little doubt that the He-
brew word ere* (T"1N), invariably rendered "cedar"
by the A. V., does stand for that tree in most of
the passages where the word occurs. The errs, or
"firinly rooted and strong tree," from an Arabic
root which has this signification/ is particularly the
name of the cedar of Lebanon (Cedrui Libani);
but that the word is used in a wider sense to denote
other trees of the Coniftra, is clear from some
Scriptural passages where it occurs. For instance,
the " cedar wood " mentioned in Lev. xiv. 6 can
hardly be the wood of the Lebanon cedars, seeing
that the Vedrtu Libani could never have grown in
the peninsula of Sinai, where the Israelites were at
the time the law for the cleansing of the leper was
given ; nor in Egypt, whence they had departed.
"Cedars," says Dr. Hooker, "are found on the
mountains of Algeria, on the whole range of Tau-
rus, and in the Kedisha valley of libation: they
have also been olwerved by Khrenberg in forests of
oak between Bsberre and Bshinnate." There is
another passage (Ez. xxvtt. 5) where the Tyrians
are said to have made use of " cedars of Lebanon "
for masts of ships, in which perhaps era denotes
some fir; in all probability, as Dr. Hooker con-
jectures, the Pima J/nle/xmtu, which grows in
Lebanon, and is better fitted for furnishing ship-
masts than the wood of the Ctdrm Libani. With
regard to the objection that has been made to the
wood of the Cairut Libani — (see Dr. Iindley's
remark in the Gardiner" t Chron. i. 099, "the
worthless though magnificent cedar of Mount Leb-
anon ") — that its inferior quality could i ever have
allowed it to form the '•cedar pillars," etc. of
Solomon's temple, it may be observed that this in-
feriority applies only to English grown trees, and
not to Lebanon specimens. At the same time it
must be admitted that, though the wood is of close
grain, it has no particular quality to recommend it
■or building purposes; it was probably, therefore,
jot very extensively used in the construction of the
Temple.
lie Cedrm Libani, Pinut Haltpamt, and Ju-
o • Mr. Jeesup (see addition to this article) says
that toe largest of these " Is forty-sight foot In circum-
ference, and the remaining eleven vary from twenty to
'Jtirty feet" {Hours at Home for Mann, 1867; Iv.
W8). A.
6 # Dr. Thomson {land and Book, 1. 297) remarks
so a striking peculiarity In the shape of this ties,
whleh Is illustrated by the engraving hers given. He
says : " llie bianehes are thrown out horiaontally from
tew parot-t trunk. These, again, part Into limbs whleh
•he same hortaontal direction, sod so on down
« CDA»
niptnu excelta, were , robably all included ondet
the term era ; though there can be no doubt thai
by this name is more espeially denoted the cedar of
Lebanon, as being mrr* i(oxh* *"* firmest and
grandest of the conifers.
The Pinut tylrtttrit is by old writers often men-
tioned as one of the pines of Lebanon; but Dr
Hooker says he has little doubt that the P. UaU-
pentit must he the true meant, for the P. tt/htstrii
(" Scotch fir ") is not found in Illation or Syria.
The chum of the Deodar to represent a Bible
Cunijrr may lie dismissed at once. Deodars an.
not found nearer to the l^bonon than within a dis-
tance of several hundred miles. As to the " cedar
wood " used in purifications, it is probable that one
of the smaller junipers is intended (J. tabina 1 ),
for it is doubtful whether the Jmu'jxrtu esccthc.
exists at all in Arabia. [Junipkh.]
Dr. Hooker bos favored us with the following
valuable communication relative to the true cedars
of I^ebanon: "As far as is at present known, the
cedar of Lebanon is confined in Syria to one volley
of the Lebanon range, namely, that of the Kedisha
river, which flows from near the highest point of
the range westward to the Mediterranean, and
enters the sea at the port of Tripoli. The grove
is at the very upper part of the valley, about 15
miles from the sea, 6000 feet above that level, and
their position is moreover above that of all other
arboreous vegetation. The valley here is very broad,
open, and shallow, and the grove forms a mere
speck on its flat floor. The mountains rise above
them on the X. E. and S. in steep stony slopes,
without precipices, gorges, ravines, or any other
picturesque features whatever. Nothing can be
more dreary than the whole surrounding landscape.
To the W. the scenery abruptly changes, the valley
suddenly contracts to a gorge, and becomes a rocky
ravine of the most picturesque description, with vil-
lages, groves, and convents perched on its flasks,
base, and summits, recalling Switzerland vivitly
anil accurately. At the time of my visit (OctoU •,
1800) the flanks of the valley about the cedars w« •
perfectly arid, and of a pule yellow red ; and the
view of this great red area, perhaps two or three
miles across, with the minute patch of cedar grove,
seen from above and at a distance of ten miles or
so, wss most singular. I can give you no Idea of
what a speck the grove is in the yawning hollow.
I have said the floor of the valley is flat and broad ;
but, on nearer inspection, the cedars are found to
lie confined to a small portion of a range of low
stony hills of rounded outlines, and perhaps 60 to
100 feet above the plain, which sweep across the
valley. These hills are, I believe, old moraines, de-
posited by glaciers that once debouched on to the
plain from the surrounding tops of (.ebanon. I
have many reasons for believing this, as also for
supposing that their formation dates from the glac'al
epoch. The restriction of the cedars to these mo-
raines is absolute, and not without analogy in re-
to the minutest twigs, and even the arrangement of
the clustered leaves has the same general tendency.
Climb Into one, and you are delighted with a succss
slon of verdant floors spread around the trunk, arts
gradually narrowing as you ascend. The beautiful
cones seem to stand upon, or fiss out of this greei
flooring." A.
c from the unused root TTH, i. J. Arab. v.|, •»
trcetit, teOfit Jtmunoitqnt ss.
Omen. Tku s. v
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CKDAK
«rd to other coniferous trees in Swim tod Hiimt-
iayan valley*."
Dr. (looker draw* attention t/> the unfortunate
disregard shown witl wpect to cbe seedling! an-
nual); produced from he old cedar-trees in Leb-
anon. It is a remarkable but lamentable fact that
no trees are teen much less than 50 years old!
The browsing goats and the drought destroy all the
young seedlings ; and it is a sad pity that no means
are adopted to encourage their growth, which might
easily be done by fencing and watering."
W.H.
* It has been popularly supposed and often as-
serted (even by Stanley, S. o* P. p. 140, 3d ed.)
that the U'sherreh grove above described was the
only remaining representative of the ancient "cedars
ot Lebanon," though Seetzeu found cedars to the
number of several thousands at Etnub, north of
Khden, and speaks of two other groves which he
did not personally visit (Kob. Later BibL lit*, iii.
593). Khrenlierg also in 1823 found the cedar
growing abundantly on those parts of the l^banon
range which lie north of the road between Ua'albek
and Tripoli (Kob. ibid.). More recently, other
large groves were described by Berggreu and the
botanist IW (Hitter, Urdlc. ivii. 638). Hut we are
indebted for the fullest information on this subject
to the Kev. Henry II. Jessup, an American mis-
sionary in Syria, who has visited and described no
less than "tkvtn distinct grata of cedars in
Mount Lebanon, two of them of great size and
numbering thousands of trees. Five of these
groves are in Northern and six in Southern l*b-
anon, and their situation and relative altitude above
the tea," Sir. Jessup remarks, " are such as to in-
dicate that at some time in the past, the whole
Lebanon range, at an average height of from 3000
to 7000 feet above the sea, was covered with forests
of this imperial tree." (See his article on the
" Cedar Forests in Mount l^ebanon " in Hoars at
Homo for March and April, 1867; iv. 405 ff., 41)9
ft)
Of the groves In Northern l<ebanon the most
remarkable, besides the famous It'sherreh grove, is
one at eUHadith, first visited by .Mr. Jessup in
1856, in which, as he says, " the trees are literally
innumerable, extending for a mile along the range,
and containing cedars enough to build a city of
temples" (//ours at Home, iv. 409). Mr. Tris-
tram visited the same place in 1864, and describes
the largest of the trees as " fifteen or eighteen feet
in circumference," but he found " none that ap-
proached the patriarchs of the grove either in size
or magnificence " (Land of Israel, p. 634, 3d ed.).
In Southern Lebanon there was a forest of cedars
a few years ago near 'Ain Zehalteh, containing
'• more than 10,000 trees, many of them of im-
mense size; " but " the Vandal of a Sbeik," as Mr.
Tristram calls him, " sold them to a native specu-
lator, who cut them down for pitch." The stumps,
however, remain, and luxuriant young plants are
springing up on every side. Mr. Jessup visited the
place, and measured one stump " nearly 15 feet in
diameter " (Hour* at Home, iv. 499). Among the
more remarkable groves now flourishing in South-
ern Lebanon is one near Maasir, " npt inferior in
interest to the • Cedars of the Lord themselves."
CEILING
401
» II.
' 8s* Or. Booker's paper "On the Osaan of Uba-
m, *e." ht tlM Nat Hist. Rertrw, No. v
' Dean Stanley baa a baraUnil paragraph (tbuwud
It contains about 300 trees, the largest measuring
over 30 feet in circumference. " Perhaps 80 of
tbeni," says Mr. Jessup, " will measure from 30 to
35 feet in circumference, and almost all of them
are large and venerable in appearance. There U
not an insignificant tree in the grove." Near el-
Baruk there is a much larger grove or rather forest,
containing thousands of trees. They cover an area
of nearly one hundred acres along the mountain
Bide, and up and down a gradually sloping ravine.
. . . The largest of the trees measure in girth
about 30 feet, and they vary in size down to a foot
in diameter." Below this, at about fifteen minutes'
ride, lies the northeastern grove of el-Baruk, on
the southern side of a deep ravine, containing
about 300 noble trees, the largest 34 feet in circum-
ference.
Mr. Jessup in his visits to these groves was ac-
companied by Dr. Post, an experienced botanist,
who pronounces the trees to be the genuine Pimu
cedrvs. A.
OETJRON (1, Ktfpay. Alex. [1 Mace xv.
39, Kattooy; 41,] K*Spo>: [1 Mace. xv. 39, 41,J
Gedor [but Cedron, ed. 1590, as in xvi. 9]). L
A place fortified by Cendebeus under the orders of
king Antiochus (Sidetes), ss a station from which
to command the roads of Judrea (1 Mace. xv. 39,
41, xvi. 9). It was not far from Jamnia (Jabue),
or from Azotus (Ashdod), and had a winter-torrent
or wady (xttiiipious), on the eastward of it, which
the army of the Maccabees had to cross before Cen-
deba>us could be attacked (x< '. 5). These condi-
tions are well fulfilled in the modem place Katra
or Ktttrah, which lies on the maritime plain below
the river Rubin, and three miles sooVwest of Alar
(Kkron). Schwsrz (p. 119) gives tie modern name
as Kadrin, but this wants confirmation. Ewald
(Gesch. iv. 390, note) suggests Tell et-Twmus, five
or six miles further south.
2. In this form is given in the N. T. the name
of the brook Kidron CJT?D bn3=«tbe Mac*
torrent") in the ravine below the eastern wall ot
Jerusalem (John xviii. 1, only). Beyond it was
the garden of Gethsemane. Ijichmann, with AD
[AS A, not D, see below], has x"r^h u * T »»
K<3ps>f; but the Rec. Text with B[CL and most
of tne uncials] has ray xJSpay, t. «. " the brook
of the cedars " (so too the I.XX. in 2 Sam. xr. 33).
Other MSS. [as Sin. D] have the name even so
far corrupted as toO KtSoou, eedri, and t«V 8«V-
tpay. In English the name is often erroneously
read (like Cephas, Cenchree, Chuza^&c.) with a
soft C; but it is unnecessary to point out that it
has no connection with "Cedar." [Kidko.n.]
0.
CEI'LAN (Ki\dV; [Aid. KtiAdV:] Oato).
Sons of Ceilan andAzetas, according to 1 Esdr. v.
15, returned with Zorobabel from Babylon. There
are no names corresponding to these in the lists of
Ezra or Nehemiah.
CEILING CP9?, from 1?D : hot\otrrd»-
ftnarf, 1 K. vi. 9; to cover with rafters, Gesen. p.
695; SebJeusner, Less. V. T. koiXoot., at *PiTtJ»
(Es. xli. 16), a plank). The descriptions of Script-
on a visit to the cedars) In which h* brings together
In a striking picture all the Scripture alluatous to this
edsbratsd forest (Notitss of LoeaHsiss, p. VB «.).
H
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402
CEILING
m (1 K. vi. 9, 15, vii. 3; 2 Clir. 1U. 6, 9, Jer.
uii. 14; Hag. i. 4), and of JoKphni (Ant. Ttii. 8,
§§ 3-9, it. 11, § 6), show that the ceilings of tbe
Temple and the palaces of the Jewish kings wen
formed of cedar planks applied to the beams or
joints crossing from wall to wall, probably with
sunk panels (faTydtmra), edged and ornamented
with gold, and carved with incised or other patterns
(SaSvlikou yKwpais), sometimes painted (Jer.
izii. 14).
It is probable that both Egyptian and Assyrian
models were, in this as in other branches of archi-
tectural construction, followed before the Roman
period. [Architkctuke.] Tbe construction and
designs of Assyrian ceilings in the more important
buildings can only be conjectured (I.ayard, A'm-
iteh, ii. 265, 289), but the proportions in the walk
themselves answer in a great degree to those men-
tioned in Scripture (A'in. and Bab. p. G42; Ker-
gusson, Handbook of Architecture, i. 201). Ki-
amples, however, are extant of Egyptian ceilings in
stucco painted with devices of a date much earlier
than that of Solomon's Temple. Of these devices
the principal are the guilloche, the chevron, and
the scroll. Some are painted in blue with stars,
and others bear representations of birds and other
emblems (Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, ii. 290). The
excessive use of vermilion and other glaring colors in
Koman house-painting, of which Vitruvius at a later
date complains (vu. 5), may have been introduced
from Egypt, whence also came in all probability the
taste for vermilion painting shown in Jehoiakim's
palace (Jer. xxii. 14; Am. iii. 15; Wilkinson, i-
19). See also the descriptions given by Athemtus
(v. p. 196) of the tent of Ptolemy Philadelphia, and
the ship of Philopator («6. p. 206), and of the so-
called sepulchres of the kings of Syria near Tyre
(HasselquUt, p. 165).
The panel work in ceilings, which has been de-
scribed, is found in Oriental and North African
dwellings of late and modern times. Shaw de-
scribes the ceilings of Moorish bouses in Uarbary
at of wainscot, either " very artfully painted, or
Panelled catling from house In Cairo. (Lane, Modern
Egyptians.)
eke thrown into a variety of panels, with gilded
mouldings and scrolls of the Koran intermixed "
: Trunk, p. 208). Mr. Porter describes the ceil-
.ngs cf houses at Damascus as delicately painted,
and in the more ancient houses with " arabesques
encompassing panels of blue, on which are inscribed
verses and chapters of the Koran in Arabic. Abo
tomb at Palmyra, with a stone ceiling beautifully
panelled ind painted ( [>imntcut, i. 34, 37, 57, 60,
132; cf. Dent. vi. 9; also Line's Mud. Egypt. 1.
17, 38). Many of the rooms in the Palace of the
Moors at the Alhambra were ceiled and ornamented
#ith the richest geometrical patterns. Then still
remain, and restorations of them may he seen at
CENCHREA
the Alhambra Court of the Crystal Piuace. Th.
ancient Egyptians used colored tiles in their build-
ings (Athen. r. 906; Wilkinson, ii. 287). Tb.
*nr, »L.'0a
Panelled celling from house In Cairo. (I
Ei&priam.)
like taste is observed by (,'bardin to have prevailed
in Persia, and be mentions beautiful specimens of
mosaic, araliesque, and inlaid wood-work in ceilings
at Ispahan, at Kooni in the mosque of Katinia, and
at Ardevil. These ceilings were constructed on
the ground and hoisted to their position by ma-
chinery (Chardin, itiytffr, ii. 434, iv. 126, viL
387, viH. 40, plate 39; Olearius, p. 241).
II. W. P.
• CELLARS. [Jo.tan, No. 7.]
CELOSYR'IA. [Oklkhvria.]
CEN'CHREA (accurately CEN'CHRRdB,
Ktynptal'. [Cenchra]), tbe eastern harljor of Cor-
inth (•■ e. its harbor on the Saronic Gulf) and the
emporium of its trade with the Asiatic shores of
the Mediterranean, as l-echwum (lAiiraki) on the
Corinthian Gulf connected it with Italy and the
west. A line of walls extended from the citadel
of Corinth to Lechaum, and thus the pass of Ceu-
chreae was of peculiar military importance in refer-
ence to the approach along the Isthmus from
Northern Greece to the Mores. [Loni-vrii.]
St, Paul sailed from Ceuchme (Acta iviii. 18)
on his return to Syria from his second missionary
journey; and when he wrote his epistle to the
Romans in the course of the third journey, an or-
ganized church seems to have been formed ben
(Rom. xvi. 1. See Pikkbk). The first bishop of
this church is said (A/umt. Cmut. vii. 46) to have
been named Lucius, and to have lieen appointed by
St. Paul.
The distance of Cencbrec from Corinth waa 70
stadia or about nine miles. Pausanias (ii. 3) de-
scribes the mad as having tombs and a grove of
cypresses by the wayside. Tbe modiTn village of
Kikrier retains the ancient name, which is conjec-
tured by l>r. Sihthorpe to he derived from the mil-
let (xiyKpi), which still grows there (Walpole'i
Trnnlt, p. 41). Some traces of the moles of the
port are still visible (see Leake's JrVen, iii. m>.
233-335). The following coin exhibiu the port
exactly as it is descrilied by Pausanias, with a tem-
ple at the extremity of each mole, and a statue of
Neptune on a rock between them. J. 8. H.
* KtKxp'h >■ the vnlgar form, hut in modern
Greek the educated still write Kc^pwi' (Rangaha
t4 'EAAqrunl, U. 318). It is situated near thf
mouth of a little river which I ears tl* same nana
as does also the lay (mAa-ot) into whWi th* ri»w
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CKNDEBBUS
empties. It i» » little south of KulanuM, the
tatliiii station of the steamers, end therefore under
the traveller's eye who eroaaee the isthmus. When
Paul n there he taw the place foil of the monu-
CENSUS
408
(Monad Ooto of Corinth. On the obverse the hold
of Antoninus Pins ; on toe man the port of On-
•brae, with o. L. L a., that li, oouwu un rvu»
ments of idolatry. On the road thither from for
inth he passed a temple and statue of Minerva.
In the harbor itself was a shrine, and a figure of
Aphrodite in marble, a brazen image of Neptune
holding a trident in one hand and a dolphin in the
other, and temples of Asclepius and his. The
Greek mythology made Cenchrius, a son of Nep-
tune, founder of Cenchrees, but in that may only
hare ennobled some trivial name already in use
(Rangabes, as above). H.
CENDEBETJS (accurately CENDEB-SI'-
TJS, KcrSfjSoioy; [Sin. in 1 Mace. xvi. 1, 8, Ae-
Batos, AtuBtos: Cendtbaus]), a general left by
Antiochus VII. in command of the sea-board of
Palestine (1 Mace. it. 38 ff.) after the defeat of
Tryphon, B. c. 138. He fortified Kedron and
harassed the Jews for some time, but was after-
wards defeated by Judas and John, the sons of Si-
mon Maecabesus, with great loss (1 Mace. xvi. 1-
10). [Aktiochus VII.] B. F. \V.
: in LXX.
CENSER (nnnp and iTT'PB
•neatly nptiw, bnt also Bvtoicn and 0vuiarf)pu»>
ihuribvtum). The former of the Hebrew words
(from rOTH, to teUe or Iny hold of, especially of
(re) seems used generally for any instrument to
seize or hold burning coals, or to receive ashes, Ac.,
such as the appendages of the brazen altar and
golden candlestick mentioned in Ex. xxr. 38,
uxvii. 23, in which senses it seems rendered by
the LXX. by eVopwrrplj, iwywrlip, or perhaps
uwiiffUh It, however, generally bears the limited
meaning which properly belongs to the second word,
lound only in the later books (e. g. 2 Chr. xxri. 19 ;
Ea. tLH. 11), (der. 'T^*!?! Uwense), that, namely,
jf a .-"naC poilable vessel of metal fitted to receive
burning ■wei» from the altar, and on which the in-
eense &r burning was sprinkled by the priest to
whose office this exclusively belonged, who bore it
in his hand, and with whose personal share in the
•Met solemn ritual duties it was thus in close and
vivid connection (3 Chr. xxvi. 18; Luke 1. 9).
Thus " Korah and his company " were bidda t >
take "censers," with which in emulation of Aaroa
and his sous they had perhaps provided themselves*
(coup. Ex. viii. 11); and Moses tells Aaron to take
" the censer " (not a as in A. V.), i. e. that of the
sanctuary, or that of the high-priest, to stay the
plague by atonement. The oidy distinct precepts
regarding the use of the censer are found in Num.
iv. 14, where among the vessels of the golden alta.,
i. c of incense, "censers" are reckoned; and in
l«v. xvi. 12, where we find that the high-priest
was to carry it (here also it is " the " not " a cen-
ser" that he is ordered to "take") into the most
holy place within the vail, where the " incense "
was to be "put on the fire," ■'. t. on the coals in
the censer, "before the Lord." This must hava
been on the Day of Atonement, for then only was
that place entered. Solomon prepared " censers of
pure gold " as part of the same furniture (1 K. vii.
50; 2 Chr. iv. 22). Possibly their general use may
be explained by the imagery of Rev. viii. 3, 4,* and
may have been to take up coals from the brazen
altar, and convey the incense while burning to the
" golden altar," or "altar of incense," on which it
was to be offered morning and evening (Ex. xxx.
7, 8). So Uzziah, when be was intending "to
bum incense upon the altar of incense," took " a
censer in his hand " (2 Chr. xxvi. 16, 19). The
Miahna (Joma, iv. 4) mentions a silver censer
which had a handle, and was fetched from some
chamber where such utensils were kept (ib. v.
1, and Bartenora's comment); and was used to
gather the coals from the altar, which were then
transferred to a golden censer. Ou the great Day
of Atonement, however, a golden one uf finer stand-
ard (Tamui, v. 6) was used throughout The
word Bufuarfip'ov, rendered "censer" iu lleb. ix.
4, probably means the " altar of incense." c [Al/-
tar.] (In L'golini, vol. xi. a copious collection of
authorities on the subject will be found; Sonne-
schmid d* Thym. Sonet, is referred to by Winer
i. v. Kauclifain.) IL H.
CENSUS ("T~3e, or HT^, numbering
combined icith hutration, from "IP?, mirey m or-
der to purge, Gesen. 1120: LXX. opifhufi; N. T.,
awoyowp^'- dimuneratio, deteriptio). I. Moses
laid down the law (Ex. xxx. 12, 13) Chat whenever
the people were numbered, an offering of J a shekel
should be made by every man above 20 years
of age by way of atonement or propitiation. A
previous law bad also ordered that the firstborn of
man and of beast should be set apart, as well at
the first fruits of agricultural produce; the first to
be redeemed, and the rest with one exception
offered to God (Ex. xiii. 12, 13, xxu. 29). The
idea of lustration in connection with numbering
predominated also in the Roman census (Diet, of
Antiq. s. v. Lustrum), and among Mohammedan
nations at the present day a prejudice exists against
numbering their possessions, especially the fruits of
the field (Hay, IKesfern Barbary, p. 16; Crichton,
Arabia, ii. 180; see also Lane, Mod. Egypt, ii. 72,
« Owsnlua s. v. nrHTD ssoms to prefer the re»-
acal mianing of a flre-shovel In this passage ; but, fcon.
Rum. xvl. 17, It was probably th* same ntablon of
'irfng as that nasd by Aaron Ir the priestly function
•», at the rsbelUon was evidently a dsllbsntsiy eon-
ectsi movement. Is than any dUBenlty In suppling
■t saiiiaiil of preparation soggettsd In the text
*«W west tar mw here Is tagamet, fronv <he
k^m of Matt U. 11 ; In Rev. v. 8, «WA* is used
apparently to mean the same vessel.
c This word undeniably bears this sense In Joseph.
Ant. ill. 8, § 8, who gives it similarly the epithet
xpwrtjw ; as also to Phllo, Dt fit. Bin. p. 888, «t.
Paris. It thof becomes _ sWt«mfptov rvfititiartx,
the szpnesiOD ft the same thing to iXX., Kx. xxx-
1, but Its simpler meaning la mere)) mat of an " In-
strument tar the SVuuta (Incense)," and thus eJtbsf
See also 1 Maes. I IL
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(04
CENSUS
ttV The rastances of numbering w earied in the
0.1 are as follows:
L Under the express direction of God (Ex. 1
xxiTiii. 36), in the 3d or 4th month after the Ex-
edua, during the encampment at Sinai, chiefly for
the porpoae of raising money for the Tabernade.
The nnmberi then taken amounted to 603,550
men, which may be presumed to express with
cheater precision the round numbers of 600,000
who an said to have left Egypt at first (Ex. xii.
37).
2. Again, in the 3d month of the 3d year after
the Exodus (Nam. i. 2, 3). This census was taken
for a double purpose, («.) to ascertain the number
of fighting men from the age of 20 to SO (Joseph.
Art. iii. 12, § 4). The total number on this occa-
sion, exclusive of the Levitts, amounted at this time
also to 603,560 (Num. ii. 32), Josephus says 603,-
650; each tribe was numbered, and placed under a
special leader, the head of the tribe. (4.) To as-
certain the amount of the redemption offering due
on account of all the first-born both of persons sod
cattle. Accordingly the numbers were taken of all
the first-born male persons of the whole nation above
one month old, including all of the tribe of l.evi
of the same age. Tbe Levites, whose numbers
amounted to 22,000, were taken in hen of the first-
born males of the rest of Israel, whose numbers
were 22,273, and for the surplus of 273 a money
payment of 1365 shekels, or 5 shekels each, was
made to Aaron and his sons (Num. iii. 39, 51 )■
If tbe numbers in our present copies, from which
■hose given by Josephus do not materially diner,
be correct, it seems likely that these two number-
ing* were in fact one, but applied to different pur-
poses. We can hardly otherwise account for the
identity of numbers even within tbe few months
of interval (Calmet on Num. i. Pictorial BiUt,
ibid.). It may be remarked that the system of
appointing head men in each tribe as leaders, as
sreD as the care taken in preserving tbe pedigrees
of the families corresponds with the practice of the
Arab tribes at tbe present day (Crichton, Arabia,
B. 185, 186; Niebuhr, D<«-r. de t Arable, 14;
Buckingham, Arab Tribes, 88; Jahn, Hist Book
U. 8, 11; Malcolm, Sketches of Persia, xiv. 167,
159).
3. Another numbering took place 88 years after-
wards, previous to tbe entrance into Canaan, when
the total number, excepting the Levites, amounted
jo 601,730 males, showing a decrease of 1,870. All
tribes presented an increase except tbe following:
Reuben, [showing a decrease] of 2,770; Simeon,
37,100; Gad, 5,150; Kphraim and Naphtali, 8,000
each. Tbe tribe of Levi had increased by 727
(Num. xxri.). Tbe great diminution which took
place in tbe tribe of Simeon may probably be as-
signed to the plague consequent on the misconduct
af Zimri (Calmet, on Num. xxv. 9). On tbe other
band, the chief instances of increase are found in
danasaeh, of 20,500; Benjamin, 10,300; A fiber,
.1,900, and Issachar, 9,900. None were numbered
it this census who bad been above 20 years of age
at the previous one in the 2d year, excepting Caleb
and Joshua (Num. xxvi. 63-65).
4. The next formal numbering of tbe whole
people was in the reign of David, who in a moment
of presumption, contrary to the advice of Joab, gave
orders to number the people without requiring tbe
statutable offering of j a shekel. The men of Israel
above 30 yean of age -vera 800,000, and of Judah
WG 000, total 1,300 000 Tbe book of Chron. gives
CENSUS
the numbers of land 1,100,000, aid of Jaass
470,000, total 1,570,000; but informs as that Law
and Benjamin were not numbered (1 Car. azL t,
xxvii. 24). Josephus gives the nnjnbsrs af Israel
and Judah respectively 900,000 and 400,000 (S
Sam. xxiv. 1, 9, and Cahnet, ad he.; I Chr. ai
1, 5, xxvii. 34; Joseph. AM. to. 13, § 1.)
5. Tbe census of David was completed by Sol*
moo, by causing the foreigners and remnants of
the conquered nations resident within I'alastsM is
be numbered. Their number amounted to 153,-
600, and they were employed in forced labor on
his great architectural works (Josh ix. 27 ; 1 K. ».
15, ix. 20, 21; 1 Chr. xxiL 2; 2 Chr. ii 17, 18).
Between this time and tbe Captivity, mention b
made of the numbers of armies under suuuiiu
kings of Israel and Judah, from which may be
gathered with more or less probability, and with
due consideration of tbe circumstances of the times
as influencing the numbers of the levies, I
of the population at the various times ■
6. Keboboam (a. c. 975-958) collected
Judah and Benjamin 180,000 men to fight I
Jeroboam (1 K. xii. 21).
7. Abysm (958-955), with 400,000
war on Jeroboam with 800,000, of whom 500,00u
were shun (2 Chr. xiiL 3, 17).
8. Asa (955-914) had an army of 300,000 men
from Judah, and 280,000 (Josephus says 250,000)
from Benjamin, with which he defeated Zerah the
Ethiopian, with an army of 1,000,000 (2 Chr. xiv.
8, 9; Joseph. Art. viii. 12, J 1).
9. Jehoshapbat (914-891), besides men in gar-
risons, had under arms 1,160,000 men, including
perhaps subject foreigners (2 Chr. xvii. 14-19;
Jahn, HitU v. 87).
10. Amariah (838-811) had from Judah and
Benjamin 300,000, besides 100,000 mercenaries
from land (2 Chr. xxv. 5, 6).
11. Uxriah (811-759) could bring into the fidd
307,500 men (307,000, Josephus), well armed, under
3600 officers (2 Chr. xxvi. 11-15; Joseph. Art. ix.
10, § 3).
Besides these more general statements, we have
other and partial notices of numbers indicating
population. Thus, («.) Gideon from 4 tribes col-
lected 32,000 men (Jodg. ri. 35, vii. 3). (4.)
Jepbthah put to death 42,000 Ephraimites (Judg.
xii. 6). Tbe numbers of Kphraim 300 years before
were 32,500 (Num. xxri. 37). (c.) Of Benjamin
25,000 were slain at the battle of Gibeah, by which
slaughter, and that of the inhabitants of its cities,
tbe tribe wss reduced to 600 men. Its numbers
in the wilderness were 45,600 (Num. xxvi. 41;
Judg. xx. 35, 46). (d.) The number of those who
joined David after Saul's death, besides the tribe
of Iasachar. wss 340,922 (1 Chr. xii. 23-38). (*.) At
the time when Jehoshapbat could muster 1,160,000
men, Ahab in Israel could only bring 7000 against
the Syrians (1 K. xx. 15). (/.) The numbers car-
ried captive to Babylon b. c. 599 from Judah, arc
said (2 K. xxiv. 14, 16) to have been from 8000 to
10,000, by Jeremiah 4600 (Jer. Iii. 30).
12. The number of those who returned wits
Zerubbabd in the first caravan is reckoned at 4*V
360 (Ear. ii. 64); but of these perbsps 12,541
belonged to other tribes than Judah and Benjamin
It is thus that the difference between the tots,
(ver. 64) and the several details is to w account**'
for. The purpose of this census, which doss net
materially differ from the statement in Nabrcmat
(Neh. vii.), was to settle with reference to tha year
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CENSUS
X Jubilee the inheritances In the Holy 1-aitJ, which
sad been disturbed by the Captivity, and also to
ueertain the family genealogies, and ensure, as far
as possible, the purity of the Jewish race (Ear. ii.
59, x. 9, 8, 18, 44; Lev. xxr. 10;.
In the second caravan, n. c. 458, the number
was 1,496. Women and children are in neither
case included (Ezr. viil. 1-14).
It was probably for kindred objects that the
pedigrees and enumerations which occupy the first
» chapters of the 1st book of Chronicles were either
composed before the Captivity, or compiled after-
wards from existing records by Ezra and others (1
I'hr. iv. 38, 32, 39. v. 9, ri. 67, 81, vii. 38, ix. 3).
In the oonrse of these we meet with notices of the
numbers of the tribes, but at what periods is uncer-
tain. Thus Keuben, Gad, and half the tribe of
Manasseh are set down at 44,760 (v. 18), Issachar
at 87,000 (vii. 5), Benjamin 59,434 (vii. 7, 9, 11 ;,
Asher 96,000 (vii. 40). Besides there are to be
reckoned priests, Levites, and residents at Jerusalem
from the tribes of Benjamin, Ephraim, and Manasseh
(ii. 3).
Throughout all these accounts two points are
clear. 1. That great pains were taken to ascertain
and register the numbers of the Jewish people at
various times for the reasons mentioned above. 2.
That the numbers given in some cases can with
difficulty be reconciled with other numbers of no
very distant date, as well as with the presumed
capacity of the country for supporting population.
Thus the entire male population above 20 years of
see, excepting Levi and Benjamin, at David's cen-
sus, is given as 1,300,000 or 1,670,000 (3 Sam.
xxiv. 1 ; 1 Chr. xxi.), strangers 153,600, total
1,453,600 or 1,723,000. These numbers (the ex-
cepted tribes being borne in mind) represent a
population of not less than 4 times this amount, or
at least 5,814,000, of whom not less than 2,000,000
belonged to Judah alone (2 Sam. xxiv. 9). About
100 years after Jehoshaphat was able to gather from
Judah and Benjamin (including subject foreigners)
an army of 1,160,000 besides garrisons, represent-
ing a population of 4,640,000. Fifty years later,
Amaziah could only raise 300,000 from the same
I tribes, and 27 years after this, Uzziah had 307,-
M0 men and 2,600 officers. Whether the number
of the foreigners subject to Jehoshaphat constitutes
the difference at these periods must remain uncer-
tain.
To compare these estimates with the probable
capacity of the country, the whole area of Palestine,
Including the trans-Jordanic tribes, so far as it is
possible to ascertain their limits, may be set down
ss not exceeding 11,000 square miles; Judah and
Benjamin at 3,136, and Galilee at 930 sq. miles.
The population, making allowance for the excepted
tribes, would thus be not less than 530 to the
square mile. Now the population of Belgium in
I860 was 4,436,903, or it the rate of 388 to the
>cj. mile, the area being about 11,400 sq. miles,
'.lie area of the kingdom of Saxony is 5,752 sq.
miles, and its population in 1852 was 1,987,832, or
sn average of 345}, but in some districts 600, to
the sq. mile. The counties of Yorkshire, West-
moreland (the least populous county in England),
wd ljuicashire, whose united area is 8,649 sq.
Biles, contained in 1852 a population of 3,860,215,
IT rather more than 445 to the sq. mile; whi'* the
tounty of Lancashire alone gave 1,064 persons, the
•Jest Riding of Yorkshire 496, and Warwickshire
<M to the sq. mile. The island of Barbados! oon-
CENSU8
405
tains about 166 sq. miles, and in I860 contained
a population of 145,000, or 873 to the sq. mile,
The porulation of Milta in 1849 was 115,864, of
1,182 to the sq. mile. The two last instances, there-
fore, alone supply an average superior to tha
ascribed to Palestine in the time of David, while
the average of Judah and Benjamin in the time of
Jehoshaphat, would seem, with the exception men-
tioned above, to give 1,480 to the sq. mile, a popula-
tion exceeded only, in England, by the county of
Middlesex (6,683), and approached by that of Lan-
cashire (1,064).
But while, on the one hand, great doubt rests on
the genuineness of numerical expressions in O. T.
it must be considered on the other, that the read-
ings on which our version is founded give, with
trifling variations, the same results as those pre-
sented by the LXX. and by Josephus (Jahn, v. 36;
Winer, Zahlen ; Glasse, Phil. Sacr. dt cauint cor-
ruptionu, i. § 33, vol. ii. p. 189).
In the list of cities occupied by the tribe of Judah,
including Simeon, are found 123 "with their vii'
lages," and by Benjamin 26. Of one city, Ai,
situate in Benjamin, which like many, if not all the
others, was walled, we know that the population,
probably exclusive of children, was 12,000, whilst
of Gibeon it is said that it was larger than Ai
(Josh. viii. 25, 33, x. 2, xv. 21-62, xviii. 21-28,
xix. 1-9). If these " cities " may be taken at
samples of the rest, it is clear that Southern Pales-
tine, at least, was very populous before the entrance
of the people of Israel.
But Josephus, in his accounts (1) of the popula-
tion of Galilee in his own time, and (2) of the
numbers congregated at Jerusalem at the time of
the Passover, shows a large population inhabiting
Palestine. He says there were many cities in
Galilee, besides villages, of which the least, whether
cities or villages is not quite certain, had not less
than 15,000 inhabitants (B. J. iii. 3, § 2, 4; comp.
Tac. But. v. 8). After the defeat of Cestiua, A. D.
66, before the formal outbreak of the war, a census
taken at Jerusalem by the priests, of the numbers
assembled there for the Passover, founded on the
number of lambs sacrificed, compared with the prob-
able number of persons partaking, gave 2,700,000
persons, besides foreigners and those who were ex-
cluded by ceremonial defilement (see Tac. HisC v.
12). In the siege itself 1,100,000 perished, and
during the war 97,000 were made captives. Ilesides
these many deserted to the Romans, and were dis-
missed by them (B. ./. vi. 8, 9, 3). These numbers,
on any supposition of foreign influx (6fuf(pv\or AAA'
oiiic hrtxApiw) imply a large native population;
and 63 years later, in the insurrection of Uarcho-
chebas, Dion Cassius says that 60 fortified towns
and 980 villages were destroyed, and 680,000 per-
sons were slain in war, besides a countless multitude
who perished by famine, fire, and disease, so that
Palestine became almost depopulated (Dion Caw
box. 14).
Ijutly, there are abundant traces throughout the
whole of Palestine of a much higher rate of fertility
in former as compared with present times, a fertility
remarked by profane writers, and of which the
present neglected state of cultivation affords no test.
This, combined with the positive divine promises of
populousneas, increases tie probability of at least
approximate correctness in the foregoing estimate!
of population (Tac Hut. v. 6; Amm. Marc, xiv
8; Joseph. B. J. iii. 8; St. Jerome on Ezek. xx.
and Rabbinical authorities in Retand, o. xxvi. : She*
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IOG
CENTURION
Tim*, ii. pt 2, c 1, pp. 336, 340, and 275: Has-
wiqulst, Trmds, pp. 120, 127, 130; Stanley, S. d-
Pot pp. 120, 874; Kitto, Phyt. Geogr. p. 33;
Raumer, PaUktina, pp. 8, 80, 83, A pp. ix. ( 'omp.
Gen. ziii. IB, xxii. 17; Nam. xxiii. 10; 1 K. iv.
«0; Acts xii. 20).
n. In N. T., St. Luke, in hU aceoant of the
" taxing," says a decree went out from Augiutu*
inoypAxptoHtu Ttaaav tV oUov/iJrt)r aunt q Ato-
yptuph irpcfrnj iyirtro fiyf/iortvorros rfil Xvplat
Kvpyviou, and in the Acta alludes to a disturbance
raised by Judas of Galilee in the days of the
"taxing" (Lukeii. 1; Acta v. 37).
The Roman census under the Republic consisted,
so far as the present purpose is concerned, in an
enrolment of persons and property by tribes and
households. Every paterfamilias was required to
appear before the Censors, and give his own name
and his father's ; if married, that of his wife, and
the number and ages of his children : after this an
account and valuation of his property, on which a
tax was then imposed. By the lists thus obtained
every man's position in the state was regulated.
After these duties had been performed, a lustrum.
or solemn purification of the people followed, but
not always immediately (Diet, of Anttq. arts. Cm
tut, Lustrum ; Dionys. iv. 15,22; Cic. rfe /.eye.
iii. 3; Dig. 50, til, 15; Cod. 11, tit. 48; Clinton,
Fait. Hell, iii. p. 457, c. 10).
The census was taken, more or less regularly, in
the provinces, under the Republic, by provincial
censors, and the tribute regulated at their discretion
(Cic. Vtrr. ii. lib. ii. 53, 50 ), but no complete census
was made before the time of Augustus, who carried
out 3 general inspections of this kind, namely,
(1) R. c. 28; (2) R. c. 8; (3) A. r>. 14; and a
partial one, A. n. 4. The reason of the partial ex-
tent of this last was that be feared disturbances out
of Italy, and also that he might not appear as an
exactor. Of the returns made, Augustus himself
kept an accurate account (orerinrium), like a private
man of his property (Dion Cass. liv. 35, lv. 13;
Suet. Aug. i!, 101; Tac. Ann. i. 11; Tab. Ancyr.
ap. Tac. ii. 188, Ernesti).
A special assessment of Gaul under commissioners
sent for the purpose is mentioned in tie time of
Tiberius (Tac Aim. 1. 31, ii. 6 ; Liv. Kp. 134,
136).
The difficulties which arise in the passage from
St. Luke are discussed under Cykknios.
H. W. P.
CENTURION. [As a military title, see
Akmy, p. 164.]
• It is worth notice that all the centurions men-
tioned in the N. T. of whom we learn any thing
Seyond the strict line of their office, ap|«ar in a
avorable light. To the one of whom we read in
Matt. viii. 5 ft", the Jews bure testimony tint " he
joved their nation and had built them a synagogue."
His faith and humility were so great that when
Christ proposed to come and heal his servant, he
replied, " Ixjrd, I am not worthy that thou sbouMest
some under my roof; but speak the word only and
aiy servant shall be healed." He had been born
\ heathen, but Christ declared of him, " I have
tot found so great faith, no, not in Israel." The
wnturion who was on guard at the time of the eroei-
txinn. saw the portentous character of the events
which accompanied the Saviour's death (Mark
or. 39; Luke xxiii 47), acknowledged the right-
Uneas of his chums, and c o nf essed. " TVuIy this
CHAFK
man was the Son of God." The name of Cam elm
(Actsx. 1 tf.) marks a distinct period in the history
of the church. Before be had any knowledge of
the Gospel be had renounced idolatry and become
a worshipper of Jehovah (ewr«/Wii). He " feared
God with afl his house," abounded in alms-giving,
and had a " good repute among all the nation of
the Jews." His prayers for light and guidance
were beard and answered. By a remarkable ad-
justment of visions and providences he was at length
honored as tbe first Gentile convert who was re-
ceived into the church under such circumstances as
to settle the question of the universality of Christ's
religion and its independence of the rites of .1 odaiatn.
It is not certain that Julius, Paul's keeper on tbe
journey to Rome (Acts xxvii. 1 ST.), became a
Christian ; but be is described as a model of cour-
tesy and kindness, and, as may be inferred from the
ascendency which tbe apostle gained over him
during tbe voyage, was capable of appreciating tbe
noble character anil rare endowments of his pris-
oner. H-
CEPHAS [Kirffit]. [Pbteb.]
CERAS (k>wm£j: Curia), 1 E»dr. t. ».
[Kehos.]
* CE'SAR, A. V. ed. 1611, etc [Cjksab.]
■ CESARE'A, A. V. ed. 1611, etc. [Cm-
area.]
CETAB (Krrriff: Cetfa), 1 Eadr. ». 80
There is no name corresponding with this in tot
lists of Ezra and Nenemiah.
CHA3RIS ('APpls, [Xaft.fr ; Vat. Sin.]
Alex. Xafipus: Vulg. omits [exc Jud. viii. 10 (9)
Chubri]), tbe son of Gotboniel (4 tow D, one of
the three " rulers " (ipxorrtt), * " "ncients "
brpto-pirtpoi) of liethuha, in tbe time of Judith
(Jud. vi. 15, viii. 10, x. 6).
CHADIAS. " Tbey of Chadias (oi XoSuuwl
[Alex. Ouxotuuraii AW. oi XoJior]), and Am-
midioi," according to 1 Esdr. v. 20, returned from
Babylon with Zorobabel. There are no correspond-
ing names in Ezra and Nebemiah.
* Fritzscbe (Kxeg. Ilandb. in loc) identifies
Chadias with Kedesh, Josh. xv. 23. A.
* CHOREAS, the proper orthography few
Chkhkas, 2 Mace. x. 32, 37. A.
CHAFF (tt'^q, ?b, T$$ : CbaM- "*»•
x rois, ixvpor: st^ula, pMtj'faaOa). TheHeb.
words rendered chuff 'm A V. do not seem to have
precisely the same meaning: trtPq=fl>» cross,
hay; and occurs twice only in O. T.,' namely, Is. v.
24, xxxiii. 11. Tbe root tr'trP is not used. Prob-
ably the Sanskrit Mack = hay, is the same word
(Uopp, Cfcss. p. 41).
y'yo or yb is chaff separated by winnowing
from the grain — the busk of the wheat The ear
rying away of chaff by the wind is an ordinary
Scriptural image of the destruction of the wicked,
and of their powerlessness to resist God's judgments
(Is. xvii. 13; Hot. xiii. 3; Zeph. it 9 [Job itJ
18; Ps. I. 4, xxxv. 5; Is. xxix. 5]). The root oi
tbe word is Y*Q, toprttt out, at of milk; wbenn
its second me a ning , to i
73P is rendered straw in Ex. v. 7, 10, 11, Acs
and stubble in Job ni. IB. In Ex. v. 12, we ami
T&fo VP,, srsttfe for tram; so that it la a»J
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CHAIN
the hum M stubble. It means straw cut into abort
Rations, in which state it was mixed with the mud
of which bricks were made to give it consistency.
In 1 K. ir. 38, mention is made of a mixed fodder
far horses and camels of barley and T3£\ such as
toe Arabs call tl/m to this day. The derivation of
the word is doubtful. Gesenius was of opinion that
13^1 was for rUOtf , from root TO^, to hold,
in re fer en ce to edifices of .bricks made with straw.
Roediger prefers to connect it with yz, which
properly implies a separation and division of parts,
and is thence transferred to the mental power of
discernment; so that ^3£l signifies properly any-
thing cut into small parts (Gee. The*. 1492).
The Chaldaio word *"W occurs but once, in Dan.
ii. 35. It is connected with .the Syr. J j&i,
O - >
*ud Arab. )'*■£; «'■ e. a straw or small bit of chaff
Dying into and injuring the eye. W. D.
CHAIN. Chains were used, (1) as badges of
office; (3) for ornament; (3) for confining prisoners.
(1.) The gold chain (1*3?) P 1 *** 1 about Joseph's
neck (Gen. xli. 43), and that promised to Daniel
(Dan. v. 7, named TpiQn), are instances of the
first use. In Egypt it was one of the intigmn of a
judge, who wore an image of truth attached to it
(Wilkinson's Arte. Egypt, ii. 26) ; it was also worn
by the prime minister. In Persia it was considered
not only as a mark of royal favor (Xen. Anab. i. 3,
1 37), but a tok ii of investiture (Dan. L c. ; Morier's
Second Journey, p. 93). In Ex. xvi. 11, the chain
is mentioned as the symbol of sovereignty. (2.)
Chains for ornamental purposes were worn by men
as well as women in many countries both of Europe
and Asia (Wilkinson, iii. 372), and probably this
was the ease among the Hebrews (Prov. i. 9). The
necklace (PJ5) consisted of pearls, corals, Ac.,
threaded on a string; the beads were called
BTTIP, from fin, to perforate (Cant. I 10,
A.V. "ehains," when "of gold " are interpolated).
Besides the necklace, other chains were worn (Jud.
t. 4) hanging down as far as the waist, or even
lower. Some were adorned with pieces of metal,
shaped in the form of the moon, named D^intt?
(urjrurKoi, LXX. ; Umulm, Vulg.; round the* Hkt
the mom, A. V.; Is. iii. 18); a similar ornament,
the tilM, still exists in Egypt (Lane's Modern
Egyptian*, App. A.). The Midianites adornod the
Woks of their camels with it (Judg. viii. 31, 36);
:Se Arabs still use a similar ornament (Welbted, i.
101). To other chains were suspended various
trinkets — as scent-bottles, tTCpH VIJ (tibleu
or hove* of At toid, A. V., Is.' iii. 20), and mir-
rors, o'o'v'pa (u. m. 23). step-chatm, rvn iy
[uniting ornament*, A. V.), were attached to the
ankle-rings, which shortened the step and produced
t mincing gait (Is. iii. 16, 18). (3.) The means
CHALCEDONY
407
■ " Our celeedony brio* often opalescent — «'. t. nav-
at something of Pliny's "Ou-buneulnram lanes" In
t — got confounded with the Carchadonliu or Punic
I of a pals color, and this again with hla gnen
Km*x*UruH and iMnKm are eon-
adopted for confining prisoners among the Jews
were fetters similar to our hand-cunt C^FItpnj
(lit. two brattet, as though made in halves), fast-
ened on the wrists and ankles, and attached to each
other by a chain (Judg. xvi. 21; 2 Sam. iii. 34.
3 K. xxv. 7; Jer. xxxix. 7). Among the Romans,
the prisoner was hand-cuffed to one, and occasionally
to two guards — the hand-cuff on the one being
attached to that on the other by a chain (Acts xii.
6, 7, xxi. 33 [xxviii. 16, 20; Rph. vi. 20; 2 Tim. i.
16] ; Did. of Ant., art. Catena). W. L. B.
• The "chains" (A. V.) with which the Gad-
arene maniac was bound (Mark v. 3, 4) were ap
parently ropes or withes, which he pulled apart in
his phrensy (Sietra-wrthu), while be crushed or
shivered to pieces the iron fetters (awrerpupflai)
See Kkttkm. H.
CHALCEDONY ( X aJucntii» : ckalcedonuu),
only in Kev. xxi. 19, where it is mentioned as beuy
the atone which garnished the third foundation of
the heavenly Jerusalem. The name is applied in
modern, mineralogy to one of the varieties of agate:
specimen* of this sub-species of quarts, when of a
pearly or wax-like lustre and of great translucency,
are known by the name of chalcedony, sometimes
popularly called " white carnelian." ° There is also
a stalactitic form found occasionally in cavities.
There can, however, be little doubt that the stone
to which Theophrastus (De Lnpid. § 25) refers, as
being found in the island opposite Chalcedon and
used as a solder, must have been the green trans-
parent carbonate of copper, or our copper emerald.
It is by no means easy to determine the mineral
indicated by Pliny (.V. //. xxxvii. 5); the white
agate is mentioned by him (N. H. xxxvii. 10) as
one of the numerous varieties of Aclmtrt (Agate),
under the names CeracluUe* and Leucachnte*. The
Chalcedoniu* was so called from Chalcedon, and
was obtained from the copper-mines there. It was a
small stone and of no great value; it is described
by Pliny as resembling the green and blue tints
which are seen on a peacock's tail, or on a pigeon's
neck. Mr. King (Antupu Genu, p. 8) says it was
a kind of inferior emerald, as Pliny understood it.
W. B
• Thomson (I/md ami Itmtk, i. 437) speaks
of this mineral as not uncommon in Syria. In one
of the valleys of Galilee (•'!} hours on the way from
Safed to Acre) " are beautiful geodes of chalcedony,
which I have spent days, first and last, in gathering
In the spring of 1838 I sent four donkey-loads to
Beirut, and from there they have been dispersed by
friends to almost every part of the world. Some
fire years ago I discovered a new locality of it ex-
tending from Jisr Kuraone, below Mushgarah, quite
up to the south end of the Buk'ah, at Jub Jennln.
The whole country there for many miles is literally
covered with these geodes, from the size of a walnut
to that of a large melon. I have dis c o v er ed jasper
and agate in great variety and very beautiful, along
the southern and eastern base of Mount Casius, and
in a few other places. Of the twelve manner of
stones in the breast-plate of the high-priest (Ex.
xxviii. 17-30) there are native to this country the
jasper, the agate, the beryl, and the aardiua. IT
ttoualty Intr— hanged la MS Marbodus already under-
stood It of our Caleedony as shown by hb " Pa!
basque Chaieedoolua umk xabtt ttklfva." — CW
Emg.
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408
OHAXOOL
Mm sapphire is the lapis lazuli, it i» also met with
in certain porta of Syria."
It ia nirprUing to notice with what familiarity
the sacred writers refer to the names and qualities
of precious stones. This is specially true of John in
the Apocalypse (rxi. 18-21), who exhibits a knowl-
edge of such matters which an expert only in this
species of learning among us would be expected to
possess. Hut in the East, where such stones abound
and are applied to so many uses, persons of the
most ordinary intelligence in other respects show
themselves almost the equals of artisans and
scholars. " 1 venture to say " (says the writer just
quoted), " that this donkey-boy coming to meet
us could confound nine-tenths of Bible-redden in
America by his familiar acquaintance with the
names, appearance, and relative value of the precious
■tones mentioned in the Word of God. We need
not be surprised, therefore, at the constant mention
of them by plain and unlettered prophets and
apostles. John was not a scholar nor a lapidary,
and yet he is perfectly at home among precious
stones, and without effort gives a list which has
puzzled and does atill puzzle our wisest scholars
even to understand, nor are they yet agreed in
regard to them. In our translation, and in every
other with which I am acquainted, the same Hebrew
word is made to stand for entirely different gems,
and lexicographers, commentators, and critics are
equally uncertain." II.
CHAL'COL, 1 K. iv. 31. [CaltouI
CHAUDE'A, more correctly CHALD^'A
(D'TOS : 7) XaXtala- ChaUan) is properly only
the most southern portion of Babylonia. It is used,
however, in our version, for the Hebrew ethnic ap-
pellative CaxUm (or "Chaldseans"), under which
term the inhabitants of the entire country are
designated ; and it will therefore here be taken in
this extended sense. Hie origin of the term is
very doubtful. Catdim has been derived by some
from Chesed ("Ty?t!)> the son of Nahor (Gen. xxii.
32) ; but if Dr was already a city " of the Vimlim "
liefore Abraham quitted it (Uen. xi. 28), the name
of ' asdim cannot possibly have been derived from
his nephew. On the other hand the term Chaldeea
has been connected with the city Knhaulha (C'hil-
mad of Ezekiel, xxvii. 23). This is possibly correct.
At any rate, in searching for an etymology it should
be borne in mind that Kaidi or Kaldai. not Catdim,
is the native form.
1. Extent and bowtdariet. — The tract of country
viewed in Scripture as the land of the Chaldssans
is that vast alluvial plain which has been formed
by the deposits of toe Euphrates and the Tigris —
at least so far as it lies to the west of the latter
rtream. The country to the east is Elam or
Susiana; but the entire tract between the rivers,
as well as the low country on the Arabian side of
the Euphrates, which is cultivable by irrigation
from that stream, must be considered as comprised
jrlthin the Chaldssa of which Nebuchadnezzar was
ring. This extraordinary flat, unbroken except by
She works of man, extends, in a direction nearly
X. W. and S. E., a distance of 400 miles slong the
•ourse of the livers, and is on the average about
100 miles in width. A line drawn from Hit on
the Euphrates to Tekrit on the Tigris, may be con-
sidered to mark its northern limits; the eastern
boundary is the Tigris itself; uie southern the
P s rs s ali flub*; on the west :t» boundary is soroe-
CHALDEA
what ill-defined, and In fact would vary aocordina,
to the degree of skill and industry devoted to the
regulation of the waters sad the extension of works
for irrigation. In the most flourishing times of
the Chajdsaui empire the water seems to have been
brought to the extreme limit of the alluvium, a
canal having been cut aluug the edge of the ter-
tiary formation on the Arabian side throughout its
entire extent, running at an average distance from
the Euphrates of aliout -30 miles.
2. General character of the country, — The
general aspect of the country is thus described by
a modern traveller, who well contrasts its condition
now with the appearance which it must have pre-
sented in ancient times. " In former days," he
says, " the vast plains of Babylon were nourished
by a complicated system of canals and water-courses,
which spread over the surface at the country like a
net-work. The wants of a teeming population were
supplied by a rich soil, not less bountiful thsn that
on the lianas of the Egyptian Nile. Like islands
rising from a golden sea of waving corn, stood
frequent groves of palm-trees and pleasant gardens,
affording to the idler or traveller their grateful and
highly-valued shade. Crowds of passengers hurried
along the dusty roads to and from the busy city.
The land was rich in corn and wine. How changed
is the sspect of that region at the present day!
Ix>ng lines of mounds, it is true, mark the courses
of those main arteries which formerly diffused life
and vegetation along their hanks, but their chan-
nels are now bereft of moisture and choked with
drifted sand ; the smaller offshoots sre wholly
effaced. • A drought Is upon her waters,' says the
prophet, ' and they shall be dried up ! ' AH that
remains of that ancient civilization — that ' glory
of kingdoms,' — • the praise of the whole earth,' —
is recognizable in the numerous mouldering heaps
of brick and rubbish which overspread the surface
of the plain. Instead of the luxurious fields, the
groves and gardens, nothing now meets the eye but
an arid waste — the dense population of former
times is vanished, and no man dwells there."
(Ictus's ClittUaut, pp. U, 15.) The cause of the
change is to be found in the neglect of man.
"There ia no physical reason," the same writer
observes, " why Babylonia should not be ss beauti-
ful and as thickly inhabited as in days of yore ; a
little care and labor bestowed on the ancient canals
would again restore the fertility and population
which it originally possessed." The prosperity and
fertility of the country depend entirely on the reg-
ulation of the waters. Carefully and properly ap-
plied and husbanded, they are sufficient to make
the entire plain a garden. Left to themselves, they
desert the river courses to accumulate in lakes and
marshes, leaving large districts waterless, and others
most scantily supplied, while tbey overwhelm tracts
formerly under cultivation, which become covered
with a forest of reeds, and during the summer beats
breed a pestilential miasma. This is the present
condition of the greater part of Babylonia under
Turkish rule; the evil is said to be advancing; and
the whole country threatens to become within a
short time either marsh or desert.
3. Pirisions. — In a country so uniform and ss
devoid of natural features as this, political divisions
could be only accidental or arbitrary. Few an
found of any importance. The true ChnUsea, at
has been already noticed, is always in the geog-
raphers a distinct region, being the most souther*,
portion of Babylonia, lying chiefly (if not solely) oa
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CHALDEA
Ae fight bonk of the Euphrates (Strab. in. 1. § fi;
ltoL t. 20). Babylonia above this is sernrsted
Into two districts, called respectively Amordaein and
AuramtU. The former is the name of the ceutral
territory round Babylon itself; the latter is applied
to the regions towards the north, where Babylonia
borders on Assyria (Ptol. v. 20).
4. Cities. — Babylonia was celebrated at all
times for the number and antiquity of its cities.
" Babel, and Erech, and Accad, and Calneh in the
land of Shinar," ue the first towns mentioned in
Scripture (Gen. x. 10). The " vast number of great
cities " which the country possessed, was noted by
Herodotns (i. 178), and the whole region is in fact
studded with huge mounds, each mound marking
beyond a doubt the site of a considerable town.
Tbe most important of thorte which hare been
identified are Uorsippa (Birs-Simnyt), Sippara or
Sepharraim (.l/osito), Cutha (Ibrahim), Calneh
(Niger), Erech ( Warka), Ur (Mugheir), Cliilmad
(Knlwnilha), Ijtrancba (Srnkerth), Is (Hit), Ou-
raha (Akkerkuf) ; but besides these there were a
multitude of others, the sites of which have not
been determined, as the Accad of (ienesis (x. 10);
the Teredon of Abydenus (Kr. 8); AM, Rubtti,
Ac, towns mentioned in the inscriptions. Two of
these places — Ur and Horsippa — are particularly
noticed In the following article [Ciiai.dkans]. Of
the rest Erech, '.anuicha, and Calneh, were in
early times of the most consequence; while Cutha,
Sippara, and Teredon attained their celebrity at a
tomparatively recent epoch.
5. Canals. — One of the most remarkable feat-
ures of ancient Babylonia was, as has been already
olaerved, its net-work of canals. A more particular
sccount will now be given of the chief of these.
Three principal canals carried off the waters of tbe
Euphrates towards the Tigris above Babylon.
These were, (1.) The original " Royal River," or
Ar-Maleha of Berosus, which left the Euphrates at
Perisabor or Anb-ir, and followed the line of the
modern SaUnryeh canal, passing by Akkerkuf,
sod entering the Tigris a little below Baghdad:
(8.) The Nakr .Waicha of the Arabs, which
branched off* at Ridhimniyrh, and ran across to the
site of Seleucia; and (3.) The Sahr Kulhn, which
starting from the Euphrates about 12 miles above
hfutnib, passed through Cutha, and fell into the
Tigris SO miles below the site of Seleucia. On the
other side of tbe stream, a large canal, perhaps the
most important of all, leaving the Euphrates at
Hit, where the alluvial plain commences, skirted
the deposit on the west along its entire extent, and
fetl into the Persian Gulf at tbe head of the Bubinn
creek, about 20 miles west of the Shat-el-Arab;
while a second main artery (the PaUacopas of Ar-
rian) branched from the Euphrates nearly at ifo-
taib, and ran into a great lake in the neighborhood
jf Borsi|>pa, whence the lands to the southwest of
Babylon were irrigated. From these and other
dmilar channels, numerous branches were carried
jut, from which further cross cuts were made, until
it length every field was dulj supplied with the
frecious fluid.
8. Sea of ffedjef, Chntdttm marshes, <fc —
Chaldca contains one natiral feature deserving of
pedal description — the " great inland freshwater
•a of ffedjef" (Loftus, p. 44). This sheet of
srater, which does not owe its origin to tbe inunda-
iona, but is a permanent lake of considerable
fcpth, surrounded by cliff's of a reddish sandstone
m plus 40 feet high, exit ods in a south-easterly
CHALDEANS
409
direction a distance of 40 miles, from about btL 81 c
63-", long. 440, to lai. 31° 26', long. 44° 35'. Its
greatest width is 35 miles. It lies thus on the
right bank of the Euphrates, from which it is dis
tant (at the nearest point) about 20 miles, and re-
ceives from it a certain quantity of water at the
time of the inundation, which flows through it,
and is carried back to the Euphrates at Samara,
by a natural river course known as the Shat-eU
Alchan. Above and below the Sea of ffedjef,
from the Bin-ffimrud to Kufa, and from the
south-eastern extremity of the Sea to Samava, ex-
tend the famous Chaldann marshes (Strab. xvi. 1,
$ 12; Arrian, Exp. At. vii. 22), where Alexander
was nearly lost, but these are entirely distinct from
the sea itself, depending on the state of the Hindi-
yeh canal, and disappearing altogether when that is
effectually closed.
7. Production!. — The extraordinary fertility of
the Chaldiean soil has been noticed by various
writers. It is said to he the only country in thi
world where wheat grows wild. Berosus noticed
this production (/•>. 1, § 2), and also the sponta-
neous growth of barley, sesame, ochrys, palms, ap-
ples, and many kinds of shelled fruit. Herodotus
declared (i. ISM) that grain commonly returned
200-fold to the sower, and occasionally 300-fold.
Strabo made nearly the same assertion (xvi. 1,
tj 14); and Pliny said (H. ff. xviii. 17), that tbe
wheat was cut twice, and afterwards was good keep
for beasts. The palm was undoubtedly one of the
principal objects of cultivation. According to
Strabo it furnished the natives with bread, wine,
vinegar, honey, porridge, and ropes; with a fuel
equal to charcoal, and with a means of fattening
cattle and sheep. A Persian poem celebrated its
360 use* (Strab. xvi. 1, 14). Herodotus says (i.
193) that the whole of the fiat country was planted
with palms, and Ammianus Marcellinus (xxiv. 3)
observes that from tbe point reached by Julian's
army to the shores of the Persian Gulf was one
continuous forest of verdure. At present palms
are almost confined to the vicinity of tbe rivers, and
even there do not grow thickly, except about the
villages on their banks. The soil is rich, but there
is little cultivation, the inhabitants subsisting
chiefly upon dates. More than half the country is
left dry and waste from the want of a proper sys-
tem of irrigation ; while the remaining half is to a
great extent covered with marshes, owing to tbe
same neglect. Thus it is at onoe true that " the
sea has come up upon Babylon and she is covered
with the waves thereof " (Jer. li. 42) ; that she is
made '• a possession for the bittern, and pools of
water" (Is. xiv. 23); and also that "a drought is
upon her waters, and they are dried up" (Jer. I.
38), that she is " wholly desolate " — " the hinder-
most of the nations, a wilderness, a dry land, and
a desert" (to. 12, 13). (See Loftus's Chaldan
and Sutiana ; fayard's Ninerth and Bab. chs.
xxi.-xxiv. ; Rawlinson's Herodotus, vol. 1. Essay
ix. ; and Mr. Taylor's Paper in the Journal of the
Asiatic Society, vol. xr. [Also: — RawUnson,
fire Great Monarchies of the Ancient Heathen
Wor'J, vol. i. Lund. 1862; and Oppert. Biitoirt
dcs impire* de Chaldee et cCAstyrie d'apris let
monument*, Versailles, 1866 (from the Annates de
philot 'hretienut, 1865). A.]). G. R.
CHALDEANS, or CHAI/DEES
(n v 7ip3 : XaASaioi: Chaldan), appear In Script-
ore untd the time of the Cantivitv. as the peopk>
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410
CHALDEANS
af ti>e xxmtry which hat Babylon far ita capital,
uid which U itself termed Shinar (~IJ?? ) ; but
<a the book of Daniel, while this meaning u still
bund (t. 30, and ix. 1), a new sense shows itaelf.
The Chaldeans are classed with the magicians and
astronomers; and evidently form a sort of priest
class, who have a peculiar "tongue" and "learn-
ing" (ii. 4), and are consulted by the king on re-
ligious subjects. The same variety appears in pro-
fane writers. Berosus, the native historian, himself
* Chaldean in the narrower sense (Tatian, Or.
adv. (Jr. 58), uses the term only in the wider;
while Herodotus, Diodorus, Strabo, and the later
writers almost universally employ il to signify a
sect or portion of the people, whom they regard
either as priests or as philosophers. With this
view, however, is joined another, which but ill har-
monizes with it; namely, that the Chaldeans are
the inhabitants of a particular part of Babylonia,
via., the country bordering on the l'ereian Gulf and
on Arabia (Strab. xvi. 1, $ 6; 1'toL v. 20). By
help of the inscriptions recently discovered in the
country, these discrepancies and apparent contra-
dictions are explicable.
It appears that the Chaldeans ( KiiUii or KchU)
were in the earliest times merely one out of the
many Cushite tribes inhabiting the great alluvial
plain known afterwards as C'haldiea or Babylonia.
Their special seat was probably that southern |»r-
tion of the country which is found to have so late
retained the name of Chaldea. Here was L'r *' of
the Chaldees," the modern Mugheir, which lies
wuth of the Euphrates, near its junction with the
Shat-tUUie. Hence would readily come those
"three bands of Chalda?an«" who were instru-
ments, simultaneously with the Snbamu, in the
affliction of Job (Job. i. 16-17). In process of
time, as the Katdi grew in power, their name grad-
ually prevailed over that of the other tribes inhabit-
ing the country; and by the era of the Jewish Cap-
tivity it had begun to be used generally for all the
inhabitants of Babylonia. We may suspect that
when the name is applied by Berosus to the dynas-
ties which preceded the Assyrian, it is by way of
jrroUpsit. The dynasty of Xahopolassar, however,
was (it is probable) really Chaldean, and this
greatly helped to establish the wider use of the ap-
pellation. It had thus come by this time to have
two senses, both ethnic : in the one it was the spe-
cial appellative of a particular race to whom it had
belonged from the remotest times, in the other it
lesignated the nation at large in which this race
vas predominant. We have still to trace its trans-
ference from an ethnic to a mere class sense — from
the name of a people to that of a priest caste or
wet of philosophers.
It has been observed above that the Kaldi proper
#ere a Cushite race. This is proved by the re-
nains of their language, which closely resembles
.he Galla or ancient language of Ethiopia. Now
It appears by the inscriptions, tbat while both in
Assyria and in later Babylonia the Semitic type
of speech prevailed for civil purposes, the ancient
Cushite dialect was retained, as a learned language,
for scientific and .eligioua literature. This is no
doubt the " learning " and the " tongue " to which
reference is made in the book of Daniel (I. 4). It
Vecame gradually inaccessible to the great mass of
he people, who were Sanitized, by means (chiefly)
4 Assyrian influence. But it was the Chaldean
, in the old Chaldean or Cushite language.
CHALK STONES
Hence aD who studied it whatever tht i or! jiu a
race were, on account of their knowledge, termed
Chaldeans. In this sense Daniel hitnfy tf [ the
"master of the Chaldeans" (Dan. v. 11), would
no doubt have been reckoned among them ; and sc
we find Seleucus, a Greek, called a Chaldean bj
Strabo (xvi. 1, § 6). It may be doubted whetha
the Chaldeans at any time were all priests, though
no doubt priests were required to be Chaldeans.
They were really the warned class, who by thrrj
acquaintance with the language of science had bo-
come its depositaries. They were priests, magi-
cians, or astronomers, as their preference for one or
other of those occupations inclined them ; and in
the last of the three capacities they probably
effected discoveries of great importance.
According to Strabo, who well distinguishes (xvi.
1, § «) between the learned Chaldeans and the
mere race descended from the ancient Kaldi, which
continued to predominate in the country bordering
upon Arabia and the (jiilf, there were two chief
seats of Chaldean learning, B< rsippa, and Ur or
Orchoe. To these we may add from I'liuy (//. N.
vi. 26 ) two others, Babylon, and Sippara or Se-
pharvaim. The Chaldeans (it would appear) con-
gregated into bodies, forming what we may perhaps
call universities, and pursiuug the studies, in which
they engaged, together. They prolobly mixed up
to some extent astrology with their astronomy,
even in the earlier times, but they certainly made
great advances in astronomical science, to which
their serene sky, transparent atmosphere, and reg-
ular horizon specially invited them. The observa-
tions, covering a space of 1903 years, which (allis-
thenes sent to Aristotle from Babylon (Siniplic. ml
A rut. de Qd. ii. 123), indicate at once the antiq-
uity of such knowledge in the country, and the care
with which it had been preserved by the learned
class. In later times they seem certainly to hav*
degenerated into mere fortune-tellers (Cic dt Dm.
i. 1; Aul. Cell. i. 9; Juv. vi. 552, x. 94, Ac); but
this reproach is not justly levelled against the Chal-
deans of the empire, and indeed it was but par-
tially deserved so late as the nign of Augustus (sm
Strab. xvi. 1, J 8). G. B
Costumes of the Chaldeans. (Bawlioson. From An
dent Monuments.)
• CHAXDEE or CHALDAIC LAN
GUAGE. [Shemittc Languages, §§ '4-18.
CHALDEES. [Chaldeans.]
• CHALDEE VERSIONS. [Vkksioxs
ANCtKNT (TAH<iIJ»l).]
CHALK STONES. [I.imk.]
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CHAMBER
• CHAMBER, UPPER. [HouMt.]
CHAMBERLAIN (oicovo/tot: arcurim).
Erastus, " the chambtrltt'm " of the city of Corinth,
m one of those whose salutations to the Roman
Christians are given at the end of vhe Ep. addressed
to tbem (Koni. xri. 83). The office which be held
was apparently that of public treasurer or iireariut,
as the Vulgate renders his title. These uratrii
were inferior magistrates, who had the charge of
the public chest (area publici), and were under the
authority of the senate. They kept the accounts
of the public revenues. In the Glossary of Philox-
cnus the word o'utoriiuts is explained o M rrjs
tiMuxrhu Tfmw((tii, and in the Pandects the term
mxariut is applied to any one who attends to pub-
lic or private money. It is, as Grotius remarks,
one of those words which have been transferred
from the house to the state. In old glosses quuted
by Suicer ( Thttaur.) we find arcariut explained
by Imotiicrfis xpvoou, and in accordance with this
the translators of the Geneva Version have placed
'• receiver " in the margin. Erasmus interpreted
the word tpuator wrnrii. St. Ambrose thought
that the office of the oeconomus principally con-
sisted in regulating the prices of the markets, and
hence l'ancirollus was erroneously led to interpret
the term of the icdile. Theophylact rendered it
• JiouojtVis, 6 vpoyorrriji rris xi\tut KoplvBou,
and is followed by Ben, who gives procurator.
In an inscription in the Alarm. Oxon. (p. 85,
ed. 1732) we find NffXp oixoyoVw 'Aaias: and in
another, mention is made of Miletus, who was
osconomus of Smyrna (Ins. xxx. 36 ; see t'rideaux's
note, p. 477). Another in Grater (p. mxci. 7, ed.
Scaliger, 1616) contains the name of "Secundus
Arkariut Keipuhlica Amerinorum ; " but the one
which bears most upon our point is given by Orel-
lius (No. 28-21), and mentions the "arcariut pro-
rincic Achaiaj."
For further information see Reinesius, Synlaym.
Inter, p. 431; I * Cerda, Advert. Sacr. cap. 56;
Eisner, Obi. Sacr. ii. 68; and a note by Keinesius
to the Marmora Oxonienna, p. 515, ed. 1732.
Our translators had good reason for rendering
tMoriiun by " chamberlain." In Stows Slurry
of London (b. v. p. 162, ed. Strype) it is said of
the Chamberlain of the city of London: '-His
office may be termed a publick treasury, collecting
the customs, monies, and yearly revenues, and all
other payments belonging to the corporation of the
city."
The office held by Blastus, " the king's ekamber-
t'liu (for «wl too Kotr&yos too QaoiXiws)" was
entirely different from that above mentioned (Acta
xii. 20). It was a post of honor which involved
great intimacy and influence with the king. The
margin of our version gives " that was over the
king's bed-chamber," the office thus corresponding
to that of the pra/ectut cubiculo (Suet. Dim. 16).
For Ciiamueulaui as used in the O. T., see
Eukuch, ad Jin. W. A. W.
CHAMELEON (nb, coach: X ap<uA«W:
thamaUon). The Hebrew word which signifies
" strength " occurs in the senso of some kind of
tndean animal in Lev. xi. 30; the A. V. follows
•he LXX. and Vulg. Variout other interpreta-
iona of the word have been given, for which see
Bochart (ffierot. ii. 403). It is not possible to
■oenr to any satisfactory conclusion on the subject
if the identity of this word; Itochart accepts the
liable reading rf tl-warb, i. e. the lizaru, known
CHAMOIS 411
by tie name of the " Monitor of th3 Nile " (Mon!
Iin- Mlulicus, (irey), a large stroi g reptile common
in Egypt and other parts of Africa. Arabian writ-
ers have recorded many wonderful things of tliij
creature, and speak cs|iecially of its power in fight-
ing with snakes, and with the dnbb, a closely allied
species [ Toiitoisk]. No doubt much they relatt
is fabulous, and it seems that there is some confu-
sion between the d-ibb " ( Uronatlix tpiniptt) and
the crocodile, whose eggs the " Nilotic Monitor "
ilerours. lorskal (Dtscr. Anim. p. 13) speaks of
this last-named lizard under the Arabic name of
H'tirtm. See also Hasselqnist (Tinr. p. 221'.
The llelirew root of cuach has reference to
strength, and as the Arabic verb, of almost siu.J.ir
form, means " to conquer any one in fighting."
Ilochart has lieen led to identify the lizard named
al>ove with the Heb. c&ach. It is needless to add
how far from conclusive is the evidence which sup-
ports this interpretation. W. II.
CHAMOIS ( n P!f> temer: K a^7j\oiraV5a\i$:
camelupnrdtiliu). In the list of animals allowec
for food (Dent. xiv. 5) mention is made of the
temer t the I. XX., Vulg., and some other versions,
give " came!o|Kinl " or "giraffe" as tiie rendering
of this term; it is improbable that this animal is
intended, for although it might have been known
to the ancient Jews from specimens brought into
Egypt as tributes to the Pharaohs from Ethiopia,
where the giraffe is found, it is in the highest degree
improbable that it should ever have been named as
an article of food in the I ^evi tical law, the animals
mentioned therein lieing doubtless all of them such
as were well known and readily procured. The
" chamois " of the A. V. can hardly lie allowed to
represent the temer ; for although, as Col. H.
Smith asserts, this antelope is still found in Central
Asia, there is no evidence that it has ever lieen seen
in Palestine or the I*banon. The etymology
points to some " springing " or " leaping " animal,
a definition which would suit any of the AnUlopea
Aoudad Sheep.
■r Caprta, Ac Col. H. Smith (In Kitto's Cyc
ar* Zemer) suggests that some mountain sheep Is
intended, and figures the Kebtch (Ammotragut
I <• 8m soma interesting observations on the 1Mb, bjr
I Mr. Tristram, in ZoM. Prot. for I860
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112 CHAMPIAN
Tragelapav*), a wild sheep not uncommon, be
says, in the Mokatiam rocks near Cairo, and found
alio in Sinai ; it it not improbable that this is the
animal denoted, for the names of the other rumi-
nant* mentioned in the catalogue of beasts allowed
tor food, are, for the most part, identifiable with
other wild animals of the ltihle lands, and there
can be no doubt that the Kebtrh or Amulml was
known to the Israelites ; again, Col. Smith's sug-
gestion hat partly the sanction of the Syriac ver-
sion, which reads at the equivalent of the Heli.
word, "a mountain goat," the Aoutiul, although
really a sheep, being in general form more like a
goat. This animal occurs not unfrequcntly figured
on the monuments of Egypt; it it a native of N.
Africa, and an inhabitant of high and inaccessible
places. W. H.
• CHAMPIAN, CHAMPION, old forms
tor champaign in A. V. ed. 1611, Ex. xxxvii. 2,
marg., and IJeuL xi. 30. A.
CHA'NAAN (XavaAv), the manner in which
the word Canaan is spelt in the A. V. of the
Apocrypha and N. T. (com p. Charran for llaran,
Ac.) Jud. v. 3, 9, 10; Bar. iii. 22; Sue. 96; 1 Mace,
ix. 37; Acts vii. 11, xiii. 19.
OHATJAANITE forCAKAANmc, Jud.v. 16.
[Alto 1 Esdr. viii. 69.]
* CHANEL-BONE, Job xxxi. 22, margin
of A. V. An old term for the collar-bone or clav-
icle, alto written "canel bone." See Eastwood
and Wright's Bible Word-Book, p. 94. A.
CHANNTJNETJS (Xarouwuot: CA"~ww»-
tu), 1 Esdr. viii. 48. This answers to Merari, if to
anything, in the parallel list of Ezra (viii. 19).
• CHATJOCH, Gen. iv. 17, marg. A form
of Enoch, more nearly representing the Hebrew.
A.
* CHAPEL occurs in Am. vii. 13 at the trans-
lation of V Ti?V (Sept. iryiaapa, and Vulg. tanc-
tificatio regit), i. e. tanctuarg or place of worship,
and It applied there not to any tingle shrine or
temple, but Bethel itself, which in the time of Jer-
oboam II. was crowded with altars (Am. iii. 14)
which that king bad erected to Baal. The render-
ing it at old certainly at the Bishops' Bible, and
perhaps arose from an idea that the king had a
private place of worship at Bethel. The term
' chapel " is also applied in the A. V. to places
for idol-worship (cioaAtZa, Tf/urw) 1 Mace. i. 47;
< Mace. x. 2, xi. 3. H.
CHAPITER. (1.) ."PinS, In pL nTTjb,
Void "O*, to turrawnd : Hitiita • capiielium.
.8 ) •*!££, bom n -% ta drme n* < Ge "- 912 ~
J14): oi KtpaXal' capita. The upper member of
a pillar — the same word which it now in use in
the slightly different form of " capital; " alto possi-
bly a roll moulding at the top of a building or work
of art, at in the case (a) of the pillars of the Tab-
ernacle and Temple, and of the two pillars called
•specially Jachin and Boas; and (A) of the lavers
belonging to the Temple (Ex. xxxviii. 17; 1 K. vii.
17, 31, 38). At to the form and dimensions oi
the former, tee Tabernacle, Tkmplk, Boaz,
md of the latter, I^vek. (3.) The word r ri",
rdth = bead, it alto occasionally rendered " Chap-
ter," as in tlie deacription of the Tabernacle, Ex.
CHARCUS
xxxvi. 38, xxxviii. 17, 19, 28; but in the
of the temple it it translated " top," at 1 K. tU
16, 4c. II. W. P.
CHARAATH'ALAR {yapaaBaXi,; Als
Xapa oOaAap: CarmeUam el Jnttlli), 1 Etdr. v
36. The names "(Cherub, Addan, and Immer,"
in the list* of Kara and Nehemiah, are here changed
to " Charaathalar leading them, and Aalar."
CHAR'ACA («lt roy XApeuca (? XaW):
[in] Cliiirmit), a place mentioned only in 2 Mace
xii. 17, and there to obscurely that nothing can be
certainly inferred at to its position. It was on the
east of Jordan, being inhabited by the Jews called
"Tubieni." or of "Tobie" [Ton], who were in
Gilead (comp. 1 Mace. v. 9, 13); and it was 750
stadia from the city Catpin; but where the latter
place was situated, or in which direction Charax
was with regard to it, there is no clew. Ewald (iv
359, note) places it to the extreme east, and identi-
fies it with Raphon. The only name now known
on the east of Jordan which recalls Charax is Kcrak,
the ancient Kir-Moab, on the S. E. of the Dead
Sea, which in post-biblical times was called XapAx-
fu>0a, and Mwfiovx^P"i f 866 &* quotations in
Reland, 705). The Syriac Peahito hat l-Oi-O,
Carca, which suggests Kakkob (Judg. viii. 10).
G.
CHAR'ASHIM, THE VALLEY OP
(DT^n S % 3, "ravine of craftsmen;" 'A-ytoS-
tdtp [Vat. -«u>] ; Alex. rij<rpa<r«(u, SVi rerrorej
fcar; [Comp. rvxapaalu •■ J "«» art&cmm), a
place mentioned twice; — 1 Cbr. iv. 14, at having
been founded or settled by Joab, a man of the tribe
of Judah and family of Othniel; and Neh. xi. 35,
as being reinhabitod by Uenjamites after the Cap-
tivity. In this [the latter] passage it it rendered
"valley of craftsmen" [Alex, -yw Apcurui]. He
mention by Nehemiah with Ijod (Lydda), NebaUat,
etc., fixes it* position as in the swelling ground at
the back of the plain of Sharon, east of Jaffa. The
Talmud (as quoted by Schwarz, p. 135) report* the
valley of Charashim to consist of Led and Ono,
which lay therein. Whether Joab the ton of Se-
raiah is the same person at the ton of Zeruiah will
be best examined under the name Joab. G.
* Dr. Kobinson argues that the vaLey (H*?)
of Charashim may have been a side valley opening
into the plain of Beil N&ba near Lad (Lydda),
which latter be supposes to be the plain or valley
{nV\T2) of Ono (Neb. xi. 35), and a different one
therefore, from that of Lod and Ono. See hit
Phyt. Gtogr. p. 113. H.
CHAR'CHAMIS (Xapmpk; Alex. KoA X »
fun '■ CharcamU), 1 Etdr. 1. 25. [Cakchkiiuh.]
• The A. V. ed. 1611, and apparently in most
editions, if not all, reads Cakchamu. A.
CHAR'CHEMISH (tCe?-)? : LXX. [in
most MS8.] omits; [Comp. gap xayMls :] Okarcn.
mil), 2 Cbr. xxxv. 20. [Carciikmish. J
CHARCUS (Bapxovl; [Vat. M. Bap X mn
H. Bayous; Aid. Xapicovs:] Barau), 1 Etdr. v.
32. Corrupted from Bahkos, the corresponding
name in the parallel lists of Ezra and Nehemiah —
possibly by a change of 2 into "\ But H dot* nor
appear whence the translators of the A. V. get
their reading of the name. [Evidently from tat
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CHABEA
tldins edition.] In the edition * 1611 it u
'Charsua."
OH A RRA (Xopsa; [Vat omit.:] Caret), I
Esdr. r. 39. [Harsh*.]
CHAROEB (1. ^7?^> t " m * root ••8"'/)'-
ing lioUowness: rpifiKior, KvrliKt)'- acetabulum.
2. ?tn2H: ifwrr4f>: phiala; only found Vxr. i.
SI), a shallow vessel for receiving water or blood,
also for presenting offerings of fine flour with oil
(Num. Tii. 79; Gee. The*. 22). The "chargers"
mentioned in Number* are said to liave lieen of
silver, and to have weighed each 130 shekels, or
115 ox. (Uussey, Ahc. Weight*, c. U. p. 190).
2. The daughter of Herodias brought the head
of St. John Baptist "in a charger," M wlvaxi
(Matt. xiv. 8 [11; Mark ri. 25, 28]; probably a
trencher or platter, as Horn. (ML i. 141: —
&urpbc W Kptiit¥ viVoxoc wap&qKtv atipas
iravrodM*.
Comp. [w(ra(,Luke xl. 39, A. V. " platter," and]
!jike i. 03, a-ircwfiW, a writing-Ublet. [Basis.]
II. W. P.
• The English '■charger" as "that on which
anything is kid, a dish," cornea from the Krench
charger, *nd the old English charge, i. e. "to
loud." The A. V. renders H*l^p aSth in Ex. xxv.
£.', i'iV.1. 16, and Num. It. 7. II.
* CHARGES. " Be at charges with them "
.V. V. Acts xxi. 24, or rather for them " (Sardvn-
ew ir' avroit), means " pa; the expense of their
sflerings." A.
CHARIOT. (1.) 33^, from 33?. *> ri.U:
ipfut: atrrm : sometimes including the hones (2
Sam. rilL 4, x. 18). (9.) 3"D~], a chariot or horse
(Pa. civ. 8). (3.) 33"112, m. from same root as
(1), a chariot, litter, or seat (Lev. xv. 9, Cant. iii.
»). (4.)n3?-9,t (6.) nbjs, from ba^,
ruU (Pa. xhi. 9, Bvpeit: eevUm). (6.) iVn.Ofcj,
Cant iU. 9: etopstbr: feradum. |(7.) rt3?"l,
E». xxvil. 20; Gee., Ewald, riding ; Vulg., ad' $e~
Jfjvtum. (SOV^E*. xxiii. 24, a difficult word
Gea., armtt Fiirst, bitttk-axe; Hitzig, by alter-
ing the points, and etymological conjecture, >•«/-
tUng. A.] (Between 1-4 no difference of signal-
cation). A vehicle used either for warlike or peaceful
purposes, but most commonly the former. <)f the
latter use the following only are probable instances:
as regards the Jews, 1 K. xviii. 44 ; and as regards
other nations, Gen. xH. 43, xlvi. 29; 2 K. v. 9;
Acts viii. 2S.
The earliest mention of chariots in Scripture is
In Egypt, where Joseph, as a mark of distinction,
was placed in Pharaoh's second chariot (Gen. xli.
43), and later when he went in his own chariot to
meet his father on his entrance into Egypt from
Canaan (xlvi. 29). In the funeral procession of
Jacob chariots also formed a part, pceubly by way
rf escort or as a guard of honor (1. V). The next
mention of Egyptian chariots is for a warlike pur-
sose (Ex. xiv. 7). In this point of view chariots
among some nations of antiquity, as elephants
among others, may be regarded as fining the r -ice
jf heavy artillery in modern times, so that the mil-
iary power o' a nation might be estimated by the
CHARIOT
418
number uf its chariots. Thus Pharaoh in pursuing
Israel took with him 600 chariots. The Canaan
ilea of the valleys of Palestine were enabled to resist
the Israelites successfully in consequence of the
number of their chariots of iron, i. e. perhaps
armed with iron scythes (Oes. s. v.; Josh. xvii.
18; Judg. i. 19). Jabin, king of Canaan, had 900
chariots (Judg. iv. 3). The Philistines in Saul's
time had 1)0,000, a number which seems excessive
(1 Sam. xiii. 5; but comp. I.XX. and Joseph. Ant.
ri. 6, § I ). David took from lladadezer long of
Zolah 1000 chariot* (2 Sam. viii. 4), and from the
Syrians a little later 700 (x. 18), who in order to
recover their ground collected 32,000 chariots '1
Chr. xix. 7 ). Up to this time the Israelites fun-
sessed few or no chariots, partly no doubt hi cotus-
quetice of the theocratic prohibition against multi-
plying horses, for fear of intercourse with Egypt,
and the regal despotism implied in the possession
of them (Ueut. xvii. 16; 1 Sam. viii. 11, 12).
But to some extent David (2 Sam. viii. 4), and In
a much greater degree Solomon, broke through the
prohibition from seeing the necessity of pl»"ing his
kingdom, under its altered crcumstances, on a
footing of military equality or superiority towards
other nations. He raised, therefore, and main-
tained a force of 1400 chariots (1 K. x. 25) by
taxation on certain cities agreeably to Eastern cus-
tom in such matters (1 K. be. 19, x. 25; Xen,
An ib. i. 4, 9). The chariots themselves and also
the horses were imported chiefly from Egypt, and
the cost of each chariot was 600 shekels of silver,
and uf each horse 150 (1 K. x. 2D). [Shkkxu]
From this time chariots were regarded as among
the most important amis of war, though the sup-
plies of them and of horses appear to have been
still mainly drawn from Egypt (1 K. xxii. 34; 2
K. ix. 16, 21, xiii. 7, 14, xviii. 24, xxiii. 30; Is.
xxxi. 1 ). The prophets also allude frequently to
chariots as typical of power, Pa. xx. 7, civ. 3; Jer.
U. 21; Zech. vi. 1.
Chariots also of other nations are mentioned, as
of Assyria (2 K. xix. 23; Ez. xxiii. 24), Syria
(2 Sam. viii. and 2 K. vi. 14, 15), Persia (Is. xxii.
6), and lastly Antiochus Eupator is said to bava
had 300 chariots armed with scythes (2 Mace,
xiii. 2).
In the N. T-, the ouly mention made of a chariot
except in Rev. ix. 9, is in the case of the Ethiopian
or Abyssinian eunuch of Queen Candle, who is do
scribed as sitting in his chariot reading (Arts viii
28, 29, 38).
Jewish chariots were no doubt imitated from
Egyptian models, if not actually imported from
Egypt. The following description of Egyptian
chariots is taken from Sir G. Wilkinson. They
appear to have come into use not earlier than the
18th dynasty (n. c. 1*10). The war chariot, from
which the chariot used in peace did not essentially
differ, was extremely simple in its construction. It
consisted, as appears both from Egyptian paint-
ings and reliefs, as well as from an actual speci-
men preserved at Florence, of a nearly semicirculai
wooden frame with straightened sides, resting poste-
riorly on the axle-tree of a pair of wheels, and
supporting a rail of wood or ivory attached to the
frame by leathern thongs and one wooden upright
in fron/ The floor of the car was made of tops
net-wora, intended to give a more springy footing
to the occupants. The car was mounted from the
back, which was open, and the sides were strength-
ened and ornamented with leather and metal bmeV-
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414
CHARIOT
ing. Attached to the off or right hand side, and
crossing each other diagonally, were the bow-case,
and inclining Iwickwards, the quiver and spear -case.
If two person!) were in the chariot, a second bow-
ease was added. The wheels, of which there were 2,
had 6 spokes: those of peace chariots had K>me-
An Egyptian war-chariot, with bow-cases and complete
(Wilkinson.)
times 4, fastened to the axle by a linchpin secured
by a thong. There were no traces; but the horses,
which were often of different colors, wore only a
breastrband and girths which were attached to the
saddle, together witli head furniture consisting of
cheek pieces, throat- Lash, head stall and straps
across the forehead and nose. A bearing-rein was
fastened to a ring or hook in front of the saddle,
and the driving-reins passed through other rings
on each side of both horses. From the central
point of the saddle rose a short stem of metal, e»td-
CHARIOT
ing in a knob, whether for use or mem ornament m
not certain. The driver stood on the oft-side, axid
in discharging his arrow hung his whip from the
wrist. In some instances the king is represented
alone in his chariot with the reins fastened round
his body, thus using his weapons with his bands
at lil>erty. Most commonly 2 persons,
and sometimes 3 rode in the chariot, of
whom the third was employed to carry
the state umbrella (2 K. ix. 20, 24; 1 K.
xxii. 34; Acts viii. 38). A second chariot
usually accompanied the king to battle to
be used in case of necessity (2 Chr. xxxv.
34).
On [traceable occasions the Egyptian
gentleman sometimes drove alone in his
chariot attended by servants on foot. The
horses wore housings to protect them from
heat and insects. I'or royal personages
and women of rank an umbrella was car-
ried by a hearer, or fixe*^ upright in the
chariot. Sometimes mules were driven in-
stead of horses, and in travelling sometimes
oxen, but for travelling purposes the sides
of the chariot appear to have l>een closed.
One instance occurs of a 4-wheeled car,
which, like the rerpatcvKAos &ua£a (Her-
od, ii. 03), was used for religious purposes.
[Caut.] The processes of manufacture
of chariots and harness are fully illustrated
by existing sculptures, in which also are
represented the chariots used by neighbor-
ing nations (Wilkinson, Anc. fcyypt* i-
3G8, 380; ii. 75,70, 2d ed.).
The earlier Assyrian war chariot ami
harness did not differ essentially from the
Egyptian. Two or three persons stood in
furniture. y ie car ^ b ut ^ n e driver is sometimes rep-
resented as standing on the near side,
whilst a third warrior in the chariot held a shield
to protect the archer in discharging his arrow.
The car appears to have hail closed sides. The war
chariot wheels had fl spokes; the state or peace
chariot 8 or more, and a third person in state pro-
cessions carried the royal umbrella. A third horse.
like the (ireek wapr/opo*, was generally attached
(Layard, A7n«*reA, ii. 350).
In later times the third horse was laid aside, the
wheels were made higher, and had 8 spokes; and
the front of the car to which the quiver wm re
■gyptUn princes In their chariot (Wilkinson.)
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CHARIOT
-noved from lU former side potion, wu made
quare instead of round. The can me more
highly ornamented, panelled, and inlaid with val-
uable woods and metals, and painted. The em-
broidered housings in which in earlier times the
CIIEBAK
41!
Assyrian chariot.
were clothed, were laid aside, and plumes
and tassels used to decorate their necks and fore-
heads. (Layard, Ninetrh, ii. 353, 3S6; Nintveh
and Babylon, pp. 341, 587, 603, 618: Mm. of
Sin. 2d series, pi. 24; Ez. ixvii. 20.)
The Persian art, as appears from thr sculptures
at I'eraepolis, and also at Kouyunjik, shows great
similarity to the Assyrian; but the procession rep-
resented at the former place contains a chariot or
oar with wheels of 12 spokes, while from the sculpt-
ures at the latter, it appears that the Elamites, or
Persians, besides chariots containing 2 persons
which were sometimes drawn by 4 horses, used a
kind of cart drawn by a single mule or more, con-
sisting of a stage on high wheels ca|»ble of hold-
ing 5 or 6 persons, of whom the driver sat on a
k>w stool, with his legs hanging on each side of the
pule. (Xenoph. Cyrop. iv. 3, 1, and 2, § 22; Is.
uii. 6; Es. uiii. 24; Niebuhr. Voyagt, ii. 105;
Chardin, Voyagt, viii. 25", pi. lix.; Layard, Nin.
nnd Bab. pp. 447-449; Oleariui, TravtU,% 309.)
Assyrian chariot.
Chariots armed with scythes (ip/wra iptwarrf
<p6pa, Xen. Awib. i. 7, § 10) may perhagn be in-
tended by the " chariots of iron " of the Canaan-
ies; they are mentioned as part of the equipment
of Antiochus (2 Mace. xiii. 2), and of Darius (l)iod.
Sic. ivii. 53; Appian. Syr. c. 32 ( . Xenoplmn
mentions a Persian chariot with 4 poles and 3 hurwt
{Cyrop. vi. 4).
Among the parts of wheeled-carriages mentioned
In A. V. are, (1.) the Wheels, CS^iW: «...„,, t
**; also D"Vaba : rpexot- rotm. (2.) Spokes,'
Dntwn : raffi. (8.) N»Te»,« M [or n*0|]
moduli. (4.) Felloes" D^n : roV M : jpmdn
(5.) Axles, JIVl J: x*V*' : ""*• "^ l ,ut ""*
horses to the carriage, "IDS : (t'^ai: j"»gerti and
once (Mic I. 13), OrP.
The Persian custom of sacrificing horses to the
Sun (Xen. Cyrop. viii. 3, 12), seems to have led
to offerings of chariots and horses for the same
object among the Jewish monarchs who fell into
idolatry (Ez. viii. 16; 2 K. xxiii. 11; P. della
VaUe, xv. ii. 255; Winer, Wagen). H. W. P.
* CHARMER, Deut xviii. 11; Ps. lviii. &;
Is. xix. 3. See Divination, §§ 5, 10; Eschant-
siKXT8, J§ 3, 5; Serpent-charm img. A.
CHAR'MIS (Xop/Jj: [Vat Sin. X*f>*.»;]
Alex. XaK/uts- Charmi), sou of Melchiel, one of
the three "ancients" (wpta&irtfoi), or "rulers"
(Hpxovrts) of Bethulia (Jud. ri. 15, viii. 10, x.
6).
CHAK'RAN (XaaArfV: Clutrau), Acts m. 9,
4. [Haras.]
CHASE. [HoN-rnro.]
CHAS'EBA (Xafftfii: Cauda), a name
among the list of the " Servants of the Temple "
(1 Esdr. v. 31), which has nothing corresponding
to it in Ezra and Nehemiab, and is probably a
mere corruption of that succeeding it — Gazkha.
* CHAT AH, Gen. iii. 20, marg. A fomi oi
Eve. more nearly representing the Hebrew. A.
* CHAWS, an old form for /airs, Ez. xxix. 4
and xxxviii. 4, in A. V. ed. 1611 and otliw early
editions. A.
OHE'BAR (-93 : Xo&dp; [Vat M. Ez. x
21, Xopafi:] Chobar), a river in the "land of the
Chaldseana " (Ez. i. 3), on the banks of which some
of the Jews were located at the time of the Captiv-
ity, and where Ezekiel saw his earlier visions (Ez.
1. 1, iii. 15, 23, Ac). It is commonly regarded as
Uentioal with the Habor (~nDP), or river of Go
zan, to which some portion of the Israelites were re-
moved by the Assyrians (2 K. xvii. 6). But this
is a mere conjecture, resting wholly upon the sim-
ilarity of name; which after all is not very does
It is perhaps better to suppose the two streams dis
tinct, more especially if we regard the Hnbor at
the ancient 'A(i6pbat (modern Khabour), which fell
into the Euphrates at Ciroesium ; for in the Old Tes-
tament the name of Chaldtea is never extended so fiu
northwards. The Chebar of Ezekiel must be looked
for in Babylonia. It is a name which might properly
bate been given to any grtnt stream (comp. ^23,
grettl). Perhaps the view, which finds some sun-
port in lliny (//. .V. vi. 2T>), and is adopted by
llorhart {/%ittg. i. 8) and Cellarius {Olograph.
c. 11), that the Chelair nf Ezekiel is the Nahr
Mulilci or Royal Canal of Nebuchadnezzar — the
yrriilert of all the cuttings in Mesopotamia — may
be regarded as best deserving acceptance. In thai
caw we may suppose the Jewish captives to have
l>ren employed in the excavation of the
* Ttas wrltet has hen followed the erronmui ran-
of the A. V. la 1 K. vU. 88. According to the
kusongnphers and commentators the xpnku are
denoted by D*|?ttf P, the
m». by n^aa.
by □nqfal.anotbs
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110
OHBBBL
rhmt Cheldasa, not upper Mesopotamia, was the
icene of Ezekiel's preaching, is indicated by the
tradition which places hit tomb at Keffil (Lofttis's
Chaldaa, p. 35). 0. R.
GHETJEL ('30), one of the singular topo-
graphical terms in which the ancient Hebrew lan-
guage abounded, and which give so much force and
precision to iU records. The ordinary meaning of
the word Chebel is a "rope" or "cord;" and in
this sense it frequently occurs both literally (as
Josh. ii. 15, "cord;" 1 K. xx. 31, "ropes;" Is.
xxxiii. 23, " tackling) ; " Am. vii. 17, "line") and
metaphorically (as 1-ccl. xii. 6; Is. v. 18; Hos. xi.
4). From this it has passed — with a curious cor-
respondence to our own modes of speech — to de-
note a body of men, a " band " (as in Ps. cxix. 61).
In 1 Sam. x. 5, 10, our word " string " would not
be inappropriate to ihe circumstances — a " string
ot prophets coming down from the high place."
Further it is found in other metaphorical senses,
arising out of its original meaning (as Job xviii.
10; Ps. xviii. 4; Jer. xiii. 21). From the idea of
a measuring-line (Mic. ii. a), it has come to mean
a "portion" or "allotment" (as 1 Chr. xvi. 18;
Ps. cv. 11; Ex. xlvii. 13). It is the word used in
the familiar passage '• the tint! " are fallen unto me
in pleasant places "" (Pa, xvi. 6). Hut in its topo-
graphical sense, as meaning a "tract" or "dis-
trict," we find it always attached to the region of
Argob, which is invariably designated by this, and by
no other term (Deut. Hi. 4, 13, 14 ; IK. iv. 13). It
has' been already shown how exactly applicable it is
to the circumstances of the case. [Arcob.] But
in addition to the observations there made, the
reader should be referred to the report of the latest
traveller in those interesting regions, who abun-
dantly confirms the statements of his predecessors
as to the abrupt definiteness of the boundary of the
district. (Mr. C. C. Graham, in Cambridge A'arra*,
1858.) No clew is afforded us to the reason of tins
definite localization of the term Chebel; but a com-
parison of the fact that Argob was taken possession
of by Manasseh — a part of the great tribe of Jo-
soph — with the use of this word by that tribe,
and by Joshua in his retort, in the very early and
characteristic fragment. .Josh xvii. 5, 14 (A. V.
••portion"), prompts the suggestion that it may
have been a provincialism in use amongst that large
and independent part of Israel. Should this I*
thought untenable, its application to the "rocky
shore " of Argob may be illustrated and justified
by its use (Zeph. ii. 5-7; A. V. "coast") for the
"coast line " of the Mediterranean along Philistia.
In connection with the sea-shore it is also employed
in Josh. xix. 2'J.
The words used for Cliebel in the older versions
are <rvo(»Wjita, w€pIu,«Tpor, -rtplxvpov: rtgio,
funiadm. [See Ancun, and the addition to
Bashas in Anier. ed.] G.
CHEDORLAO'MER ("19^73? : Xo-
hoWoyofiif- Chodorhhomor), a' king of fclam, in
the time of Abraham, who with three other chiefs
made war upon the kings of Sodom, (iomorrah,
Admah, Zeboim, and Zoar, and reduced them to
servitude. For twelve years he retained his hold
iver them ; in the thirteenth they rebelled ; in the
CHEESE
nut year, however, he and his allies marched opoa
their country, and after defeating many neighbor-
ing tribes, encountered the five kings of the plain
in the vale of Siddim. He completely routed them .
slew the kings of Sodom and Gomorrah, and car-
ried away much spoil, together with the family of
Lot Chedorlaomer seems to have perished in the
rescue which was effected by Abraham upon bear-
ing of the captivity of his nephew (Gen. xiv. 17).
According to Gesenius the meaning of the word
may be "handful of theimt, from S^i)S, handful
and ""Ss, theaf; " but this is unsatisfactory. The
name of a king is found upon the bricks recently
discovered in Chaldtea, which is read Kudmr-ma-
pula. This man has been supposed to be identical
with Chedorlaomer, and the opinion is confirmed
by the fact that he is further distinguished by a
title which may lie translated " Ravager of the
west." " As however one type alone of his legends
has been discovered," aaja Col. Rawlinson, "it is
impossible to pronounce at present on the identifi-
cation. The second element in the name " Chedor-
laomer " is of course distinct from that in " Kudur-
mapula." Its substitution may be thus accounted
for. In the names of Babylonian kuigs the latter
portion is often dropped. Thus Shtfmatttur be-
comes Shnlmnn in Hoehea; Merodach-bel^idm,
becomes MankcempaU Ac. Kudur-map»la might
therefore become known a* Kudw limply. The
epithet "el-Ahmar," -, |~- r*. which means the
Rod, may afterwards have been added to the name,
and may have been corrupted into Isomer, which,
as the orthography now stands, lias no apparent
meaning. Ktdar-tt-Ahmnr, or " Kedar the Red."
is in fact a famous hero in Arabian tradition, and
his history bears no inconsiderable resemblance to
the Scripture narrative of ( hodor-laomer. It t»
also very ponible that the second element in the
name of Cholor-laomcr, whatever be its true form,
may be a Semitic translation of the original Hamite
term nuipuln." "Chedorlaomer may have been
the leader nf certain immigrant Chaldean Ebonites
who founded the great Chaldsan empire of Berosua
ir. the early part of the 20th century u. c, while
Amrapbel and Arioch, the Hamite kings of Shiner
and rSlaaar, who fought under his banner in the
Syrian war as subordinate chiefs, and Tidal, who
led a contingent of Median Scjths belonging to the
old population, may have been the local governors
who had submitted to bis power when he invaded
Chaldtea " (Rawlinson's /Atwi, i. 4311, 448).
S. I.
CHEESE is mentioned only three times in the
Bible, and on each occasion under a different name
in the Hebrew: (1) ™*23, from 73J, In rurdlt
(Job x. 10), referred to, not historically, but by
way of illustration: (2) V* 1 "? 1 ?' *»" Y!f?> «•
ml (TptnpoAio'ti toE yiKcacrn, I .XX.; formeU*
casei, Vulg., 1 Sam. xvii. 18); the fhaldee and
Syriac give 7?3 ;, 3 : Hesvchius explains rpv^aXi**s
i»Tp4iiaTarovlnra\ovrvpov: (3) "^3 n"»£tp.
from TltV*, to icrapt (So^iS fsoarr, LXZ.
a The ass of the word In this sense In oar own
Idiomatic expression — " bard lines " will not be fbr-
tncaan. Other somsspondences between Oietrl as ap-
auet to aaaaaamnant, and our own words " rod " and
■'cham," and also " rood " as applied In the |
and colonies, to solid measure of wood, fte., ere ee
vioos.
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CHELAL
chut of Hue, A V. 2 Sun. xvii. 99: the Vul- \
gate, following Theodotion'a rendering, ya\afrr)rii
potxipia, gives pmgaet vitulct, guided by the posi-
tion of the words after " aheep " : the Targuni and
other Jewish authorities, however, identify the sub-
stance with those mentioned above). It is difficult
to decide how far these terms correspond with our
notion of cheete , tor they simply express various
degrees of coagulation. It may be observed that
-heme Is not at the present day common among
the Bedouin Arabs, butter being decidedly preferred ;
but there is a substance, closely corresponding to
those mentioned in 1 Sam. xvii., 2 Sam. xvii.,
consisting of coagulated butter-milk, which is dried
intil it becomes quite hard, and is then ground :
the Arabs eat it mixed with butter (Burckhardt,
Note on the Btdouim, i. 60). In reference to this
subject, it is noticeable that the ancients seem gen-
erally to have used either butter or cheese, but not
both : thus the Greeks bad in reality but oue ex-
pression for the two, for fio6rvpoy= 0ovi, rvpit,
"cheese of Idne:" the Romans used cheese ex-
clusively, while all nomad tribes preferred butter.
The distinction between cheese proper, and coagula-
ted milk, seems to be referred to in l'liny, xi. 96.
W L. B.
OHEXAL (Vj? [perfection] : XoMjA. i
[Tat. NcyonA, N«- belonging to the preceding
word :] Cnalat), Exr. x. 30 [where he is mentioned
as one of the eight sous of Pahath-Moab who had
all taken " strange wives "].
CHELCI'AS {Xitoeiaf- fields). 1. Ancestor
ofBaruch(Bar. i. 1).
2. Hilkiah the high-priest in the time of
(Bar. i. 7). W. A W,
CHELCI'AS (XeAjtfoi, i. t. n»J?VP. the
portion of the Lord, Hilkiah : ftelaat), the father
It Susanna (Hist, of Sus. 2, 29, 63). Tradition
(Hippol. in Suttnn. i. 689, ed. Migne) represents
him as the brother of Jeremiah, and identical with
the priest who found the copy of the law in the
time of Josiah (3 K. xxii. 8). B. F. W.
CHELXIANS, THE (Jud. ii. 23). [Crat-
Lua.]
chelxuh Ontbs, Ken, imbs
[«t«no<», Fiirst]: XsWoi '[Vat. FA. X«\k«io;
*Jd. Alex. X<Afa:] CheUau), Rzr. x. 35 [one of
the sons of Hani, who had foreign wives].
CHEL'LUS (XtWoiti [Sin. X«rXovt ; Vat]
alex. XcXovr: Vulg. omits), named amongst the
places beyond (i. e. on the west of; Jordan to which
Nabuchodonosor sent his summons (Jud. i. 9).
Except its mention with " Kades " there is no clew
to its situation. Reland (PaL p. 717) conjectures
that it may be ChnhttM, ilSYPn, a place which,
under the altered form of Ehaa, was well known
lo the Roman and Greek geographers. With this
agrees the subsequent mention of the " land of the
CheUlans" (rijj XsAAaUr [Vat. M. XoASohm-;
Sin. Alex. X«Aw»»], terra Cellon), " by the wilder-
ness," to the south of whom were the children of
Ishmael (Jud. 11. 33). G.
* Volkmar (KinL in die Apohr. i. 191) adopts
the reading XaAoaiaw, which is supported by the
Syrlac. A.
CHEXOD (Xt\*o6\; Alex. XtXeovt [Sin.
X«Asuev<i Aid XfA<f<:] Vulg. omits,. Many
of the sons of Cbelod " were an*- -g those
27
CHKMOSH
417
who obeyed the summons of Nabuchodonosor to
his war with Arphaxad (Jud. i. 6). The word is
apparently corrupt Simouis suggests XdAw, perh.
Ctesiphon. Ewald conjectures it to be a nickname
for the Syrians, » sons of the moles" iVn (Getch.
iv. 643).
* Volkmar gives the same interpretation, only
applying the term, in accordance with bis theory of
the book, to the Roman armies as a Schamyrdber-
ffeer, famous for intrenching. See his £M. im
die Apokr. i. 31 1, 153. A.
CHEXUB (>lb? [bird-cage]). L A man
among the descendants of Judah, described [1 Chr.
iv. 11] as the brother of Shuah and the father of
Mechir [1 Chr. iv. 11]. (In the LXX. the name
is given as Caleb, XaAf/3, the father of Ascha; the
daughter of the well-known Caleb was Achsah;
Vulg. Caleb.)
2. (i XfAoo/8; [V«- XoflouB:] Chehib). Ezri
the son of Chelub was the overseer of those who
" did the work of the field for tillage of the ground,"
one of David's officers (1 Chr. xxvii. 20).
CHELU3AI [3 syl.] C^lb? [Aerwt,
Fiirst]: 6 Xa\40\ [Vat. M. Ox<«0«A, »• «• i Xa-
P4\:] CaUbi), the son of llezron, of one of the
chief families of Judah. The name occurs in 1
Chr. ii. 9 only, and from a comparison of this pas-
sage with ii. 18 and 42, it would appear to be but
another form of the name Caleb. It is worth
noting that, while in this passage Jerahineel is
stated to be a brother of Chelubai, it appears from
1 Sam. xxvii. 10 that the Jemhiueehtes were placed
on the " south of Judah," where also were the pos-
sessions of the house of Caleb (Judg. i. 15; 1 Sam.
xxv. 3, xxx. 14). In the Syriac Vers, the name is
i* ^NfYt , Said ; probably a transcriber's error for
uaA3 , CeUibi (Burrington, i. !
G.
CHEM'ARIMS, THE (D v "?9??: (in 9
K. xxiii. 5] oi Xmpapip.; [Vat] Alex, ot Xta/tapeius
aruspicet, attlitui). This word only occurs in the
text of the A. V. in Zeph. i. 4. In 2 K. xxiii. 5
it is rendered u idolatrous priests," and in Hos. x.
5 "priests," and in both cases "cbemarim" is
given in the margin. So far as regards the Hebrew
usage of the word it is exclusively applied to the
priests of the false worship, and was in all prob-
ability a term of foreign origin. In Syriac the
word Ji-2SCX2, dhnrd, is found without the same
restriction of meaning, being used in Judg. xvii. 5«
12, of the priest of Micah, while in Is. lxi. 6 it
denotes the priests of the true God, and in Heb. it
17 is applied to Christ himself. The root in Syriac
signifies " to be sad," and hence cimri is supposed
to denote a mournful, ascetic person, and hence a
priest or monk (compare Arab. JtJOl, abiL, and
Syr. |LaSJ, abtld, in the same sense). Kunch'
derived it from a root signifying " to be black, '
because the idolatrous priests Mire black garments;
but this is without foundation. [Ti>olatky, II.]
In the Peshito-Syriac of Acts xix. 35 the feminine
form of the word is used to render the Greek
riuxipoy. " a temple keeper." Compare the Vulg
anHlm, wMch is the translation of Chemariin in
two passages. W A. W.
OHE'MOSH (ttftd? [perh. mbdwer. Or .
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CHENAANAH
trt, keartk, i.e. godofjire, Flint] : Xafuis; [Vat
In Judg. A/uctt] Chatnot), the national deity of
the Moabites (Num. xxi. 29; Jer. xlviii. 7, 13, 46).
hi Judg. xi. 24, be also appears at the god of the
Ammonites: he nust not, however, be identified
with Molech. Solomon introduced, and Josiah
sboli&hed, the worship of Chemosh at Jenualem
(I K. xi. 7; 8 K. xxiii. 13). With regard to the
meaning of the name, and the position which
I'hemosh held in mythology, we have nothing to
record beyond doubtful and discordant conjectures
Jerome {Comm, in Is. xv. 2) identifies him with
Baal-Peor; others with Uaal-Zebub, on etymologi-
cal grounds; others, as Gesenius (Thetaur. 093),
with Mars, or the god of war, on similar grounds;
and others (Beyer ad Selden, p. 323) with Saturn,
as the star of ill omen, C'hemosh having been wor-
shipped, according to a Jewish tradition, under the
form of a black star. Jerome (on Ib. xv.) notices
Uibon a* the chief seat of his worship.
W. L. B.
CHEN A' AN AH (njSJS: Xa*u4 [Vat.
Xavatuf, Alex. Xattuw:] Chanana ; according to
Gesen. fem. of Canaax). 1. Son of Bilhan, sou of
Jediael, son of Benjamin, head of a Beigamite house
(1 Chr. vii. 10), probably of the family of the
Belaites. [Bela.]
2. [XoradV; Vat. M. 1 K. xxii. 11, Xaava;
Alex. Xtwam, Xtwcuw, Xavaaya ■ Chanaana.]
Father, or ancestor, of Zedekiah, the false prophet
who made him horns of iron, and encouraged Ahab
to go up against Ramoth-Gilead, and smote Min»i*h
on the cheek (1 K. xxii. 11, 24; 2 Chr. xviii. 10,
23). He may be the same as the preceding.
A. C. H.
CHENA'NI 03?? [Jehovah appointed or
made]: Xunyii FA«. 'Alex. Xowi; FA*. Vat.
omit:] et Chanani), one of the Levites who assisted
at the solemn purification of the people under Ezra
(Neh. ix. • only). By the LXX. the word Hani
( > 32) preceding is read as if meaning '< sons " —
" sons of Chenani." The Vulgate and A. V. ad-
hering to the Maaoretic pointing, insert " and."
OHENANI'AH prTCO? [a, above]: x»-
rtyla, Xm/tviasi [Vat. Kaveyia, Xavtrtia; Alex.
KwvtKia, Xawcriar; in 1 Chr. xv. 27, Alex. Xm-
ruu; Vat. Uxortas ; FA. Exponas:] Chonnuat),
chief of the Levites, when David carried the ark to
Jerusalem (1 Chr. xv. 22, xxvi. 29). In 1 Chr. xv.
27, his name is written _, 2T".
CHE'PHAR-HAAMMO'NAI pO?
"•JID^n, " Hamlet of the Ammonites; " Kapatpi
ml Kf <pipi xal Mori [Vat. -Qti- and -m] ; Alex.
Ka^nipafuur; [Comp. Ktupapafifucya:] tub £m-
ona), a puce mentioned among the towns of Ben-
jamin (Josh, xviii. 24). No trace of it has yet
lieen discovered, but in its name is doubtless pre-
served the memory of an incursion of the Ammonites
up the long ravines which lead from the Jordan
valley to the highlands of Benjamin. G.
CHEPHITtAH (rrpMn, with the definite
lrticle, except in the later books, — "the hamlet: "
[Rom.] KcaW, [etc. ; V«t. Kt*«oo, ttipa,
Kwptum; FA. in Neh. Kaftipa; Alex.] Xufxipa,
[etc.:] Cnphira, Cnphara), one of the four cities
sf the Gibeonites (Josh. ix. 17), and named after-
" I among tbe towns of Benjamin, with Ramah,
CHE1UTH
Heeroth, and Mizpeh (xviii. 28). Th umi of
Chephirah returned with Zerubbabel frrar, Babylon
(Ear. ii. 25; Neh. vii. 29). The Samaritan Ver-
sion, at Gen. xiii. 3, renders Hai (Ai) by Cepkrah,
n~lD3 : but this cannot be Chephirah since both
Al and it are mentioned together in Josh, ix- (camp.
8 with 17), and in the lists of Ezra and Nehemiah
already quoted. And indeed Dr. Robinson seems
to have discovered it under the scarcely altered
name of Kefir, in the mountain-country on the
western confines of Benjamin, about 2 miles east
of Jrffc (Ajalou) (Rob. iii. 146). [Cafhma.]
6.
CHE'RAN (|"H?: Xa#dV: Charon), one
of the sons of DUhon (so A. V., but Hebrew is
Dishau), the Horite "duke" (Gen. xxxvi. 26; 1
Chr. i. 41). No name corresponding with this
has yet been discovered amongst the tribes of
Arabia.
CHETtEAS (XaW«; [Alex. Xtpeas-] On-
rent), a brother of Tunotbeus, the leader of the
Ammonites against Judas Maccabeus (1 Mace v.
6), who held Uazara (Jazar, 1 Mace. v. 8), when
he was slain on the capture of the fortress by th>
Jews (2 Mace. x. 32, 37). B. F. W.
CHEB/ETHIMS [properly CherethimJ
(DVTI?), Ex. xxv. 16. Tbe plural form of th»
word elsewhere rendered Cheretbites ; which
see. The Hebrew word occurs again in Zeph. ii.
5; A. V. " Cberethites." In these passages the
I.XX. render Cretans, and tbe Vulgate by Pabestini
and Philistines (Kprprej: Alex, [in Ex.] spiral
aitavof- Pulattim, PhiHithini).
CHERTETHITES AND PECETHITES
PO^?"") N rn? : 6 XtpM Kali*fKt9(, [etc.;]
owuaroa^Acunr, Joseph. Ant. vii. 5, § 4: Ceretki
et Phetethi). the life-guards of King David (2 Sam.
viu. 18, xv. 18, xx. 7, 23; 1 K. i. 38, 44; 1 Chr.
xviii. 17). These titles are commonly said to sig-
nify '■executioners and couriers" (tiyyapoi) from
mr, In sl)iy, snd n V? , to m It is plain thai
these royal guards were employed as executioners
(2 E. xi. 4), and as couriers (1 K. xiv. 27). Sim-
ilarly Potiphar was captain of the guard of Pharaoh.
and also chief of the executioners (Gen. xxxvii. 36),
as was Arioch, Nebuchadneszar's officer (Dan. ii. 14).
In the latter part of David's reign the Cberethites
and Pelethites were commanded by Benaiah (2 Sam.
viii. 18, xx. 23, xxiii. 23). But it has been con-
jectured that the royal body-guards may have bean
foreign mercenaries, like the Pope's Swiss guards.
They are connected with the Gittltes, a foreign
tribe (2 Sam. xv. 18); and the Cberethites an
mentioned as a nation (1 Sam. xxx. 14), dwelling
apparently on the coast, and therefore probably
Philistines, of which name Pelethites may be only
another form. B. W. B.
CHE'RITH, THE BROOK (IT"}? Vpj
[torrent of the cut or gorge] : yei/tdfioui Xo#ov:
torrent Carith), the torrent bed or lorvhj — to use
the modern Arabic word which exactly answers to
the Hebrew Nachnl — in (not •• by," as the trans-
lators of tbe A. V. were driven to say by their use
of the word "brook") which Elijah hid himself
during the early part of the three years' drought
(1 K. xvii. 3, 5). No further mention of It ■
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CHERITH
1 In the Bible, and by Joaephua [Ant. viii 13,
i 8) it is spoken of merely as x*'pdfl>ovt tis •
Tbe position of the Cherith has been much dis-
puted. 'Die words of the passage unfortunately
give no clew to it: — "get thee hence (i. e. ap-
parently from the spot where the interview with
Ahab had taken place, and which may or may not
be Samaria), and turn thy lace eastward (HO'Tp),
and hide thee in the torrent Critb, which is facing
039 v5) the Jordan." The expression " facing
the Jordan," which occurs also in verse 5, seems
simply to indicate that the stream in question ran
into that river and not into either the Mediter-
ranean or the Dead Sea. Josephus, as we have
seen, does not name the torrent, and he says that
EUjah went, not "eastward," but towards the
south — c J f to wpij yoVor aifin- Eusebius and
Jerome on the other hand ( Onomtutiam, Chorath)
place the Cherith beyond Jordan, where also
Schwarz (SI) would identify it in a Wady Alias,
opposite Bethshean. This is the Wady et-Yabu
(Jabeeh), which Benj. Tudela says is a corruption
of DW'TM "Ml (u. 408; Asher). The only tra-
dition on the subject is one mentioned by Marinus
Sanutus in 1321; that it ran by I'hasaelui, Herod's
city in the Jordan valley. This would mike it the
'Am f'tuAU which falls from the mountains of
Ephraim into the Ohdr, south of Kurn S&rtabtlt,
and about 15 miles above Jericho. This view is
supported by Bachiene, and in our own time by
Van de Velde (ii. 310). The spring of the brook
is concealed under high clifts and under the shade
of a dense jungle (V. de Velde, Memoir, 339). \h.
Robinson on the other hand would find the name
in the Wady Kelt (oJLs), behind Jericho. The
two names are however so essentially unlike, — not
so much in the change of the Caph to Kaph, and
Rah to Lam, both of which are conceivable, as in
the removal of the accent from the end in frith to
the beginning in Kelt, — that this identification is
difficult to receive, especially in the absence of any
topographical grounds. (See the same doubt ex-
pressed by Winer, Chriih.)
The argument from probability is in favor of the
Cherith being on the east of Jordan, of which
'CUjah was a native, and where he would be more
•ut of Ahab's reach than in auy of the recesses of
Jhe mountains of Ephraim or Benjamin. With
increased knowledge of that part of the country,
the name way possibly be discovered there. G.
• lh. Ilobinson reaffirm* the identity of ( 'lierith
and Kelt in his Phy. Geog. p. 94, f. Wilson
(Lamb «f the Bible, ii. 5) holds the same view.
"t Is impossible to press the argument from any
affinity in the names. Dr. Van Dyck,
> of the best living authorities, says : " I do not
bow Kelt can be derived from Cherith, except
on principles of etymology which make no account
of vowels and consonants." " Hence in this inspect,
Kelt may have no advantage over '.-l.'/i Fut&U, or
any other place put forward for this identification.
But it must be owned that a brook or ravine better
anted to hare lieen the asylum of the prophet could
hardly be found anywhere. Mr. Trtanuu ( html of
Itrael, p. 202, 2d ed.) mentions some traits of the
beauty which accord remarkably with the Scripture
In going down from Jerusalem to Jericho
CHERUB
419
the frightful gorge opens suddenly upon us at a
bend of the road, about two miles from the Plain:
there "the traveller finds himself in front of a
precipice, perhaps 500 feet high, pierced by many
inaccessible anchorite caverns, and with a steep,
rugged hill above. We gaze down into the steep
ravine, and see the ravens, eagles, and griffon-vul-
tures sailing beneath us. These are now the sole
inhabitants of these cares, the monarebs of the
waste." It will be seen how well this description
answers to the import of the ancient name. In a
retreat like this, too, the prophet could easily have
hid himself from the knowledge and pursuit of
Ahab, and the birds of prey, which must have
haunted the place of old as now, could have brought
to him the food which God prepared through them
for the preservation of ois servant.
There is a treatise " Elias corrorum oonvictor "
in the Critid Sacri. Gumpacb's " Elias und die
Raben " in his AlttettamentUche Studien, p. 200 ft".
(Heidelberg, 1852), is an attempt to remove from
the narrative all traces of a miraculous interven-
tion. We have the various opinions on the subject
canvassed, and the obvious meaning of tbe history
vindicated, in Deyling's Obterratumu Sacra, Pars
i., No. xxv. H.
CHETtUB CM"!? : Xtpo60, Xapo- 8; [Vet.
in Ear. corrupt:] Cherub), apparently a place in
Babylonia from which some persons of doubtful
extraction returned to Judsea with Zerubbabel (Ear.
ii. 59; Neb. vii. 61). In the parallel list of 1 Esdr.
v. this name, with the next, Addan, seems to be
corrupted to Ciiakaath-ai-ar.
CHERUB, CHERUBIM (am?, phnr.
D^FPS, or, as mostly in Pentateuch, O^H? '•
}C<pou0, vspovBju [Vat Alex, -flt^i or -0tir]).
1'he symbolical figure so called was a composite
creature-form, which finds a parallel in the religions
insignia of Assyria, Egypt, and Persia, e. g. the
sphinx, the winged bulls and lions of Nineveh, Ac.
1. Tbe winged female-sphinx. (WUkmsoa.)
a general prevalence which prevents the necessity
of our regarding it as a mere adoption from the
Egyptian ritual. In such forms (comp. the Chi-
nuers of Greek and the Griffin of northeasters
a not* to the wrlf-
f%. 1 As %ypdan winged animal
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120
CHERUB
■) every imaginative people has nought to em-
body it* notiona either of the attributes of Divine
essence, or of the vast powers of nature which
transcend that of man. In the various legends
of Hercules the bull and the lion constantly appear
■a forms of hostile and evil power; and some of the
Persian sculptures apparently represent evil genii
under similar quasi-cherubic forms. The Hebrew
Idea, seems to limit the number of the cherubim.
fig. 8. Awyrlan Oryphon. (Lnyiint, il. 45H.)
A pair (Ex. xxv. 18, Ac.) were placed on the mercy-
seat of the ark ; a pair of colossal size " oversliad -
owed it in Solomon's Temple with the canopy of
their contiguously extended wings. Kzekiel, i. 4-
14, speaks of four, 11 and similarly the apocalyptic
(am (Rev. iv. 6) are four. So at the front or east.
of Eden were posted " the cherubim," as though
the whole of some recognized number. They utter
no voice, though one is " heard from above them,"
nor have dealings with men save to awe and repel.
A " man clothed in linen " is introduced as a me-
dium of communication between them and the
prophet, whereas for a similar office one of the ser-
aphim personally officiates; and these latter also
"cry one to another." The cherubim are placed
beneath the actual presence of Jehovah, whose
moving throne they appear to draw (Gen. iii. 24;
Ms. i. 5, 25, 26, x. 1, 2, 6, 7 : Is. vi. 2, 3, 6). The
expression, however, "the chariot (i"T33ni2) of
the cherubim " (1 Chr. xxviii. 18), does not imply
wheels, hut the whole apparatus of ark and cheru-
bim is probably so called in reference to its being
carried on staves, and the words " chariot " and
" cherubim " arc in apposition. So a sedan might
be culled a " carriage," and 33^Ji is used for the
body of a litter. See, however, Dorjen, De Cherub.
Sand. (ap. Ugolini, vol. viii.), where the opposite
opinion is ably supported. The glory symbolizing
that presence which eye cannot see, rests or rides
on them, or one of them, thence dismounts to the
temple threshold, and then departs and mounts
again (Ex. x. 4, 18; comp. ix. 3; Ps. xviii. 10).
There is in them an entire absence of human sym-
pathy, and even on the mercy-seat they probably
appeared not merely as admiring and wondering
(1 Pet. i. 12), but as guardians of the covenant
and avengers of its breach. A single figure there
would have suggested an idol, which two, especially
•hen represented regarding something greater than
themselves, could not do. They thus became sub-
CHKRITB
wdinate, flkr \he supporters to a shield, and «r»
repeated, as It were the distinctive bearings of di-
vine heraldry, — the mark, carved or wrought
everywhere on the house and furniture of God (Ex
xxv. 20; 1 K. vi. 29, 35, vii. 29, 38).
Those on the ark were to be placed with wingi
stretched forth, one at each end of the mercy-seat,
and to be made " of the mercy-seat," which Abar-
benel (Spencer, He Ley. Ileb. ritual, iii., Diss, v.)
and others interpret of the same mass of gold with
it, namely, wrought by hammering, not cast and
then joined on. This seems doubtful, but from the
word HP" [?C, the solidity of the metal may per
haps be inferred. They are called x <f>ot'/3iM Io{qi
(Heb. ix. 6), as on them the glory, when visible,
rested ; but, whether thus visibly symbolized or not,
a perpetual presence of God is attributed to the
Holy of Holies. They were anointed with the holy
oil, like the ark itself, and the other sacred furni-
ture. Their wings were to be stretched upwards,
and their faces " towards each other and towards
the mercy-seat." It is remarkable that with such
precise directions as to their position, attitude, and
material, nothing, save that they were winged, is
snid concerning their shape.
- It b perhaps questionable whether the smaller
therublm on the mercy-seas were there In Solomon's
sample, as well as the colossal overshadowing ones.
That i hey were on the ark when brought from Shiloh
BO the battle seems most likely ; and It Is hardly con-
' aMaat with the reverential awe shown in the treat-
smsH of the ark, evtn by the enemy, to suppose that
Fig. 4. Assyrian winged bull. (Layard, Nm. mud But
276.)
Was this shape already familiar, or kept design-
edly mysterious? From the fact that cbemhin
were blazoned on the doors, walls, curtains, Ac, of
the house, and from the detailed description of
shapes by Exekiel, the latter notion might be
thought absurd. But if the text of Enkiel, and
they could have been lost In the course of Its i
logs [see Ark or Covxkakt] ; still, the pre s eno i of she
two pairs together seems hardly consistent and aa a su
prlate.
o The number four was one of those which wise
sacred among the Jews, like seven, and forty (WBok
Dt Symbol.). [Noma*.]
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OHBBUfi
sW earrings, Ac., of the temple had made them
popular, Josephus could not possibly have said (AnL
rill. 8, § 3) tAj 8) ytpov$t?s oviils oxoiai rivts
f/aay ti'we.V ouS* fwiurai Swaraj. It is also re-
markable that Ea. i. speaks of them as " living
creatures" (HVn, (&a), under mere animal
forms. Into whieh description in ch. x. 14, the
remarkable expression, " the face of a cherub," is
introduced, and the prophet concludes by a refer-
ence to his former vision, and an identification of
those creatures with the cherubim — (v. SO) "I
knew that they were cherubim." On the whole
it seems likely that the word " cherub " meant not
only the composite creature-form, of which the man,
Bon, ox, and eagle were the elements, but, further,
some peculiar and mystical form, which Ezekiel,
being a priest, would know and recognize as " the
face of a chkkub," kot' i(oxhy> Dut which was
kept secret from all others ; and such probably were
those on the ark, which, when it was moved, was
always covered [Ark op Cuvk.nant], though
those on the hangings and panels might be of the
popular device." What this peculiar cherubic form
was is perhaps an impenetrable mystery. It wis
probably believed popularly to be
something of the bovine type (though
In Ps. cvi. 20 the notion appears to
be marked as degraded): so Spencer
<Dt Leg. Iltbr. fit. iii. Diss. 5, 4, 2
•hinks that the ox was the forma
pracipua, and quotes (irotius on Ex.
xxv. 18; Bochart, Hitrozoic. p. 87
id. 1690. Hence the "golden calf."
The symbolism of the visions of Exe-
kiel is more complex than that of the
earlier Scriptures, and he certainly
means that each composite creature-
form had four faces so as to look four
ways at once, was four-sided • and
four-winged, so as to move with in-
stant rapidity in every direction with-
out turning, whereas the Mosaic idea
was probably single-faced,'' and with
but one pair of wings. Exekiel adds
also the imagery of the wheels — a
mechanical to the previous animal
forms. This might typify inanimate
■attire revolving in a fixed course, informed by the
spiritual power of God. The additional symbol of
using " full of eyes " is one of obvious meaning.
This mysterious form might well be the symbol
of Hun whom none could behold and live. For
431
OHBEUB
and omniscience, not as representations of i
beings (Clem. Alex. Strom, v. p. 241 ), the eherubun
should be regarded. 11 Philo indeed assigns a varied
signification to the cherubim : in one place he makes
them allegories of the beneficent and avenging en-
ergies of God ; in another, of the two hemispheres
of the then astronomical system, one of which sup-
ported the planets and the other the fixed stars;
elsewhere, of power and goodness simply. They
are symbolical in Gen. iii. 24, just as the serpent is
a symbol in iii. 1-14. though functions and actions
are attributed to each. When such symbolical
forms have become conventional, the next step is
to literalize them as concrete shapes of real beings.
The £m of Rev. iv. 6-8 are related both to the
cherubim and to the seraphim nf prophecy, com-
bining the symbols of both. They are not stern
and unsympathizing like the former, but invite the
seer to " come and see ; " nor like the Utter do they
cover their face (Is. vi. 2) from the presence of
deity, or use their wings to speed on his errands,
but, in a state of rest and praise, act as the ehoregi
of the heavenly host. And here, too, symbolism
ever sliding into realism, these have been diversely
as symbols of Divine attributes, t. g. omnipotence
• The " cherubim, Uoos, and oxen," wbtcb orna-
mented certain utensils in the temple (1 K. vii. 29),
tie probably all to be viewed as cherubic malgnlA. the
fanner of composite form, the two latter of simple.
* Behoettgen, Her. Heir, ad Apoe. Iv. 8, quotes
J*tr*r Rob. Euzer, " Ad quatuor pedes (tbronl) sunt
fuatuor animaiia quorum unumquodque qiutuor facfes
<* sot alas habet. Quando Deus loquitur ab orients,
one Id lit inter duos oherublnos facie hominls ; quando
s merldie, tune Id fit inter duo> cherubinos facie leo-
•aV'fcc.
' Banr, Symbotik, vol. I. pp. 318-14 (obese entire
walks on this subject are valuable an. often pro-
trand), Inclines to think that the precise form vuxted
attain certain limits ; t. jr. the cherubic figure might
savs Ok <, two, or four faces, two or four feet, one or
.*• pair of wings, and might have the bovine or leo-
Jam type as Us basis ; the Imagery being modified h,
saw the prominently Intended attribute, and the big*
Fig. 6. Assyrian sphinx, (layard, II. 8*6.,
construed, e. g. as the four evangelists, four aroh-
angds, Ac.
Many etymological sources for the word iV^T 1
have been proposed. The two best worth noticing
and between which it is difficult to choose are, (1)
est forms of creature-being expressing beat the highest
attributes of the Creator. Thus he thinks the human
form might Indicate spirituality (p. 840). (Oomp.
Grot, on Exod. xxv. 18, and Heb. ix. 6.) 8ome useful
hints as to the connection of cherubic with other
mythological forms may be found in Creuasr, Sym-
bol. I. 441, 640.
d In as. xxvUi. 14, 16, the Tyrian king is addressed
as the " anointing cherub that covereth." This seems
a miT**lnt In the A. V., arising from a confusion of
""tree, which means " stretched out " ( Vulg. tlurum
attains), from 7112722, Aram, to txlrnd, with soma
word from ntPtt, t» anoint. The notion Is bor-
rowed no doubt from the " extended " attitude of ths
cherubim of ths sanctuary, " covering " the ark, Ice.,
with their wings. So the king should hare ban ths
vmttMnn of the law.
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CHERUB
OHKBTTB
Fig. 8. A Grecian griffin.
Jw Syriac -JiOiJD, yrea<, siroiij (Gesen. ». r. ;
somp. Philo <fe Profugit, p. 465). The feet that
lU the symbol* embody various forma of strength,
the Uod among wild, and the ox among tame beasts,
the eagle among birds, the man as supreme over all
nature, is in favor of this; (2) the Syriao « "\* 3 ,
to plough, i. e. to cut into; hence Arab. > >« ^
acu^pttt ; and here a doubt occurs whether in the
active or passive sense, " that which ploughs " =
the ox (comp. ~1f?!Il> "ox," from same word in
Arab. " to plough "), which brings us to the forma
praapua of Spencer; or, that which is carved =
an image. In favor of the latter is the fact that
31"13 is rabbinical for " image " generically (SI-
moms, Bouget, and Pagninut, Lerx. s. v.), perhaps
as the only image known to the law, all others be-
ing deemed forbidden, but possibly also as contain-
ing the true germ of meaning. " Besides these two
wisdom or intelligence has been given by high
authority as the true meaning of the name (Jerome
on h. vi. 2); so Philo de lit. Mot. 668 — is f tw
"EAAqyst tftmuv, iwlyraats icol twurripTi *o\-
\t) [Opp. li. 160 ed. Hang.]; and Clem. Alex.
Strom, v. e. 6, p. 240 [667 ed. Hotter] — teiKti
8s TO 6Vo/ia T»r xtpovfflfi or\\ovv tuffOrjfftv
woAAr}**
Though the exact form of the cherubim is uncer-
tain, they must have borne a general resemblance
to the composite religious figures found upon the
monuments of Egypt, Assyria, Babylonia, and
Persia. The first two figures are winged creatures
torn the Egyptian monuments. The next three
a lbs grlffln of Northern table watching the (old
S> the wUdurnsss has (see shovel been compared with
Jm cherub, both as regards his composite form, and
ats function as the guardian of a treasure. The
"wetehftU dragon" of the Hesperidee seems perhaps
s fabulous reflex of the same, where possibly the " ser*
feat" (tpamr) may, by a change not uncommon In
tiytb. have taken the place of the " cherubim." The
Jragon and the bull bavs their place also In the legend
sf the got tan fl eece . There Is a very near res
are taken from Assyrian sculptures. No. d i
sent* the griffin of Northern fable, as we see from
the griffin found as an ornament in Scythian tombs,
but drawn by Grecian artists. In the sacred boats
or arks of the Egyptians, there an sometimes found
Fig. 7. A sacred Igjpttan beat er ask, with two.flg-
ures perhaps resembling ehenshtss. (Wilkinson.)
two figures with extended wings, which remind us
of the description of the cherubim "covering the
mercy-seat with their wings, and their faces [look-
ing] one to another " (Ex. xxv. 90). H. H.
* Were the cherubim merely ideal symbols, hav-
ing no objective personal reality, or were they act-
ual beings represented under these ideal symbols r
In support of the former view, it is alleged, (1 ) that
we meet with these ideal forms only in pontic de-
scription, or prophetic vision, or symbolic worship
too between the names ypvw- (with « aflbrmaUve) and
r^nT; and possibly an afflnlrr between ypir- an* the
Greek' forma yAvne, yAvrW, yssdej, yAstynpee let Oar
man grain), all related to earring, as between 3T"I3
and the Syrlae and Arab, words signifying aroril, K*4»
n'l, «W, as above. We have another form of the sane
root probably In «vp0tc, the block or tablet on ettek
the laws were r-tfrnrnd.
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CHERUB
CHEST
428
ind the like; (2) thai the farms are manifestly of
XboUc character; and (3) that they correspond
imilar symbolic representations, of Egyptian,
Assyrian, and Indian antiquity. So Hengstenberg
(/Xe Bicker Motet, p. 167 ff.„ Keil (Archaol. §
19), Ilibernick( Comas, fleer Euek.; Vorkt-uberd.
TheoL da A. T. pp. 79, 80), Neumann (Ztittchr.
f. lath. Thwl. 1853, i. 137 ff.), Lange {Bibelirerk,
•Jen. iii. 23, 24).
In fiivor of the other view, it is rountained, that
the representation of these beings under symbolic
forms, for purposes of poetical description, Ac., does
not exclude their objective reality; that similar
representations among ancient heathen nations are
anly relics of early tradition, or of a primitive revela-
tion; furthermore, that in the Scriptures (e. >j. l's.
iviii. 10, compared with Ps. civ. 3, 4) angels and
cherubim are placed in the same category, and
hence the real existence of both must stand or fall
together: and finally, that the mention of them in
a narration of actual facts, in the third chapter of
Genesis, is decisive of the question, if we hold to
the historical reality of what is there related. So
Kurt* (Gack. det Allen Bumki, p. 63 ff.; art.
Cherubim, In Heraog's RetU-EncylUup.), Delita*h
(GentsU, 3te Aufl. p. 196), Hofmann (Schriftbe-
mit, i. 179 ff., 317 ff), NSgelabach (Dtr GoU-
rtentch, 1. 324).
On the reasons for the first view, it may be re-
marked, that the symbolic character of the forms
certainly does not exclude an objective reality ; but
on the other hand, it may be said, that the symbol
is sufficient in itself for any purpose that can fairly
be claimed in the connection, and requires no cor-
responding personality.
In the reasons given for the other view, it is
plainly a false inference from the comparison of
Ps. xviii. 10 with Ps. civ. 3. 4, that angels and
cherubim stand in the same category in the repre-
sentations of the Scriptures. The personal exist
ence of the former is attested by their frequent ap-
pearance on earth; while to the existence of the
latter there is no similar attestation, unless it lie
found in the third chapter of Genesis. Hut the
historical reality of the facta there narrated is not
impaired by regarding the cherubim, spoken of in
v. 84, as symbolic representations of the divine
majesty and power, in whatever way these were
Daniftsted.
In the Hebrew text of this passage we have the
lefmite form, "the cherubim and the flaming
sword;" not "as though the whole of some recog-
nized number " (as stated in the first paragraph of
the preceding article) but denoting well known and
SAmiliap objects or conceptions.
One of the statements in the hut paragraph but
two of the preceding article is founded on a very
njurious perversion of the Greek text in Rev. vi. 1,
t, 5, 7. It is one of the instances in which Erasmus
fallowed the later corrupted copies of the l-atin Vul-
■ ate (translating from it into Greek) instead of the
ireek manuscript which was before him, as showi.
by Prof. Delitzsch in his collation of it with Eras-
mus's printed Greek text (llandtchriftt. Funtle,
1861). Instead of the false reading of the current
tot, the true reading is "Come!" Instead of
' inviting the seer to ■ come and see,' " it is an au-
Jsoriiative summons, calling forth the several per-
a Possibly referring to the villsgs now B rit Un a,
Mtweeo Jerusalem and NM Samwii, and therafbn In
socages, on the white, the red, the U a k, .uid th»
pale horse, to the service assigned to each.
CHES'ALON CP^D? [Diet*., strength, firm-
nets; Fiirst, fatnett, /ertoaVy] Xaor\<by, [Aha.
XatraKwr-] Chalon), a place named as one of the
landmarks on the west part of the nortu boundary
of Judah, apparently situated on the shoulder (A.
V. "side") of Mount Jearim (Josh. xv. 10). The
name does not, however, reappear in the list of
towns of Judah later in the same chapter. Mount
Jearim, the " Mount of Forests," has not necessa-
rily any connection with Kirjath Jearim, though the
two were evidently, from their proximity in this
statement of the boundary, not far apart. Chesa-
k>n was the next landmark to Beth-shemesh, and it
is quite in accordance with this that I)r. Robinson
has observed a modem village named Kola, about
six miles to the N. E. of 'Ain Menu, on the west-
ern mountains of Judah (Rob. ii. 30, note; iii.
154). Eusebius and Jerome, in the Onomatticon,
mention a Chaslon, but they differ as to its situ-
ation, the former placing it in Benjamin, 11 the latter
in Judah: both agree that it was a very large vil-
lage in the neighborhood of Jerusalem. The mean-
ing of the name is thought by Professor Stanley,
like Cheeulloth, to have reference to its situation
on the "loins" of the mountain. O.
CHE'SED (tfr? : Xof««; [Alex. Xao-(>*:]
Cuted), fourth son of Nahor (Gen. xxii. 29).
[ClIAI.Pt k. p. 108.]
CHK'SIL (Vp? [afoul or impiout]: Bar
B4,\; Alex. Xoo-«u>'; [Aid. X«r»0 Cent), a town
in the extreme south of Palestine, named with Hor-
mah and Ziklag (Josh. xv. 30). The name does
not occur again, but in the list of towns given out
of Judah to Simeon, the name Bethul. occurs
in place of it (xix. 4), as if the one were identical
with, or a corruption of, the other. This is con-
firmed by the reading of 1 Chr. iv. 30, Bkthukl;
by that of the LXX. as given above, and by the
mention in 1 Sam. xxx. 27 of a Bethel among the
cities of the extreme south. In this case we can
only conclude that VD3 was an early variation of
biro. o.
CHEST. By this word are translated in the
A. V. two distinct Hebrew terms: (1.) T^N or
l""IW, from i"HN, to gather: mjEtatreV flatophuU
actum. This Is invariably used for the Ark of the
Covenant, and with two exceptions, for that oidy.
It is instructive to be reminded that then is no
Hill
Egyptian cnest or box tw Thebes. (Wilkinson.)
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CHESTNUT-TRBE
anomeetion whatever between this word and that far
the "ark" of Noah, and for the "ark" in which
Moses m hid among the flags (both H^T), Ti
M>). The two exception! alluded to are (a) the
* eotfiii " in which the bones of Joseph were carried
from Kgypt (Gen. 1. 26; rendered in the Targ. IV
Jon. by yXwvaiitoitor — comp. John xii. — in
Hebrew letters: the reading of the whole passage
is very singular): and (/>) the "cheat" in which
Jehoiada the priest collected the alms for the repairs
of the Temple (2 K. xii. 8, 10; 2 Chr. xxiv. 8-11 ).
Of the foiiuer the following wood-cut is probably a
near representation. (2.) CMS, "chests," from
T3j>, to hoard (Ex. xxril. 24 only): A. V. " cbesU."
G.
CHESTNUT-TREE 0'lO"?y, 'ai-mt*:
•Aalrotot, i\irt)'- /A itmuit). Mention is made
of the 'drm'm in Gen. xxx. 37, as one of the trees
from which Jacob took rods in which " he pilled
white strokes," to set them before Laban's Hocks
when they came to drink (see on this subject
8HKEP); in Ex. xxxi. 8, the 'amu'm is spoken of as
one of the glories of Assyria. The balance of au-
thority is certainly in favor of the "plane-tree"
being the tree denoted by 'drmAn, for so read the
LXX. (in (ien. /. a), the Vulg., the Chaldee, with
the Syriac and Arabic versions (Celsius, Uitrttb. i.
613). The A. V., which follows the Rabbins, is
certainly to be rejected, for the context of the pas-
sages where the word occurs indicates some tree
which thrives best in low and moist situations,
whereas the chestnut-tree is rather a tree which
prefers dry and hilly ground. l)r. Kitto ( Cyc. art.
Armon), in illustration of Kz. (/. c.) says that " the
planes of Assyria ore of extraordinary size and
beauty, in both resets exceeding even those of
Palestine; it consists with our own experience, that
one may travel far hi Western Asia without meet-
ing such trees, and so uiany together, as occur in
the Chenar (plane) groves of Assyria and Media."
The plane-trees of Persia are now and have been
long held in the greatest veneration : with the Greeks
also these trees were great favorites; Herodotus
(viL 31 ) tells a story of how Xerxes on his way to
Sardis met with a plane-tree of exceeding beauty,
to which he made an offering of golden ornaments.
A fine specimen of the plane-tree was growing a
few years ago (1844) at Vostitza, on the Gulf of
Lepauto; it measured 4f> feet in circumference, ac-
cording to the lfev. 8. ('lark of llattersea, who has
riven an interesting account of it in John's t'orul
Trtet of Britain (ii. gIM ). The plane-trees of Pal-
estine in ancient days were probably more numerous
than they are now ; though inoderu travellers occa-
sionally refer to them. Melon (Obt. ii. 105) speaks
of very high plane-trees near Antiocb ; I >e la ltoque
( l'f«''//. (fe Syrie tt du M. Liban, p. 197) men-
lions entire forests of planes which line the margin
ef the Orontes; and in another place (p. 76) he
ipeaks of having passed the night under planes of
treat beauty in a valley near Lebanon.
In Kcclus. xxiv. 14, Wisdom is compared to " a
plane-tree by the water." W. H.
OHESUI/LOTH (with the definite article,
•YlbpiH : XaaaK.de: Cataioth), one of the
towns of Issachnr, meaning in Hebrew " the loins,"
md tlierefcre, perhaps, deriving its name from it*
•tomtion on the slope of some mountain (Josh. xix.
18. 8ne the quotation from Jarchi in Keil's
CH1LDKKN
Jotkua, p. 338). From it* position in the Rata K
appears to be between Jezreel and Shunem (.So.
lim), and, therefore, not far enough north to 1*
the Afcsuf mentioned by Robinson (h. 332) or tht
place noted by Eusebius and Jerome under A»
chaaeluth, Ax«<rlAa>0, in the OnumtuHccm. (i.
CHETTIIM or CHETTIIM (X«tt«»1>
Alex. [Sin. AM.] Xermf/i: te/flua), 1 Mace. I
1. [Chittim.] W. A. W.
CHE'ZIB (3"t9 [Igmg, Ges.; lymg few*.
Kiirst]; Sam. Cod. n3T3; Sam. Vers. TOTO-
Xaa&l: Vulg. translating quo nolo partrt ultra
er—irit, and comp. a similar translation by Aquik,
in Jer. Ua. /Mi:), a name which occurs but one*
((ien. xxxviii. 5). Judah was at Chezib when the
Canaaniteas Ilath shua bore his third son Sbdah.
The other places uamed hi this remarkable narra-
tive are all in the low country of Judah, and there-
fore in the alaence of any specification of the po-
sition of Chezib, we may adopt the opinion of the
interpreters, ancient and modem, who identify it
with Aciizin (3^3^). H b also probably iden-
tical with Chozkba. G.
CHITJON (fTO : LXX. Vat. omits; Alex.
XciSaty: Chidon), the name which in 1 Chr. xiii. 9
is given to the threshing-floor at which the accident
to the ark, on its transport from Khjath-jearim to
Jerusalem, took place, and the death ofUzzah. In
the parallel account in 2 Sam. vi. the name is given
as Nachon. The word Chidon signifies a "jave-
lin; " Nachon, " prepared " or " firm." Whether
there were really two distinct names for the same
spot, or whether the one is simply a corruption or
alteration of the other is quite uncertain (see Ges.
Thet. 683: Simonis, (Mom. 339, 340). Josephus
(.4(1/. vii. 4, § 2) has XuSdr- The Jewish tradi
lion (Jerome, Quatt. lleb. on 1 Chr. xi. 9) was
that Chidon acquired its name from being the spot
on which Joshua stood when he stretched out the
wea,ioii of that name (A. V. "spear") towards Ai
(Josh. viii. 18). Hut this is irreconcilable with all
our ideas of the topography of the locality. G.
* Words so obscure justify other conjectures. It
is more satisfactory to regard the terms as commem-
orative of events rather than names of the own-
era: (1) the threshing-floor of smiting (from npj,
to tmitt), because Jehovah smote Uzzah there; and
(2) threshing-floor of the blow or (figurative) jave
lin with which L'zzah was there smittten. 1'ekkz-
uzzaii (2 Sam. vi. 8) seems to have been the per-
sonal designation under which the fatal spot was
known to sulwequent times. See Movent, Krii.
UnUrturh. ib. die bibl. Chronit, p. 166; Kelt,
flours of Snmutt, p. 332 (Clark's library); and
Wordsworth, Holy Bible with Jfottt, ii. 82. II.
CHILDREN (D*?5 [sons]: t 4kv*, »<u8{«:
libtri,f£L From the root H3|l, to build, are de-
rived both 13, son, as in Ben-hanan, 4c., and H?
daughter, as in Bath-sheba. The Chald. also ">?,
son, occurs in O. T., and •opeara in N. T. in rack
words as Barnabas, but which in prar. 'P33, Ear
vi. 16, resembles more the Hebrew. Cognate wordi
are the Araliic Ilenl, arms, in the sense of decatssd
ants, and llenat, dnughUtrt, Ges. pp. 815, 9M
Shaw, TranU, Pr. p. 8). The blessing ef as?
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CHILDREN
spring, bit especially, and sometime* exclusively,
i the uule sex, it highly rallied among all Eastern
oationa, while the absence is regarded as one of the
merest punishments (Her 1. 136; Strab. xv. 733;
Geo. xvi. 3, xxix. 31, xzz. 1, 14; Dent. vii. 14; 1
Sam. i. 6, ii. 5, iv. 20; 2 Sam. vi. 23, xviii. 18; 2
K. iv. 14; Is. xlvii. 9; Jer. xx. 15; Ilos. ix. 14;
Esth. T. 11; Ps. cxxtU. 3. 5; EccL vi. 3; Drusius,
Prov. Ben-Sim, ap. Crit. Sacr. viii. 1887; Lane,
Mod. Egypt. I 208, 240; Mrs. Poole, Engluhw. in
Kgypt, Ui. 163; Niebuhr, Deter. (It tArab. 67:
Chardin, Voyage, vii. 446; Russell, Nubia, 343).
Childbirth is Id the East usually, but not always,
attended with little difficulty, and accomplished
with little or no assistance (Gen. xxxv. 17, xxxviii.
88, Ex. 1. 19; 1 Sam. iv. 19, 20; Burckhardt,
Note* on Brdouint, i. 96 ; Harmer, Obt. iv. 425 ;
Lady M. W. Montagu, LeUert, ii. 217, 219, 222).
At soon as the child was born, and the umbilical
cord cut, it was washed in a bath, rubbed with salt,
and wrapped in swaddling clothes. Arab mothers
sometimes rub their children with earth or sand
(Ex. xvi. 4 ; Job xxxviii. 9 ; Luke ii. 7 ; Burckhardt,
/. c). On the 8th day the rite of circumcision in
the case of a boy, was performed, and a name given,
sometimes, but not usually, the same as that of the
Esther, and generally conveying some special mean-
ing. Among Mohammedans, circumcision is most
commonly delayed till the 5th, 6th, or even the
14th year (Gen. xxi. 4, xxix. 32, 35, xxx. 6, 24;
Lev. xii. 3; Is. vii. 14, viii. 3; Luke i. 59, ii. 21,
and 1 jghtfoot, ad be. ; Spencer, de Legg. ffebr. v.
62; Strab. xv». 824; Her. ii. 36, 104; Burckhardt,
ibid. i. 96; Lane, Mod. Egypt, i. 87: Mrs. Poole,
Enyliihw. in Egypt, iii. 158 ; Niebuhr, Deter, p.
70). [Circumcision.] After the birth of a
male child, the mother was considered unclean for
7 -f" 33 days; if the child were a female, for double
that period 14 -f* 66 days. At the end of the time
she was to make an offering of purification of a
lamb as a burnt-offering, and a pigeon or turtle-
dove as a Kin-offering, or in cage of poverty, two
doves or piuwins, one as a burnt-offering, the other
as a sin offering (Lev. xii. 1-8; Luke ii. 22). The
period of nursing appears to have been sometimes
prolonged to 3 years (Is. xlix. 15; 2 Mace. vii. 27;
comp. Livingstone, Trare.lt, c vi. p. 126; but
Burckhardt leads to a different conclusion). The
Mohammedan law enjoins mothers to suckle their
children for 2 full years if possible (Lane, Mod.
Egypt, i. 83; Mrs. Poole, Englitkw. in Egypt, iii.
161). Nurses were employed in coses of necessity
(Ex. II. 9; Gen. xxiv. 59, xxxv. 8; 2 Sam. iv. 4;
SK. xl. 2;2Chr.xxii. 11). The time of weaning
was an occasion of rejoicing (Gen. xxi. 8). Arab
children wear little or no clothing for 4 or 5 years ;
the young of both sexes are usually carried by the
mothers on the hip or the shoulder, a custom to
which allusion is made by Isaiah (Is. xlix. 22, lxvi.
12; Lane, Mod. Egypt i. 83). Both boys and
girls in their early years, boys probably till their
5th year, were under the care ot the women (Pror.
xxxi. 1; Herod. I. 136; Strab. xv. p. 733; Niebuhr,
Deter, p. 24). Afterwards the boys were taken
by the father under his charge. Those in wealthy
taffies had tutors or gover n ors (C*3l?M, wtuoVr-
ysrvof ) who were sometimes eunuchs (Num. xl. 12;
I K. x. 1, 5; Is. xlix. 23; Gal. iii. 24; Esth. ii.
f; Joseph. Vit. 76; Lane, Mod. Egypt I 83).
Daughters usually remained In the women's apart-
-4sna till marriapf, or, among the poorer classes.
CHILION
426
were employed in household work (Lev. at. •;
Num. xii, 14; 1 Sam. ix. 11; Pror. xxxi. 19, 28;
Ecclus. vii. 25, xlii. 9; 2 Mace. iii. 19). The ex-
ample, however, and authority of the mother wen
carefully upheld to children of both sexes (Ueut
xxi. 20; Pror. x. 1, xr. 20; 1 K. ii. 19).
The first-born male children were regarded as de-
voted to God, and were to be redeemed by an offer-
ing (Kx. xiii- 13; Num. xviii. 15; Luke ii. 22).
Children devoted by special vow, as Samuel was,
appear to have been brought up from very early
years in a school or place of education near the tab-
ernacle or temple (1 Sam. i. 24, 28). [EDUCA-
TION.]
The authority of parents, e»|>ecially the father,
over children was very great., an was also the rev-
erence enjoined by the law U< lie |«id to parent*.
The disobedient child, the striker or revUer of a
parent, was liable to capital punishment, though
not at the independent will of the parent. Chil-
dren were liable to be taken as slave* in case of
non-payment of debt, and were expected to perform
menial offices for them, such a* washing the feet,
and to maintain them in poverty and old agtv
How this last obligation was evaded, see Cokbajc.
The like obedience is enjoiued by the Gospel (Gen.
xxxviii. 24; Lev. xxi. 9; Num. xii. 14; Ueut. xxiv.
16; 1 K. U. 19; 2 K. xiv. 6, iv. 1; Is. I. 1; Neh. r.
5; Job xxiv. 9; Prov. x. 1, xv. 20, xxix. 3; Dm-
sius, Quatt. ffebr. ii. 63, ap. Crit. Sacr. viii. 1547)
Col. Ui. 20; Eph. vi. 1; 1 Tim. i. 9; comp. Vug.
/En. vi. 609; and Servius, ad loc.; Aristoph. Ran.
146; Plato, Phado, 144; de Legg. ix.).
The legal age was 12, or even earlier in the east
of a female, and 13 for a male (Maimon. de Pro*,
e. v.; Urotius and Calmet on John ix. 21).
The inheritance was divided equally between all
the sons except the eldest, who received a double
portion (l)eut. xxi. 17; Gen. xxr. 31, xlix. 3; 1
Chr. v. 1, 2; Judg. xi. 2, 7). Daughters bad by
right no portion in the inheritance; but if a man
had no son, his inheritance passed to his daughters,
but they were forbidden to marry out of then
father's tribe (Num. xxvii. 1, 8, xxxvi. 2, 8).
The term ton was applied also to the disciples
and followers of the teachers of the various sects
which arose after the Captivity [Education ;
Scribes]. (Lightfoot, llor. Heir, on John xiii.
33, Luke xi. 45, John xvi. [xv.?] 16.) [Comp.
Matt. xii. 27; Luke xi. 19. See also 1 Cor. ir. 14,
15, 17; 1 Tim. i. 2; 2 Tim. i. 2; Philnu. 10: 3
John 4. A.] H. W. P.
CHII/EAB. [Abigail; Daniel.]
CHILION [properly Chilyon] flV' 1 ?? .
XtkatAr, [Vat. Ruth i. 2, KsX.i] Alex. XfAsar.
[XoiAfw:] Chetion), the son of EUmdech and
Naomi, and husband of Orpah (Ruth i. 2-5, It. 8)
He is described as "an Ephrathite (? Eohraimtta)
of Bethlehenvjodah."
* The etymology usually assigned for the names
of the brothers (Ruth 1. 2) U i"T^* for CbiBon,
tiekly, and HjC for Mahlon, pining ; either given
to them at first from prognostics of their early fate,
which, as they died young, were fulfilled, or substi-
tuted for other original names, after their death, in
the family traditions. Considering how readily ths
orientals change the names of persons both living
and dead, the utter supposition is by no means inv
postibt. SeeBertheau (Richler u. Rutk.o. XN:
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126
OHILMAD
But the derivation la uncertain. So good a acfaohv
M Camel (Richler u. Ruth, p. 90S) refers Cliilion to
• ?|\ and Mahlon to -1 f, i. e. the former, orna-
ment, and the latter, jvy; so that the names couM
hare been given to them at their birth as terms of
parental fondness. Mr. Wright (Ruth in Htbrtw
and t'lialiler, p. 2) conjectures that the children
were an named (sit knew ; tltstruction) on account
of the sad condition of the land at the time. That
the land was specially afflicted at the time they
were horn we do not know. The (amine which
drove the family to Moab was later. The names,
in whatever way explained, afford but a slight foot-
hold for assailing the historical claims of the book.
H.
CIIII/MAD (TO 1 ??: Xa^uiV; [Aid. XaA-
ttaVi Comp. Xo\p&fi ■] Chelmad), a place or coun-
try mentioned in conjunction with Sbeba and As-
shur (Ex. xxvii. 23). The only name bearing any
similarity to it is Charmande, a town near the Eu-
phrates between the Hascas and the Babylonian
frontier (Xen. Annb. i. 6, § 10). As however no
other writer notices this place, it is highly improb-
able that it was of sufficient importance to rank
with Sheha and Aashur. Hitzig (Comment, on
Ai. I. c.) proposes to alter the punctuation to
"IE/?, with the sense, " Assbur was a* thy pupil
in commerce. W. L. B.
* Itawlinson identifies Chilmad with Kaheadha.
[Chalkka, § 4.] A.
CHIMHAM 'Cn^S [pining, longing],
but see below: Xaftaiu: .\*cx. Xaraaf, [Comp. Xi-
\mi», 'Axipairi l«XX. In Jer. oorrupt;] Joseph.
*Ax'/u>»<>t : Clunminm), a follower, and probably a
son (.Icnepli. Aul. vii. II, J 4; and comp. 1 K. ii.
7) of Kar/.illai tlie (jileadite, who returned firom be-
yond .lordau with David (2 Sam. xix. 37, 38, 40).
David a|>|iears to have bestowed on him a posses-
sion at llethleliem, on which, in later times, an inn
or Khnu (.TH2) was standing, well known as the
starting-point for travellers from Jerusalem to
Egypt (Jer. xli. 17). a There is some uncertainty
about the name, possibly bom its not being that
of a Hebrew. In 2 Sam. xix. 40, it is in the He-
brew text Chimhan, ^n^ri **> A >» ths c *"«* <*
Jer. xU. 17, Cbemoham, ErPOS. G.
CHIN'NERETH [//<*. CSnne'reth or Kin-
oe'reth] (accurately [?] Cinnareth, PQ2S [?in
P"* "*"?!] ! Kewpft; Alex. XmpoB; [Aid.
Xtrtpie-] Ctnereth), a fortified city in the tribe
of Naphudi (Josh. xix. 35 only), of which no trace
is fbnnd in later writers, and no remains by travel-
lers. Whether it gave its name to, or received it
from, the lake, which was possibly adjacent, is quite
uncertain. By St Jerome Chinnereth was identi-
fied with the later Tiberias. This may have been
from some tradition then existing; the only corrob-
twtion which we can find for it is the mention in
. oshua of Hammath as near it, which was possibly
the Jfimmatn or Enunaus, near the shore of the
hke a fifle south of Tiberias. This i> Jenied bv
« • We me from Jer. xll. 17 that this Kami bora
jhlmham'a name for at least 4 centutea, and (as the
•sage* of Um Hast are so unchanging) may have been
a* Kktm (nmUw »ta<ch almost 6 f atar*w "atsr
CHIOS
Reland (Mil), on the ground that Capaniaam h
said by St. Matt. (iv. 13) to have been on the very
borders of Zebulun and NaphUli, and that Zebu
lun was to the south of NaphUli. But St. Mat-
thew's expression will hardly bear this strict inter-
pretation. The town, or the lake, appears to havi
given its name (slightly altered) to a district — "«B
CiNMKKorti " (1 K. xv. 80). G.
* The name (Josh. xix. 36) is spelt "Cmnereth"
in the A. V. ed. 1611, and other tarty editions.
According to Flint, the city " In jter times was
called *"ID-"Ua Genutor (Megula 6" ). ... At the
time of Farchi (at the beginning of the 14th cent-
ury) it was still in existence, lying, without doubt,
one hour northwest of Tabariyya [Tiberias], where
the ruins of Onnsur are still found at the present
day " (Utb. Lex. s. v., Davidson's transL). A.
CHIN'NERETH, 8BA OF (rH|>3 C* :
if ei\ao<ra Xmpi8 [etc.:] mare Cenereth, Num.
xxxiv. 11 ; Josh. xiii. 27), the inland sea which is
most familiarly known to us as the " lake of Gen-
nesaret." This is evident from the mode in which
it is mentioned in various passages in the Penta-
teuch and Joshua — as being at the end of Jordan
opposite to the " Sea of the Arabah," i. t. the
Dead Sea; as having the Arabah or Gbor below it,
Ac. (Deut. Hi. 17; Josh. xi. 9, xll. 8). In the two
former of these passages the word "sea" is omit-
ted; in the two latter it is in a plural form —
« Chinneroth " (ace. Cinnaroth, rVnj)?, and
rVTipT, Cinnroth, [Vulg. Ceneroth]). The word
is by some derived from Oinnoor (mvripa, cithara,
a " harp " ), as if in allusion to the oval shape of
the lake. But this, to say the least, is doubtful.
It seems more likely that Cinnereth was an ancient
Cajiaanite name existing long prior to the Israelite
conquest, and, like other names, adopted by the Is-
raelites into their language. The subsequent name
" Gennesar" was derived from " Cinnereth " by a
change of letters of a kind frequent enough in the
East. [GESNESARfcT.] G.
CHINTJEROTH ( s ~jT, I".'")-?? : k«-
*p&9, XtrtpU: Alex. X«r«o«A9i, Xtmpti: Cen-
erntb), Josh. xi. 2, xii. 8. [Chisnkbeth.J
W. A. W.
• In A. V. ed. 1611, and other early editions,
the word is spelt " Cinneroth," as in 1 K. xr. 90
See Ciknkhoth. A.
CHI'OS (Xlos: [C/.«u]). The position of this
island in reference to the neighboring islands and
coasts could hardly l« Iwtter described than in the
detailed account of St. Paul's return voyage from
Troas to < Vrsarea (Acta xx., xxi.). Having owns
from Assos to Mitylene in Lesbos (xx. 14), be ar-
rived the next day over against Chios (v. IS), the
next day at Sanies and tarried at Trogyllium (iA.);
and the following day at Miletus (to.); tbei ce he
went by Cos and Khodes to Patara (xxi. 1).
[Mitvi.ksk; Samos.] With this It is worth
while to compare the account of Herod'* voyage to
join Marcus Agrippa in the Black Sea. We are
told (Joseph. Ant xvi. 2, § 2) that after passing
by Rhodes and Cos, be wws d stained some tune by
north winds at Chios, and sailed on to Mltytma,
"farnlabal shelter for two travellers with then- InaaV
ehild when ' there was no room In Ids inn,' and whss
they too from that spot Had into IlsTPt" (Mastl**
/>»;«* csurc*. a. aoi). ■
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UH1SLEV
sritn the winds became more favoraue. It appears
Jut daring this stay at Chios Herod gave v«rry lib-
ami auma toward* the restoration of some public
works which had suffered in the Mithridatic war.
This island does not appear to have any other asso-
ciation with the Jews; nor is it specially mentioned
in connection with the first spread of Christianity
by the Apostles. When St Paul was there on the
occasion referred to, he did not land, but only
passed the night at anchor. At that time Chios
enjoyed the privilege of freedom (Flin. v. 38), and
it is not certain that it ever was politically a part
of the province of Asia, though it is separated from
the mainland only by a strait of 5 miles. Its
length is about 82 miles, and in breadth it varies
from 8 to 18. Its outline is mountainous and
bold; and it has always been celebrated for its
beauty and fruitfulness. In recent times it has
been too well known, under its modern name of
Scto, for the dreadful sufferings of its inhabitants
in the Greek war of independence. Chios is de-
scribed by the older travellers, Thevenot, Tourne-
fort, and Chandler. J. S. H.
CHI8LEU. [Months.]
CHIS'LON (P"?2 [hope, confidence]; Xaa-
\iy. Ckauttm), father of Elidad, the prince of
the tribe of Benjamin, chosen to assist in the di-
vision of the land of Canaan among the tribes
(Num. xxxiv. 31).
CHIS'LOTH-TA'BOR ("OJJI n\>D3,
•nits of Tabor: XwreWaf*; Alex. Xao-&W
BaStsp: [Aid. 'Axao-aAcSS Saffiip; Comp. Xao-fA-
Ku89a0<ip:] Ceteleththabor), • place to the bor-
der ( "•> J: ) of which reached the border of Zebu-
tun (Josh. xix. 12). It may be the village of lktat,
which is now standing about two miles and a half
to the west of Mount Tabor. Joseph™ names a
village Xaloth as in the great plain, t. e. of Ksdrae-
loo, and as one of the landmarks of lower Galilee,
(B. ./. iii. 3, $ 1; and see Vita, § 44), but it is
Impossible to say if this was identical with Chitloth-
Talwr or with Chesulloth. [See Tabor.] G.
CHITTIM, KITTIM ONTO, V»F\">> :
X^tmi, K(t<oi, Kwricip, Xvrrutp, [etc.:] Ctlthim,
Cethim), a family or race descended from Javan
(Gen. x. 4; 1 Chr. i. 7; A. V. Kittim), closely
related to the Dodanim, and remotely (as we may
conclude from the absence of the conjunction before
it) to the other descendants of Javan. Chittim is
frequently noticed in Scripture: Balaam predicts
that a fleet should thence proceed for the destruc-
tion of Assyria (Num. xxiv. 24, CFP> "TV3;°
■enient in trieribut de Italia, Vulg.): in Is. xxili.
1, 12, it appears as the resort of the fleets of Tyre:
in Jer. U. 10, the "isles of Chittim "(*>\ 1. e.
maritime dutrict$) are to the far west, as Kedar to
the east of Palestine: the Tyrians procured thence
she cedar or box-wood, which they inlaid with ivory
for the decks of their vessels (Ea. xxvti. 6, "."I?
E*"^flS A. V. » the company of the Aanurites,'
but nther [ivory] the daughter of cedar i. e. in-
slosed in cedar): in Pan. it. 80, "ships of Chit-
Un>" (ami {({evo-i 'Pwfvuoi: Trieret et Romani)
* Hsngstenbftf (Hut. of Bat) sxplatns this expras-
ttaa as «■ flxm the rid* of Cyprus, t «. from that tsl-
a««i rsniissTous.
CHXOB 4SP)
advance to the south to meet tot king cf the »>**■:
at a later period we find Alexander the Great de-
scribed as coming Ik rflf yijs [Rom. Xrrr««(*i,
Alex. Sin.] X«tth iii (1 Mace. i. 1 ; A. V. Chkt-
thm), and Perseus as KnUay 0aot\t6t [CeUorwm
rtx] (1 Mace. viii. 6; A. V. Citims). Josephut
considered Cyprus as the original seat of the Chit-
tim, adducing as evidence the name of its principal
town, Citium (Xrfipoi 8« Xf'9i/u» vV rfcon (a>
X*y' Kiwpos aSrn yuy KaAeirai, Ant. i. 6, § 1).
Citium was without doubt a Phoenician town, and
the name, as it appears in Phoenician inscriptions,
exactly accords with the Hebrew (Gesen. Thti. 726).
From the town the name extended to the whole
island of Cyprus, which was occupied by Phoenician
colonies, and remained under Tyre certainly until
about B. c. 720 (Joseph. Anl. ix. 14, § 2). With
the decay of the Phoenician power (circ. b. c. 600)
the Greeks began to found flourishing settlements
on its coasts, as they had also done in Crete, Rhodes,
and the islands of the iEgaan Sea. The nam*
Chittim, which in the first instance had applied to
Phoenicians only (for C , fni=C' , PP, llitriUe,
a branch of the Canaanitish race), passed over to
the islands which they had occupied, and thence to
the people who succeeded the Phoenicians in the
occupation of them (is-' afrrijf, <c. Kvrpov, vrjool
r< watrai, Aral ra wAela* ray irapa BiXaooay, Xe-
Mji intb 'E/Jpafwy byo/ulferai, Joseph. Anl. i. 6,
$ 1 ). Thus in Mace., Chittim evidently = Mace-
donia, and was perhaps more especially applied to
that country from the apparent similarity of the
name in the form Maxfri'a, which they supposed
= Ma and Krrioi, the Itnri of the Cetii. The use
of the term was extended yet further so as to em-
brace Italy according to the LXX. (Dan.), and the
Vulgate (Num. and Dan.), to which we may add
the rendering of the Ohaldee Targum, which gives
1 l" u rS (Italia) in 1 Chr. i. 7, and rOblSH
(Apulia) in Ex. xxvii. 6. The " ships of Chittim "
in Dan. have been explained as Macedonian, which
Popillius Ijenas may have seized at Delos after the
defeat of Perseus, and taken on his expedition to
Egypt against Antiochm; but the assumption OB
which this interpretation rests is not borne out by
the narrative (Uv. xliv. 29. xlv. 10), nor does there
appear any difficulty in extending the term to Italy,
as one of the lands in the far west with which the
Hebrews were but little acquainted. In an ethno-
logical point of view, Chittim, associated as the
name is with Javan and FJishah, must be regarded
as applying, not to the original Phoenician settlers
of Cyprus, but to the race which succeeded them ;
namely, the Carians, who were widely dispersed
over the Mediterranean coasts, and were settled in
the Cyclades (Tbucyd. i. 8), Crete (Herod, i. 171)
and in the islands called Macariie Insula, perhaps
as being the residence of the Carians. From then
islands they were displaced by the Dorians and Io-
nians (Herod. £e.),and emigrated to the main land,
whtre they occupied the district named after them.
I Tne Carians were connected with the I^leges, and
I must be considered as related to the Pelasgic family,
I though quite distinct from tlie Hellenic branch
' (Knobi, Wkertafcl, p. 98 ff.). W. L. B.
' OHTUir 0V" \, [Rempiiaji.]
- OHLOTE (XAofl) [lender ihoot or herbage], a
I woman mentioned in 1 Cor. i. 11, some of whose
' household [bwb raw XAoNp, comp. Rom. iri. 10,
1 11] had informed St. Paul of the tact that then
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428 OHOBA
mt divisions id the Corinthian church. She ii |
s ap uosed by Theophylact and others to have been
■i inhabitant of Corinth ; by Kstiiw, some Chris-
tian woman known to the Corinthians elsewhere;
*>v Michaelis and Meyer, an Kphesian, having friends
►I ( 'orinth. It is impossible to decide. [See A it-
iHTtmi i.L'S, Araer. ed.] H. A
OHCBA (Xu&&\ [Sin. XojBa]: Vulg. ..mils),
a place mentioned in Jud. iv. 4, apparently situated
in the central part of Palestine. It is prolml.lv the
lame place as
CHO'BAI [2 syl.] (Xotfaf; [Sin. x«flo:
Vulg. omits]), which occurs in Jud. iv. 4, 5: in
the latter vers* the Greek is Xufii. The name
suggests Ilobah (n3\" , ) which is the reading of
the Syriae), especially in connection with the men-
tion of Damascus in v. 5, if the distance from the
probable site of Bkthuija were not too great.
• CHGENIX (xo?m{), Rev. vi. 6, marg. See
Weiohts axd Measures, II. § 2, near the end.
CHOR-A'SHAN Qlfy-te [/«nwce of
moke]: Bi)p<ra$t4i Alex. Bupcurav : inlueu Asan),
one of the places in which " David and his men
were wont to haunt," and to his friends in which
he sent presents of the plunder taken from the
Amalekites (1 Sam. xxx. 30). The towns named
in this catalogue are all south of Hebron, and Chor-
ashan may, therefore, be identical with Asha.n of
Simeon. This is, however, quite uncertain, and
the name has not been discovered. (■
CHORA'ZIN (Xopa(lr [text, rec.], XopaCtly
fTisch., Treg.], Xoea(afy [D] ; Coroznin), one of
the cities in which our Lord's mighty works were
done, but named only in His denunciation (Matt.
a. 21 ; Luke x. 13). It was known to St. Jerome,
who describes it (Comm. m Esai. a. 1) as on the
shore of the lake, two miles from Capernaum. St.
Willibald (about A. D. 750) visited the various
places along the lake in the following order — Tibe-
rias, Magdalum, Capernaum, Bethsaida, Choraziu.
tr. Robinson's conclusion is that Khan Mint/eh
being Capernaum, tt-Tdbighah is Bethsaida, and
Tell Hum Chorarin, but the question is enveloped
In great ohscurity. The origin of the name is also
very uncertain. Origen writes the name as x»(x»
Zfv, i. e. the district of Zin; but this appears to be
only conjecture, and has no support from MSS.
A place of this name is mentioned in the Talmud
(see Reland, p. 722) as famous lor wheat, which is
still grown in large quantities in this neighbor-
hood. G.
* Dr. Thomson (Land and Boot, ii. 8) found a
heap of shapeless ruins about 2 miles north of Tell
Hum, known among the natives as Chorazu " The
name is nearly the Arabic for Chorarin, and the
ntmti m just where we might expect to find Cho-
wan." Discoveries more recently made have
ttrengl hened this presumption from the name and
position of Chorazy. Mr. Grove, speaking of the
excavations by Messrs. Wilson and Anderson, says :
" The ruins of Chorarin at Kerazeh " (so he
writes the word), •' turn out to be far more im-
portant than was previously suspected ; they cover
% much larger extent of ground' than TeU Him,
md many of the private houses are almost perfect,
with the exception of the roofs; the openings for
ioors and windows remaining in some cases. All
the buildings, including a synagogue or church [?],
are of basalt, and it is not till one is right in
■wuaog them that one sees clearly what they are;
CHRISTIAN
50 or 100 yards off they look nothing more Una IBS
rough heaps of basaltic stones so common in this
country " (At/ienmm, Feb. 24, 1866, p. 278). H.
• CHOSAMETJS. [See Simon Ch<«a
M.EUS.]
CHOZiyBA (S^'t [lying, fahe]: Xufrfrl
[Vat SaxfJ:] viri mtndar'd). The "men of
Chozeba " are named (1 Chr. iv. 22) amongst the
descendants of Shelah the son of Judah. The
name does not reappear, but it is sufficiently like
Ciikzib (and especially the reading of the Samar-
itan Codex of that name) to suggest that the two
refer to the same place, that, namely, elsewhere
called Aciizib, at which place Shelah was born.
(The Vulgate version of this passage is worth no-
tice). G.
CHRIST. [Jiscn.]
CHRISTIAN (Xp.orio^t : ChruHamu).
The disciples, we are told (Acts xi. 26), were first
called Christians at Antioch on the Orontes, some-
where about A. D. 43. The name, and the place
where it was conferred, are both significant. It is
clear that the appellation "Christian" was one
which, though eagerly adopted and gloried in by
the early followers of Christ, could not have been
Imposed by themselves. They were known to each
other as brethren of one family, as disciples of the
same Master, as believers in the same faith, and as
distinguished by the same endeavors after holiness
and consecration of life; and so were called brethren
(Acta xv. 1, 23; 1 Cor. vii. 12). duci/dti (Acts fat
26, xi. 29), believers (Acts v. 14), tntilt (Uom. viii.
27, xv. 25). But the outer world could know noth-
ing of the true force and significance of these
terms, which were In a manner esoteric; it was
necessary therefore that the followers of the new
religion should have some distinctive title. To the
contemptuous Jew they were Nararenes and Gali-
leans, names which carried with them the infamy
and turbulence of the places whence they sprung,
and from whence nothing good and no prophet
might come. The Jews could add nothing to the
scorn which these names expressed, and had they
endeavored to do so they would not have defiled
the glory of their Messiah by applying his title to
those whom they could not but regard as the fol-
lowers of a pretender. The name •' ( 'hristian,"
then, which, in the only other cases where it ap-
pears in the N. T. (Acta xxvi. 28; 1 l'et. iv. 16:
comp. Tac. Aim. xv. 44), is used contemptuously,
could not have been applied by the early disciples
to themselves, nor could it have come to tbem from
their own nation the Jews; it must, therefore,
have been imposed upon them by the Gentile world,
and no place could have so appropriately given rise
to it as Antioch, where the first Church was planted
among the heathen. It was manifest by the
preaching of the new teachers that they were dis-
tinct from the Jews, so distinct as to be remarked
by the heathen themselves; and as no name was
so frequently in their mouths as that of Christ,"
the Messiah, the Anointed, the people of Antioch,
ever or. the alert for a gibe or mocking taunt, and
taking Christ to be a proper name and not a titlt
of honor, called his followers Xpurriaml, Christians
the partisans of Christ, just as in the early strag-
gles for the Empire we meet with the Ccsariaai
Pompeiani, and Octaviani. The Latin form of ths
■ "Christ," and not "Jans," Is tb* tsrn meat
commonly applied to on Lord ia the ■fttlas
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I is what would be expected, for Antioch bad
* long been a Roman city. Its inhabitant* were
celebrated for their wit and a propensity for con
Isrring nicknames (Procop. Pen. ii. 8, p. 105).
The Emperor Julian himself was not secure from
their jeeU (Amm. Marc. nil. 14). Apollonius of
Trans was driven from the city by the insults of
the inhabitants (Philostr. ViL Apoll. iii. 16). Their
wit however, was often harmless enough (Lucian,
De StiltaL 76), and there is no reason to suppose
that the name "Christian *' of itself was intended
as a term of scurrility or abuse, though it would
naturally be used with contempt.
Suidas («. v. Xpurruwol) says the name was given
in tbe reign of Claudius, when Peter appointed
Evodius bishop of Aiitiocb, and they who were for-
merly called Nazarenes and Galileans had their
name changed to Christians. According to Ma-
blat ( Chronog. x. ) it was changed by Evodius him-
self, and William of Tyre (iv. 8) has a story that a
synod was held at Antioch for the purpose. Igna-
tius, or the author of the Epistle to the Magne-
sians (c. x.), regards the prophecy of Isaiah (lxii.
8, 12) as first fulfilled in Syria, when Peter and
Paul founded the Church at Antioch. But rea-
sons have already been given why the name did
not originate within the Church.
Another form of the name is Xpricrruwoi, aris-
ing from a take etymology (Lact. iv. 7 ; Tertulllan,
ApoL c. 3; Suet Claud. 28), by which it was de-
rived from xpvris- W. A. W.
CHRONICLES, First and Second Books of
(in Heb. 0*0 JH S ??T: verba dierwn, as Jerome
translates it, and eermonet dierwn, as Hilar. Pictav.
in Wolf, but rather acta dierwn ; journals, or dia-
ries, i. e. the record of the daily occurrences), the
name originally given to the record made by the
appointed historiographers in the kingdoms of Israel
and Judah. In the LXX. these books are called
TlapaKnirofitmy xp&rov and Stirtpov, which is
understood, after Jerome's explanation, as meaning
that they are supplementary to the books of Kings.
The Vulgate retains both the Hebrew and Greek
name in Latin characters, Dabre jamim, or ha
jamim, and Paralipomenon. Jerome tells us (ad
Damnum, tt Rogatvm.) that in his time they
formed only one book in the Hebrew MSS., but
had been divided by the Christian churches using
the LXX. for convenience, on account of their
length. In his Ep. to Paulinus, he thus further
explains the name Paralipomemm, and eulogizes the
book. " Paralipomenon liber, id est Instrum. Vet
epitome, tantus ac talis est, ut absque illo si quis
sdentiam Scripturarum sibi voluerit arrogare, seip-
sum irrideat. Per singula quippe nomina junctu-
rasque verborum, et pnetermiasa* in Regum libris
tanguntur histories, et innumerabiles explicantur
Evangelii qmestlones." The name Chronica, or
Chroidcorum liber, which is given in some copies
uf the Vulgate, and from whence we derive our
English name of " Chronicles," seems to be token
from Jerome's saying in his Prologue galeatut,
" Dibre hajamin, »'. e. verba dierum : quod slgnifi-
eantius Chronicm totius dirlnss historic possumus
CHRONICLBS
426
■ As hr u 2 Chr. xxl. 2, says the Bava Bathra, as
jcpuionl by ft Oedallah, and by Boxtorf. 8e* VTott;
We. Hto. vol II. p. 82.
» Iw an explanation of ZerabbabaPs gatualoxy In
Cor. ill. see Gtnrat. a/ our Lard, by lord A. Hervey,
a 87 tt. But ««n If this explanation is not ao-
appeDare." It was possibly suggested to him by
his having translated the Chronica of Eusebius into
Latin. Later Latin writers have given them the
name of Ephemeridum libri. The constant tradi-
tion of tbe Jews, in which they have been followed
by the great mass of Christian commentators, is
that these books were for the most part compiled
by Ezra ; « and the one genealogy, that of Zerub-
babel. which comes down to a later time, 6 is no ob-
jection to this statement, without recurring to the
strange notion broached by the old commentators,
and even sanctioned by Dr. Davidson (in Kitto's
CycL of BiU. LU., art Chronicles), that the knowl-
edge of these generations was communicated to
Ezra by inspiration. In fact, the internal evidence
as to the time when the book of Chronicles was
compiled, seems to tally remarkably with the tradi-
tion concerning its authorship. Notwithstanding
this agreement, however, tbe authenticity of Chron-
icles has been vehemently impugned by De Wette
and other German critics, whose arguments have
been successfully refuted by Dahler, Keil, Movers,
and others. It has been clearly shown that the
attack was grounded not upon any real marks of
spuriousness in the books themselves, but solely
upon the desire of the critics in question to remove
a witness whose evidence was fatal to their favorite
theory as to the post-Babylonian origin of the books
of Moses. If the accounts in the books of Chron-
icles of the courses of priests and Levites, and the
ordinances of divine service as arranged by David,
and restored by Hezeklah and Josiah, are genuine,
it necessarily follows that the Levitical law, as set
forth in the Pentateuch, was not invented after the
return from the Captivity. Hence the successful
vindication of the authenticity of Chronicles has a
very important bearing upon many of the very
gravest theological questions. As regards the plan
of the book, of which the book of Ezra is a contin-
uation, forming one work, it becomes apparent im-
mediately [as soon as] we consider it as the compi-
lation of Ezra, or some one nearly contemporary
with him. One of the greatest difficulties connected
with the Captivity and tbe return must have been
the maintenance of that genealogical distribution
of the lands which yet was a vital point of the
Jewish economy. Accordingly it appears to have
been one to which both Ezra and Nehemiah gave
their earnest attention, as David, Uezelriah, and
other kings, had done before them. Another dif-
ficulty intimately connected with the former was
the maintenance of the temple services at Jerusa-
lem. This could only be effected by the residence
of the priests and Levites in Jerusalem in the order
of their oonrses: and this residence was only prac-
ticable in case of the payment of the appointed
tithes, first-fruits, and other offerings. Immedi-
ately [as soon as] these ceased the priests and Le-
vites were obliged to disperse to their own villages
to obtain a livelihood, and the temple services were
neglected. But then again the registers of the
levitical genealogies were necessary, in order that
it might be known who were entitled to such and
such allowances, as porters, as singers, as priests,
and soon; because all these offices went by faroi-
ceptad, there Is no dtfllculty. Tbe hand which added
Neb. xM. 10, 11, 2t 28, ought squally bar* adds*
1 Chr. 111. 28-24.
t ZtU says that Spinosa led the way, by su(gsstmg
that Sxw were somnUad attar Judas Maasbstav (p. 8)
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CHRONICLES
and again the payment of the tithes, fint-
, Ac, wn* dependent upon the different fami-
lies of Israel being established each in his inherit-
ance. Obviously therefore one of the most pressing
rants of the Jewish community after their return
from Ilabylon would be trusty genealogical records,
and if there were any such in existence, the arrange-
ment and publication of them would be one of the
greatest services a person in Ezra's situation could
confer. But further, not only had Zerubbabel (Est.
lit, v., vt), and after him Ezra and Nehemiah (Ezr.
ii., viii-j Neh. vii., viii.) labored most earnestly, in
the teeth of immense difficulties, to restore the tem-
ple and the public worship of God there to the
condition it had been in under the kings of Judah;
but it appears clearly from their policy, and from
the language of the contemporary prophets, Haggai
and Zechariah. that they had it much at heart to
re-infuse something of national life and spirit into
the heart of the people, and to make them feel that
they were still the inheritors of God's covenanted
mercies, and that the Captivity had only temporarily
interrupted, not dried up, the stream of God's
favor to their nation. Now nothing could more
effectually aid these pious and patriotic designs
than setting before the people a compendious his-
tory of the kingdom of David, which should em-
brace a full account of its prosperity, should trace
the sins which led to its overthrow, but should carry
the thread through the period of the Captivity, and
continue it as it wen unbroken on the other side;
and those passages in their former history would
be especially important which exhibited their great-
eat and best kings as engaged in building or restor-
ing the temple, in reforming all corruptions in re-
ligion, and zealously regulating the services of the
house of (iod. As regards the kingdom of Israel
sr Samaria, seeing it had utterly and hopelessly
passed away, and that the existing inhabitants were
among the bitterest "adversaries of Judah and
Benjamin," it would naturally engage very little
of the compiler's attention. These considerations
explain exactly the plan and scope of that histor-
ical work which consists of the two books of Chron-
icles and the book of Ezra. For after having in
the first eight chapters given the genealogical divis-
ions and settlements of the various tribes, the com-
piler marks distinctly his own age and hi* own
purpose, by informing us in ch. ix. 1 of the dis-
turbance of those settlements by the Babylonish
Captivity, and, in the following verses, of the partial
-estoratiou of them at the return from Babylon
8-24); and that this list refers to the families
>ho had returned from Babylon is clear, not only
fcctr. the context, but from its re-insertion, Neh. xi.
1-22,° with additional matter evidently extracted
from the public archives, and relating to times sub-
sequent to the return from Babylon, extending to
Neh. xii- 37, where Nehemiah's narrative is again
resumed in continuance with Neh. xi. 2. Having
thus shown the reestablishment of the returned
families, each in their own inheritance according to
the houses of their fathers, the compiler proceeds
to the other part of his plan, which is to give a
continuous history of the kingdom of Judah from
David to his own times, introduced by the dosing
scene of Saul's life (ch. x.), which introduction is
Itself prefaced by a genealogy of the house of Saul
(lx. 85-44), extracted from the genealogical tables
a Ooaazans also 1 Chr. lx. 19, with Bar. II. 4a. Man.
OHHONIOLBS
drawn up in the reign of king Hesekiah, as la at
once manifest by counting the 13 or 14 gensratksss,
from Jonathan to the sons of Azel inclusive, ex-
actly corresponding to the 14 from David to Hea-
ekiah inclusive. This part of the plan extendi
from 1 Chr. ix. 36 to the end of the book of Ezra
1 Chr. xv.-xvii., xxii.-xxix.; 2 Chr. xiii.-xv., xxiv.
xxvi., xxix.-xxxi. and xxxv., are among the passages
wholly or in part peculiar to the books of Chron-
icles, which mark the purpose of the compiler, and
are especially suited to the age and the work of
Ezra. Many Chaldaisms in the language of these
books, the resemblance of the style of Chron. to
that of Ezra, which is, in parts, avowedly Ezra's
composition, the reckoning by Danes (1 Chr. xxjz.
7), as most explain L\i , " , ^. ) as well aa the
breaking off of the narrative in the lifetime of
Ezra, are among other valid arguments by which
the authorship, or rather compilation of 1 and 9
Chr. and Ezr. is vindicated to Ezra. As regards
the mattrialt used by him, and the sources of nil
information, they are not difficult to discover. The
genealogies are obviously transcribed from some
register, in which were preserved the genealogies
of the tribes and families drawn up at different
times. This appears from the very different ages
at which different genealogies terminate, indicating
of course the particular reign when each was drawn
up. Thus e. g. the genealogy of the descendants
of Sheshan (1 Chr. it 34-41) was drawn up in
Hezekiah's reign, since, including Zabad, who lived
in David's time, and Azariah in the time of Joash,
it ends with a generation contemporary with Hese-
kiah [Azariah, No. 5]. The line of the high-
priests (1 Chr. vi. 1-lfi) must have been drawn up
during the Captivity ; that in 50-53, in the time of
David or Solomon; those of Heman and Asaph in
the same chapter in the time of David ; that of the
sons of Azel (1 Chr. viii. 38) in the time of Hese-
kiah; that of the sons of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iil.
19-24) in the time of Ezra, and so on.
The same wide divergence in the age of other
materials embodied in the books of Chronicles ia
also apparent. Thus the information in 1 Chr. i.
concerning the kings of Edom before the reign of
Saul, was obviously compiled from very ancient
sources. The same may be said of the incident of
the slaughter of the sons of Ephraim by the Git-
tites, 1 Chr. vii. 21, viii. 13, and of the account of
the sons of Shela, and their dominion in Moab,
1 Chr. iv. 21, 22. The curious details concerning
the Keubenites and Gadites in 1 Chr. v. must hava
been drawn from contemporary documents, em-
bodied probably in the genealogical records of Jo-
tham and Jeroboam, while other records used by
the compiler are as late as after the return from
Babylon, aucb aa 1 Chr. ix. 2 ff. ; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 20
ff.; and others, aa Ear. ii. and iv. 6-23, are as late
as the time of Artaxerxes and Nehemiah. Hence
it is further manifest that the books of Chronicles
and Ezra, though put into their present form by
one hand, contain in fact extracts from the writings
of many different writers, which trere txkmt at At
time the compilation vxu made. For the fuD as
count of the reign of David, he made copious ex
tracts from the books of Samuel the seer, Nathan
the prophet, and Gad the seer (1 Chr. xxix. 29).
For the reign of Solomon he copied from "the
book of Nathan," from "the prophesy of Ahljafc
the Shikmite," and from "the visions >f Iddo the
seer" (9 Chr. ix. 29V Another wirk of Mde
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CHRONICLES
"tas story (or interpretation, itilnuh,
uT*HQ) of the prophet Iddo," supplied an account
of the acta, and the ways, and tayingt of king
Alujah (xiii. 22); while yet another book of Id Jo
eoncerning genealogies, with the book of the prophet
Shemaiah, contained th<) acta of king Kehoboam
(xii. 15). For later times the " Book of the kings
of Israel and Judah " is repeatedly cited (2 Chr.
xst. 26, xxrii. 7, xxxii. 32, xxxiii. 18, Ac.), and
"the sayings of the seers," or rather of Chozai
(xxxiii. 19) ; and for the reigns of Uzziah and Ilez-
ekiah " the vision of the prophet Isaiah " (xivi. 22,
xxxii. '32). In other cases where no reference is
made to any book an containing further information,
it is probable that the whole account of such reign
is transcribed. Besides the aliove-named works,
there was also the public national record called
^"ajr? ''I?*. T!?, mentioned in Neh. xii. 23,
from which doubtless the present books took their
name, and from which the genealogies and other
matters in them were probably derived, and which
are alluded to as having existed as early as the reign
of David, 1 Chr. xxvii. 24. These "Chronicles of
David," T1 J ^^7 D*<»»H "nan, are prob-
ably the same as the TVJ ,- ]5'=J, above referred
to, as written by Samuel, Nathan, and Gad. From
this time the affairs of each king's reign were reg-
ularly recorded in a book called at first "H^H "TCD
"■"a^, "the book of the acta of Solomon" (I
K. xi. 41), by the name of the king, as before of
David, but afterwards in both kingdoms by the
general name of C'DJI I O, as in the con-
stantly recurring formula, — " Now the rest of the
acta 0*1 HI) of Kehoboam, Abijam, Ac.; Jeroboam,
Nadab, las., are they not written in the book of
the Chronicles of the kings of Judah " or " of Is-
rael" (1 K. xiv. 29, xv. 7, Ac.)? And this con-
tinues to the end of Jehoiakim's reign, as appears
by 2 K. xxiv. 6; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 8. And it was
doubtless from this common source that the pas-
sages in the books of Samuel and Kings identical
with the books of Chronicles were derived- All
these several works have perished, but the most im-
portant matters in them have been providentially
preserved to us in the Chronicles.
As regards the closing chapter of 2 Chr. subse-
quent to v. 8, and the 1st ch. of Ezra, • coinpar-
uju of them with the narrative of 2 K. xxiv., xxv.,
will lead to the conclusion that, while the writer of
the narrative in Kinyt lived in Judah, and died
inder the dynasty of Nebuchadnezzar, the writer
>( the chapter in Chronicles lived at Babylon, and
wrvived till the commencement at least of the Per-
sian dynasty. For this hut writer gives no details
tit the reigns of Jehoiachin or Zedekiah, or the
sventa in Judah subsequent to the burning of the
temple; but only dwelling on the moral lessons
wnnected with tl.i» destruction of Jerusalem, passes
hi quickly to reluio the return from captivity
Moreover, he seems to speak as one who had long
been • subject of Nebuchadnezzar, calling him
limply "King Nebuchadnezzar;" and by the re-
stated on of the expression " brought him, or 'hat,
to Babylon," rather encourages the idea that tht
•Titer was then b'mself. The first chapter of
tsn strongly confirms this view, for we have co-
OHBONIOLEd
431
piopi details, not likely to be known exrept to one
at Babylon, of the decree, the presents made to the
captives, the bringing out of the sacred vessels, tht
very name of the Chaklee treasurer, the number
and weight of the vessels, and the Chaklee name
of Zerubbabel, and ill this chapter the writer speaks
throughout of the captives going up to Jerusalem,
and Sheshbazzar Unking them up (it T .?il, as op-
posed to S*3n). But with this clew we may ad-
vance a little further, and ask, who was there at
Babylon, a prophet, as the wri'er of sacred annals
must be, an author, a subject of Nebuchadnezzar
and his sons, and yet who survived to see the Per-
sian dynasty, to whom we can with probability as-
sign this narrative? Surely the answer will be
DanieL Who so likely to dwell on the sacred ves-
sels taken by Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. v. 2, 23); who
so likely to refer to the prophecy of Jeremiah (Dan.
ix.2); who so likely to bewail the stubbornness of the
people, and their rejection of the prophets (Dan.
ix. 6-8); who so likely to possess the text of Cy
rut's decree, to know aud record the name of the
treasurer (Dan. i. 3, 11); and to name Zerubbabel
by his Chaklee name (Dan. i- 7)? Add to this,
that Ezr. i. exactly supplies the unaccountable gap
between Dan. ix. and x. [Kzka], and we may con-
clude with some confidence that as Jeremiah wrote
the closing portion of the book of hangs, so did
Daniel write the corresponding portion in Chron-
icles, and down to the end of Ezr. i. Ezra perhaps
brought this with him from Babylon, aud made uat
of it to carry on the Jewish history from the point
where the old Chronicles failed him. As regards
the text of the Chronicles,it is in parts very cor-
rupt, and has the appearance of having been copied
from MS3. which were partly effaced by age or in-
jury. Jerome (Prasf. ad Parol.) speaks of the
Creek text as being hopelessly confused iu his days,
and assigns this as a reason why he made a new
translation from the Hebrew. However, in several
of the differences between the text of Chronicles
and the parallel passages in the other books," the
Chronicles preserve the purest and truest reading,
as e. g. 2 Chr. ix. 25, compared with 1 K. iv. 96;
1 Chr. xi. 11 compared with 2 Sam. xxiii. 8; xxi-
12 comp. with 2 Sam. xxiv. 13; 2 Chr. xxvi. 1, *,
8, 4c, comp. with 2 K. xv. 1, 6, Ac. At regards
the language of these books, as of Ezra, Nebe
miah, Esther, and the later prophets, it has a
marked Chaldee coloring, and Cesenius says of
them, that " as literary works they are decidedly
inferior to those of older date" (Introd. to Hub.
Oram.). The chief Chakiaisnu are the use of oar-
tain words not found in old Hebrew, at tfn\~in.
■JpT, F \"\D, Ac, or of words in a different tenia, a«_
1Q^*, njy, Ac., or of a different orthography, as
TJ3 for YP|, 311 for a'"), Ac, and the Inter-
change of M and 71 at the end and at the beginning
of words, and other peculiarities pointed out by Qt>
senius and others. For further information tee C.
F. KeU, Apologet. Versuch ib. d. Backer d. Ghron-
ik; F. C. Movers, Krituehe Ifnlertuchungen ib.
d. BM. Chromk; Wolf's Bibliolk. Btbr.; Kltto't
« for a careful oampartsoa of the text of 1 Chr. xi
with % ten. v. and xxlU., •» Dr. Kennlcott's dMaw
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CHRONOLOGY
Cfdop of R9A. IM., art. Ctrmitln, and other
aorta oiled by the alwve-named writer*.
A. C. H.
CHRONOLOGY
• AddUiund Uterilwt. — It woul.1 bo unjust to
*HhboW from tlte reader Dean Stanley's repuseo-
tation (as he understands it) of the compilation and
«|iirit of tlie book of Chronicle*. "Though the
latest of all the canonical writings, it represents the
workmanship of many generations. It resembles
the structure of an ancient cathedral, with frag-
ments of eiery rt.le worked into the building as it
proceeded, — here a piece of the most hoary anti-
quity, there a precious relic of a lost hynui or geneal-
ogy of sunie renowned psalmist or warrior, — but all
preserved, and wrought together, as by the work-
men of medieval times, under the guidance of the
same sacerdotal mind, with the spirit of the same
priestly order. Far below the prophetic books of
the Kings in interest and solidity, it yet furnishes
s useful counterpart by Ailing up the voids with
materials which none but the peculiar traditions
and feelings of the l.evitical caste could have sup-
plied. It is the culminating point of the purely
LcviticaJ system, both in what it relates, in what it
omits, and the manner of its relations and omis-
sions" (Mutiny of the Jewiili Church, ii. 461-2).
Dillmann bis an article on the Chronicles in
Henog's Heat-Encykl ii. 690-95. Havernick
(Handb. der EM. in dot Alle TeM. ii. 364 ff.);
Schob (EM in die h. Schrijlen, ii. 891-460);
Welto (in Herbst's Einkituny, ii. 162-231); and
Keil (EM. in dot Alle Tttt. pp. 473-520) furnish
valuable summaries of the results of their respective
investigations. See also I)e Wette, EM., 7« Ausg.
1852, pp. 237-257; Ewald, Gut*, d. VoUett Itr.
i. 244-285, 3« AufL, 1864; Bleek, AVai in da, A.
T. I860, pp. 391-401; Davidson, tntrod. to the
(Hd Tent. ii. 47-12:1. l.ond. 1862; Graf, Die oes-
chiehtl. Buchcr det A. T. I-eipz., 1866, pp. 114-
M7, comp. the notice by Bertheau in the Jakrb.
f.deuUche Theol. 1836, xi. 150 ff.; and Kuenen,
.list, erit. dtt linrtt de t Ancien TetU, trad, par
Hereon, i. 442-495, Paris, 1866. Of commenta-
ries may lie mentioned Bertheau's Die BUcher dtr
Chronik (1854), vol. xv. of the Exri/et. Hondo,
turn A. T.; Maurer's Comment, in \'et. Test i.
938 ff. (the notes very meagre); and Wordsworth's
Holy Bible, with Knltt, iii. 167 ff. (1866). The
relation of the books of Chronicles to those of 1
and 2 Kings and 1 and 2 Samuel, both as to the
parts common to both as well as those peculiar to
sach, is well illustrated by this last writer in his
' Introduction to the Books of Kings and to the
looks of Chronicles," pp. vii.-xxv. Keil (Eialeil-
•00, p- 473) refers to the Tubingen Theol Qtmr-
okrbrift, 131I, ii. 211-282, as treating ably of
the credibility and time of the composition of these
wilting* Against the objections raised by l)e
Wette, tiramnerg and others, the replies of Ki.ppen
•ud of his editor, Scheibel (Die Bibtl, ein Werlc
itr aMl. Weuhtil, ii. 648 ff), are concise and to
'"• Point. H. and A.
CHRONOLOGY. I. Introduction. —
1 he object of this article is to indicate the present
ttaie of Biblical chronology. By this term we
loderstand the technical and historical chronology
\t the Jews and their ancestors from the earliest
time to the close of the New Testament Canou.
The technical division must be discussed in some
Mail, the historical only as for as the return from
ttstoykw, the disputed matters of the period fol-
lowing that event being separately treated fa 4ha)
articles.
The character of the inquiry may be made deans
by some remarks on the general nature of the sub
ject. Formerly too great an exactness was hoper"
for in the determination of Hebrew chronology.
Where the materials were not definite enough to
fix a date within a few years, it was expected that
the very day could be ascertained. Hence arost
great unsoundness and variety of results, which ul-
timately produced a general feeling of distrust.
At present critics are rather prone to run into this
latter extreme and to treat this subject as altogether
vague and uncertain. The truth, as might be ex-
pected, lies between these two extreme judgments.
The character of the records whence we draw our
information forbids us to hope for a complete sys-
tem. The Bible does not give a complete his-
tory of the times to which it refers: in its histor-
ical portions it deals with special and detached pe-
riods. The chronological information is, therefore,
not absolutely continuous, although often, with the
evident purpose of forming a kind of connection
between these different portions, it has a more con-
tinuous character than might have been expected.
It is rather historical than strictly chronological in
its character, and thus the technical part of the
subject depends, so far as the Bible is concerned,
almost wholly upon inference. It might be sup-
posed that the accuracy of the information would
compensate in some degree for its scantiness and
occasional want of continuity. This was, doubt-
less, originally the case, but it has suffered by de-
signed alteration and by the carelessness of copyists.
It is, therefore, of the highest moment to ascertain,
as far as possible, what are the indications of alter-
ations by design, and the character of the data in
which they occur, and also what class of data has
been shown to have suffered through the carelessness
of copyists. Designed alteration of numbers has
only been detected in the two genealogical lists of
Abraham's ancestors in Genesis, in which the char-
acter of the differences of the Hebrew text, the Sep-
tuagint, and the Samaritan Pentateuch, is such as to
indicate separate alteration by design of two out of
the three records. The object of these alterations
may have been either to shorten or to length*- tb»
chronology. With the same purpose ilteraUms may
may have been made in the prominent detached large
numbers in the Old Testament, and even in tre
smaller numbers, when forming part of a series, or,
in either case, in the accompanying words determin-
ing the historical place of these numbers. Hence
there is great value in independent evidence in tht
New Testament and in incidental evidence in tht
Old. Of the former class are St. Pauls mentions of
the period of the .Judges, and of that from the prom-
ise to Abraham until the Exodus, especially consid-
ered in connection with his speaking of the duration
of Saul's reign, as to which the Hebrew Scriptures
are silent Of the latter class are such statements at
Jephthah's of tne oOO years that the Israelites had
held the country of the Amorites before his days,
and the indications of time afforded by the growth of
a tribe or family, and changes in national character
and habits, which indications, from their requiring
careful study and acute criticism, have been greatl*
neglected. The evidence of the genealogies without
numbers is weakened not so much by designed al-
teration, of which the presence of the spoons'
Cainan in two lists affords the only positive la
stances, but bv tiw abundant indications they skew
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rf the carelessness of copyist*. Their very nature
also renders them guide* to which we caunot tru<t,
since it appears that they may be in tny case broken
without being technically imperfect Even were
this not the case, it must be proved before they can
be made the grounds of chronological calculation,
that the length of man's life and the time of man-
hood were always what they now are, and even theu
the result could only be approximative, and when
the steps were few, very uncertain. This inquiry
therefore demands the greatest caution and judg-
ment.
II. Technical Chrokology. — The technical
part of Hebrew chronology presents great difficul-
ties. The Biblical information is almost wholly in-
ferential, although in many cases the inferences to
be drawn are of a very positive nature, not always
absolutely, but in their historical application. For
instance, although the particular nature of each
year of the common kind — for there appear to have
been two years — cannot be fixed, yet the general
or average character of all can be determined with a
great approach to exactness. In this part we may
use with more than ordinary confidence the evidence
of the earlier Rabbinical commentators, who, in such
matters, could scarcely be ill-informed. They lived
near to the times at which all the Jewish observances
conueoted with the calendar were strictly kept in
the country for which they were framed, and it has
not been shown that they had any motive for mis-
representation. We can, however, make no good
use of our materials if we do not ascertain what
character to expect in Hebrew technical chronology.
There is no reason to look for any great change,
cither in the way of advance or decline, although
it seems probable that the patriarchal division of
time was somewhat ruder than that established in
connection with the Law, and that, after the time
of Moses until the establishment of the kingdom,
but little attention was paid to science. In our
endeavor to ascertain how much scientific knowl-
edge the patriarchs and Israelites are likely to have
had, we must not expect either the accuracy of
modern science or the inaccuracy of modem igno-
rance. As to scientific knowledge connected with
chronology, particularly that of astronomy, the
eases of the Kgyptians and the Chaldees will assist
us to form a judgment with respect to the Hebrews.
These last, however, we must remember, had not
the same advantage of being wholly settled, nor the
came inducements of national religions connected
with the heavenly bodies. The Arabs of the desert,
from somewhat before the time of Mohammed —
that is, as far as our knowledge of them in this
aspect extends — to the present lay, afford the best
parallel. We do not find them to have been a
mathematical people or one given to chronological
computation depending on astronomy, but to have
regulated their calendars by observation alone. It
night have been expected that their observations
would, from their constant recurrence, have acquired
an extraordinary delicacy and gradually given place
to computations; but such we do not find to have
been the case, and these observations are not now
more accurate than would tie the earlier ones of
any series of the kind. The same characteristics
appear to have been those of the scientific knowl-
edge and practice of the Hebrews. We have no
reason for supposing that they had attained, either
by discovery or by the inatiuction of foreigners,
even in individual cases, to a high knowledge of
mathematics or accuracy of chronological eomputs-
OHKONOLOG*
tion at any period of their history. In then pen
ticulars it is probable that they were always far
below the Egyptians and the Cha'dees. But there
is sufficient evidence that they were not inattentive
observers of the heavens in the allusions to stars
and constellations as well-known objects. We may
therefore expect, in the case of the Hebrews, that
wherever observation could take the place of com-
putation it would be employed, and that its ac-
curacy would not be of more than a moderate
degree. If, for instance, a new moon were to be
observed at any town, it would be known within
two days when it might be first seen, and one of
the clearest-sighted men of the place would ascend
to an eminence to look for it. This would be done
throughout a period of centuries without any close
average for computation being obtained, since the
observations would not be kept on record. So also
of the rising of stars and of the times of the equi-
noxes. These probable conclusions as to the im-
portance of observation and its degree of accuracy
must be kept in new in examining this section.
Before noticing the divisions of time we must
speuk of genealogies and generations.
It is commonly supposed that the genealogies
given in the Bible are mostly continuous. When,
however, we come to examine them closely, we find
that many are broken without being in consequence
technically defective as Hebrew genealogies. A
modern pedigree thus broken would be defective,
but the principle of these genealogies must hart
been different. A notable instance is that of the
genealogy of our Saviour given by St. Matthew.
In this genealogy Joram is immediately followed by
Ozias, as if his son — Ahaxiah, Joash, and Amaziah
being omitted (Matt. i. 8). That this is not an
accidental omission of a copyist is evident from the
specification of the number of generations from
Abraham to David, from David to the Babylonish
Captivity, and from the Babylonish Captivity to
Christ, m each case fourteen generation i. Prob-
ably these missing names were purposely left out
to make the number for the interval equal to that
of the other intervals, such an omission being ob -
vious and not liable to cause error. In Eaa's gen
ealogy (Ear. vii. 1-5) there is a similar omission
which in so famous a line can scarcely be attributed
to the carelessness of a copyist. There are also
examples of a man being called the son of a remote
ancestor in a statement of a genealogical form, as
the following : " Sbebnel the son of Gerahon [Ger-
shom], the son of Moses " (1 Chr. xxvi. 24), where
a contemporary of David is placed in the same re-
lation to Gersbom the son of Moses, as the lath*r
is to Moses himself. That these are not exceptional
instances is evident from the occurrence of examples
of the same kind in historical narratives. Thus
Jehu is called "the son of Nimshi " (1 K. six. 16,
2 K.. ix. 20; 2 Chr. xxii. 7) as well as " the son of
Jehoshaphat the son of Nimshi " (2 K. ix. 9, 14)
In the same manner I.aban is called " the son of
Nahor " (Gen. xxix. 5), whereas he was his grand
son, being the son of Bethuel (xxviii. 2, 5, eomp
xxii. 20-23). We cannot, therefore, venture to use
the Hebrew genealogical lists to compute inter-
vals of time except where we can prove each descent
to be immediate. But even if we can do this we
have still to be sure that we can determine the
average length of each generation. (Historical
Chronology-) Ideler remarks that Moses, Ilk*
Herodottts, reckons by generations. (Handbuck, L
508.) Certainly in the Pentateuch gentratiros an
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484 CHRONOLOGY
sotmenteri with chronology by the length of each in
• aerie* being indicated, but this is not the manner
of Herodotus, who reckons by generations, assum-
ing an average of three to a century (ii. 142).
fhere is. no use of a generation as a division of
tune in the Pentateuch, unless, with some, we sup-
pose that "VH in Gen. xv. 16 is so used. 'Chose,
however, who hold this opinion make it an interval
of a hundred years, since it would, if a period of
time, seem to be the fourth part of the 401) years
of verse 13: most probably, however, the meaning
is that some of the fourth generation should come
forth from Egypt. [Uknealooy; Generation.]
We have now to speak of the divisions of time,
commencing with the least. There is no evidence
that the ancient Hebrews had any such division
smaller than an hour.
Hour. — The hour is supposed to be mentioned
in Daniel (in. 6, 15, iv. 16, 30, A. V. 1ft, 33, r.
(), but in no one of these cases is a definite pe-
riod of time clearly intended by H^P", NH^r ,
KF>7?\ Chald., the word employed. The Egyp-
tian* divided the day and night into hours like our-
selves from at least b. c. cir. 1200. (See Lepsius,
ChromiluijU </«• yfto. i. 130.) It is therefore not
improbable tliat the Israelites were acquainted with
the hour from an early period. The " sun-dial of
Ahaz," whatever instrument, fixed or movable, it
may have been, implies a division of the kind. In
the N. T. we find the same system as the modern,
the hours being reckoned from the beginning of the
Jewish night and day. [Hours.]
Day. — For the civil day of 34 hours we find
in one place (Dan. vili. 14) the term "^ 2"^,
"evening-morning," LXX. rvxMln'pov (also in 9
Cor. xi. 26 A. V. "a night and a day "). What-
ever may be the proper meaning of this Hebrew
term, it cannot be doubted bere to signify " nights
and days." The common word for day as distin-
guished from night is also used for the civil day, or
(be both day and night are mentioned to avoid
vagueness, as in the case of Jonah's " three days
ud three nights " (Jon. ii. 1, A. V. 1. 17 ; coup.
Matt. xii. 40). The civil day was divided into
night and natural day, the periods of darkness and
fight (Gen. i. 5). It commenced with night, which
stands first in the special term given above. The
night, 7\ y, and therefore the civil day, is generally
heM to have begun at sunset. Ideter, however,
while admitting that this point of time was that of
'he commencement of the civil day among all other
latlons known to us, which followed a lunar reca-
lling, objects to the opinion that this was the cue
with the Jews. He argues in favor of the begin-
ning of deep night, reasoning that, for instance, in
the ordaining of the Day of Atonement, on the
10th of the 7th month, it is said " in the ninth
[day] of the month at even, from even unto even,
shall ye celebrate (lit. rest) your Sabbath " — (Lev.
xxiii. 32), where, if the civil day began at sunset,
H would have been said that they should commence
the o b s erva nce on the evening of the 10th day, or
merely ou the 10th day, supposing the word even-
ing, 3TIT?i to mean the later part of our afternoon.
He cites, as probably supporting this view, the ex-
rWtstan C*.?777 I*?, "between the two even-
asp " aasd si the time of offering the pasaovcr and
CHRONOLOGY
the daily evening sacrifice (Ex. xii. 6; Vmn U 1
xxviii. 4); for the Pharisees, whom the pnausl
Jews follow, took it to be (he time between the 9th
and 11th hours of the day, or our 3 and 5 P. M.,
although the Samaritans and Karaites supposed ii
to be the time between sunset and full darkness
particularly on account of the phrase K^23
tPt?*!f Tt " when the sun is setting," used la •
parallel passage (Deut. xvi. 6) (see Huxdlmdi, i.
482-484). These passages and expressions may,
however, be not unreasonably held to support the
common opinion that the civil day began at sunset
The term " between the two evenings " can scarcely
be supposed to have originally indicated a long pe-
riod : a special short period, though scarcely a point,
the time of sunset, is shown to correspond to it
This is a natural division between the late afternoon
wlien the sun is low, and the evening when hb
light has not wholly disappeared, — the two evenings
into which the natural evening would be cut by tat
commencement of the civil day if it began at sun-
set. There is no difficulty in the command that
the observance of so solemn a day as that of atone-
ment should commence a little before the true be-
ginning of the civil day, that due preparation might
be made for the sacrifices. In Judaea, where the
duration of twilight is very short at all times,
the most natural division would be at sunset. The
natural day, L v ", probably was held to comncnos
at sunrise, morning-twilight being included in the
last watch of the night, according to the old at
well as the later division ; some, however, made the
morning-watch part of the day. Four natural pe-
riods, smaller than the civil day, are mentioned.
These are 2~T» evening, and "'"?, morning, of
which there is frequent mention, and the leas usual
E^Hyi "the two lights," as though "double
light," noun, and Tl^TI "V P, or— s ?n,
" half the night," midnight. No one of these with
a people not given to astronomy seems to indicate
a point of time, but all to designate periods, even-
ing and morning being, however, much longer thai
noon and midnight. The night was divided into
watches (^" ,v . f | V). In the O. T. but two an
expressly mentioned, and we have to infer the ex-
istence of a third, the first watch of the night.*
The middle watch (njfo F\~ V^ttr'SPjooouri
in Judg. vii. 19, where the connection of watches
with military affairs is evident — " And Gideon and
the hundred men that [were] with him went down
unto the extremity of the camp at the beginning
of the middle watch; [and] they had but set the
watchmen H^tte*!?:" and the morning-watch
(" , ~2>? rr>.?>) is mentioned in Ex. xiv. 94
and 1 Sam. xi. 11 ; in the former case in the ar
count of the passage of the Red Sea, in the latter,
in that of Saul's surprise of the Anicwnites when
he relieved Jabesh-gilead- Some Rabbins hold that
there were four watches (fland/mct, 1. 486). In
the N. T. four night-watches are mentioned, which
were probably adopted from the Romans as a mod-
ification of the old system. All four occur together
o In Lam. B. », rrnerH P"'** - ! of eouraa i»
st» to, without absolutely dsslsjna Mn C, »• Dim wasdk
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CHRONOLOGY
485
k IU xiii. 85, ty, the late wateh ; ^eWwrier.
nldnlght, oAcxTopoVwfa, thi cock-crowing; and
rpatt the early watch. [Dat, Nioht, Watches
op Night.]
Week (SUf, a hebdomad). — The Hebrew
week waa a period of seven dare ending with the
Sabbath ; therefore it could not have been a division
of the month, which was lunar, without intercala-
tion. But there was no euch intercalation, since
the Sabbath waa to be every seventh day, its name
is used for week," and weeks are counted ou with-
out any additional day or days. The mention to-
gether of Sabbaths and new moons proves nothing
but that the two observances were similar, the one
oloaing the week, the other commencing the month.
The week, whether a period of seven days, or a
quarter of the month, was of common use in an-
tiquity. The Egyptians, however, were without
it, 6 dividing their month of thirty days into decads
as did the Athenians. The Hebrew week there-
fore cannot have been adopted from Egypt ; proba-
bly both it and the Sabbath were used and observed
by the patriarchs. [Wkke; Sabbath.]
Month (->?:, rr-ih, co; OH*). -The
months by which the time is measured in the ac-
oount of tke Flood would seem to be of 30 days
each, probably forming a year of 360 days, for the
1st, 9d, 7th, and 10th months are mentioned (Gen.
viii. 13, vii. 11, viil. 14, 4, 5). Ideler contests
this, arguing that as the water Bret began to sink
after 150 days (and then had been 15 cubits above
all high mountains), it must have sunk for some
days ere the Ark could have rested on Ararat, so
that the second date must be more than 150 days
later than the first (Hcmdbach, i. 69, 70, 478, 479).
This argument depends upon the meaning of " high
mountains," and upon the height of those — " the
mountains of Ararat " (viii. 4), on which the Ark
rested, questions connected with that of the univer-
sality of the Flood. [Noah.] On the other hand
it must be urged that the exact correspondence of
the interval to five months of 30 days each, and the
use of a year of 360 days, a fact strangely ignored
by Ideler, in prophetic passages of both Testaments,
are of no slight weight. That the months from
the giving of the I .aw until the time of the Second
Temple, when we have certain knowledge of their
character, were always lunar, appears from the com-
mand to keep new-moons, and from the unlike-
lihood of a change in the calendar. These lunar
months have been supposed to have been always
tltemately of 29 and 30 days. Their average
length would of course be a lunation, or a little
(44') above 23J days, and therefore they would in
general be alternately of 2D and 30 days, but it is
possible that occasionally months might occur of
19 and 31 days, if, as is highly probable, the com-
mencement of each was strictly determined by ob-
servation : that observation was employed for this
purpose is distinctly affirmed in the Babylonian
Talmud of the practice of the time at which it was
written, when, however, a month was not allowed
to be leas than 29, or more than 30 days in length.
The first day of the month la called &~fn, " new
morhi;" LXX. rsoMnvfo, from the root tO^H
" it was new " (as to the primary sense of which,
see Month) ; and in speakiug of the first day of the
such
month this word was sometimes used with the ad-
dition of a number for the whole expression, " in
a month on the first day," as tC!jn3
t»|»5 "V *y?»ri. "On the
third new moon on that day," badly ren-
dered by the LXX. ToG St pyrin tou rplrou . . .
rf rintpif Todrp (Ex. xix. 1); hence the word
came to signify month, though then it was some-
times qualified as DV3? V"]H. The new moon
was kept as a sacred festival.' [Festivals.] In
the Pentateuch, and Josh., Judg., and Ruth, we
find but one month mentioned by a special name,
the rest being called according to their order. The
month with a special name is the first, which is
called a^aSH tTl'n (LXX. jd)r t«w r4mr\
<> the month of ears of com," or " Abib," that is,
the month in which the ears of corn became full or
ripe, and on the 16th day of which, the second
day of the feast of unleavened bread, ripe ears,
3*3^ were to be offered (Lev. ii. 14; comp. xxiii.
10, 11, 14). This undoubted derivation shows how
monstrous is the idea that Abib conies from the
Egyptian Epiphi. In 1 K. three other names of
months occur, Zif, Tf , or V*, the second, K t h a nim ,
□^iTS, the seventh, and BuL ^=13, the eighth.
These names appear, like that of Abib, to be con-
nected with the phenomena of a tropical year. No
other names are found in any book prior to the
Captivity, but in the books written after the return
the later nomenclature still in use appears. This
is evidently of Babylonian origin, as the Jews them-
selves affirm. [Months.]
rear (rW). — It has been supposed, on ac-
count of the dates in the narrative of the Flood, as
already mentioned, that in Noah's time there was
a year of 360 days. These dates might indeed be
explained in accordance with a year of 365 days.
The evidence of the prophetic Scriptures is, however,
conclusive as to the knowledge of a year of the for-
mer length. The time, times and an half of Dan.
(vii. 25, xii. 7), where time means year (see xi. 13).
cannot be doubted to be equivalent expressions to
the 42 months and 1280 days of Kev. (xi. 2, 3, xii.
6) for 860X3, = 1260; and 30X42 = 1260.
We have also the testimony of ancient writers that
such a year was known to some nations, so that it
is almost certain that the year of Noah was of this
length. The characteristics of the year instituted
at the Exodus can be clearly determined, though
we cannot absolutely fix those of any single year.
There can be no doubt that it was essentially trop-
ical, since certain observances connected with the
produce of the land were fixed to particular days.
It is equally clear that the months were lunar, each
commencing with a new moon. It would appear
therefore that there must have been some mode of
adj-istment. To ascertain what this was, it is ne-
« Malar oorreets Qesealoe (HautwSrt. s. v. nStT)
tealtrmmg that the usual manias;, "sabbath," Is
aatfssactory In Lsv. xxttl. 15. In the Tut. (a. v.),
lowlfsr, possibly on the authority of Oesanlns, admits
%at lbs aknmestioa * perhaps " week." Mate's ' »>e dtr Jig. 1. 181-183.)
arfimrat seems however unanswerable [Hmabutk, I
481, now 1).
i Tlw outage of Dion Osseins (xxxvtt. 19), in ttasH
ambiguous, is of no value against the strong nagastfi
evidence of the monuments- (Sea Lspduf. Mrowefe
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ternary first to decide when the year commenced.
Oa the 16th day of the month Abib, u already
mentioned, ripe ears of corn were to be offered as
first-fruits of the harvest (Lev. ii. 14, xxiii. 10, 11).
The reaping of the barley commenced the harvest
(3 Sam. xxi. 9), the wheat following (Ituth ii. 23).
Josepbus expressly says that the offering was of
barley {Ant. Ui. 10, § 5). It U therefore necessary
to find when the barley becomes ripe in Palestine.
According to the observation of travellers the bar-
ley is ripe, in the warmest parts of the country, In
the first days of April. The barley-harvest there-
fore commences about half a month after the ver-
nal equinox, so that the year would begin at about
that tropical point were it not divided into lunar
months. We may conclude that the nearest new
moon about or after the equinox, but not much be-
fore, was chosen as the commencement of the year.
Ideler, whom we have thus far followed, as to this
rear, concludes that the right new moon was
jhosen through observation of the forwardness of
the barley-crops in the warmer districts of the
country (Handtmeh, i. 490). There is, however,
this difficulty, that the different times of barley-
harrest in various parts would have been liable to
cause confusion. It seems, therefore, not unlikely
that the Hebrews adopted the surer means of deter-
mining their new year's day by observations of heli-
acal risings or similar stellar phenomena known
to mark the right time before the barley-harvest.
Certainly the ancient Egyptians and the Arabs
made use of such means. The method of interca-
lation can only have been that which obtained after
the Captivity — the addition of a thirteenth month,
whenever the twelfth ended too long before the
equinox for the first-fruits of the harvest to be
offered in the middle of the month following, and
the similar offerings at the times appointed. This
method would be in accordance with the permission
granted to postpone the celebration of the Passover,
iu the case of any one who was either legally an-
dean or journeying at a distance, for a whole month
to the 14th day of the second month (Num. ix. 9-
13), of which permission we find Hezekiah to have
availed himself for both the reasons allowed, because
the priests were not sufficiently sanctified, and the
people were not collected (2 Chr. xxx. 1-3, 15).
The later Jews had two beginnings to the year, or,
as it is commonly but somewhat inaccurately said,
two years. At the time of the Second Temple (as
Ideler admits) these two lieginnings obtained, the
seventh month of the civil reckoning being Abib,
the first of the sacred. Hence it has been held
that the institution at the time of the Exodus was
merely a change of commencement, and not the in
traduction of a new year; and also that from this
time Uiire were the two beginnings. The former
opinion is at present purely hypothetical, and has
teen too much mixed up with the latter, for which,
jn the contrary, there is some evidence. The
strongest point in this evidence, although strangely
araot'raxl by Ideler as such, is the circumstance
chat the sabbatical and jubilee years commenced in
lie seventh month, and doubtless on its first day.
That tht jubilee year commenced in this month is
distinctly stated, since its solemn proclamation was
an the 10th day of the seventh month, the Day of
ttoaeinent (l.ev. xxv. 9, 10); and as this year ini-
.nediately followed a sabbatical year, the latter
■tost have commenced in the same manner. As
bowevtr thrae were whole years, it most be sup-
that they began on the first day oi the
CHRONOLOGY
month, the Day of Atonement standing in fat
same relation to their beginning, and perhaps Is
the civil beginning of the year, as did the Psssova
to the sacred beginning. It is perfectly dear that
this would be the most convenient, if not the neces-
sary, commencement of single years of total cessa-
tion from the labors of the field, since each year so
commencing would comprise the whole round of
these occupations in a regular order from seed-time
to harvest, and from harvest to vintage and gather-
ing of fruit. This is indeed plain from the injunc-
tion as to both Sabbatical and Jubilee years apart
from the mention of the Day of Atonement, unless
we suppose, and this would be very unwarrant-ible,
that the injunction follows the order of the seasons
of agriculture, but that the observance did not. It
might seem, at first sight, that the seventh month
was chosen, ss itself of a kind of sabbatical charac-
ter: but this does not explain the fact that Sabbat-
ical and Jubilee years were natural years, nor would
the seventh of twelve months be analogous to every
seventh year. We can therefore come to no other
conclusion but that for the purposes of agriculture
the year wss held to begin with the seventh month,
while the months were still reckoned from the
sacred commencement in Abib. There are two
expressions used with respect to the time of the
celebration of the Feast of Ingathering on the 15th
day of the seventh month, one of which leads to the
conclusion at which we have just arrived, while the
other is in accordance with it. The first of these
speaks of this feast as Ha'J&n DSV?, "in the
going out" or end "of the year" (Ex.' xxiii 16),
and the second, as ny»n i""f W-l, « [at] the
change of the year " (Ex. xxxiv. 22), a vague ex-
pression, as far aa we can understand It, but one
fully consistent with the idea of the turning-point
of a natural year. By the term HEIpD the
Kabbuis denote the commencement of each of the
four seasons into which their year is divided (ffand-
bucli, i. 550, 551). Evidence corroborative of our
conclusion is also afforded by the similar distinct:!,,
character of the first and seventh months in the
calendar with respect to their observances. The
one was distinguished by the Feast of Unleavened
Bread from the 16th to the 21st inclusive; the
other by that of Tabernacles, from the 15th to the
22d. There is besides this some evidence in the
special sanctification, above that of the ordinary
new moon, of the first day of the seventh month,
which in the blowing of trumpets bears a resem-
blance to the celebration of the commencement of
the jubilee year on the Day of Atonement- On
these grounds we hold that there were two begin-
nings to the year from the time of the Exodus.
[Ykak.]
Stamxu. — The ancient Hebrew* do not appear
to have divided their year into fixed seasons. We
find mention of the natural seasons, V s ^, " sum-
mer," and *)"yi "winter," which an used ft*
the whole year in the expression P T.*^J V*T (P*
lxxiv. 17; Zech. xiv. 8; and perhaps Gen. viH. 99)
The former of these properly means the time of
cutting fruits, and the latter, that of gathering
fruits; the one referring to the early fruit season,
the other to the late one. Tbeu true signifies*!***)
are therefore rather summer and autumn than sum-
mer and winter. There can br no doubt, bowevet
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OHBOHOI/OGY
that they came to signify the two grand divisions
if the year, both from their nse together a» u*t twc
seasons, and from the mention of "t'j« winter
house," vl.^nnWa, and "the summer house,"
VM? •~ 1 * 2 (*">• Hi. 1»). The latter evidence
ia the stronger, since the winter is the time in
Palestine when a palace or bouse of different con-
struction would be needed to the light summer
pavilion, and in the only passage besides that re-
ferred to in which the winter-house is mentioned,
we read that Jehoiakim " sat in the winter-house
in the ninth month: " that is, almost at mid- winter:
"and [there was a fire J on the hearth burning
before him " (Jer. xxxvi. 22). It is probable, how-
ever, that t \? 1 "\ when used without reference to
the year, as in Job xjrix. 4, has its original significa-
tion. The phrase Chi ~>p, "cold and heat," in
Gen. viiL 22, is still more general, and cannot be
held to indicate more than the great alternations
of temperature, which, like those of day and night,
were promised not to cease. (Comp. Ideler, Hand-
buck, i. p. 494). There are two agricultural seasons
of a more special character than the preceding in
their ordinary use. These are STL "seed-time,"
and T*'~, "harvest." Ideler (toe. at.) makes
these equal to the foregoing seasons when similarly
used together; but be has not proved this, and the
passage he quotes (Gen. /. c) cannot be held to
afford any evidence of the kind, until some other
two terms in it are proved to be strictly corres-
pondent. [Skasons.]
Ftttivalt and holy days. — Besides the sabbaths
and oew moons, there were four great festivals and
a fast in the ancient Hebrew year, the Feast of the
Passover, that of Weeks, that of Trumpets, the Day
of Atonement, and the Feast of Tabernacles. The
Feast of the Passover, H3^, was properly only
the time of the sacrifice and eating of the paschal
lamb, that is. the evening, W$ 1 JH *('?, u be-
tween the two evenings " (Lev. xxiii. 6) — a phrase
previously considered — of the 14th day of the first
■aonth, and the night following, — the Feast of
Unleavened Bread Tl V?Sn 3H, commencing on
the morning of the 15th day of the month, and
lasting seven days until the 21st inclusive. The
Jiith and 21st days of the month were sabbaths,
that is, holy days. [Passover.] The Feast of
Weeks, tVV 1~ 3.*, or Pentecost, was kept at
the close of seven weeks, counted from the day in-
duiive following the 10th of the 1st month. Hence
Us name means the feast of seven weeks, as indeed
U is called in Tob. (JVy(a iwra t&Sofiatav, ii. 1).
As the ears of barley as first-fruits of the harvest
•ere offered on the 16th day of the 1st month, so
xi this day thanksgiving was paid for the blessing
rf the harvest, and first-fruits of wheat offered as
well as of fruits: hence the names " ,, Vi?'7 3P,
Feast of Harvest, and nPTWan D*\ Day of
first-fruits. — The Feast of Trumpets, DV
17VV! (lit of the sound of the trumpet), also
.Bed rm-l/n V n 3? V^nar. "a great sab-
•ath of celebration by the sound of the trumpet,"
•as the 1st day of the 7th month, the eivO com-
CHBONOLOGY
137
meneement of the year. The Day of Uimiiiuaa I,
3 , "19Si7 CV, was the 10th day of the 7th
month. It was a sabbath, that I* a holy day, and
also a fast, the only one in the Hebrew year before
the Babylonish Captivity. Upon this day the high
priest made an offering of atonement for the nation
This annual solemn rite seems more appropriate to
the commencement than to the middle of the year,
and the time of its celebration thus affords some
evidence in favor of the theory of a double begin-
ning. —The Feast of Tabernacles, ."VISDn ZTJ,
was kept in the 7th month, from the 15th to the
22d days inclusive. Its chief days were the first
and last, which were sabbaths. Its name was taken
from the people dwelling in tabernacles, to com-
memorate the Eiodus. It was otherwise called
F| s 9^n an, « the Feast of Gathering," because it
was also instituted as a time of thanksgiving for
the end of the gathering of fruit and of the vintage.
The small number and simplicity of these primitive
Hebrew festivals and holy days is especially worthy
of note. It is also observable that they are not of
an astronomical character ; and tliut when they are
connected with nature, it is as directing the grati-
tude of the people to Him who, in giving good
things, leaves not Himself without witness. In
later times many holy days were added. Of then
the most worthy of remark are the Feast of Purtm,
or " Lots," commemorating the deliverance of the
Jews from Hainan's plot, the Feast of the Dedica-
tion, recording the cleansing and re-dedication of
the Temple by Judas Maocabsrua. and fasts on the
anniversaries of great national misfortunes con-
nected with the Babylonish Captivity. These last
were doubtless instituted during that period (comp.
Zecb. vii. 1-6). [Festivals, Ac.]
Sabbatical and Jubilee Yeart. — The sabbatical
year, n^OtjrTT T\2tf, " the fellow year " or pos
sibly " year of remission," or n^SO?* alone, ah*
called a "sabbath," and a "great sabbath," was
au institution of strictly the same character as the
sabbath, — a year of rest, like the day of rest. It
has not been sufficiently noticed that as the day
has a side of physical necessity with reference to
man, so the year has a side of physical necessity
with reference to the earth. Every seventh year
appears to be a very suitable time for the recur -
rence of a fallow year, on agricultural grounds.
Besides the rest from the labors of the field and
vineyard, there was in this year to be remission,
temporary or absolute, of debts and obligations
among the people. The sabbatical year must have
commenced at the civil lieginning of the year, with
the 7th month, as we have already shown. Although
doubtless held to commence with the 1st of the
month, its beginning appears to have been kept at
the Feast of Tabernacles (Deut. xzxi. 10), while
that of the jubilee year was kept on the Day of
Atonement. This institution seems to have been
greatly neglected. This was prophesied by Moses,
who speaks of the desolation of the land as an
enjoying the sabbaths which had not been kept
(Lev. xzvi. 84, 36, 43). The seventy years' cap-
tivity is also spoken of in 2 Chr. (xxxvi. 21) as an
etuoying sabbath; but this may be on account of
the number being sabbatical, as ten (h»s seven
which indeed seems to be indicated in the passage
After tt..' lapse of seven sabbatical perlcda, or forty
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188
CHttONOI-OGY
xfcse years, a year of jubilee wy to be kept, imme-
ilatery following the last sabbatical year. This was
called bj'l»n ,-IJ*: ,« the year of the trumpet,"
at ?3V alone, the latter word meaning either the
sound of the trumpet or the instrument itself, be-
cause the commencement of the year was announced
on the Pay of Atonement by sound of trumpet. It
was similar to the sabbatical year in its character,
although doubtless yet more important. In the
jubilee year debts were to be remitted, and lands
were to be restored to their former owners. It is
obvious from the words of the law (Lev. xxv. 8-11)
that this year followed every seventh sabbatical
year, so that the opinion that it was always identi-
cal with a sabbatical year is untenable. There is a
further question as to the length of each jubilee
period, if we may use the term, some holding that
it had a duration of 90, but others of 49 years.
The latter opinion does not depend upon the sup-
position that the seventh sabbatical year was the
jubilee, since the jubilee might be the first year of
the next seven years after. That such was the case
is rendered most prolable by the analogy of the
weekly sabbath, and the custom of the Jews in the
first and second centuries n. c. ; although it must
be noted that, according to Maimonides, the jubilee
period was of 50 years, the 61st year commencing
a new period, and that the same writer mentions
that the Jews had a tradition that after the destruc-
tion of the first Temple only sabbatical years, and
no jubilee years, were observed. (Ideler, Hcmdbuch,
i. pp. 603, 504.) The testimony of Josephus does
not seem to us at all conclusive, although Ideler
(I c.) holds it to be so; for the expression ravra
wtrHiKovra pt» itrrw trw t4 wdWa (Ant. iii. 12,
§ 3) cannot be held to prove absolutely that the
jubilee year was not the first year of a sabbatical
period instead of standing between two such periods.
It is important to ascertain when the first sabbati-
cal year ought to have been kept; whether the sab-
batical and jubilee periods seem to have been con-
tinuous; what positive record there is of any sab-
batical or jubilee years having been kept; and what
indications there are of a reckoning by such years
of either kind. 1. It can scarcely be contested that
the first sabbatical year to be kept after the Israelites
had entered Canaan would be about the fburtusth.
(Jennings, Jewuli Antiqvitiet, bk. iii. cap. 9 : and
infr. Hutorical Chronology.) It is possible that it
might have been somewliat earlier or later; but the
narrative will not admit of much latitude. 2. It is
dear that any sabbatical and jubilee years kept
from the time of Joshua until the destruction of
the first Temple, would have been reckoned from
the first one, but It may be questioned if any kept
ifter the return would be counted in the same
nanner: from the nature of the institutions, it is
ather to be supposed that the reckoning, in the
tecond case, would be from the first cultivation of
he country after its re-occupation. The recorded
sabbatical years do not enable us to test this sup-
position, because we do not know exactly the year
f return, or that of the first cultivation of the
country. The recorded dates of •abbatical years
would make that next after the return to commence
•n B c. 628, and he current in B. c. 627, which
smlri make the first year of the period B. c. 634-3,
vhich would not improbably be the first year of
nltivation: but in the ease of so short a period
his cannot be regarded as evidence of much weight.
'■ There <s no positive record of any jubilee year
CHRONOLOGY
having been kept at any time. The dates U this*
sabbatical years have, however, been preserved. These
were current B. c. 168, 186, and 187, and therefore
commenced in each case about three months earlier
than the beginning of these Julian years. (Joseph
AM. xii. 9, § 5; xiii. 8, § 1; xiv. 16, J 2; xv 1,
§ 2; B. J. i. 2, § 4; and 1 Mace. vi. 49, 53.) 4
There are some chronological indications in the
O. T. that may not unreasonably be supposed ts
be connected with the sabbatical system. The
prophet Knkiel dates his first prophecy of those in
the book "in the thirtieth year," Ac., "which
[was] the fifth year of king Jehoiachin's captivity "
(i. 2); thus apparently dating in the former Cat*
from a better known era than that of Jehoiachin's
captivity, which he employs in later places, with-
out, however, in general again describing it This
date of the 30th year has been variously explained :
some, with Ussher, suppose that the era is the 18th
year of Josiah, when the book of the law was
found, and a great passover celebrated. (See HSver-
nick, Commentar ubrr Eztch. pp. 12, 13). This year
of Josiah would certainly be the first of the reckon-
ing, and might be used as a kind of reformation-
era, not unlike the era of Simon the Maccabee.
[Arns.J Others suppose that the thirtieth year of
the prophet's life is meant; but this seems very
unlikely. Others again, including Scaliger (/3e
Eimndtiticmt Temporum, pp. 79, 218, ed. 1583)
and liosenmiiller (SchoL ad loc.), hold that the
date is from the commencement of the reign of
Nabopolassar. There is no record of an era of
Nabopolassar; that king had been dead some years;
and we have no instance in the O. T. of the use of
a foreign era. The evidence therefore is in favor
of Josiah's 18th year. There seems to be another
reference to this date in the same book, where the
time of the iniquity of Jndab is said to be 40 years,
for the final captivity of Judah (Jer. Iii. 30) was
in the 40th year of this reckoning. In the same
place the time of the iniquity of Israel is said to \i
390 years, which sum, added to the date of tne
captivity of this part of the nation in the A. V.
B. c. 721, goes back to B. c. 1111 (El. iv. 5, 6).
This result leads to the indication of possible jubilee
dates, for the interval between b. c. 1111 and B. c.
623-2 is 488-9 years, within two years of ten
jubilee periods; and it must be remembered that
the seventy weeks of the prophet Daniel seem to
indicate the use of such a great cycle. In the
latter case, however, as in that of the seventy years'
captivity, it is probable that the year of 360 days
is used, so that the agreement is not absolute.
( Year.) It remains to be asked whether the ac-
counts of Josiah's reformation present any indica-
tions of celebrations connected with the sabbatical
system. The finding of the book of the Law might
seem to point to its being specially required for
some public service. Such a service was the great
reading of the Law to the whole congregation at
the Feast of Tabernacles in every sabbatical yeai
(Ueut. xxxi. 10-13). The finding of the boo* was
certainly followed by a public reading, apparently
in the first month, by the king to the whole people
of Judah and Jerusalem, and afterwards a solemn
passover was kept. Of the latter celebration is it
said in Kings, " Surely there was not liolden such
a passover from the days of the Judges that judged
Israel, nor in all the days of the kings of Israel, na
of the kings of Judah" (2 K. xxiii. 32); and, it
Chronicles, " There was no passover like to that
kept in Israel from the days of Samuel the prophet
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CHRONOLOGY
r did all the kings of Israel keep such a paaa-
m m Josiah kept '• (2 Chr. xxxv. 18). Hie men-
tion of Samuel is remarkable, since in bis time the
(truer supposed date falls. It mar be objected that
the passover is nowhere connected with the sab-
batical reckoning, but these passovers can scarcely
have been greater in sacrifice* than at least one in
Solomon's reiijn. nor is it likely that the; are men-
tioned as characterized by greater zeal than any
others whateu-r; so that we are almost driven to
the idea of tome relation to chronology. This re-
sult would place the Exodus in the middle of the
17th century n. c, a time for which we believe
then is a preponderance of evidence (Hutorical
Chronology). [Sabbatical Year; Jubilee.]
Eras. — There arc indications of several histor-
ical eras having been used by the ancient Hebrews,
but our information is so scanty that we are gen-
erally unable to come to positive conclusions. Some
of these possible eras may be no more than dates
employed by writers, and not national eras; others,
however, can scarcely have been used in this spe-
cial or individH.il manner from their referring to
events of the highest importance to the whole
people.
1. The Exodu» is used as an era in 1 K. vi. 1,
in giving the date of the foundation of Solomon's
Temple. This is the only positive instance of the
occurrence of this era, for we cannot agree with
Ideler that it is certainly employed in the Penta-
teuch. He refers to Ex. xix. 1, and Num. xxxiii.
38 (Handbuch, i. 507). Here, as elsewhere in the
same part of the Bible, the beginning of the Exo-
dus-year — not, of course, the actual date of the
Exodus (Jtegmtl yean, Ac.) is used as the point
whence time is counted; but during the interval
of which it formed the natural commencement it
cannot be shown to be an era, though it may have
been, any more than the beginning of a sovereign's
reign is one.
2. The foundation of Solomon's temple is con-
jectured by Ideler to have been an era. The pas-
sages to which he refers (1 K. ix. 10; 2 Chr. viii.
I), merely speak of occurrences subsequent to the
Interval of 20 years occupied in the building of the
temple and the king's house, both being distinctly
specified ; so that his reading — " Zwanzig Jahre,
nachdem Salomo das Haus des Herm erhaute" —
leaves out half the statement and so makes it in-
correct (flindb. 1. c.). It is elsewhere stated that
the building of the temple occupied 7 years (IK.
vt 87, 38), and that of Solomon's house 13 (vii.
1), making up the interval of 20 years.
t. The era once used by Ezekiel, and commenc-
ing in Josiah's 18th year, we have previously dis-
cussed, concluding that it was most probably con-
nected with the sabbatical system (Sabbitical and
Jmbike Yean).
4. The era of Jehoiachin's captivity is constantly
used by Ezekiel. The earliest date is the 5th year
(i. 2) and the latest, the 27th (xxix. 17). The
prophet generally gives the date without applying
any distinctive term to the era. He speaks, bow-
aver, of " the fifth year of king Jehoiachin's captiv-
ity " (i. 2), and " the twelfth year of our captivity "
(xxxiii. 21), the latter of which expressions may
sxplain his constant use of the era; The same era
■ necessarily employed, though not as sucb where
the advancement of Jehoiachin in the 37th rear of
ah captivity is mentioned (2 K. xxv. 27 ; Jer. lii.
11). We have no proof that it was used except
»7 those to whose captivity it referred, lis 1st
CHRONOLOGY
489
year was current n. c. 596, commencing In tat
spring of that year.
5. The beginning of the seventy years' captivttj
does not appear to have been used as an era (i/Ss-
tvrical Chronology).
6. The return from Babylon does not appear k
be employed as an era: it is, however, reckoned
from in Ezra (iii. 1, 8), as is the Exodus in the
Pentateuch.
7. The era of the Seieucidaj is used in the first
and second books of Maccabees.
8. The liberation of the Jews from the Syrian
yoke in the 1st year of Simon the Maccabee is
stated to have been commemorated by an era used
in contracts and agreements (1 Mace. xiii. 41).
The years 1, 2, and 3 on the coins ascribed to Si-
mon [Money, Shekel] are probably of this era,
although it is related that the right of coining
money with his own stamp was not conceded to
him until somewhat later than its beginning (xv.
G); for it may be reasonably supposed, either that
Antiochus VII. confirmed privileges before granted
by his brother Demetrius II. (comp. xv. 5), or that
he gave his sanction to money already issued (Ew
HrU., 8th ed., Numismatics, pp. 379, 380).
Regnal Yean. — By the Hebrews regnal years
appear to have been counted from the beginning of
the year, not from the day of the king's accession.
Thus, if a king came to the throne in the last
month of one year, reigned for the whole of the
next year, and died in the 1st ■nonth of the 3d
year, we might have dates in his 1st, 2d and 3d
years, although he governed for no more than 13
or 14 mrnths. Any dates in the year of bis acces-
sion, before that event, or in the year of his death,
after it, would be assigned to the last year of his
predecessor, and the 1st of his successor. The
same principle would apply to reckoning from eras
or important events, but the whole stated lengths
of reigns or intervals would not be affected by it.
III. Histobical ('iikosoi/kiv. — The histor-
ical part of Hebrew Chronology is not less difficult
than the technical. The information in the Bible
is indeed direct rather than inferential, although
there is very important evidence of the latter kind ;
but the present state of the numbers makes abso-
lute certainty in many cases impossible. If, for
instance, the Hebrew and LXX. differ as to a par-
ticular number, we cannot in general positively de-
termine that the original form of the number ha*
been preserved, when we have decided, and this we
are not always able to do, which of the present
forms has a preponderance of evidence in its favor.
In addition to this difficulty there are several gaps
in the series of smaller numbers which we have no
means of supplying with exactness. When, there-
fore, we can compare several of these smaller num-
bers with a larger number, or with independent
evidence, we are frequently prevented from putting
a conclusive test by the deficiencies in the first se
ries. The frequent occurrence of round numbers is
a matter of minor importance, for, although when
we have no other evidence It manifestly precludes
our arriving at positive accuracy, the variation of
a few years is not to be balanced against great dif-
ferences foparently not to be positively resolved, as
those of the primeval numbers in the Hebrew, LXX.,
and Samaritan Pentateuch. Lately some have laid
great stress upon the frequent occurrence of the
number 40, alleging that it and 70 are vague tern*
©qui">leni. to " many," so that " 40 leare," or » 70
w.uld mean no more than ' many rears "
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CHRONOLOGY
Primi facie, Una idea would wem reasonable, but
an a further examination it will be seen that the
details of some periods of 40 years are given, and
ihow that the number is not indefinite where it
would at first especially seem to be so. Thus the
tO years in the wilderness can be divided into three
periods : (1. ) from the Exodus to the sending out
of the spies was about one year and a quarter (1
year 1 -f- ar (2 ?) months, Num. ix. 1, x. 11 ; comp.
ver. 29, showing it was this year, and xiii. 20 prov-
ing that the search ended somewhat after midsum-
mer): (2.) the time of search, 40 days (Num. xiii.
25): (3.) the time of the wandering until the
brook Zered was crossed, 38 years (I)eut. ii. 14):
making altogether almost 39 J years. This per-
fectly accords with the date (yr. 40, m. 11, d. 1) of
the address of Hoses after the conquest of Sihon
and Og (Deut. i. 3, 4), which was subsequent to
the crossing of the brook Zered. So again David's
reign of 40 years is divided into 7 years m. in
Hebron, and 83 in Jerusalem (2 Sani.ii. 11, v. 5;
1 Chr. iii. 4, but 1 K. ii. 11, 7 years, omitting the
months, and 33). This therefore cannot be an in-
definite number, as some might conjecture from its
following Saul's 40 years and preceding Solomon's.
The last two reigns again could not have been
much more or less from the circumstances of the
history. The occurrence of some round numbers
therefore does not warrant our supposing the con-
stant use of vague ones. In discussing the tech-
nical part of the subject we have laid some stress
upon the opinions of the earlier Kabbinical com-
mentators : in this part we place no reliance upon
them. As to divisious of time connected with re-
tgious observances they could scarcely be far wrong;
CHRONOLOGY
in historical chronology they could hardly be ex
pected to be right, having a very small knowledgt
of foreign sources. In fact, by comparing thek
later dates with the chronology of the time astro-
nomically fixed, we find so extraordinary a depart-
ure from correctness that we must abandon the idea
of their having held any additional facts handed
down by tradition, and serving to guide them to a
true system of chronology. There are, however,
important foreign materials to aid us in the deter-
mination of Hebrew chronology. In addition U
the literary evidence that has been long used bj
chronologers, the comparatively recent decipher-
ment of the Egyptian and Assyrian inscription*
has afforded us valuable additional evidence from
contemporary monuments.
Biblical data. — It will be best to examine tht
Biblical information under the main periods into
which it may be separated, beginning with the
earliest.
A. First Period, from Adam to AbranTs depart-
ure from Haran. — All the numerical data in the
Bible for the chronology of this interval are com-
prised in two genealogical lists in Genesis, the first
from Adam to Noah and his sons (Gen. v. 3 adj!n.„
and the second from Shem to Abram (xi. 10-28),
and in certain passages in the same book (vii. 6, 11,
viii. 13, ix. 28, 29, xi. 32, xii. 4). The Masoretie
Hebrew text, the LXX., and the Samaritan Pen-
tateuch greatly differ, as may be seen by the fol-
lowing table, which we take from the Gaunt of
tie Earth and of Man (p. 90), adding nothing
essential but a various reading, and the age of
Abram when he left Haran, but also inclosing is
parentheses numbers not stated but obtained by
Age of each when the
Tears
of each after
Total length of the
next was born.
the next was born.
life of each.
Sept.
Ueb.
8am.
Sept.
Heb.
Sam.
Sept.
Deb.
Sam.
230
no
700
8
10
980
.,
206
190
105
90
707
716
807
816
912
906
••
170
70
740
840
910
166
66
780
880
896
162
62
800
".
786
962
M7
166
66
200
©
866
187
167
••
67
(782)
802
782
068
969
••
720
188
182
68
665
696
600
768
m
658
502
..
448
950
Shem
100
600
This
••
••
600
•■
2264
1668
1809
was " two yea
■» after the Flood."
Arphaxad ....
2244
400
830
185
180
86
408
808
(686)
(460)
(488)
488
gaiah
180
134
130
132
130
79
179
70
30
84
80
82
80
29
880
270
209
207
' 200
129
(186)
408
480
iio
(185)
808
io9
107
100
69
(76)
(460)
(404)
(889)
(839)
(880)
(206)
205
(488)
(464)
(289)
(289)
(280)
(148)
488
404
289
239
280
148
146
Abnm leaves Haran ....
75
••
1146
866
1016
1
1246
1
jompotation from others, and making some aKer-
ttkrns consequently necessary. The advantage of
Jie system of this table is the clear manner in
which ii snows the differences and agreements of
the three versions of the data. The dots indicate
•amber* agreeing with the LXX.
The number of generations in the LXX. is out
in excess of the Heb. and Sam. on account of tht
" second t'ainan," whom the best chronologers an
agreed in rejecting as spurious. He is found b
the present text of the LXX. in both Gen. and .
Chr., and in the present text of St. Luke's Gospe,
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CHRONOLOGY
losephoe, Phik>, and the earlier Christian writeis
appear however to have kuown nothing nf him, and
it is therefore probable either that he was rirst in-
troduced by a copyist into cue Gospel and thence
into the LXX., or else that be was found in some
eodd. of the LXX. and thence introduced into the
Gospel, and afterwards into all other copies of the
LXX. [Caiman.] Before considering the varia-
tions of the numbers it is important to notice that
" as two of the three sources must have been cor-
rupted, we may reasonably doubt whether any one
of them be preserved in its genuine state " (Uenesu
of the Eiu-lh, Jr., p. 92) — a check upon our con
fidenee that has strangely escaped chronologera in
general. The variations are the result of design,
not accident, as is evident from the years before the
birth of a son and the residues agreeing in their
■urns in almost all cases in the antediluvian gen-
erations, the exceptions, save one, being apparently
the result of necessity that lives should not overlap
the date of the Hood (comp. Clinton, Fatti HeUtn.
i. 284). We have no clew to the date or dates
of the alterations beyond that we can trace the
LXX. form to the first century of the Christian
era, if not higher, and the Heb. to the fourth cen-
tury: if the Sam. numbers be as old as the text,
we can assign them a higher antiquity than what
is known as to the Heb. The little acquaintance
most of the early Christian writers bad with Hebrew
makes it impossible to decide, on their evidence,
that the variation did not exist when they wrote:
the testimony of Josephus is here of more weight,
but in his present text it shows contradiction,
though preponderating in favor of the LXX. num-
bers. A comparison of the lists would lead us to
suppose, on internal evidence, that they had first
two forms, and that the third version of them
originated from these two. This supposed later
version of the lists would seem to be the Sam.,
which certainly is less internally consistent, on ine
■apposition of the original correctness of the num-
bers, than the other two. The cause of the altera-
tions is most uncertain. It has indeed been eon-
ectured that the Jews shortened the chronology in
.rder that an ancient prophecy that ton Messiah
should come in the sixth millenary of the world's
tge might not be known to be fulfilled in the advent
tf our Lord. The reason may be sufficient in itself,
out it does not rest upon sufficient evidence. It is,
sowerer, worthy of remark, that in the apostolic
Me there were hot discussions respecting genealogies
(Tit. ill. 9), which would seem to indicate that great
importance was attached to them, perhaps also that
the differences or some difference then existed. The
different proportions of the generations and lives in
the IJCX. and Heb. have been asserted to afford
au argument in favor of the former. At a later
period, however, when we find instance* of longevity
recorded in all versions, the time of marriage is
not different from what it is at the present day,
although tliere are some long generations. A
stronger argument for the LXX., if the unity of
the human race be admitted, is found ir. the long
neriod required from the Mood to the Pispersion
xnd the establishment of kingdoms : this supposition
would, however, require that the patriarchal gen-
toUons should be either exceptions! or represent
usttods: for tne former of these hypotheses we shall
•• The earlleHt supposed indication of the LXX
—ill xi Is In -he passage of Poly htstor (ap. Bust*),
taa> U 21 p. 122) giv<ng the ssot i ss sue eemputa-
CHKONOLOGY 441
see there is some ground in the similar case «/ ear
tain generations, just alluded to, from Abraham
downwards. With respect to probability of accu-
racy arising from the state of the text, the Heb
certainly has the advantage. There is every reason
to think that the Rabbins have been scrupulous in
the extreme in making alterations: the LXX., on
the other hand, shows signs of a carelessness that
would almost permit change, and we have the prob-
able interpolation of the second Cainan. If, how-
ever, we consider the Sam. form of the lists at
sprung from the other two, the LXX. would seem
to be earlier than the Heb., since it is more prob-
able that the antediluvian generations would have
been shortened to a general agreement with the
Heb., than that the postdiluvian would have been
lengthened to suit the LXX. ; for it is obviously
most likely that a sufficient number of years having
been deducted from the earlier generations, the
operation was not carried on with the later. It is
noticeable that the stated stuns in the postdiluvian
generations in the Sam. generally agree with the
computed sums of the Heb. and not with those of
the LXX., which would be explained by the theory
of an adaptation of one of these two to the other,
although it would not give us reason for supposing
either form to be the earlier. It is an ancient con-
jecture that the term year was of old applied to
periods short of true years. There is some plausi-
bility in this theory, at first sight, but the account
of the Deluge seems fatal to its adoption. The only
passage that might be alleged in its support is that
in which 120 years is mentioned as if the term of
man's life after the great increase of wickedness
before the Deluge, oompared with the lives assigned
to the antediluvian patriarchs, but this from the
context seems rather to mean a period of probation
before the catastrophe (Gen. vi. 3). A question
has been raised whether the generations and num-
oere may not be independent, the original genera-
tions in Gen. having been, as those in 1 Chr., simply
names, and the numbers having been added, per-
haps on traditional authority, by the Jews (c-jp.
OenetU of the Earth, cf c, pp. 92-94). If we sup-
pose that a period was thus portioned out, then the
character of Hebrew genealogies as not of necessity
absolutely continuous might somewhat lessen the
numbers assigned to individuals. Some have sup-
posed that the numbers were originally cyclical, au
idea perhaps originating in the notion of the dis-
tribution of a space of time to a certain number of
generations. This particular theory can however
scarcely be reconciled with the historical character
of the names. Turning to the evidence of ancient
history and tradition, we find the numbers of the
LXX. confirmed rather than those of the Heb.
The history and civilization of Egypt and Assyria
with Babylonia reach to a time earlier than, in the
first case, and about as early as, in the second, the
Heb. date of the Flood. Moreover the concurrent
evidence of antiquity carries the origin of gentile
civilization to the Noachian races. The question
of the unity of the species does not therefore affect
this argument (Man), whence the numbers of the
LXX. up to the Deluge would seem to be correct,
for an accidental agreement can scarcely be admit-
ted. If correct, are we therefore to suppose them
original that is, of the original text whence the
tl«n of Dsmetrlo* ; but we cannot place rs>ianos at
ton correctness or a single fragmentary text
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442
CHBONOLOGY
.
LXX. Mioo m made? Thia appears to be a
necessary consequence of their correctness, since the
translators were probably nor sufficiently acquainted
with external sources to obtain numbers either
actually or approximatively true, even tf Aey ex-
ternally exitled, and had the; had this knowledge,
it is scarcely likely that they would have used it in
the manner supposed. On the whole, therefore, we
are inclined to prefer the LXX. numbers after the
Deluge, and, as consistent with them, and probably
of the same authority, those before the Deluge also.
It remains for us to ascertain what appears to be
the best form of each of the three versions, and to
state the intervals thus obtained. In the LXX.
antediluvian generations, that of Methuselah is 187
or 167 years: the former seems to be undoubtedly
the true number, since the latter would make this
patriarch, if the subsequent generations be correct,
to survive the Flood 14 years. In the postdiluvian
numbers of the LXX. we must, as previously shown,
reject the second Cainan, from the preponderance
of evidence against his genuineness. [Caina*.]
Of the two forms of Nahor's generation in the
LXX. we must prefer 79, as more consistent with
the numbers near it, and as also found in the Sam.
An important correction of the next generation has
been suggested in all the lists. According to them
it would appear that Terah was 70 years old at
Abram's birth. " Terah lived seventy years, and
begat Abram, Nahor, and Haran " (Gen. xi. 36).
It is afterwards said that Terah went from Ur of
the Chaldees to Haran and died there at the age
of 305 years (145 Sam.) (w. 31, 32), and the de-
parture of Abram from Haran to Canaan is then
narrated (com p. Acts vii. 4), his age being stated
to have been at that time 75 years (xii. 1-6). Usher
therefore conjectures that Terah was 130 years old
at Abram's birth (205 — 75 = 130), and supposes
the latter not to have been the eldest son but men-
tioned first on account of his eminence, as is Shem
in several places (v. 32, vi. 10, vii. 13, ix. 18, x. 1),
who yet appears to have been the third son of Noah
and certainly not the eldest (x. 21, and arrange-
ment of chap.). There is, however, a serious objec-
tion in the way of this supposition. It seems
scarcely probable that if Abram had been born to
his father at the age of 130 years, he should have
asked in wonder "Shall [a child] be born unto
him that is an hundred years old ? and shall Sarah,
that is ninety years old, bear? " (Gen. xvii. 17.)
Thus to suit a single number, that of Terah's age
at his death, where the Sam. does not agree with
the Heb. and LXX., a hypothesis is adopted that
%t least strains the consistency of the narrative.
We should rather suppose the number might have
«en changed by a copyist, and take the 145 years
of the Sam. — It has been generally supposed that
the Dispersion took place in the days of i'eleg, on
aoenubt of what is said in Gen. x. as to him: [of
4w two sons of Eber] "the name of one [was]
rVJeg (375?i division;, for in his days was the
earth divided " (Hjbp?, 25). It cannot be posi-
tively affirmed that the " Dispersion " spoken of in
Gen. xi. is here meant, since a physical catastrophe
might be intended, although the former is perhaps
he more natural inference. The event, whatever
t was, must have happened at Peleg's birth, rather
than, as some have supposed, at a later time in his
ifc, for the easterns have always given names to
jhOdren at birth, as may be noticed in the cases
OHBONOLOttr
aider the following as the best forms of tU
according to the three sources.
LXX. Heb.
Creation
Flood (oeeupyiDC chief
part of this year)
Departure of
BmnHenui
•01
818
IMS
; 101 I
f ,MT mi*
■
HOT
««s
am
B. Second Period, from Abram's departure from
Haran to the Exodus. — The length of this period
is stated by St. Paul as 430 yean from the promise
to Abraham to the giving of toe Law (Gal. iii. 17),
the first event being held to be that recorded a.
Gen. xii. 1-5. The same number of years is given
in Ex., where the Hebrew reads — " Now the so-
journing of the children of Israel who dwelt in
Egypt [was] four hundred and thirty years. And
it came to pass at the end of the four hundred and
thirty years, even the selfsame day it came to past,
that all the hosts of the l-ord went out from the
land of Egypt" (xii. 40, 41). Here the LXX.
and Sam. add after "in Egypt " the words "and
in Canaan," while the Alex, and other MSS- of the
former also add after " the children of Israel " the
words " and their fathers." It seems most reason-
able to regard both these additions as glosses; X
they are excluded, the passage appears to make the
duration of the sojourn in Egypt 430 years, but
this is not an absolutely certain conclusion. The
"sojourning" might well include the period after
the promise to Abraham while that patriarch and
his descendants " sojourned in the land of promise
as [in] a strange country" (Heb. xi. 9), for it is
not positively said " the sojourning of the children
of Israel in Egypt," but we may read " who dwelt
in Egypt." As for the very day of close being
that of commencement, it might refer either to
Abraham's entrance, or to the time of the promise.
A third passage, occurring in the same essential
form in both Testaments, and therefore especially
satisfactory as to its textual accuracy, throws light
upon the explanation we have offered of this hat,
since it is impossible to understand it except upon
analogical principles. It is the divine declaratiro
to Abraham of the future history of his children :
Know of a surety that thy seed shall be a stran-
ger in a land [that is] not theirs, and shall serve
them; and they shall afflict them four hundred
years; and also that nation whom they shall serve,
will I judge; and afterward shall they come out
with great substance" (Gen. xv. 18, 14; eomp.
Acts vii. 6, 7). The four hundred years cannot
be held to be the period of oppression without a
denial of the historical character of the narrative of
that time, but can only be supposed to mean the
time from this declaration to the Exodus. This
reading, which in the A. V. requires no more than
a slight change in the punctuation, if it suppose an
unusual construction in He) rew, is perfectly admis-
sible according to the principles of Semitic gram-
mar, and might be used in Arabic. If is ah*,
noticeable that after the citation given above, the
events of the whole sojourn an repeated, showing
that this was the period spoken of, and perhaps,
therefore, the period defined (15, 16). The mean-
ing of the "fourth generation" here mentioned
has been previously considered. It cannot, there-
fore, be held that the statement of St. Paul thai
from the promise to Abraham until the Exodnt
was 430 years is irreconcilable with the two otba
af Jacob and his sons. — We should therefore con- I statements of the same kind. Id order to arrive *
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OHKONOLOGY
* ooocluskm u may be attainable, wa
■mt examine the evidenoe we have for the details
•f this interval. First, hcarever, it will be neces-
sary to form a distinct opinion as to the length of
life of the patriarchs of this age. The Biblical nar-
rative plainly ascribes to them lives far longer than
what is held to be the present extreme limit, and
we must therefore carefully consider the evidence
upon which the general correctness of the numbers
rests, and any independent evidence as to the
length of life at this time. The statements in the
Bible regarding longevity may be separated into
two classes, those given in genealogical lists, and
those interwoven with the relation of events. To
the former class virtually belong all the statements
relating to the longevity of the patriarchs before
Abraham, to the latter nearly all relating to that
of Abraham and his descendants. In the case of
the one we cannot arrive at certainty as to the
original form of the text, as already shown, but the
other rests upon a very different kind of evidence.
The statements as to the length of the lives of
Abraham and his nearer descendants, and some of
his later, are so closely interwoven with the histor-
ical narrative, not alone in form, but in sense, that
their general truth and its cannot be separated.
Abraham's age at the birth of Isaac is a great fact
in his history, equally attested in the Old Testa-
ment and in the New. Again, the longevity as-
cribed to Jacob is confirmed by the question of
Pharaoh, and the patriarch's remarkable answer, in
which he makes his then age of 130 years less than
the years of his ancestors (Gen. xh/iL 9), a minute
point of agreement with the other chronological
statements to be especially noted. At a later time
the age of Moses is attested by various statements
in 'he Pentateuch, and in the N. T. on St. Ste-
phen's authority, though it is to be observed that
tht mention of his having retained his strength to
the end of his 130 years (Deut. xxxiv. 7), is per-
haps indicative of an unusual longevity. In the
earlier part of the period following, we notice simi-
lar instances in the case of Joshua, and, inferen-
taaUy, in that of Othniel. Nothing in the Bible
oould be cited against this evidence, except it be
the common explanation of Pa. xc. (esp. ver. 10)
combined with its ascription to Moses (title). The
title cannot, analogically, be considered a very sure
guide, but the style and contents seem to us to sup-
port it. It may be questioned, however, whether
the general shortness of man's life forms the subject
of this psalm. A shortness of life is lamented as
the result of God's anger, the people are described
as under his wrath, and prayer is made for a hap-
pier condition. Nothing could be more applicable
«> the shortening of life in the desert in order that
aone who were twenty years old and upwards at
the Exodus should enter the Land of Promise.
With these the ordinary term of life would be three-
score years and ten, or fourscore years. If, there-
fore, we ascribe the psalm to Moses, we cannot be
certain that it gives the average of long life at his
time independently of the peculiar circumstances
of the wandering in the desert. Thus it is evident
that the two classes of statements in the Bible bear-
ing on longevity stand upon a very different basis.
It must be observed that all the supposed famous
uodern instances of great longevity, as those <r*
Parr, Jackson, and the old Countess of Desmond,
asm utterly broken down on examination, and tha'
fcw registers of this country proce do greater ex-
than about 110 years We have recently
OHKONOLOGY
443
had the good fortune to discover some Independen
contemporary evidence bearing upon this matter.
There is an Egyptian hieratic papyrus in the Bib-
liotheque at Paris bearing a moral discourse by one
Ptah-hotp, apparently eldest son of Assa (a. c. dr.
1910-1860), the fifth king of the Fifteenth Dy-
nasty, which was of Shepherds rEoyirr]. At the
conclusion Ptah-hotp thus speaks of himself: "I
have become an elder on the earth (or in the land);
I have traversed a hundred and ten years of life by
the gift of the king and the approval of the elders,
fulfilling my duty towards the king in the place of
favor (or blessing)." {Foowiilt a*un Papgmi
EyyjMim, par E. Prisse d'Avennes, pi. xix., lines
7, 8). The natural inferences from this passage
are that Ptah-hotp wrote in the full possession of
his mental {acuities at the age of 110 years, and
that his Esther was still reigning at the time, and,
therefore, had attained the age of about 130 years,
or more. The analogy of all other documents of
the kind known to us does not permit a different
conclusion. That Ptah-hotp was the son of Assa
is probable from inscriptions in tombs at Memphis;
that he was a king's eldest son is expressly stated
by himself (Facnmilt, Ac., pi. v., lines 6, 7). Yet
be had not succeeded his father at the time of his
writing, nor does he mention that sovereign as
dead. The reigns assigned by Manetho to the
Shepherd-Kings of this dynasty seem indicative of
a greater age than that of the Egyptian sovereigns
(Cory's Ancient Fragment; 2d ed., pp. 114, 136).
It has been suggested to us by Mr. Goodwin that
110 years may be a vague term, meaning " a very
long life; " it seems to be so used in papyri of a
later time (». <'. dr. 1200). We rarely thus em-
ploy the term centenarian, more commonly employ-
ing sexagenarian and octogenarian, and this term
is therefore indicative of a greater longevity than
ours among the Egyptians. If the 110 years of
Ptah-hotp be vague, we must still suppose him to
have attained to an extreme old age during his
father's lifetime, so that we can scarcely reduce the
numbers 110 and about 130 more than ten years
respectively. This Egyptian document is of the
time of the Fifteenth Dynasty, and of so realistic
and circumstantial a character in its historical bear-
ings that the facts it states admit of no dispute.
Other records tend to confirm the inferences we
have here drawn. It seems, however, probable that
such instances of longevity were exceptional, and
perhaps more usual among tbe foreign settlers in
Egypt than the natives, and we have no ground for
considering that the length of generations was then
generally different from what it now is. For these
reasons we find no difficulty in accepting the state-
ments as to the longevity of Abraham and certain
of bis descendants, and can go on to examine the
details of the period under consideration as made
out from evidenoe requiring this admission. The
narrative affords the following data which we place
under two periods — (1) that from Abram's leaving
Haran to Jacob's entering Egypt; and (2) that
from Jacob's entering Egypt to the Exodus.
1. Age of Abnun on leaving Haran 76 ITS.
at Isaac's birth . 100
Age of Isaac at Jacob's birth . . 00
Age of Jacob on entering Vgjnt . 180
216 or 216 vie. »
a Banssn reckons Abraham's jr. 76 ss 1, sad yr
IV as 26, ai». makes the sum of a.b Interval treat tan
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CHRONOLOGY
I Ac* of Levi an entering Bgypt .... dr. 46
BesUneafhisllJe 92
Oppression alter tba death of Jacob's aoua
(Kx. 1.6,7, IT).
Age of Moses at Exodus 80
Age of Joaeph In the seme year .
Beddne of hi> life
Age of Meees at Exodus . .
172
161
These data make up about 387 or 888 years, to
irhich it is reasonable to make some addition, since
It appears that all Joseph's generation died before
the oppression commenced, and it is probable that
It had begun some tune before the birth of Moses.
The sum we thus obtain cannot be far different
from 430 years, a period for the whole sojourn that
these data must thus he held to confirm. The
genealogies relating to the time of the dwelling in
Egypt, if continuous, which there is much reason
to suppose some to be, are not repugnant to this
scheme; but on the other hand, one alone of them,
that of Joshua, in 1 Chr. (vii. 23, 25, 26, 27) if a
tuccutum, can be reconciled with the opinion that
Jates the 430 years from Jacob's entering into
Egypt. The historical evidence should be carefully
weighed. Its chief point is the increase of the Is-
raelites from the few souls who went with Jacob
into Egypt, and Joseph and his sons, to the six
hundred thousand men who came out at the Exo-
dus. At the former date the following are enumer-
ated — "besides Jacob's sons' wives," Jacob, his
twelve sons and one daughter (13), his fifty-one
grandsons and one granddaughter (52), and his
four great-grandsons, making, with the patriarch
himself, seventy souls (Gen. xlvi. 8-27). The gen-
eration to which children would be born about this
date may thus be held to have been of at least 51
pairs," since all are males except one, who most
probably married a cousin. This computation
takes no account of polygamy, which was certainly
practised at the time by the Hebrews. This first
generation must, except there were at the time
other female grandchildren of Jacob besides the one
mentioned (comp. Gen. xlvi. 7), have taken foreigi;
wives, and it is reasonable to suppose the same to
have been constantly done afterwards, though prob-
ably in a less degree. We cannot therefore found
our calculation solely on these 51 pairs, but must
allow for polygamy and foreign marriages. These
admissions being made, and the especial blessing
which attended the people borne in mind, the in-
terval of about 215 years does not seem too short
for the increase. On the whole, we have no hesi-
tation in accepting the 430 years as the length of
the interval from Abram's leaving Haran to the
Sxolua.
C Third Period, from the Exodus to the Foun-
lation of Solomon's Temple. — There is but one
passage from which we obtain the length of this
period as a whole. It is that in which the Founda-
tion of the Temple is dated in the 480th (Heb. ), or
440th (l.XX. ) year after the Exodus, in the 4th yr.
Id m. of Solomon's reign (1 K. vi. 1 ). Subtracting
sumbera 215 (Brw*'« fUut, 1. 180). This b Inaccu-
tte. alnco If 75 - 1, then 100 = 26. and the Interval
* 216.
<* Bunara ridicules Dr. Baumgarten of Kiel fcr sop-
eaetrit a residue of 59 r»*ra from 70 soala. "TMs t»-
OHBONOLOGT
from 480 or 440 yrs. the first three yrs. of i
and the 40 of David, we obtain (480 — 43=*) 417
or (440 — 43=) 397 yrs. These result* we bars
first to compare with the detached numbers. These
are as follows: — (a.) From Exodus to death of
Moses, 40 yrs. (5.) leadership of Joshua, 7 -4-a
yrs. (c.) Interval between Joshua's death and the
First Servitude x yrs. (d.) Servitudes and rule of
Judges until Eli's death, 430 yrs. (e. ) Period from
Eli's death to Saul's accession, 20 + x yrs. (/.)
Saul's reign, 40 yrs. (g.) David's reign, 40 yrs.
(A.) Solomon's reign to Foundation of Temple, 3
yrs. Sum, 8i + 680 yrs. It is possible to obtain
approximatively the length of the three wanting
numbers. Joshua's age at the Exodus was 20 or
20-|-x yrs. (Num. xiv. 29, 30), and at his death,
110: therefore the utmost length of his rule must
be (110 — 20 -(-40=) 50 yrs. After Joshua there
is the time of the Elders who overlived him, then a
period of disobedience and idolatry, a servitude of
8 yrs., deliverance by Othniel the son of Kenax,
the nephew of Caleb, and rest for 40 yrs. until
Othniel's death. The duration of Joshua's govern-
ment is limited by the circumstance that Caleb's
lot was apportioned to him in the 7th year of the
occupation, and therefore of Joshua's rule, when he
was 86 yrs. old, and that he conquered the lot after
Joshua's death. Caleb cannot be supposed to have
been a very old man on taking his portion, and it
is unlikely that he would have waited long before
attacking the heathen who held it, to say nothing
of the portion being his claimed reward for not
having feared the Anakim who dwelt there, a reward
promised him of the Lord by Moses and claimed
of Joshua, who alone of his fellow-spies had shown
the same faith and courage (Num. xiv. 34; Dent.
L 36; Josh. xiv. 6 ad Jm., xv. 13-19; Judg. I. 9-
15, 20). If we suppose that Caleb set out to con-
quer his lot about 7 years after its apportionment,
then Joshua's rule would be about 13 yrs., and be
would have been a little older than Caleb. The
interval between Joshua's death and the First
Servitude is limited by the history of Othniel. Ha
was already a warrior when Caleb conquered his lot;
he lived to deliver Israel from the Meaopotamian
oppressor, and died at the end of the subsequent
40 yrs. of rest. Supposing Othniel to have been
30 yrs. old when Caleb set out, and 110 yrs. at his
death, 32 yrs. would remain for the interval in
question. The rule of Joshua may be therefore
reckoned to have been about 13 yrs., and the sub-
sequent interval to the First Servitude about 32
yrs., altogether 47 yrs. These numbers cannot be
considered exact ; but they can hardly be far wrong,
more especially the sum. The residue of Samuel's
judgeship after the 20 yrs. from Eli's death until
the solemn fast and victory at Mizpeh, can scarcely
have much exceeded 20 yrs. Samuel must have
been still young at the time of Eli's death, and be
died very near the close of Saul's reign (1 Sam.
xxv. 1, xxvili. 3). If he were 10 yrs. old at the
former date, and judged for 20 yrs. after the victory
at Mizpeh, he would have been near 90 yrs. old
(10? + 20-f 207-+-88?) at his death, which ap-
pears to have been a long period of life at that time.
If we thus suppose the three uncertain tntarva]*,
malnder of 66 pair out of 70 souls puts us very moe|
In mind of lalstafl'a mode of reckoning." (Etypr'i
Plan, i. 178). Had the critic read Gen. xlvi. he wouU
not have made this extraordinary mtrtalre, and auowea
only three wives to 67 men.
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CHRONOLOGY
•> residue of Joshua's rale, th» lime after bis
lath to the Pint Servitude, and ftau. jia's rule I
ifter the victory at Mizpeh to have been reepectively
8, 33, and 90 yrs., the sum of the whole period will
be (580 + 58 = ) 638 yrs. Two Independent large
numbers seem to confirm this result. One u in
St. Paul's address at Antioch of Pisidia, where,
after speaking of the Exodus and the 40 yrs. in the
desert, he adds : " And when be had destroyed
seven nations in the land of Chanaan, he divided
their land onto them by lot. And after that he
gave [unto them] judges about the space of four
hundred and fifty years, until Samuel the prophet.
And afterward they desired a king " (Acts xiii. 19,
30, 21 ). This interval of 450 yrs. may be variously
explained, as commencing with OthnieTs deliver-
ance and ending with Eli's death, a period which
the numbers of the earlier books of the Bible, if
added together, make 422 yrs., or as commencing
with the First Servitude, 8 yis. more, 430 yrs., or
with Joshua's death, which would raise these num-
bers by about 30 yrs., or again it may be held to
end at Saul's accession, which would raise the
numbers given respectively by about 40 yrs. How-
ever explained, thU sum of 450 yrs. supports the
authority of the smaller numbers us forming an
essentially correct measure of the period. The other
large number occurs in Jephthah's message to the
king of the Children of Amman, where the period
during which Israel had held the land of the Amo-
rites from the first conquest either up to the begin-
ning of the Servitude from which they were about
to be freed, or up to toe very time, is given as W0
yrs. (Judg. xi- 26). The smaller numbers, with
the addition of 38 yrs. for two uncertain periods,
would make these intervals respectively 346 and 364
yrs. Here, therefore, there appears to be another
agreement with the smaller numbers, although it
does not amount to a positive agreement, since the
meaning might be either three centuries, as a vague
sum, or about 300 yrs. So far as the evidence of
4ie numbers goes, we must decide in favor of the
longer interval from the Exodus to the building of
the First Temple, in preference to the period of 480
jr 440 yrs. The evidence of the genealogies has
been held by some to sustain a different conclusion.
These lists, as they now stand, would, if of con-
tinuous generations, be decidedly in favor of an
interval of about 300, 400, or even 500 years, some
being much shorter than others. It is, however,
impossible to reduce them to consistency with each
ether without arbitrarily altering some, and the
result with those who have followed them as the
safest guides has been the adoption of the shortest
of the numbers just given, about 300 yrs." The
evidence of the genealogies may therefore be con-
sidered as probably leading to the rejection of all
numerical statements, but as perhaps less incon-
sistent with that of 480 or 440 yrs. than with the
rest. We have already shown (Technical Chro-
tofoyy) what strong reasons there are against using
the Hebrew genealogies to measure time. We pre-
Vr to hold to the evidence of the numbers, and to
ske as the most satisfactory the interval of about
138 yrs. from the Exodus to the Fcndation of
Uomon's Temple.
D. Fourth Period, from the Foundation of Sol-
i's Temple to its Destruction. — We have now
CHRONOLOGY
446
• B..Mi Borneo (,Effr"s Flaa,l. 176-7T)anh uepetas
CXrtm. it. JBg. i. 809) suppose tha genealogy of
«haul the wn of Uuiah the Uvite fl Car. vt. 22-M.
reached a period in which the differences of cbro-
nologers are no longer to be measured by centuries
but by tens of years and even single years, and
towards the close of which accuracy is attainable
The most important numbers in the Bible are gen-
erally stated more than once, and several means art
afforded by which their accuracy can be tested.
The principal of these tests ore the statements of
kings' ages at their Accessions, the double dating
of the accessions of kings of Judah in the reigns
of kings of Israel and the converse, and the double
reckoning by the years of kings of Judah and of
Nebuchadnezzar. Of these tests the most valuable
is the second, which extend* through the greater
part of the period under consideration, and prevents
our making any very serious error in computing its
length. The mentions of kings of Egypt and
Assyria contemporary with I lebrew sovereigns are
also of importance, and are likely to be more so,
when, as we may expect, the chronological places of
til these contemporaries are more nearly determined.
All records therefore tending to fix the chronologies
of Egypt and Assyria, as well as of Babylonia, are
of great value from their bearing on Hebrew chro
nology. At present the most important of such
records is Ptolemy's Canon, from which no sound
chronologer will venture to deviate. If all the
Biblical evidence is carefully collected and compared,
it will be found that some small and great incon-
sistencies necessitate certain changes of the num-
bers. The amount of the former class has, however
been much exaggerated, since several supposed in-
consistencies depend upon the non-recognition of
the mode of reckoning regnal years, from the com-
mencement of the year and not from the day of the
king's accession. The greater difficulties and some
of the smaller cannot be resolved without the sup-
position that numbers have been altered by copyists.
In these cases our only resource is to propose an
emendation. We must never take refuge in the
idea of an interregnum, since it is a much more
violent hypothesis, considering the facts of the his-
tory, than the conjectural change of a number.
Two interregnums have however been supposed,
one of 1 1 yrs. between Jeroboam II. and Zachariah,
and the other, of 9 yrs. between Pekah and Hoshea
The former supposition might seem to receive some
support from the words of the prophet Ho»m (x. 3,
7, and perhaps 15), which, however, may as well
imply a lax government, and the great power cf
the Israelite princes and captains, as an absolute
anarchy, and we must remember the improbability
of a powerful sovereign not having been at once
succeeded by bis son, and of the people having been
content to remain for some years without a king.
It is still more unlikely that in Hoshea's case a
king's murderer should have been able to take his
place after an interval of 9 yrs. We prefer in both
cases to suppose a longer reign of the earlier of the
two kings between whom the interregnums are con
jectured. With the exception of these two inter
regnums, we would accept the computation of tht
interval we are now considering given in the margin
ol the A. V. It must be added, that the date of
the conclusion of this period there given b. c. 588
must be corrscted to 586. The received chronology
as to its intervals cannot indeed be held to bit
beyond question in the time before Josiah'a i
eomp. 88-88) to be that of Saul tin Ung of Un*, I
almost uneoMMnrtaM* mistake.
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m»
CBBONOLOOr
skn op to the Foundation of the Temple, but we
jennet at present attain any better positive result
than that we have accepted. The whole period
may therefore be held to be of about 425 Yrs., that
of the undivided kingdom 130 yra., that of the
kingdom of Judah about 388 yra., and that of the
kingdom of Israel about 365 yrs. It is scarcely
possible that these numbers can be more than a
very few years wrong, if at all. (For a fuller treat-
ment of the chronology of the kings, see Israel,
Kingdom op, and Jddah, Kingdom of.)
E. Fifth Period, from the Destruction of Solo-
mon's Temple to the Return from the Babylonish
Captivity. — The determination of the length of
this period depends upon the date of the return to
Palestine lie decree of Cyrus leading to that
event was made in the 1st year of his reign, doubt-
less at Babylon (Ezr. i. 1), n. c. 538, but it does
not seem certain that the Jews at once returned.
So great a migration must have occupied much
time, and about two or three yrs. would not seem
too long .in interval for its complete accomplish-
ment after the promulgation of the decree. Two
numbers, held by some to be identical, must here
be considered. One is the period of 70 yrs., during
which the tyranny of Babylon over Palestine and
the East generally was to last, prophesied by Jere-
miah (xxv.), and the other, the 70 yrs. Captivity
(xxix. 10; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 21; Dan. ix. 3). The
commencement of the former period is plainly the
1st year of Nebuchadnezzar and 4th of Jehoiakim
(Jer. xxv. 1), when the successes of the king of
Babylon began (xlvi. 3), and the miseries of Jeru-
salem (xxv. 29)," and the conclusion, the fell of
Babylon (ver. 26). Ptolemy's Canon counts from
the accession of Nebuchadnezzar to that of Cyrus
86 yrs., a number sufficiently near to the round
sum of 70, which may indeed, if the yrs. be of 360
days ( Year) represent at the utmost no more than
about 69 tropical years. The famous 70 years of
captivity would seem to be the same period as this,
since it was to terminate with the return of the
captives (Jer. xxix. 10). The two passages in Zech.,
which speak of such an interval as one of desolation
(i. 12), and during which cuts connected with the
hat captivity had been kept (vii. 5), are not irre-
concilable with this explanation: a famous past
period might be spoken of, as the moderns speak
of the Thirty Years' War. These two passages are,
it must be noticed, of different dates, the first of
the 2d year of 1 fcirius Hystaspis, the second of the
4th year. — This period we consider to be of 48 -f-z
yrs., the doubtful number being the time of the
reign of Cyrus before the return to Jerusalem,
probably a space of about two or three years.
Principal Systttiu uf Biblical Ckromlugy. —
Upon the data we have considered three principal
systems of Biblical Chronology have been founded,
which may be termed the Long System, the Short,
and the Rabbinical. There is a fourth, which,
tltlumgh an oSshoot in part of the last, can scarcely
« In the book of Daniel (i. 1) the 3d year of
feboi&kim Is given Instead of the 4th, which may be
tccounted for by the circumstance that the Babylonian
year commenced earlier than the Hebrew, so that
Nebuchadnessar's 1st would commence In Jehoiakim's
3d, and be current In his 4th. In other books of the
Bible the yean of Babylonian kings seem to be gener-
ally Hebrew currant years. Two other difficulties may
M notieed. The 18th year of Nebuehadnessar in Jer.
at » seems to be for the 19th. The difficulty of the
CHKOITOLOOY
be termed Biblical, inasmuch as it depends for the
most part upon theories, not only independent of,
but repugnant to the Bible: this last is at present
peculiar to Baron Bunsen. Before noticing the**
systems it is desirable to point out some character-
istics of those who have supported them, which
may serve to aid our judgment in seeing how far
they are trustworthy guides. All, or almost all
have erred on the side of claiming for their results
a greater accuracy than the nature of the evidence
upon which they rested rendered possible. An-
other failing of these chronologers is a tendency to
accept, through a kind of false analogy, long or
short numbers and computations for intervals, rather
according as they have adopted the long or the short
reckoning of the patriarchal genealogies than on a
consideration of special evidence. It is as though
they were resolved to make the sum as great or as
small as possible. The Rabbins have in their chro-
nology afforded the strongest example of this error,
having so shortened the intervals as even egre-
giously to throw out the dates of the time of the
Persian rule. The German school is here an ex-
ception, for it has generally fallen into an opposite
extreme and required a far greater time than any
derivable from the Biblical numbers for the earlier
ages, while taking the Rabbinical date of the Ex-
odus, and so has put two portions of its chronology
in violent contrast. We do not lay much stress
upon the opinions of the early Christian writers, or
even Josephus: their method was uncritical, and
they accepted the numbers best known to them
without any feeling of doubt. We shall therefor*
confine ourselves to the moderns.
The principal advocates of the Long Chronology
are Jackson, Hales, and Des-Vignoles. They take
the LXX. for the patriarchal generations, and adopt
the long interval from the Exodus to the Founda-
tion of Solomon's Temple. The Short Chronology
has had a multitude of illustrious supporters owing
to its having been from Jerome's time the recog-
nized system of the West. Ussher may be con-
sidered as its most able advocate. He follows the
Hebrew in the patriarchal generations, and takes
the 480 years from the Exodus to the Foundation
of Solomon's Temple. The Rabbinical Chronology
has lately come into much notice from Ha partial
reception, chie8y by the German school. It accepts
the Biblical numbers, but makes the most arbitrary
corrections. For the date of the Exodus it has
been virtually accepted by Bunsen, Lepsius, and
Lord A. Hervey. The system of Bunsen we have
been compelled to constitute a fourth class of itself.
For the time before the Exodus he discards all Bib-
lical chronological data, and reasons altogether, as
it appears to us, on philological considerations.
The following table exhibits the principal dates ac-
cording to five writers.
The principal disagreements of these chronol-
ogers, beaides those already indicated, must be no-
ticed. In the post-diluvian period Hales rejects the
37th year of Jeholachln's captivity, 12m. 25d. (Jer.),
or 27 (2 K), fUIing according to the rendering of the
A. V in the 1st year of Bvu-Hendach (Jer. HI. SI ; 1
K. xxv. 27). may be explained, as Dr. Hincks sugawtt.
either by supposing the Heb., " in the year when ha
was king," to mean that b* reigned but one year a>
stead of two, as In the canon, or that Kvu-Meradaoa k
not the nuarodamus of the canon (Joura. Bar li>
Oct. 1808).
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OHBONOLOOY
OHKONOlAMx*
417
Creation
Flood
Abrmm leaves Hum ....
Bxodua
foundation of Solomon's Tempi*
Destruction of " "
ffsles.
Jackson.
Uasher.
Petavius.
B. C.
B. 0.
B. c
B. 0.
6111
6426
40M
8983
8166
8170
2848
2827
2078
2028
1921
1981
1648
1696
1492
1631
1027
ion
1012
1012
686
686
688
689
B. 0.
(Adam) dr. 20,000
(Nosh) dr. 10,008
1820
1004
686
sseond Cainaii and reckons Terah's age at Abram's
birth 130 instead of 70 years ; Jackson accepts the
neoud Cainan and does not make any change in the
second case ; Uashtr and Petavius follow the He-
brew, but the former alters the generation of Tenth,
while the latter does not. Bunsen requires " for the
Noachlan period about ten millennia before our era,
and for the beginning of our race another ten thou-
sand years, or very little more " ( Outline*, vol. ii. p.
18). These conclusions necessitate the abandon
merit of all belief in the historical character of
the Biblical account of the times before Abraham.
We cannot here discuss the grounds upon which
they seem to be founded : it may be stated, how-
ever, that those grounds may be considered to be
wholly philological. The writer does indeed speak
of " facts and traditions : " his facts, however, as
far as we can perceive, are the results of a theory
of language, and tradition is, from its nature, no
guide in chronology. How far language can be
taken as a guide is a very hard question. It is,
however, certain that no Semitic scholar has ac-
cepted Bunsen's theory. For the time from the
Exodus to the foundation of Solomon's Temple,
Ussher alone takes the 480 years; the rest, except
Bunsen, adopt longer periods according to their
sxplanations of the other numbers of this interval;
hut Bunsen calculates by generations. We have
already seen the great risk that is run in adopting
Hebrew genealogies for the measure of time, both
generally and in this case. The period of the
tings, from the foundation of Solomon's Temple,
'■» very nearly the same in the computations of
Jackson, Ussher, and Petavius : Hales lengthens it
by supposing an interregnum of 11 years after the
death of Amaziah ; Bunsen shortens it by reducing
the reign of Manasseh from 55 to 45 years. The
former theory is improbable and uncritical; the
latter is merely the result of a supposed necessity,
which we shall see has not been proved to exist; it
a thus needless, and in its form as uncritical as the
Jther.
Probnbte determination of dale* and internals. —
Having thus gone over the Biblical data, it only
remains for us to state what we believe to be the
most satisfactory scheme of chronology, derived
from a comparison of these with foreign data.
We shall endeavor to establish on independent ev-
idence, either exactly or approiiniatively, certain
main dates, and shall be content if the numbers
we have previously obtained for the intervals be-
tween them do not greatly disagree with those thus
tfhrded.
1. Due of the Destruction of Sobwn't Temple.
— Dm Temple was destroyed in the 19th year of
Nebuchadnezzar, in the 5th month of the Jewish
rear (Jer. lii. 12, 13; 9 K. xxv. 8, 9). In Ptol
amy's Canon, this year is current in the pnleptic
Julian year, B. c. 586, and the 6th month may
aa eonsid'red as about equal to August of that
2. Synchronism of Jonah and Pharaoh If echo.
— The death of Josiah can be clearly shown on
Biblical evidence to have taken place in the 93d
year before that in which the Temple was destroyed,
that is, in the Jewish year from the spring of b. c
608 to the spring of 607. Necho's 1st year is
proved by the Apis-tablets to have been most prob-
ably the Egyptian vague year, Jan. b. c. 609-8,
but possibly u. c. 610-9. The expedition in op-
posing which Josiah fell, cannot be reasonably dated
earlier than Necho's 2d year, u. c. 609-8 or 608-7.
It is important to notice that no earlier date of the
destruction of the Temple than b. c. 586 can be
reconciled with the chronology of Necho's reign.
We have thus B. c. 608-7 for the last year of Jo-
siah, and 638-7 for that of his accession, the for-
mer date falling within the time indicated by the
chronology of Necho's reign.
3. Synchromtm of Hezekiah and Tirhakoh. —
Tirliakah is mentioned as an opponent of Sennach-
erib shortly before the miraculous destruction of
his army in, according to the present text, the 14th
year of Hezekiah. It has been lately proved from
the Apis-tablets that the 1st year of Tirhakah'a
reign over Egypt was the vague year current in B.
c. 689. The 14th year of Hezekiah, according to
the received chronology, is B. c. 713, and, if we
correct it two years on account of the lowering of
the date of the destruction of the Temple, B. c.
711. If (Rawlinson's Herod, vol. i. p. 479, n. 1)
we hold that the expedition dated in Hezekiah's
14th year was different from that which ended in
the destruction of the Assyrian army, we must still
place the latter event before b. o. 695. There is,
therefore, a prima) fade discrepancy of at least 6
years. Bunsen (Bibelwerk y i. p. cccvi.) unhesitat-
ingly reduces the reign of Manasseh from 55 to 45
years. Lepsius (Kbnigsbuch, p. 104) more crit-
ically takes the 35 years of the I.XX. as the truo
duration. Were an alteration demanded, it would
seem best to make Manasseh's computation of his
reign commence with bis father's illness in prefer-
ence to taking the conjectural number 45 or the
very short one 36. The evidence of the chronol-
ogy of the Assyrian and Babylonian kings is, how
ever, we think, conclusive in favor of the sum of 55.
In the Bible we are told that Shahnaneser laid
siege to Samaria in the 4th year of Hezekiah, and
that it was taken in the 6th year of that king (2
K. xviii. 9, 10). The Assyrian inscriptions indi-
cate the taking of the city by Sargon in his 1st or 2d
year, whence we must suppose either that he com-
pleted the enterprise of Shahnaneser, to whom tbt
capture is not expressly ascribed in the Scriptures, a
that be took the credit of an event which happened
| just before his accession. The 1st year of Sargon
's shown by the inscriptions to have been exactly
| or nearly equal to the Is? of Merodach-BsJadan
I Mardocempadus : therefore It was current B. o. 791
1 or 720, and the 2d year, 720 or 719. This would
.jibce Heseldah's acoassioE b. c. 726, 795, or 794.
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CHRONOLOGY
Mm 3d I ting the very date the Hebrew numbers
give Agaia, Merodach-Baladan sent messengers
to Hezekiah immediately after his sickness, and
Jherefore in about his 15th year, h. c. 710. Ac-
cording to Ptolemy's Canon, Mardocempadus
reigned 721-710, and, according to lierosus, seized
the regal power for 6 months before Elihus, the
Belibus of the Canon, and therefore in about 703,
this being, no doubt, a second reign. Here the
preponderance of evidence is in favor of the earlier
dates of Hezekiah. Thus far the chronological
data of Kgypt and Assyria appear to clash in
a manner that seems at first sight to present a
hopeless knot, but not on this account to be rashly
rat. An examination of the facts of the history
has afforded Dr. Hincks what we believe to be the
true explanation. Tirhakah, he observes, is not
txpUdtly termed Pharaoh or king of Kgypt in the
Bible, but king of Cush or Ethiopia, from which
It might be inferred that at the time of Sennach-
srib's disastrous invasion he had not assumed the
trown of Egypt. The Assyrian inscriptions of
Sennacherib mention kings of Kgypt and a con-
temporary king of Ethiopia in alliance with them.
The history of Kgypt at the time, obtained by a
comparison of the evidence of Herodotus and others
with that of Manetho's lists, would lead to the
same or a similar conclusion, which appears to be
remarkably confirmed by the prophecies of Isaiah.
We hold, therefore, as most probable, that at the
time of Sennacherib's disastrous expedition, Tir-
hakah was king of Ethiopia in alliance with the
king or kings of Egypt. It only remains to ascer-
tain what evidence there is for the date of this ex-
pedition. First, it must be noted that the warlike
operations of Sennacherib recorded in the Bible
have been conjectured, as alreaHy mentioned, to be
those of two expeditions. The fine paid by Heze-
kiah is recorded in the inscriptions as a result of
an expedition of Sennacherib's 3d year, which, by a
comparison of Ptolemy's Canon with Berosus, must
be dated B. o. 700, which would fall so near the
close of the reign of the king of Judah, if no
alteration be made, that the supposed second ex-
pedition, of which there would naturally lie no
.word in the Assyrian annals on account of its ca-
lamitous end, could uot be placed much later. The
Biblical account would, however, be most reason-
ably explained by the supposition that the two ex-
peditions were but two campaigns of the same war, a
war but temporarily interrupted by Hezekiah's sub-
mission. Since the first expedition fell in n. c. 700,
we have not to suppose that the reign of Tirhakah
in Ethiopia commenced more than 1 1 years at the
utmost before bis accession in Egypt, a supposition
vhich, on the whole, is far preferable to the dis-
. seating attempts that have been made to lower the
^eign of Hezekiah. This would, however, necessi-
tate a substitution of a later date in the place of
the 14th year of Hezekiah for the first expedition.
(See especially Dr. Hindu's paper •• On the Recti-
fications of Sacred and 1*1061116 Chronology, which
the newly-discovered Apis-steles render necessary,"
in the Journal of Snered Literature, Oct. 1858 ;
and Kawlinson's Herod, i. 478-480). The syn-
thronisnis of Hosbea and Shalmanescr, Pekah and
nglath-Piksrr, Menahem and Pul, have not yet
ben approximatively determined on double evi-
dence.
4. SynrhronumofRehodoam and Sliithnk. — The
Biblical evidence for this synchronism is as follows:
Hehoboam appears tc have come to the throne
CHRONOLOGY
about 249 years before the accession of Hrsakkk,
and therefore B. c. cir. 973. The invasion of 8M-
shak took place in his 6th year, by this computa-
tion, 969. Shishak was already on the throw
when Jeroboam fled to him from Solomon. This
event happened during the building of Millo, Ac.
when Jeroboam was head of the workmen of the
house of Joseph (1 K. xi. 26-40, see esp. rer. 29).
The building of Millo and repairing of the breaches
of the city of David was after the building of thi
house of Pharaoh's daughter,' that was constructed
about the same time as Solomon's house, the com-
pletion of which is dated in his 23d year (1 K. vi.
1, 37, 38, vii. 1; 2 Chr. viii. 1). This building is
recorded after the occurrences of the 24th year of
Solomon, for Pharaoh's daughter remained in Je-
rusalem until the king had ended building his own
house, and the temple, and the wall of Jerusalem
round about (1 K. iii. 1), and Millo was built after
the removal of the queen (ix. 24 ) ; therefore, as Jer-
oboam was concerned in this building of Milk) and
repairing the breaches, and was met " at that time "
(xi. 29) by Ahyah, and in consequence had to flea
from the country, the '24th or 25th year is the most
probable date. Thus Shishak appears to have come
to the throne at least 21 or 22 years before hi* ex-
pedition aguiust Kehoboam. An inscription at the
quarries of Sihilis in Upper Egypt records the cut-
ting of stone in the 22d year of Sheshonk I., or
Shishak, for constructions in the chief temple of
Thebes, where we now find a record of his conquest
of Judah (ChampoUion, Uttret, pp. 190, 191).
On these grounds we may place the accession of
Shishak b. c. cir. 990. The evidence of Manetho's
lists, compared with the monuments, would place
this event within a few years of this date, for they
do not allow us to put it much before or aftet 7. c.
1000, an approach to correctness which at this
period is very valuable. It is not possible here to
discuss this evidence in detail.
6. hxnlut. — Arguments founded on independ-
ent evidence afford the Lest means of deciding which
is the most probable computation from Biblical evi-
dence of the date of the Exodus. A comparison
of the Hebrew calendar with the Egyptian baa led
the writer to the following result: The civil com-
mencement of the Hebrew year was with the new
moon nearest to the autumnal equinox ; and at the
approximative date of the Exodus obtained by the
long reckoning, we find that the Egyptian vague
year commenced at or about that point of time.
This approximative date, therefore, falls about the
time at which the vague year and the Hebrew year,
as dated from the autumnal equinox, nearly or ex-
actly coincided in their commencements. It may
lie reasonably supposed that the Israelites in the
time of the oppression had made use of the vague
year as the common year of the country, which
indeed is rendered highly probable by the circum-
stance that they bad mostly adopted the Egyptian
religion (Josb. xxiv. 14; Ez. xx. 7, 8), the celebra-
tions of which were kept according to this year.
When, therefore, the festivals of the Law rendered
a year virtually tropical necessary, of the kind either
restored or instituted at the Exodus, it seems most
probable that the current vague year was fixed ui~
der Moses. If this supposition be correct, we should
expect to find that the 14th day of Abih, on wbieb
fell the full moon of the Passover of the Exodus
corresponded to the 14th day of a Phameuoth, in s
vague year commencing about the autumnal equi-
nox It has been ascertained by oomvutatinn thai
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• fbO moon fell on the 14th day of Phamenoth, on
Thursday, Aprl! 21st, in the year B. c. 1652." A
full moon would not fall on the same day of the
vague year at a shorter interval than 25 yeara be-
fore or after this date, while the triple coincidence
of the new moon, vague year, and autumnal equi-
nox could not reuur in less than 15(10 vague years
(Enc Brit. 8th ed. Egypt, p. 459). The date thus
obtained is but 4 years earlier than Haks's, and the
interval from it to that of the Foundation of Sol-
omon's Temple, B. c. cir. 1010, would be about
843 years, or 4 yean in excess of that previously
obtained from the numerical statements in the Bi-
ble. It must be borne in mind that the inferences
from the celebration of great passovers also led us
to about the same time. In later articles we shall
show the manner in which the history of Egypt
agrees with this conclusion. [Egypt; Exodus,
thk.] Setting aside Ussher's preference for the
480 y«rs, as resting upon evidence far less strong
than the longer computation, we must mention the
principal reasons urged by Bunsen and I>epsius in
support of the Rabbinical date. The reckoning by
the genealogies, upon which this date rests, we have
already shown to be unsafe. Several points of his-
torical evidence are, however, brought forward by
these writers as leading to or confirming this date.
Of then the most important is the supposed ac-
count of the Exodus given by Manetho, the Egyp-
tian historian, placing the event at about the same
time as the Rabbinical date. This narrative, how-
ever, is, on the testimony of Josephus, who has
preserved it to us, wholly devoid of authority, be-
ing, according to Hanetho's own showing, a record
of uncertain antiquity, and of an unknown writer,
and not part of the Egyptian annals. An indica-
tion of date has also been supposed in the mention
that the name of one of the treasure-cities built for
Pharaoh by the Israelites during the oppression
was Raamses (Ex. i. 11), probably the same place as
the Barneses elsewhere mentioned, the chief town
»f a tract so called. [Rameses.] This name if
the same as that of certain well-known kings of
Egypt of the period to which by this scheme the
Exodus would be referred. If the story given by
Manetho be founded on a true tradition, the great
oppressor would have been Rameses II., second king
if the 19th dynasty, whose reign is variously ss-
tigned to the 14th and 13th centuries B. c. It is
further urged that the first king Rameses of the
Egyptian monuments and Manetho's lists is the
gcuulfatber of this king, Rameses I., who was the
■Vst sovereign of the 18th dynasty, and reigned at
the utmost about 60 yeara before his grandson. It
must, however, be observed, that there is great rea-
son for taking the lower dates of both kings, which
would make the reign of the second after the Rab-
binical date of the Exodus, and that in this case
both Hanetho's statement must be of course set
aside, as placing the Exodus in the reign of this
king's son, and the order of the Biblical narrative
must be transposed that the building of Raamses
should not fall before the accession of Rameses I.
The argument that there was no king Rameses be-
fore Rameses I. is obviously weak as a negative
one, more especially as the names of very many
CHRONOLOGY
449
■ This was calculated for the writer at the Boral
Msarratorv, through lb* klndneM of the Ajtrontm-r-
•ayal. — Horn JBg. p. 217.
• Abraham is said to have been 76 years old when
i (0en. ill. 4), but this does not
39
kings of Egypt, particularly those of the period to
which we assign the Exodus, are wanting. It loses
almost all its force when we find that a son of Ash-
men, Araosis, the head of the 18th dynasty, \ari-
ously assigned to the 17th and 16th centuries n. c.
bore the name of Rameses, which name from its
meaning (son of Ra or the sun, the god of Heli-
opolis, one of the eight great gods of Egypt) would
almost necessarily be a not very uncommon one,
and Raamses might therefore have been named
from an earlier king or prince bearing the name
long before Rameses I. The history of Egypt pre
sents great difficulties to the reception of the theory
together with the Biblical narrative, difficulties so
great that we think they could only be removed by
abandoning a belief in the historical character of
that narrative : if so, it is obviously futile to found
an argument upon a minute jioiiit, the occurrence
of a single name. The historical difficulties on
the Hebrew side in the period after the Exodus are
not less serious, and have induced Bunsen to ante-
date Moses' war beyond Jordan, and to compress
Joshua's rule into the 40 years in the wilderness
(Bibehcerk, i. pp. ccxxviii.-ix.), and so, we venture
to think, to forfeit his right to reason on the details
of the narrative relating to the earlier period. This
compression arises from the want of space for the
Judges. The chronology of events so obtained is
also open to the objection brought against the longer
schemes, that the Israelites could not have been in
Palestine during the campaigns in the East of the
Pharaohs of the 18th, 19th, and 20th dynasties,
since it does not seem possible to throw those of
Rameses III. earlier than Bunsen's date of the be-
ginning of the conquest of western Palestine by the
Hebrews. This question, involving that of the pol-
icies and relation of Egypt and the Hebrews, will
be discussed in later articles. [Egypt; Exodus,
the.] We therefore take b. c. 1652 as the most
satisfactory date of the Exodus (see Duke of North-
umberland's paper in Wilkinson's Anc. Eg. i. 77-
81 ; Bunsen, Bibtbeerh, i. pp. ccxi.-ccxiu., cexxiii.
ff. ; Lepsius, ChronologU der jEggpter, i. 814 ft).
6. D ile of the Commencement of the 430 years
of Sojourn. — We have already given our reasons
for holding the 430 years of Sojourn to have com-
menced when Abraham entered Palestine, and that
it does not seem certain that the Exodus was the
anniversary of the day of arrival. It is reasonable,
however, to hold that the interval was of 430 com-
plete years or a little more, commencing about the
time of the vernal equinox, b. c. 2082, or nearer
the beginning of that proleptic Julian year. Before
this date we cannot attempt to obtain anything he
yond an approximative chronology.
7. Date of the Ditperaon. — Taking the LXX.
numbers as most probable, the Dispersion, if co-
incident with the birth of Peleg, must be placed
B. c. dr. 2698, or, if we accept Ussher's correction
of the age of Terah at the birth of Abraham, cir.
2758.* We do not give round numbers, since doing
so might needlessly enlarge the limits of error.
8. Date of the Flood. — The Flood, as ending
about 401 years before the birth of Peleg, would be
placed b. c. cir. 3099 or 3159. The year preeed
iug, or the 402d, was that mainly occupied by the
sarlly imply that be had done mora than enter apou
his 76th year. (Comp. the ease of Noah, vtt. 6, U,
18.) AU the dates, therefore, bafon s. o. 3082, might
have to be lowered one year.
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•atastrophe. It is most reasonable to suppose the
Noachian colonists to have begun to spread about
three centuries alter the Flood. If the Division at
Peleg's birth be really the same as the Dispersion
after the building of the Tower, this supposed in-
terval would not be necessarily to be lengthened,
for the text of the account of the building of the
Tower does not absolutely prove that all Noah's
descendants were concerned in it, and therefore
some may have previously taken their departure
from the primeval settlement. The chronology of
Egynt. derived from the monuments and Manetho,
is held by some to indicate for the foundation of
its first kingdom a much earlier period than would
be consistent with this scheme of approximative
Biblical dates. The evidence of the monuments,
however, does not seem to us to carry hack this
event earlier than the latter part of the 28th cent-
ury B. c. The Assyrians and Babylonians have
not been proved, on satisfactory grounds, to have
reckoned back to so remote a time; but the evi-
dence of their monuments, and the fragments of
their history preserved by ancient writers, as in the
ease of the Egyptians, cannot be reconciled with
the short interval preferred by Ussher. As far as
we can learn, no independent historical evidence
points to an earlier period than the middle of the
88th century n. c. as the time of the foundation of
kingdoms, although the chronology of Egypt reaches
to about this period, while that of Babylon and other
states does not greatly fall short of the same antiq-
uity.
9. Ottt itf the Crentitm of Adam The num-
bers given by the LXX. for the antediluvian patri-
archs would place the creation of Adam 2262 years
before the end of the Flood, or B. c. cir. 6361 or
5421. R. 3. P.
* The assignment of only 215 years to the so-
journ in Egypt (see No. 6 above) is far from meet-
ing with general acceptance. It has indeed come
down from the Septuagint as the traditional theory,
hut in modern times has been strongly opposed.
Of i hose who dissent from that view are Rosen-
,miiUer, Hoftnann, Jahn, Ewald, Oesenius, Winer,
Tnch, Kurtz, Delitzsch, Keil, Knobel, Kalisch, and
many others of similar rank as scholars. On this
question the reader may consult especially, Knobel
on Ki. xii. 40 (KxeqH. Handb. xii. 121), and Kurtz
(llUlm-y of the Old Covenant, ii. 135 ft, Eng. tr.).
There are two texts that seem quite distinct and
unequivocal. Ex. xii. 40 asserts that the abode in
Egyi* was 430 years — even though we translate
"who aliode in Egypt." And here is found no
manuscript variation in the Hebrew text- It is
supported by Targuni Onkelos, the Syriac, and
Vulgate. TTie Septuagint (Codex Vatican.), how-
ever, has introduced the words " and in the land
of Canaan," while the Alexandrian Codex adds also,
" they and their lathers." This change, though
found in the Targum Jonathan and the Samaritan
version, at once suggests, by its two-fold explana-
Kin, the suspicion of an artificial emendation to
neet a difficulty. That these words, once in the
text, should have been omitted, is hardly probable :
that they should have crept in to solve various dif-
ficulties, is quite natural. Again, Gen. xv. 13 de-
clares the future servitude and affliction, not of
Abraham, but of his " seed " "in a land not
theirs," to be "400 years," in round numbers.
The suggestion that this was to be partly in Ca-
naan, is cut off by the statement that it should be
u • land not theirs — one land too — in strong
CHRONOLOGY
contrast to the repeated guaranty of the land el
Canaan (vs. 7, 8, 18) to Abraham and his seed as
their own. The inclusion of any part of Abra-
ham's own history in this period of servitnde and
affliction seems forbidden by the positive assurance
(ver. 15) that he should go to his grave in peace.
and the manifest assignment of this servitude (as
Tuch remarks) to the distant future. Besides,
Abraham's residence in Egypt had taken place he-
fore the prophecy was uttered. The statement of
Stephen (Acts vii. 6, 7) accords with this interpre-
tation. Paul, however (Gal. iii. 17), reckons H )
years between the promise to Abraham and the
giving of the law; but it is remarked by K irt*
Keil, and others, that he simply conforms to the
traditions] view of the synagogue and the phi arc
oiogy of the Septuagint, which alone was in the
bands oT his Gentile readers, and because the pre
cise length of time did not anect his argument
It was, on any view, 430 years. (It should be
mentioned in passing that Josephus gives 400
years, Ant. ii- 9, §1; B. J. v. 9, § 4 ; and 215 years,
Ant. ii. 15, § 2; comp. c. Apion. i. 33.)
It is alleged against the 430 years that the time
was hut four generations (Gen. xv. 16). But the
reply is obvious that verses 13 and 15 cannot con-
flict, and the generation is therefore "the sum
total of the lives of all the men living at the same
time " (llofmann), or, in the time of the patriarchs,
a hundred years (Gesenius). But it is still affirmed
that but four generations are commonly mentioned
in the genealogy of individuals. To which it is
answered, the specification of four main links (per
haps in conformity to the very language of proph-
ecy) does not exclude others; and we actually find
six generations mentioned from Joseph to Zelo-
phehad (Num. xxri. 29 If.), seven from Judah to
Bezaleel (1 Chr. ii. 3 ft), and ten or eleven from
Ephraim to Joshua (1 Chr. vii. 22 ff.). And s
comparison of the two genealogies of Levi in Ex
vi. and 1 Chr. vi., shows that there are names omit-
ted in tbe former which have been procured fron
other sources for the latter.
Tbe one real difficulty is found in the parentage
of Moses. If Amram his father (Ex. vi. SO) was
the same with Amram the grandson of Levi (Ex.
vi. 18), and if Jochebed his mother was strictly
Levi's daughter (Ex. vi. 20 ; Num. xxvi. 59), it is a
fatal objection. But that Moses' father could not
lie the tribe or family-father Amram, has been, we
think, shown from Num. iii. 27, 28, where it ap-
pears that in Motes' time the Amramites, Izehar-
ites, Hebronites, and UzzielHes (the four affiliated
branches of Kohath's descendants), numbered 8,600
males. Allowing one-fourth of these to the Am-
ramites would give them over two thousand males;
and as Moses had but two sons to be included with
himself in this number, it follows that if this Am-
ram, the head of this family, were the father of
Moses, then Moses must have had over 2,000 broth-
ers and brothers' sons — the women and girb of
the family not being reckoned. The tribe-father
must therefore have been a different man from the
father of Moses But was Jochebed Levi's daugh-
ter? In Ex. ii. 1 she is called "a daughter of
Levi;" but the connection admits the same gen-
eral sense as the phrase " a daughter of Abraham '
(Luke xiii. 16). That she was her husband's aunl
(Ex. vi. 20), even if we interpret the expression
rigidly, will decide nothing ss to her parentage ex-
cept in connection with his parentage. Tbe pat
sage Num. xxvi. 59 certainly pre s ent s a ""*
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CHRONOLOGY
Bat the original leaves it more indefinite than oar
renoon, " a daughter of Levi, whom- one bore [who
was born] to him in Egypt." Here the LXX.
read thm : fJirydYnp Ami, ♦) frnc* roirovs T<p
An/1 t> AfytWy, — the roirovt evidently refer-
ring to Mosea, Aaron, ana Miriam. One Hebrew
manuscript has a similar reading, DHS instead of
Pin."*. Kurtz does not hesitate, under the cir-
cumstances (including this diversity between the
Or. and Heb.), to regard the whole clause after
*1 °?">"12 as a gloss, appended by some one who
understood the phrase " daughter of Levi " in a
strict sense, and endeavored to soften down the
improbability by explaining that the daughter was
torn in Egypt. Without going this length, we
venture to regard the verse in the original as not ab-
solutely decisive, — although its first aspect seems
to be so. But when we consider the vagueness of
the expression used ; when we remember that Levi
must have been at least 135 years old at her birth
if Jochebed were his daughter; when we recall the
ten or eleven generations from Ephraim to Joshua ;
when we observe the distinctness of the declarations
in Ex. xii. 40 and Gen. xv. 13, as to the time spent
in Egypt; when we remember the increase from 70
souls to 600,000 fighting men ; — we seem to en-
counter far less difficulty in fixing the time of
sojourn in Egypt at 430 than at 315 years.
8.CB.
* Literature. — Among the more recent works
relating to Biblical chronology may be mentioned : —
Gumpach, fiber den ak/Odudun Kalender, at-
nachst in seiner Beaching zur neatest. Geschickte,
Brussel, 1848; and Die Zdtrechmmg der Bjbylo-
nier u. Assyrer, Heidelb. 1853; Seyffluth, Chro-
nologia Sacra, Leipz. 1846 ; Berichtigvngcn d.
rim., yriech., pert., dgypU, hebrauchen Gesch. u.
ZcUrtchnung, Leipx. 1855; and Summary of Re-
cent IHscootries in Biblical Chronology, New York,
1857 ; Fausset, Sacred Chronology, Oxf. 1855;
Oppert, Chronologic da Auyrient et del Babylo-
niens, Paris, 1857 (from the Ann. de la phil. ehri-
tienne); Lehmann, ChrunoL Bettimmung der in d.
ApoHclgttck. Cap. 13-38 erzShlten Btgebenhdten
(in the TheoL Stud. u. Krit. 1858, pp. 313-339);
Wolff, O., Vertuch, die WidertprOche in denJahr-
reihen der KSnige Juda's a. Isr. u. andere Differ-
cmen m d. oibL ChronoL auBugleichen (ibid. pp.
035-688); Bunsen, Bibelaerk, Bd. i. p. cei. ff., and
Mi. v. (1858-80); Parker, F., Chronology, Lond.
1859; ShimeaH, Our Bible Chronology . . . crit-
ically exi mined and demonstrated, New York, 1860,
— finds the end of the world A. D. 1868; Bosan-
^'tet, Assyrian and Hebrew Chronology compared
(in the J num. of the Roy. As. Soe. of Great Brit-
tin, 1864, N. S. 1. 146-180); and Conspectus of
Ftbreui Chronology from Solomon to the Birth cf
Christ, t/ond. (1866?); Roach, art. Zdtrechnung,
bV''ische. in Herzog's Real-EncyH. xviii. 431-471
(1864); Riickerath, Bibhsche Chronologic, a. t. w.
wh d.i bibL a. auuerbioL Quelten bearbtUet,
M muter, 1865; Lewin, fasti Sacri (from B. c. 70
to A. n. 70), Lond. 1865; and Wieseler, art. Zeit-
-tchntmg, neutestamentliche, in Henog's Rtal-Kn-
CHXJB
461
• Iptphanlus, in his Twrlve Sumtt of the Rationale,
kaa got " Ohrrsoute, by some called s-rysophyllus, or
% golden wlor, and found close to the walla of Baby-
lon." Pliny makes several varieties o* tola .ante;
sis (rat Is doubtless tbeOrlental topaa. — C W. King.
cyU. xxi. 543-570 (1866). The art. Cftronotooj.
in the 3d edition of Kitto'a CycL of Bib. Lit. is by
the Kev. Henry Browne, author of Ordo Saclorum.
See further the statements and references under
Acts op the Apostles ; Assyria ; Egypt;
Gospels; Jesus Christ; Paul. A.
CHRYSOLITE (xavo-tfAifor: chrysoUthus),
one of the precious stones in the foundation of the
heavenly Jerusalem (Rev. xxi. 30). It has been
already stated [Beryl] that the chrysolite of the
ancients is identical with the modern Oriental to
paz, the tarshish of the Hebrew Bible." There ia
much reason for believing that the topaz is the stone
indicated by the ■ypuaiktios of St. John's vision.
See Beryl. W. U.
CHRYSOPRASE (xftxriwoao-ot : csrsso-
prasus) occurs only in Rev. xxi. 20 [in A. V. there
"chrysoprasus"], as one of the precious stones
mentioned in St. John's vision. The chrysoprase
of the ancients * is by some supposed to be identi-
cal with the stone now so called, namely, the apple
or leek-green variety of agate, which owes its color to
oxide of nickel ; this stone at present is found only
in Silesia; but Mr. King (Antique Gems, p. 69,
note) says that the true chrysopraae is sometimes
found in antique Egyptian jewelry set alternately
with bits of lapis-Uzuli ; it is not improbable there-
fore that this is the stone which was the tenth in
the walls of the heavenly Jerusalem. W. H.
* The Anglicized form "chrysoprase" occurs
in the margin of Ex. xxvii. 16, and xxviii. 13 (A.
V.) where it stands for " agate " and " emerald "
in the text, which represent different Hebrew words-
See Chalcedohy. H.
CHUB (313 : Af/3u«: Chub), a word occur-
ring only once in the Heb., the name of a people
in alliance with Egypt in the time of Nebuchad-
nezzar (Ez. xxx. 5). " Cush, and Phut, and Lud,
and all the mingled people (3"]V?). *oi Chub, and
the children of the land of the covenant, shall fall
by the sword with them " (t. e. no doubt the Egypt-
ians: see ver. 4). The first three of these names
or designations are of African peoples, unless, but
this is improbable, the Shemite Lud be intended
by the third (see however, xxvii. 10, xxxviii. 5; la
lxvi. 19 ; Jer. xlvi. 9); the fourth is of a people on
the Egyptian frontier ; and the sixth probably ap
plies to the remnant of the Jews who had fled into
Egypt (oomp. Dan. xi. 38, 30, 32, especially the
last, where the covenant is not qualified as "holy"),
which was prophesied to perish for the most part
by the sword and otherwise in that country (Jer.
xlii. 16, 17, 22, xliv. 13, 13, 14, 37, 28). This
fifth name is therefore that of a country or people
in alliance with Egypt, and probably of d srthern
Africa, or of the lands near Egypt to thu south.
Some have proposed to recognize Chub in the names
of various African places — Ko/fM), » port ° n loe
Indian Ocean (Ptol. iv. 7, § 10), XvjSdV or Xeo/9<(0
in Mauritania (iv. 3, $ 9), and Kd0toy or Kv0W
in the Maraotic noma in Egypt (iv. 6) — conject-
ures which are of no value except u showing the
existence of sunilav names where we might expect
this to have had its place. Others, however, think
» Tha. of SoUnua (lv.) exactly agrees with our In
dlan chrysolite : " UhiYsopnuos qnoquo sx aatro at
porraceo naxtam lucem tmhantas saquo baryUrrsas
gansrl adjn di cars ru Bt."
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CHUH
the present Heb. text corrupt In this word. It baa
been therefore proposed to read 213 for Nubia, aa
the Arab. vera, hai "the people the Noobeh,"
whence it might be supposed that at least one copy
of the LXX. had r as the first letter: one Heb.
MS. indeed reads 2130 (Cod. 409, ap. de Koaai).
The Arab. vers, it, howerer, of very alight weight,
and although 2133 might be the ancient Egyptian
form or pronunciation of 213, aa Winer observes
(t. v.), vet we have no authority of this kind for
applying it to Nubia, or rather the Nuba?, the
countries held by whom from Strata's time to our
own are by the Egyptian inscriptions included in
Keesh or Kesh, that is, Cuah: the Nubrc, however,
may not in the prophet's days have been settled In
any part of the territory which has taken from them
its name. Far better, on the score of probability,
b the emendation which Hitadg proposes, 21 •
{Begriffder Kritik, p. 129). The Lubim, doubt-
less the Mizruite Lehabim of Gen. x. 13; 1 Cbr.
i. 11, are mentioned as serving with Cushim in the
army of Shishak (2 Chr. xii. 2, 3), and in that of
Zerah (xri. 8; oomp. xiv. 9), who was most prob-
ably also a king of Egypt, and certainly the leader
of an Egyptian army [Cusii : Zerah]. Nahum
•peaks of them as helpers of Thebes, together with
Put (Phut), while Cush and Egypt were her
strength (iii. 8, 9); and Daniel mentions the Lu-
bim and Cushim aa submitting to or courting a
conqueror of Egypt (xi. 43). The Lubim might
therefore well occur among the peoples suffering in
the fall of Egypt. There is, however, this objection,
that we have no instance of the supposed form
21 , the noun being always given in the plural —
Lubim. In the absence of better evidence we pre-
fer the reading of the present Heb. text, against
which little can be urged but that the word oc-
curs nowhere else, although we should rather expect
• well-known name in such a passage. R. S. P.
CHUN 0*9 : 4k riv Ik\*ktw wi\*mt ;
.oseph. Mix""'- £*""- The wora8 of the LXX.
look as if they bad read Berothai, a word very like
which — "PPJ — they frequently render by «kA<k-
tAs), 1 Chr. xviii. 8. [Berothah.]
CHURCH CEKK&qo-fa) — I. The derivation
vf the word Church is uncertain. It is found in the
Teutonic and Slavonian languages (Anglo-Saxon,
SVc, Circt, Cyric, Cyricea; English, Church;
Scottish, Kirk; German, Kirche ; Swedish, Kyrka;
Danish, Kyrke ; Dutch, Knrke; Swiss, Kilche ;
Frisian, Tzitrk; Bohemian, Cyrkea; Polish, Crr-
■cieto ; Russian, Zerkow), and answers to the deriv-
ntlves of litKKi\al*y which are naturally found in
be Romance languages (French, Egliie ; Italian,
Chieta ; old Vaudois, Glean ; Spanish, /i/tetin),
and by foreign importation elsewhere (Gothic,
AikkUtjd ; Gaelic, JCaglaU ; Welsh, Egtwyt ; Cor-
nish, Egbu). The word is generally said to be
derived from the Greek Kvpuutir (Walafrid Strain,
De Rebut Eccletuut. c. 7; Suicer, «. v. Kvpuucir;
Gloaurium, $. v. " Domlnieum ; " Casaubon, Ex-
trcU. Baron, xiil. § xviii. ; Hooker, EccL Pol v.
xiii. 1 ; Pearson, On the Creed, Art fat. ; Beveridge,
On lit Thirty- Nine Articla, Art xlx.; Words-
worth, Theopkilue Anglican**, o. 1 : deader, Ecckt.
Raton/, e. i; Trench, Study of Wordt, p. 75).
But the derivation has been too hastily assumed.
CHURCH
The arguments in its favor are the fouosing: (h
A similarity of sound. (2. ) The statement of Walk
frid Strabo. (3.) The fact that the word mpicutoi
was undoubtedly used by Greek ecclesiastics in the
sense of " a church," as proved by a reference U
the Canons of the Council of Ancyra (Can. xiv.)
of Neocseearea (Can. v., xiii.), of Laodicea (Can
xxviii.), and of the Council in Trullo (Can. lxxiv.)
to Maximin's Edict (in Euseh. B. E. ix. 10), to
Eusebius' Oration in praise of Constantino (c. xviii.),
to the Apostolical Constitutions (ii. 69), to Cyril
of Jerusalem {CaUch. xviii.), and to a similar use
of " Dominicum " by Cyprian, Jerome, Rufinns.
Ac. (4.) The possibility of its having passed as •
theological term from the Greek into the Teutonic
and Slavonian languages. (6.) lie analogous
meaning and derivation of the Ethiopic word for
Church, which signifies "the house of Christ"
On the other hand it requires little acquaintance
with philology to know that (1.) similarity of sound
proves nothing, and is capable of raising only the
barest presumption. (2.) A mediaeval writer's
guess at an etymology is probably founded wholly
on similarity of sound, and is as worthless as the
derivations with which St Augustine's works are
disfigured (Moroni derives C'hiesa from leyouutip
in his Diaonario Storico-eecletiattico, and Walafrid
Strabo derives the words voter, mutter, from the
Greek through the Latin, herr from herot, moner
and momith from u^yri, in the same breath as
kirche from KupiaKoV). (3.) Although Kvpuucir
is found, signifying " a church," it is no more the
common term used by Greeks, than Dominicum is
the common term used by Latins. It is therefore
very unlikely that it should have been adopted by
the Greek missionaries and teachers, and adopted
by them so decidedly as to be thrust into a foreign
language. (4.) Nor is there any probable way
pointed out by which the importation was effected.
Walafrid Strabo, indeed (foe ciL), attributes it, not
obscurely, so far as the Teutonic tongues are con-
cerned, to L'lfilas ; and following him, Trench says
(foe. ctL), " These Goths, the first converted to the
Christian faith, the first therefore that had a
Christian vocabulary, lent the word in their turn
to the other German tribes, among others to our
Anglo-Saxon forefathers." Had it been so intro-
duced, Ulfilas's " peaceful and populous colony of
shepherds and herdsmen on the pastures below
Mount Haanus" (Milman, i. 272), could neva
have affected the language of the whole Teutonic
race in all its dialects. But in matter of fact we finl
that the word employed by L'lfilas in bis versioi
of the Scriptures is not any derivative of nvauutiv
but, as we should have expected, aikldltjo (Rom
xvi. 23; 1 Cor. xvi. 19 et paaim). This theory
therefore falls to the ground, and with it any attempt
at showing the way in which the word passed aeroa
into the Teutonic languages. No special hypothesit
has been brought forward to account for its admia
sion into the Slavonic tongues, and it is enough W
any that, unless we have evidence to the contrary,
we are justified in assuming that the Greek mis-
sionaries in the 9th century did not adopt a term
in then- intercourse with strangers, which they
hardly, if at all, used in ordinary conversation
amongst themselves. (5.) Further, there it no
reason why the word should have passed into thest
two languages rather than into Latin. The Romas
Church was in its origin a Greek community, and
U introduced the Greek word for Church into thr
Latin tongue; but this word was not cyriaam
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CHURCH
tm eeefesia; and the tame influent would no
ioubt have introduced the same word into the
Borthern languages, had it introduced an; word at
lU. (6.) Finally, it is hard to find examples of a
Greek word being adopted into the Teutouic dialects,
except through the medium of Latin. On the whole,
this etymology must be abandoned. It is strange
that Strabo should have Imposed it on the world so
bog. It is difficult to say what is to be substituted.
There was probably some word which, in the lan-
Snage from which the Teutonic and Slavonic are
eacended, designated the old heathen places of
religious assembly, and this word, having taken
different forms in different dialects, was adopted by
the Christian missionaries. It was probably con-
nected with the Latin circut, drcuim, and with
the Greek kvkKos, possibly also with the Welsh
jefca, cys cgnchU, or eoer. Lipsius, who was the
tot to reject the received tradition, was probably
right in his suggestion, " Credo et a circo Kirck
nostrum esse, quia veterum templa instar Circi
rotunda" (EpiiL ml fttlgas. Cent. iii. Ep. 44).
II. The word foxAito-fo is no doubt derived from
faraAftr, and in accordance with its derivation it
originally meant an assembly called out by the
magistrate, or by legitimate authority. This is the
ordinary classical sense of the word. But it throws
no light on the nature of the institution so designa-
ted in the New Testament. For to the writers of
the N. T. the word had now lost its primary signi-
fication, and was either used generally for any meet-
ing (Acts xix. 33), or more particularly, it denoted
(1) the religious assemblies of the Jews (Deut iv.
10, xviii. 16, op. LXX.); (3) the whole assembly
or congregation of the Israelitish people (Acta vii.
88; Heb. ii 13; Ps. xxil. 33; Deut. xxxi. 80, ap.
LXX.). It was in this last sense, in which it
answered to bs^tjT ^>np, that the word was
adopted and applied' by the writers of the N. T. to
the Christian congregation. The word ixicKtiata,
therefore, does not carry us back further than the
Jewish Church. It implies a resemblance and cor-
respondence between the old Jewish Church and the
recently established Christian Church, but nothing
more. Its etymological sense having been tlready
tost when adopted by and for Christians, is only
misleading if pressed too far. The chief difference
between the words "ecclesia " and " church," would
probably consist in this, that " eccleaia " primarily
signified the Christian body, and secondarily the
place of assembly ; while the first signification of
" church " was the place of assembly, which im-
parted its name to the body of worshippers.
III. The Church is described in the Gospels. —
rhe word occurs only twice, each time in St Mat-
chew (Matt. xvi. 18, " On this rock will I build my
Church;" xviii. 17, "Tell it uuto the Church").
It every other case it is spoken of as the kingdom
of heaven by St Matthew, and as the kingdom of
God by St Mark and St l.uke. St Mark, St
Lake, and St John, never use the expression king-
lorn of heaven. St John once uses the phrase
kingdom of God (iii. 3). St Matthew occasionally
peaks of the kingdom of God (vi. 33, xxi. 31, 43),
and sometimes simply of the kingdom (iv. 33, xiii
J9, xxiv. 14). In xiii. 41 and xvi. 23, it is the
Son of Man's kingdom. In xx. 21, thy kingdom,
u e. Christ's. In the one Gospel of St Matthew
be Church is spoken of no less tht-i thirty-six
imes as the Kingdom. Other descript' >ns or titles
an hardly found in the Evangelists. It is Christ's
CHURCH
458
household (Matt x. 25), the salt uid light of the
world (v. 13, 15), Christ's flock (Matt xxvL 31;
John x. 1), its members are the branches growing
on Christ the Vine (John xv.): but the general
description of it, not metaphorically but directly, is.
that it is a kingdom. In Matt xvi. 19) the king-
dom of heaven is formally,. as elsewhere virtually
identified with facAijo-fo. From the Gospel then,
we learn that Christ was about to establish his
heavenly kingdom on earth, which was to be the
substitute for the Jewish Church and kingdom,
now doomed to destruction (Matt xxi. 43). Some
of the qualities of this kingdom are illustrated by
the parables of the tares, the mustard seed, the
leaven, the hid treasure, the pearl, the draw-net .
the spiritual laws and principles by which it is to
be governed, by the parables of the talents, the
husbandmen, the wedding feast, and the ten virgins.
It is not of this world though in it (John xviii. 36).
It is to embrace all the nations of the earth (Matt,
xxviii. 19). The means of entrance into it is
Baptism (Matt xxviii. 19). The conditions of be-
longing to it are faith (Mark xvi 16) and obedience
(Matt xxviii. 20). Participation in the Holy
Supper is its perpetual token of membership, and
the means of supporting the life of its members
(Matt. xxvi. 36; John vi. 51; 1 Cor. xi. 36). Its
members are given to Christ by the Father out of
the world, and sent by Christ into the world ; they
are sanctified by the truth (John xvii. 19); and
they are to live in love and unity, cognizable by the
external world (John xiii. 34, xvii. 23). It is to
be established on the Rock of Christ's Divinity, aa
confessed by Peter, the representative (for the mo-
ment) of the Apostles (Matt xvi. 18). It is to
have authority in spiritual cases (Matt xviii. 17).
It is to be never deprived of Christ's presence and
protection (xxviii 80), and to be never overthrowu
by the power of hell (xvi. 18).
IV. The Church at described in the AcU and in
the Kpistltt — tit Origin, Nature, Constitution, and
Growth. — From the (Sospels we learn little in the
way of detail as to the kingdom which was to be
established. It was in the great forty days which
intervened between the Resurrection and the Ascen-
sion that our Lord explained specifically to his
Apostles "the things pertaining to the kingdom
of God " (Acta i. 3), that is, his future Church.
lit Origin. — The removal of Christ from Uw
earth had left his followers a shattered company
with no bond of external or internal cohesion, ex-
cept the memory of the Master whom they had
lost, and the recollection of his injunctions to unity
and love, together with the occasional glimpses of
his presence which were vouchsafed them. They
continued together, meeting for prayer and suppli-
cation, and waiting for Christ's promise of the gift
of the Holy Ghost They numbered in all soma
140 persons, namely, the eleven, the faithful women,
the Lord's mother, his brethren, and 130 disciples
They had faith to believe that there was a work
before them which they were about to be culled to
perform ; and that they might be ready to do it,
they filled up the number of the Twelve by the
appointment of Matthias " to be a true witness "
with the eleven "of the Resurrection." The Day of
Pentecost is the birth-day of the Christian Church.
The Spirit, who was then sent by the Son from the
Father, and *est"d on each of the Disciples, com-
bined them -mo* more into a whole — combined
them as they never had before been eumbined, by
an internal and spiritual bond of cohesion. Baton
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CHURCH
ttwy had been individual follower* of Jesus, now
they became his mystical body, animated by bis
Spirit. The nucleus was formed. Agglomeration
and development would do the rest.
Itt Nature. — St. Luke explains its nature by
describing in narrative form the characteristics of
the society formed by the union of the original 140
Disciples with the 3000 souls who were converted
on the Day of Pentecost. " Then they that gladly
received his word were baptized. . . . And they
continued steadfastly in the Apostles' doctrine and
fellowship, and in breaking of bread and in prayers"
(Acts ii. 41). Here we have indirectly exhibited
the essential conditions of Church Communion.
They are (1) Baptism, Baptism implying on the
part of the recipient repentance and faith; (2)
Apostolic Doctrine; (3) Fellowship with the Apos-
tles; (4) the Lord's Supper; (5) Public Worship.
Every requisite for church-membership is here enu-
merated not only for the Apostolic days, but for
future ages. The conditions are exclusive as well
as inclusive, negative as well as positive. St. Luke's
definition of the Church, then, would be the con-
gregation of the baptized, in which the faith of the
Apostles is maintained, connection with the Apos-
tles is preserved, the Sacraments are duly adminis-
tered, and public worship is kept up. The earliest
definition (virtually) given of the Church is like-
wise the best. To this body St. Luke applies the
name of " The Church " (the first time that the
word is used as denoting an existing thing), and to
it, constituted as it was, he states that there were
daily added oi o-afo/ieroi (U- 47). By this expres-
sion he probably means those who were " saving
themselves from their untoward generation" (ii.
40), "added," however, "to the Church " not by
their own mere volition, but " by the Lord," and
so become the elect people of God, sanctified by
his Spirit, and described by St. Paul as " delivered
from the power of darkness and translated into the
kingdom of his dear Son " (Col. i. 13). St. Luke's
treatise being historical, not dogmatical, he does
not directly enter further into the essential nature
of the Church. The community of goods, which
he describes as being universal amongst the mem-
bers of the infant society (ii. 44, iv. 32), is specially
declared to be a voluntary practice (v. 4), not a
necessary duty of Christians as such (comp. Acts
ix. 36, 39, xi. 29).
From the illustrations adopted by St. Paul in
bis Epistles, we have additional light thrown upon
the nature of the Church. Thus (Rom. xi. 17),
the Christian Church is described as being a branch
{rafted on the already existing olive-tree, showing
that it was no new creation, but a development of
that spiritual life which had flourished in the
Patriarchal and in the Jewish Church. It is
lescribed (Rom. xii. 4; 1 Cor. xii. 12) as one body
made up of many members with different offices,
to exhibit the close cohesion which ought to exist
between Christian and Christian ; still more it is
described as the body, of which Christ is the Head
(Eph. i. 22), so that members of his Church are
nembers of Christ's body, of his flesh, of his bones
vEph. v. 23, 30; CoL i. 18, ii. 19), to show the
dose union between Christ and his people: again,
•a the temple of God built upon the foundation
■tone of Jesus Christ (1 Cor. iii. 11), and, by a
dight change of metaphor, as the temple in which
Sod dwells by his Spirit, the Apostles and prophets
oniiug the foundation, and Jesus Christ the chief
yuner-stone, ». e. probably the foundation nomer-
CHUROH
stone (Eph. ii. 22). It is also the city of the ■
and the household of God (Eph. ii. 19). But tbs
passage which is most illustrative of our subject in
the Epistles is Eph. iv. 8, 8. " Endeavoring to
keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace.
There is one body, and one Spirit, even as ye are
called in one hope of your calling; one Lord, on*
faith, one baptism, one God and Father of all, who
is above all, and through all, and in you all." Hen
we see what it is that constitutes the unity of the
Church in the mind of the Apostle: (1) unity of
Headship, "one Lord;" (2) unity of belief, "int
faith; " (3) unity of Sacraments, •' one baptism ;™
(4) unity of hope of eternal life, " one hope of yoar
calling " (comp. Tit. i. 2) ; (5) unity of love,
" unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace; " (6)
unity of organization, ■' one body." The Church,
then, at this period was a body of baptized men
and women who believed in Jesus as the Christ, and
in the revelation made by Him, who were united
by having the same faith, hope, and animating
Spirit of love, the same Sacraments, and the same
spiritual invisible Head.
What was the Constitution of this bodyt —
On the evening of the Day of Pentecost, the 3,140
members of which it consisted were (1) Apostles,
(2) previous disciples, (3) converts. We never
afterwards find any distinction drawn between the
previous disciples and the later converts; but the
Apostles throughout stand apart. Here, then, we
find two classes, Apostles and converts — teachers
and taught. At this time the Church was not
only morally but actually one congregation. Soon,
however, its numbers grew so considerably that it
was a physical impossibility that all its members
should come together in one spot. It became,
therefore, an aggregate of congregations. But its
essential unity was not affected by the accidental
necessity of meeting in separate rooms for public
worship ; the bond of cohesion was still the same.
The Apostles, who had been closest to the Lord
Jesus in his life on earth, would doubtless have
formed the centres of the several congregations of
listening believers, and besides attending at the
Temple for the national Jewish prayer (Acts iii. 1),
and for the purpose of preaching Christ (ii. 42),
they would have gone round to "every house"
where their converts assembled "teaching and
preaching," and "breaking bread," and "distribut-
ing " the common goods " as each had need " (ii.
46, iv. 36, v. 42). Thus the Church continued fo»
apparently some seven years, but at the end of that
time "the number of disciples was" so greatly
" multiplied " (Acts vi. 1) that the Twelve Apos-
tles found themselves to be too few to carry out
these works unaided. They thereupon for the first
time exercised the powers of mission intrusted to
them (John xx. 21), and by laying their hands on
the Seven who were recommended to them by the
general body of Christians, they appointed them to
fulfill the secular task of distributing the common
stock, which they had themselves hitherto per-
formed, retaining the functions of praying, and
preaching, and administering the sacraments in
their own hands. It is a question which cannot I*
certainly answered whether the office of these Seven
is to be identified with that of the SidVorai else-
where found. They are not called deacons in Script-
ure, and it has been supposed by some that they
were extraordinary officers appointed for the occa-
sion to see that the Hellenistic widows had theb
fair share of the goods distributed amongut Uu
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CHURCH
155
joor believerv and that they had n" successors in
their office. If thia be ao, we have no account given
•a of the institution of the Diaconate: the Deo-
eons, like the Presbyters, are found existing, but the
circumstances under which they were brought into
existence are not related. We incline, however,
to tho other hypothesis, which makes the Seven the
originals of the Deacons. Being found apt to teach,
they were likewise invested, almost immediately
after their appointment, with the power of preach-
ing to the unconverted (vi. 10) and of baptizing
(viii, 38). From this time, therefore, or from about
(his time, there existed in the Church — (1) the
Apostles; (2) the Deacons and Evangelists; (3)
the multitude of the faithful. We hear of no
ether Church -officer till the year 44, seven years
after the appointment of the deacons. We find
that there were then in the Church of Jerusalem
officers named Presbyters (xi. 30) who were the as-
sistants of James, the chief administrator of that
Church (xii. 17). The circumstances of their first
appointment are not recounted. No doubt they
were similar to those under which the Deacons were
appointed. As in the year 37 the Apostles found
(bat the whole work of the ministry was too great
for them, and they therefore placed a portion of it,
namely, distributing alms to the brethren and
preaching Christ to the heathen, on the deacons,
so a few years later they would have found that
what they still retained was yet growing too bur-
densome, and consequently they devolved another
portion of their ministerial authority on another
order of men. The name of Presbyter or Elder
implies that the men selected were of mature age.
We gather incidentally that they were ordained by
Apostolic or other authority (xiv. 23, Tit. i. 6).
We find them associated with the Apostles as dis-
tinguished from the main body of the Church
(Acts xv. 2, 4), and again as standing between the
Apostles and the brethren (xv. 23). Their office
was to pasture the Church of God (xx. 28), to rule
(1 Tim. v. 17 ) the flocks over which the Holy Ghost
had made them overseen or bishops (Acts xx. 28;
""hil. i. 1; 1 Tun. iii. 1, 2; Tit. i. 7), and to pray
-nth and for the members of their congregations
v James v. 14). Thus the Apostles would seem to
have invested these Presbyters with the full powers
which they themselves exercised, excepting only in
respect to those functions which they discharged
in relation to the general regimen of the whole
Church as distinct from the several congregations
which formed the whole body. These functions
they still reserved to themselves. By toe year 44,
therefore, there were in the Church of Jerusalem
— (1) the Apostles holding the government of the
whole body in their own hands; (2) Presbyters
Invested by the Apostles with authority for con-
ducting public worship in each congregation; (3)
Deacons or Evangelists similarly invested with the
lesser power of preaching and of baptizing unbe-
k#ers, and of distributing the common goods
unong the brethren. The same order was estab-
ished in the Gentile Churches founded by St. Paul,
the only difference being that those who were called
Presbyters in Jerusalem bore indifferently the name
>f Bishops (Phil i. 1; 1 Tun. iii. 1, 2; Tit. i. 7)
V of Presbyters (1 Tim. v. 17; Tit i. 5) elsewhere.
It was in the Church of Jerusaieir 'hat another
vder of the ministry found its exemplar. The
Apostles, we find, remained in Jerusalem (Acts viii.
I) or In the neighborhood (viii. 14) till the perse-
of Herod Agrippa in the year 44. The
death of James, the son of Zebedee, and the is*
prisonment and flight of Peter, were the signal tar
the dispersion of the Apostles. One remained be-
hind — James the brother of the lx>rd, whom w*
identify with the Apostle, James the son of Al-
phnus [James]. He had not the same cause of
dread as the rest. His Judaical asceticism and
general character would have made him an object
of popularity with his countrymen, and even with
the Pharisaical Herod. He remained unmolested,
and from this time he is the acknowledged bead
of the Church of Jerusalem. A consideration
et Acts xii. 17, xv. 13, 19, xxi. 18; Gal. ii. 2,
9, 12; will remove all doubt on this head. In-
deed, four years before Herod's persecution he had
stood, it would seem, on a level with Peter (Gal. i.
18, 19; Acts ix. 27), and it has been thought that
he received special instructions for the functions
which he had to fulfill from the Lord himself (1 Cor.
xv. 7; Acts i. 3). Whatever his preeminence was,
he appears to have borne no special title indicating
it The example of the Mother Church of Jerusa-
lem was again followed by the Pauline Churches.
Timothy and Titus had probably no distinctive
title, but it is impossible to read the Epistles ad-
dressed to them without seeing that they had an
authority superior to that of the ordinary bishops
or priests with regard to whose conduct and ordi-
nation St. Paul gives them instruction (I Tim. iii.,
v. 17, 19; Tit. i. S). Thus, then, we see that
where the Apostles were themselves able to superin-
tend the Churches that they had founded, the
Church-officers consisted of — (1) Apostles; (9)
Bishops or Priests; (3) Deacons and Evangelist*.
When the Apostles were unable to give personal
superintendence, they delegated that power which
they had in common to one of themselves, as in
Jerusalem, or to one in whom they had confidence,
as at Ephesus and in Crete. As the Apostles died
off, these Apostolic Delegates necessarily multiplied.
By the end of the first century, when St. John was
the only Apostle that now survived, they would
have been established in every country, as Crete,
and in every large town where there were several
bishops or priests, such as the seven towns of Asia
mentioned in the book of Revelation. These super-
intendents appear to be addressed by St. John under
the name of Angels. With St. John's death the
Apostolic College was extinguished, and the Apos-
tolic Delegates or Angels were left to fill their places
in the government of the Church, not with the full
unrestricted power of the Apostles, but with au-
thority only to be exercised in limited districts. In
the next century we find that these officers bore
the name of Bishops, while those who in the first
century were called indifferently Presbyters or
Bishops had now only the title of Presbyters. We
conclude, therefore, that the title bishop was grad-
ually dropped by the second order of the ministry,
and applied specifically to those who represented
what James, Timothy, and Titus had been in the
Apostolic age. Theodoret says expressly, " 'Die
same persons were anciently called promiscuously
both bishops and presbyters, whilst those who are
now called bishops were called apostles, but shortly
after the name of apostle was appropriated to such
as were apostles indeed, and then the name bishop
was given to those before caLcd apostles " ( Com. in
1 Tim. iii. 1). There are other names found in
the Acts and in the Epistles which the light thrown
backward by early ecclesiastical history shows us
to hare been the titles of those who exenrsr d ftuw
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OHUKCH
tiottt which were not destined to continue in the
Church, but only belonging to it while it wu be-
ing brought into being by help of miraculous
jgeiicy. Such are prophets (Acts xiii. 1; Kom.
ui. 6; 1 Cor. xii. 28; Eph. iv. 11), whose function
was to proclaim and expound the Christian revela-
tion, and to interpret God's will, especially as veiled
in the Old Tartameut; teachers (Acts xiii. 1; Kom.
xii. 7; 1 Cor. xii. 28; Eph. iv. 11) and pastors
(Eph. It. 11) whose special work was to instruct
those already admitted into the fold, as contrasted
with the evangelists (ibid.) who had primarily to
instruct the heathen. Prophecy is one of Die ex-
traordinary ^apia/jurra which were vouchsafed, and
is to be classed with the gifts of healing, of speak-
ing ecstatically with tongues, of interpretation of
tongues, I. e. explanation of those ecstatic utter-
ances, and discernment of spirits, >. e. a power of
distinguishing between the real and supposed pos-
sessors of spiritual gifts (1 Cor. xii.). Teaching
(x4mo7ui JiJwkoaIoj, Kom. xii. 7; 1 Cor. xii.
28) is one of the ordmnry gifts, and is to be classed
with the word of wisdom and the word of knowl-
edge (1 Cor. xii. 8), perhaps with •' faith " (ib. 9),
with the gift of government (xdpifffta Kv&tprfF
treats, •»• 28), and with the gift of ministration
(x&purpt SiaKovlat or ojtiA^cu;, Kom. xii. 7;
1 Cor. xii. 28). These xaplouara, whether extra-
ordinary or ordinary, were " divided to every man
as the Spirit willed," according to the individual
character of each, and not officially. Those to
whom the gifts of prophecy, teaching, and govern-
ment were vouchsafed were doubtless selected for
the office of Presbyter, those who had the gift of
ministration for the office of Deacon. In the
Apostles they all alike resided.
Itt external Growth. — The 3000 souls that were
added to the Apostles and to the 120 brethren on
the day of Pentecost were increased daily by new
converts (Acts ii. 47, v. 14). These converts were
without exception Jews residing in Jerusalem,
whether speaking Greek or Hebrew (vi. 1). After
•even or eight years a step was made outwards.
The persecution which followed the martyrdom of
Stephen drove away the adherents of the new
doctrines, with the exception of the Apostles, and
'• they that were scattered abroad went everywhere
preaching the word " to the Jews of the Dispersion.
Philip, in his capacity of Evangelist, preached
Christ to the Samaritans, and admitted them into
the Church by baptism. In Philixtia he made the
first Gentile convert, but this act did not raise the
question of the admission of the Gentiles, because
the Ethiopian eunuch was already a proselyte (viii.
97), and probably a proselyte of Righteousness.
Cornelius was a proselyte of the Gate (x. 2). The
first purely Gentile convert that we hear of by
name is Sergius Paulus (xiii. 7), but we are told
that Cornelius's companions were Gentiles, and by
heir baptism the admission of the Gentiles was de-
ided by the agency of St. Peter, approved by the
Apostles and Jewish Church (xi. 18), not, as might
hare been expected, by the agency of St. Paul.
This great event took place after the peace caused
by Caligula's persecution of the Jews, which oc-
curred A. d. 40 (ix. 31), and more than a year be-
fore the famine in the time of Claudius, A. I). 44
(xi. 28, 29). Galilee had already been evangelized
M wt'l as Juchea and Samaria, though the special
agent in the work is not declared (ix. 31 ).
The history of the growth of the Gentile < liureh,
■> fax at we know it, is identical with the history
1 HUBCH
of St. Paul In hi three Journeys he caniW
Christianity through the chief cities of Asil Minor
and Greece. His method appears almost invariably
to have been this: he presented himself on the Sab-
bath at the Jewish synagogue, and having first
preached the doctrine of a suffering Messiah, be
next identified Jesus with the Messiah (xrii. 3).
His arguments on the first head were listened to
with patience by all; those on the second point
wrought conviction in some (xvii. 4). but roused
the rest to persecute him (xvii. 6). On finding his
words rejected by the Jews, he turned from them
to the Gentiles (xviii. 6, xxviii. 28). Hit captivity
in Rome, A. o. 63-65, had the effect of forming a
Church out of the Jewish and Greek residents in
the imperial city, who seem to have been Joined by
a few Italians. His last Journey may have spread
the Gospel westward as far as Spain (Rom. XT. SB;
Clemens, Eusebius, Jerome, Cbrysostom). The
death of James at Jerusalem and of Peter and Paul
at Borne, A. i>. 67, leaves one only of the Apostles
presented distinctly to our view. In the year 7C
Jerusalem was captured, and liefore St. John fell
asleep in 98, the Petrine and Pauline converts, the
Churches of the circumcision and of the uncireum-
cision, had melted into one harmonious and accord-
ant body, spreading in scattered congregations at
the least from Babylon to Spain, and from Mac-
edonia to Africa. How far Christian doctrine may
have penetrated beyond these limits we do not know.
Jtt further Growth. — As this is not an ecclesi-
astical history, we can but glance at it- There
were three great impulses which enlarged the bor-
ders of the Church. The first is that which began
on the day of Pentecost, and continued down to
the conversion of Constantine. By this the Roman
Empire was converted to Christ, and the Church
was, speaking roughly, made conterminous with
the civilized world. The second impulse gathered
within her borders the hitherto barbarous nations
formed by the Teutonic and Celtic tribes, thus
winning, or in spite of the overthrow of the Empire,
retaining the countries of France, Scotland, Ire-
land, England, Lombardy, Germany, Denmark,
Sweden, Norway. The third impulse gathered in
the Slavonian nations. The first of thrvs impulses
lasted to the fourth century; the second to the
ninth century ; the third (beginning before the sec-
ond had ceased) to the tenth and eleventh centu-
ries. We do not reckon the Nestorian missionary
efforts in the seventh century in Syria, Persia, In-
dia, and China, nor the post-Reformation exertion!
of the Jesuits in the East and West Indies, fbt
these attempts have produced no permanent results.
Nor, again, do we speak of the efforts now being
made in Africa, India, Australia, New Zealand, be-
cause it has not yet been proved, except perhaps in
the case of New Zealand, whether they will be suc-
cessful in bringing these countries within the fold
of Christ,
V. Alteration* in itt Constitution. — We have
said that ecclesiastical authority resided (1) in the
Apostles; (2) in the Apostles and the Deacons; (3)
in the Apostles, the Presbyters, and the Deaocns;
(4) in the Apostolic Delegates, the Presbyters, imd
the Deacons; (5) in those who succeeded the A;x»
tolic Delegates, the Presbyters, and the Demons
And to these successors of the ApostiUc Ddegstes
came to be appropriated the title of Bishop, whick
was originally applied to Presbyters. At the com-
mencement of the second century and thencefor
wards Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons are f hs
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CHURCH
I of the Church wherever the Church existed.
Ignatius'* Epistles (in their unadulterated form),
and the otter records which are preserved to us,
ire on this point decisive. (See Pearson's V'mdi-
da Iguatiaaa, pars U- c. xiii. p. 534, ed. Churton.)
Bishops were looked upon i» Christ's Vicegerents
(Cyprian, Kp. 55 (or 59) with Kigultius's notes),
and as having succeeded to the Apustles (id. Kp.
69 (or 66) and 42 (or 45), Kirmilian, Jerome),
every bishop's see being entitled a " sedes apostol-
ic*. " They retained in their own hands authority
over presbyters and the function of ordination, but
with respect to each other they were equals, whether
their see was " at Home or at Kugubium."
Within this equal college of bishops there soon
arose difference of rank though not of order. Be-
low the city-bishops there sprang up a class of
country-bishops (chorepiscopi) answering to the
archdeacons of the English Church, except that
they had received episcopal consecration (Ham-
mond, Beveridge, Cave, Bingham), and were en-
abled to perform some episcopal acts with the sanc-
tion of the city-bishops. Their position was am-
biguous, and in the fifth century they began to
decay and gradually died out. " Above the city-
bishops there were, in the second century appar-
ently, Metropolitans, and in the third, Patriarchs
or Exarchs. The metropolitan was the chief bishop
in the civil divisioo of the empire which was called
a province (faapxta)- His see was at the metrop-
olis of the province, and he presided over his suffra-
gans with authority similar to, but greater than,
that which is exercised in their respective provinces
by the two archbishops in England. The authority
of the patriarch or exarch extended over the still
larger division of the civil empire which was called
a diocese. The ecclesiastical was framed in accord
ance with the exigencies and after the model of the
civil polity. When Constantine, therefore, divided
the empire into 13 dioceses, "each of which
equalled the just measure of a powerful kingdom "
(Gibbon, c xviii.), the Church came to be distrib-
uted into 13 (including the city and neighborhood
of Rome, 14) diocesan, or, an we should say, na-
tional churches. There was no external bond of
government to hold these churches together. They
were independent self-ruled wholes, combined to-
gether into one greater whole by having one invis-
ible Head and one animating Spirit, by maintain-
ing each tbo same faith and exercising each the
tame discipline. The only authority which they
recognized as capable of controlling their separate
action, was that of an (Ecumenical Council com-
posed of delegates from each ; and these Councils
jested canon after canon forbidding the interference
if the bishop of any one diocese, that is, district,
w country, with the bishop of any other diocese.
■' Bishops outside a ' diocese ' are not to invade tne
Churches across the borders, nor bring confusion
into the Churches," says the second canon of the
Council of Constantinople, " lest," says the eighth
canon of the Council of Kphesus, "the pride of
worldly power be introduced under cover of the
priestly function, and by little and little we be de-
prived of the liberty which our Lord Jesus Christ,
the deliverer of all men, has given us by his own
CHURCH
457
btood." 6 But there was a stronger power at work
than any which could be controlled by canons.
Home and Constantinople were each the seats of
imperial power, and symptoms toon began to ap-
pear that the patriarchs of the imperial cities were
rival claimants of imperial power in the Church.
Home was in a better position for the struggle than
Constantinople, for, besides having the prestige of
being Old Home, she was also of Apostolic founda-
tion. Constantinople could not boast an Apostle
as her founder, and she was but New Rome. Still
the imperial power was strong in the East when it
had fallen in the West, and furthermore the Coun-
cil of Chaloedon had so far dispensed with the
canons and with precedent in res|iect to Constanti-
nople as to grant the patriarch jurisdiction over
three dioceses, to establish a right of appeal to Con-
stantinople from any part of the Church, and to
confirm the decree of the second Council, which
elevated the tee of Constantinople above that of
Alexandria and of Antiocb. U was by the Pope
of Constantinople that the first overt attempt at
erecting a Papal Monarchy was made; and by the
Pope of Rome, in consequence, it was fiercely and
indignantly denounced. John of Constantinople,
said Gregory the Great, was destroying the patri-
archal system of government (lib. v. 43: ix. 68);
by assuming the profane appellation of Universal
Bishop he was anticipating Antichrist (lib. vii. 27,
33), invading the rights of Christ, and imitating
the Devil (lib. v. 18). John of Constantinople
tailed. The successors of Gregory adopted as their
own the claims which John had not been able to
assert, and on the basis of the False Decretals of
Isidore, and of Uratian's Decretum, Nicholas I.,
Gregory VII., and Innocent III. reared the struct-
ure of the Roman in place of the Constantinopolitan
Papal Monarchy. From this time the federal
character of the constitution of the Church was
overthrown. In the West it became wholly des-
potic, and in the East, though the theory of aris-
tocratical government was and is maintained, the
still-cherished title of (Ecumenical Patriarch indi-
cates that it is weakness which has prevented Con-
stantinople from erecting at least an Eastern if she
could not an Universal Monarchy. In the six-
teenth century a further change of constitution
occurred. A great part of Europe revolted from
the Western despotism. The Churches of England
and Sweden returned to, or rather retained, the
episcopal form of government after the model of the
first centuries. In parts of Germany, of France,
of Switzerland, and of Great Britain, a Presbyte-
rian, or still less defined form was adopted, while
Rome tightened her hold on her yet remaining sub-
jects, and by destroying all peculiarities of national
liturgy and custom, and by depressing the order
of bishops except as interpreters of her decrees, con
verted that part of the Church over which she had
sway into a jealous centralized absolutism.
VI. The existing Church. — Its members fall
into three broadly-marked groups, the Greek
Churches, the Latin Churches, the Teutonic
Churches. The orthodox Greek Church consists
of the Patriarchate of Constantinople with 135 sees,
of Alexandria with 4 sees, of Antiocb. with 16 sees,
• An attempt was made to resuscitate this class In
atagaaod, under the title of suffragan bishops, by the
•HI unrepealed 36th Henry VIII. « 14, by which
*—l) til towns ware named as the -"ats of Mshopa,
who were to acr under the bishops of Mm Mot e ts hi
which they were situated.
b See Canons v., vt. of Nkwa ; U., lis., tL ot Ooustas
ttnopla ; I., vtU. of Kphesur ; ix., xvil , xxvU.. in. «■»
flhalmlnn.
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468
CHURCH
rf Jerusalem with 13 sees, of the Russian Church
with 85 tee« ; besides which, then are in Cyprus
1 mm, in Austria 1 1 sees, in Mount Sinai 1 see, in
Montenegro 1 see, in Greece 24 sees. To these
must be added, (1.) the Nestorian or Chaldean
Church, once spread from China to the Tigris, and
from Lake Baikal to Cape Comorin, and ruled by
twenty-five Metropolitans and a Patriarch possess-
ing i plenitude of power equal to that of Innocent
UI. (Neale, KaHern Church, 1. 143), but now
shruAk to 16 sees. (9.) Hie Christians of St.
Thomas under the Bishop of Malabar. (3.) The
Syrian Jacobites under the Patriarch of Antioch
resident at Caramit or Diarbekir. (4.) The Mar-
onites with 9 sees (5.) The Copts with 13 sees.
(6.) The savage, but yut Christian Abyssinians,
and (7.) the Armenians, the most intelligent and
active minded, but at the same time the most dis-
tracted body of Eastern believers.
The Utin Churches are those of Italy with 262
sees, of Spain with 54, of France with 81, of Por-
tugal with 17, of Belgium and Holland with 11,
of Austria with 64, of Germany with 24, of Switz-
erland with 6. Besides these, the authority of the
liomau See is acknowledged by 63 Asiatic bishops,
10 African, 136 American, 43 British, and 36
Prelates scattered through the countries where the
Church of Greece is predominant.
The Teutonic Churches consist of the Anglican
communion with 48 sees in Europe, 51 in Canada,
America, and the West Indies, 8 in Asia, 8 in
Africa, and 15 in Australia and Oceanica; of the
Church of Norway and Sweden, with 17 sees; of
the Churches of Denmark, Prussia, Holland, Soot-
laud, and scattered congregations elsewhere. The
members of the Greek Churches are supposed to
uumber 80,000,000 ; of the Teutonic and Protestant
Churches 90,000,000; of the Latin Churches 170,-
000.000; making a total of 25 per cent, of the pop-
ulation of the globe.
VII. Definitions of the Church. — The Greek
Church gives the following: "The Church is a
divinely instituted community of men, united by
the orthodox faith, the law of God, the hierarchy,
and the Sacraments " (Full Catechitm of Me Or-
thodox, Catholic, Kattern Church, Moscow, 1839).
The Latin Church defines it "the company of
Christians knit together by the profession of the
same faith and the communion of the same sacra
ments, under the government of lawful pastors, and
especially of the Roman bishop as tie only Vicar
of Christ upon earth " (Bellann. Dt EccL Mil iii.
i ; sec :ilso Devoti Intt. Canon. 1, § iv., Roma?,
1818). The Church of England, « a congregation
of faithful men in which the pure word of God is
preached, and the Sacraments be duly ministered
acccrding to Christ's ordinance in all those things
that of necessity are requisite to the same" (Art.
six.). The Lutheran Church, " a congregation of
wind in which the Gospel is rightly taught and
tin sacraments rightly administered " ( Omfatio
Av'fiut no, 1681, Art. vii.). The Confessio Hel-
vetica, 'a congregation of faithful men called, or
nUrcted out of the world, the communion of all
lints" (Art. xvii.). The Confessio Saxonica. "a
jongregation of men embracing the Gospel of
Christ, and rightly using the Sacramento " (Art.
sli.). The Confessio Bdgica, "a true congrega-
tion, or assembly of all faithful Christians who look
(or the whole of their salvation from Jesus Christ
stone, ai being washed by his blood, and sanctified
lad acaled by his Spirit " (Art. xxvii.).
CHURCH
These definitions show the difficulty iu which lbs
different sections of the divided Church find them-
selves in framing a definition which will at ones
accord with the statements of Holy Scripture, and
be applicable to the present state of the Christian
world. We have seen that according to the Script-
ural view the Church is a holy kingdom, estab-
lished by God on earth, of which Christ is tbi
invisible King — it is a divinely organized body,
the members of which are knit together amongst
themselves, and joined to Christ their Head, by the
Holy Spirit, who dwells in and animates it; it is
a spiritual but visible society of men united by
constant succession to those who were personally
united to the Apostles, holding the same frith that
the Apostles held, administering the same sacra-
ments, and like them forming separate, but only
locally separate, assemblies, for the public worship
of God. This is the Church according to the
Divine intention. But as God permits men to mar
the perfection of his designs in their behalf, and
as men have both corrupted the doctrines and
broken the unity of the Church, we must not ex-
pect to see the Church of Holy Scripture actually
existing in its perfection on earth. It is not to be
found, thus perfect, either in the collected frag-
ments of Christendom, or still less in any one of
these fragments ; though it is possible that one of
those fragments more than another may approach
the Scriptural and Apostolic ideal which existed
only until sin, heresy, and schism, had time suffi-
ciently to develop themselves to do their work. It
has been questioned by some whether Hooker, in
his anxious desire after charity and liberality, has
not founded his definition of the Church upon too
wide a basis; but it is certain that he has pointed
out the true principle on which the definition must
be framed (Keel. PoL v. 68, 6). As in defining a
man, ho says, we pass by those qualities wherein
one man excels another, and take only those essen-
tial properties whereby a man differs from creatures
of other kinds, so in defining the Church, which is
a technical name for the professors of the Christian
religion, we must fix our attention solely on that
which makes the Christian religion differ from the
religions which are not Christian. This difference
is constituted by the Christian religion having Jesus
Christ, his revelation, and his precepts for the ob-
ject of its contemplations and the motive of its
actions. The Church, therefore, consist* of all who
acknowledge the Lord Jesus Christ the blessed
Saviour of mankind, who give credit to his Gospel
and who hold his sacraments, the seals of eteraa
life, in honor. To go further, would be not ti
define the Church by that which makes it to bt
what it is, »'. e. to declare the being of the Church,
bat to define s t by accidents, which may conduce
to its trtU briny, but do not touch its innermost
nature. From this view of the Church the impor-
tant consequence follows, that all the baptized lie-
long to the visible Church, whatever be their
divisions, crimes, misbeliefs, provided only they an
not plain apostates, and directly deny and utterly
reject the Christian faith, as far as the same it
professedly different from infidelity. " Heretics as
touching those points of doctrine in which they
fail ; schismatics as touching the quarrels for which,
or the duties in which they divide themselves frun
their brethren ; loose, licentious, and wicked per
sons, as touching their several oneness or crimes
have all forsaken the true Church ?f God — tot
Church which is sound and sincere in the dooansa
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OHOROH
•bleb they oorrupt, the Church thu xeepeth the
bond of unity which they violate, the Church that
mlketh in the laws of righteousness which they
transgress, this very true Church of Christ they
h»ve left — howbeit, not altogether left nor forsaken
■imply the Church, upon the foundation of which
they continue built, notwithstanding these breaches
whereby they are rent at the top asunder" (v.
«8, 7).
VIII. The Faith, Attributes, and Note* of the
Church. — The Nioene Creed is the especial and
authoritative exponent of the Church's faith, having
been adopted as such by the (Ecumenical Councils
of Nie«a and Constantinople, and ever afterwards
regarded as the sacred summary of Christian doc-
trine. We have the Western form of the same
Creed in that which is called the Creed of the
Apostles — a name probably derived from its hav-
ing been the local Creed of Home, which was the
chief Apostolic see of the West. An expansion of
the same Creed, made in order to meet the Arian
errors, is found in the Creed of St. Athanasius.
The Confessions of Faith of the Synod of Bethlehem
(a. d. 1672), of the Council of Trent (commonly
known as Pope Pius' Creed, A. D. 1664), of the
Synod of l/mdon (a. d. 1562), of Augsburg, Swit-
zerland, Saxony, 4c., stand on a lower level, as
binding on the members of certain portions of the
Church, but not being the Church's Creeds. The
attribute! of the Church are drawn from the ex-
pressions of the Creeds. The Church is described
as One, Holy, Catholic, Apostolic Its Unity con-
sists in having one object of worship (Eph. iv. 6),
one Head (Eph. iv. 15), one body (Kom. xii. 5),
one Spirit (Eph. iv. 4), one faith (ib. 1!)), hope (ib.
4), love (1 Cor. xiii. 13), the same sacraments (ib.
x. 17), discipline and worship (Acts ii. 42). Its
Holiness depends on its Head and Spirit, the means
of grace which it offers, and the holiness that it
demands of its members (Eph. iv. 34). Its Catho-
licity consists in its being composed of many
national Churches, not confined as the Jewish
Church to one country (Hark xvi. 15) ; in its
enduring to the end of time (Matt, xxviii. 20): in
its teaching the whole truth, and having at its
disposal all the means of grace vouchsafed to man.
Its Apostolicity in being built on the foundation
of the Apostles (Eph. ii. 90), and continuing in
their doctrine and fellowship (Acts li. 42). The
notes of the Church are given by Bellannine and
theologians of his school, as being the title " Cath-
olic," antiquity, succession, extent, papal succession,
primitive doctrine, unity, sanctity, efficacy of doc-
trine, holiness of its authors, miracles, prophecy,
confession of foes, unhappy end of opponents, tem-
poral good-fortune (Belbrm. Contr. torn. ii. lib. iv.
p. 12J3, Ingoldst, 1580): by Dean Held as (1) the
complete profession of the Christian faith; (2) the
u»; of certain appointed ceremonies and sacraments ;
(3) the union of men in their profession and in the
use of these sacraments under lawful pastors ( Of
the Church, bk. ii. c. ii. p. 65). It is evident that
the notes by which the Church is supposed to be
distinguished must differ according to the definition
of the Church accepted by the theologian who
■■signs them, because the true notes of a thing
i»T*t necessarily be the essential properties of that
tiling. But each theologian is likely to assume
those particulars in which he believes his own
taaanh or put of the Church to excel others as the
tote* of the Church Universal.
'X. Distinctions. — " For lark of diligent ob-
CHUROH
459
serving the differences first between the Church of
God mystical and visible, then between the visible
sound and corrupted, sometimes more, sometimes
less, the oversights are neither few nor light that
have been committed " (Hooker, EccL PoL iii. 1,
9). The word Church is employed to designate
(1) the place in which Christians assemble to
worship (possibly 1 Cor. xiv. 19); (2) a household
of Christians (CoL iv. 15); (3) a congregation of
Christians assembling from time to time for worship,
but generally living apart from each other (Kom.
xvi. 1) ; (4) a body of Christians living in one city
assembling for worship in different congregations
and at different times (1 Cor. i. 2); (5) a body of
Christians residing in a district or country (2 Cor.
i.); (6) the whole visible Church, including sound
and unsound members, that is, all the baptized
professors of Christianity, orthodox, heretical, and
schismatical, moral or immoral; (7) the visible
Church exclusive of the manifestly unsound mem-
bers, that is, consisting of those who appear to be
orthodox and pious; (8) the mystical or invisible
Church, that is, the body of the elect known to
God alone who are in very deed justified and sancti-
fied, and never to be plucked out of their Saviour's
hands, composed of the Church Triumphant and
of some members of the Church Militant (John x.
28; Heb. xii. 22); (9) the Church Militant, that
is, the Church in its warfare on earth — identical
therefore with the Church visible; (10) the Church
Triumphant, consisting of those who have passed
from this world, expectant of glory now in paradise,
and to be glorified hereafter in heaven. The word
may be fairly used in any of these senses, but it is
plain that if it is employed by controversialists
without a clear understanding in which sense it is
used, inextricable confusion must arise. And such
in fact has been the case. F. M.
* The list of works relating to the Church, sub-
joined to this article in the English edition, has
here been greatly enlarged and more strictly clas-
sified by Professor H. B. Smith, D. D., of the
Union Theological Seminary, N. Y. The literature
of the different religious confessions is more equally
represented. H.
* X. Literature. The Nature and Constitu-
titmofthe Church: Cyprian, De UnUate Ecelesiu,
Opp. Fells ed. Oxf. 1700, Paris, 1726, Goldhorn's
ed. Leips. 1838 ; Krabinger's ed. of the De Unitate,
1853 ; transl. in Oxf. Lib. of Fathers ; comp. Nevin
in Mercersburg Rev. 1852-3, and Huther, Cu-
piiin's Lehre, 1839. Optatus of Mileve, De
Schumnte Dmttul. Vincentius of l-erins, Com-
inonUorium adv. Hatreses, oi. Heraog, 1839; transl
Oxf. 1841. Augustine, De UnUate Eccletia. Hus,
Tractatus de Eccletia. Roman Catholic
Theory: Bellannine, De ConcUUt et Eccletia
(Disps. i. 1084, Ingolstadt ed. 1580); Notts on
Church, Holdiworth's ed. repr. 1840. Thomassin,
Vetus et Nova Ecclesiat Ditdptina, Lucas, 1728.
Muhler, Die Einheit in der Kirche, Tubing. 1835
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Cox, D. D., Lond. 1827. F. Oberthiir, Idea BibL
Ecclesia Dei, 2d ed. 6 vol. Sulzbach, 1817-38.
I Lutheran ajid Reformed (Presbyterian)
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Luther's Lehre von der Kirche, Stuttg. 1858
Gerhard, Loci, torn. xii. Th. Beza, De Veris «
Vuibilious EccL Calk. Notts, Genev.,1579. Pk
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•CHURCHES, ROBBERS OF, is the
translation (A. V.) of Upoaikovt (Acta lis. 37)
which should be " robbers of temples " or " sacrile-
gious." The Ephesian town-clerk declared that no
accusation like this could be brought against Paul's
companions, Uaius and Aristarchus. The temples
of die heathen contained images of gold and silver,
votive offerings and other gifts, which were often
plundered. " Churches," when our version was
made, denoted places of pagan as well as of Christian
worship, and hence this latter application of the
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proper then. For examples of this wider usage in
the older writers, see Trench, Authorized Version,
Ac., p. 42 (ed. 1859). H.
OHU'SHAN - RISHATHATM flttta
DYVSJIp"}: XomnpraBaiu; [Comp. Xowrca-
pecaBalu!) Chustn Rasnthaim), the king of Meso-
potamia who oppressed Israel during eight years in
the generation immediately following Joshua (Judg.
iii. 8). The seat of his dominion was probably the
region between the Euphrates and the Khabour, to
which the name of Mesopotamia always attached
a a special way. In the early cuneiform inscrip-
jons this country appears to be quite distinct from
Assyria j it b inhabited by a people called Nairi,
who are divided into a vast number of petty tribes
and offer but little resistance to the Assyrian armies.
No centralized monarchy is found, but as none of
the Assyrian historical inscriptions date earlier than
about b. c. 1100, which is some centuries later
than the time of Chushan, it is of course quite
possible that a very different condition of things
may hare existed in his day. In the weak and
iirided state of Western Asia at this time, it was
easy for a brave and skillful chief to build up rapidly
a vast power, which was apt to crumble away almost
as quickly. The case of Solomon is an instance.
Chushan-Risbathaim's yoke was broken from the
nak of the people of Israel at the end of eight
CHilOIA
years by Othniel, Caleb's nephew (Judg. ffi. tt»
and nothing more is heard of Mesopotamia as aa
aggressive power. The rise of the Assyrian empire,
about b. c. 1270, would naturally reduce the bor-
dering nations to insignificance. G. R.
CHU'SI (Xovi, Alex. Xovro; L Aid. Comp
Xouct :] Vulg. omits), a place named only in Judith
vii. 18, aa near Ekrebel, and upon the brook Moch-
mur. It was doubtless in central Palestine, but
all the names appear to be very corrupt, and are
not recognizable.
CHU'ZA (properly Chuzas: Xovfa: [Chusas
or ~sa]), txirpawot, or house-steward of Herod (An-
tipas), whose wife Joanna ('IvdVra, i"Tj>nV), hav-
ing been healed by our Lord either of poasessk u by
an evil spirit or of a disease, became attached to
that body of women who accompanied Him on his
journeying* (Luke viii. 3) ; and, together with Mary
Magdalen and Mary the mother [V] of James,
having come early to the sepulchre on the morning
of the resurrection, to bring spices and ointments
to complete the burial, brought word to the Apostles
that the Lord was risen (Luke xxiv. 10).
H. A
OICCAR (*1?3). [Jordan; Topograph-
ical Terms.]
CILICIA (KiXucfa), a maritime province in
the S. E. of Asia Minor, bordering on Pamphylia
in the W., Lycaonia and Cappadocia in the N., and
Syria in the E. Lofty mountain chains separate
it from these provinces, Mons Amanus from Syria,
and AntiUurus from Cappadocia : these barriers
can be surmounted only by a few difficult passes;
the former by the Port* Amanides at the head of
the valley of the Pinarus, the latter by the Port*
Ciliciee near the sources of the Cydnus; towards
the S., however, an outlet was afforded between the
Sinus Issicus and the spurs of Amanus for a road,
which afterwards crossed the Portae Syria; in the
direction of Antioch." The sea-coast is rock-bound
in the W., low and shelving in the E. ; the chief
rivers, Sarus, Cydnus, and C'alycadnus, were inac-
cessible to vessels of any size from sand-bars formed
at their mouths. The western portion of the
province is intersected with the ridges of Anti-
taurus, and was denominated Trachea, rough, in
contradistinction to Pedias, the level district in the
E. The latter portion was remarkable for its beauty
and fertility, as well as for its luxurious climate:
hence it became a favorite residence of the Greeks
after its incorporation into the Macedonian empire,
and it* capital Tarsus was elevated into the seat
of a celebrated school of philosophy. The connec-
tion between the Jews and Cilicia dates from the
time when it became part of the Syrian kingdom.
Antiochus the Great is said to have introduced
2000 families of the Jews into Asia Minor, many
of whom probably settled in Cilicia (Joseph. Ant
xii. 3, § 4). In the Apostolic age they were still
there in considerable numbers (Acts vi. 9). Ci) : «ian
mercenaries, probably from Trachea, served in the
body-gusrd of Alexander Jannseus (Joseph. Ant.
xiii. 13, § 5; B. J. i. 4, § 8). Josephus identified
Cilicia with the Tarshbh of Gen. X. 4; Bapcbs Si
Bafxreu, otrus yap ixaXtiro t" waAcuor ii KiAwffl
(AnL i. 6, § 1). Cilicia was from its geographic*.
■ Hence the don oonntetion which exJstet bttwaas
Syria and ClUda, aa Imttoatad in Arts sr. 28, 41
0*1. 1. 21.
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CINNAMON
«Mkfeo the high road between Syria and the West; 1
k was aleo the native country of St. Paul; hence it j
■a* Tiaited by him, first, soon after his cocrersion |
(Gal. i. 21; Acta ii. 30), on which occasion be
probably founded the church there; • and again in
nil second apostolical journey, when he entered it
on the side of Syria, and crossed Antitaurus by the
Pyue CilicijB into Lycaonia (Acta xv. 41).
W. L. R
CINNAMON (10?)?, 1*13?)? : Kunx^^oy.
-tmanumwm), a well-known aromatic substance,
the rind of the Liurut cwtamomum, called Ko-
rwida-ynuhah in Ceylon. It is mentioned in Ex.
xxx. 33 as one of the component parts of toe holy
anointing oil, which Moses was commanded to pre-
pare; in Pror. vii. 17 as a perfume for the bed;
and in Cant. It. 14 as one of the plants of the
garden which is the image of the spouse. In Rev.
xviii. 13 it is enumerated among the merchandise
of the great Babylon. " It was imported into
Judsea by the Phoenicians or by the Arabians, and
is now found in Sumatra, Borneo, China, Ac., but
chiefly, and of the best quality, in the S. W. part
of Ceylon, where the soil if fight and sandy, and
the atmosphere moist with the prevalent southern
winds. The stem and boughs of the cinnamon-tree
are surrounded by a double rind, the exterior being
whitish or gray, and almost inodorous and tasteless;
but the inner one, which consists properly of two
closely connected rinds, furnishes, if dried in the
sun, that much-valued brown cinnamon which is
imported to us in the shape of fine thin barks,
sight or ten of which, rolled one into the other, form
sometimes a quill. It is this inner rind which is
called in Ex. xxx. 93, D^75"7D3r?, •> spicy cin-
namon" (Kaliachod foe.). From the coarser pieces
oil of cinnamon is obtained, and a finer kind of oil
is also got by boiling the ripe fruit of the tree.
This last is used in the composition of incense, and
diffuses a most delightful scent when burning.
Herodotus (iii. Ill) ascribes to the Greek word
Kuwd/Mpov a Phoenician, i. e. a Semitic origin.
His words are : ipyiOas 34 Afyoiwi prydAat
0ap4c ir ravra T<k itdpQtu, roi iin*U art wairhcwr
luiMmt Kwrd/ictftov KaAVo/ur.
The meaning of the Heb. root D3J7 ■* doubtful.
The Arab. *Jls = to full offetuheh/ lite rancid
mtt-oil. Gasenius suggests that the word might
have had the notion of lifting up or standing up-
right, like H jn, yd, )3n, and so be identical
with njP, ccuma, ealnmm, which the cinnamon-
rind resemble* in form when prepared for the
D-irket, and has hence been called in the later
l-itln camuUti, in Italian ennelln, and in French
canelie. Gesenius ( Thai. 1223) corrects his former
derivation of the word (in Lex. Man.) from HDp,
•s being contrary to grammatical anally.
W. D.
The reader is rek-rivd to Sir E. Tennent's Ceylon
(L 699) tor much interesting information on the
nbject of the early history of the cinnamon plan* •
Jus writer believes that "the earliest knowledge
CIRCUMCISION
463
* • Probably " churatMS," tor the plural (Acta xv.
O) aasurally refers to ohorcbM In each of the two
, not to one ohuroh In awn of the two.
H.
of this substance possessed by the Western natkn a
was derived from China, and that it first reach d
India and Phoenicia overland by way of Persia; at
a later period when the Arabs, ' the merchai.ta of
Sbeba,' competed for the trade of Tyre, and carried
to her the chief of all spices ' (Ex. xxvii. 22 j, theh
supplies were drawn hem tbeii African possessions,
and the cassia of the Troglodytic coast supplanted
the cinnamon of the far East, and to a great extent
excluded it from the market."
With regard to the origin of the word, it i*
probable that it is derived from the Persian " 0»-
tvnmm," i. e. " Chinese amomum " (see Tenneut
in L a). Dr. Royle, however, conjectures that H
is allied to the Cingalese Cacymiama, " sweet wood,"
or the Malagan Kamanis. The brothers C. G
and Th. F. L. Nees von Eteubeck have published
a valuable easay, " De Cinnmnomo Duputatii"
(Amamitate* beta*. Bvnnen$tt, Kaao. i. Boonss,
1823, 4to), to which the reader is referred tat
additional information. W. H.
CIN'NBBOTH, ALL (nnSS-bs : waan
rhr X«mp#; [Vat X*(pa$i Alex. Xtnpt$:]
unioertam CeneroA), a district named with the
>' land of Naphtali " and other northern places aa
having been laid waste by Benhadad king of Damas-
cus, the ally of Asa king of Judah (1 K. xv. 20)
It probably took its name from the adjacent city ur
lake of the same name (in other passages of the
A. V. [in modern editions] spelt Chinnekoth),
and was possibly the small enclosed district [3 miles
long and 1 wide] north of Tiberias, and by the aid*
of the lake, afterwards known as "the plain of
tiennesaret." The expression " All Cinnenth "
is unusual and may be compared with "AD
Bithron," — probably, like this, a district and not
a town. G.
CIRA'MA. The people of Orania (/« KipcuinM
[Vat. Ksipcyt; Alex. Kipapa:] Grama*) and Gab
des came up with Zorobabel from Babylon (1 Esdr.
v. 90). [Kamah.]
CIRCUMCISION (T^O : nptro^: eii-
cumcitio) was peculiarly, though not exclusively, a
Jewish rite. It was enjoined upon Abraham, the
father of the nation, by God, at the institution,
and as the token, of the Covenant, which assured
to him and his descendants the promise of the
Messiah (Gen. xvii.). It was thus made a necea-
sary condition of Jewish nationality. Every male
child was to be circumcised when right days old
(Lev. xii. 8) on pain of death ; a penalty which, in
the case of Moses, appears to have been demanded
of the father, when the Lord " sought to kill him '•
because his son was nncircumcised (Ex. iv. 24-26)
If the eighth day were a Sabbath the rite was nns
postponed (John vii. 22, 23). Slave*, whethet
home-born or purchased, were circumcised (Geu
xvii. 12, 13); and foreigners must have their males
circumcised before they could be allowed to partaki
of the passover (Ex. xii. 48), or become Jewish
citizens (Jud. xiv. 10. See alio Esth. viii. 17,
wnere for Heb. D , lU.O'?i " became Jews," th»
LXX. have weptrriixnrn «ol 'lovtJufor). The
operation, which was performed with a sharp instru-
ment (Ex. iv. 26; Josh. v. 2 [Knife]), wo» *
painful one, at least to grown persona (Gen. xxxrr
26; Josh. r. 8). It seems to have been customary
to name a child when it was drain clsed (Luke I
M).
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164
CIRCUMCISION
Various explanations have ben given of the fact,
that, though the Israelites practised circumcision
Id Egypt, they neglected it entirely during their
tourneying in the wilderness (Josh. v. 6). The
moat satisfactory account of the matter appeals to
be, that the nation, while bearing the punishment
of disobedience in its forty jears' wandering, was
regarded as under a temporary rejection by God,
and was therefore prohibited from using the sign
of the Covenant. This agrees with the mention
of their disobedience and its punishment, which
immediately follows in the passage in Joshua (v. 6),
and with the words (v. 9), » This day have I rolled
away the reproach of Egypt from off you." The
" reproach of Egypt " was the threatened taunt of
their former masters that God had brought them
into the wilderness to slay them (Ex. xxxii. 12;
Num. liv. 13-16; Dent. ix. 28), which, so long as
they remained uncircumciaed and wanderers in the
desert for their sin, was in danger of falling upon
them. (Other views of the passage are given and
di sc uss e d in Keil's Commentary o* Joshua, in
Clark's TheoL Lib,:, p. 129, 4c.)
The use of circumcision by other nations beside
the Jews is to be gathered almost entirely from
sources extraneous to the Bible. The rite has been
found to prevail extensively both in ancient and
modern times ; and among some nations, as, for in-
stance, the Abyssinians, Nubians, modern Egypt-
ians, and Hottentots, a similar custom is said to be
practiced by both sexes (see the Penny Cyclopedia,
article Circumcision). The Biblical notice of the
rite describes it as distinctively Jewish ; so that in
the K. T. "the circumcision " (17 irsotropr}) and
the uncircumciaion (i/ iucpo$v<rrla) are frequently
used as synonyms for the Jews and the Gentiles.
Circumcision certainly belonged to the Jews as it
did to no other people, by virtue of its divine insti-
tution, of the religious privileges which were at-
tached to it, and of the strict regulations which
enforced its observance. Moreover, the U. T. his-
tory incidentally discloses the fact that many, if
not all, of the nations with whom they came in
contact were uncircumciaed. One tribe of the Ca-
naanites, the Hivites, were so, as appears from the
story of Ilamor and Shechem (Gen. xxxiv.). To
the Philistines the epithet " uncircumcised " is con-
stantly applied (Judg. xiv. 3, Ac. Hence the force
of the narrative, 1 Sam. xviii. 25-27). From the
great unwillingness of Zipporah to allow her son to
be circumcised (Kx. iv. 25), it would seem that the
Midianites, though descended from Abraham by
Keturah (Gen. xxv. 2), did not practice the rite.
rite expression " lying uncircumcised," or •' lying
with the uncircumcised," as used by Ksekiel (c.
xxxii.) of the Egyptians, Assyrians, and others,
does not necessarily affirm any thing either way, as
'o the actual practice of circumcision by those na-
lisis. The origin of the custom amongst one large
seel ion of those Gentiles who follow it, is to be
found in the Biblical record of the circumcision of
Iahmael (Gen. xvii. 25). Josephus relates that the
Arabians circumcise after the thirteenth year, be-
ssuse Iahmael, the founder of their nation, was cir-
cumcised at that age (Ant. i. 12, § 2; see line's
Vod. Egupt. ch. ii.). Though Mohammed did not
enjoin circumcision in the Koran, he was circum-
tised himself, according to the custom of bis coun-
try ; and circumcision is now as common amongst
the Mohammedans as amongst the Jews.
Another passage in the Bible has been thought
4y tame to speak of certain Gentile nations as cir-
CIRCUMC18ION
cumdsed. In Jar. ix. 26, 98 (Heb. 24, 23) (hi
expression (WVny? bTO'bj, nr. 24) which is
translated in the A! V. "all them which are cir
cumciaed with the uncircumcised," is rendered by
Michaelis and Ewald " all the uncircumciaed cir-
cumcised ones," and the passage understood to de
scribe the Egyptians, Jews, Edomites, Ammonites
and MoabitM, as alike circumcised in flesh and un-
circumciaed in heart. But, whatever meaning be
assigned to the particular expression (Sosenmiiller
agrees with the A. V. ; Maurer suggests " ciicurn-
cised in foreskin "), the next verse makes a plain
distinction between two classes, of which all the
Gentiles (C^n~b|), including surely the
Egyptians and others just named, was one, and the
house of Israel the other; the former being uncir-
cumcised both in flesh and heart, the latter, though
possessing the outward rite, yet destitute of the cor
responding state of heart, and therefore to be vis-
ited as though uncircumciaed. Hie difficulty that
then arises, namely, that the Egyptians are called
uncircumcised, whereas Herodotus and others stats
that they were circumcised, hss been obviated by
supposing those statements to refer only to the
priests and those initiated into the mysteries, so
that the nation generally might still be spoken of
as uncircumcised (Herod, ii. 36, 37, 104 ; and Wes-
seling and Uahr in he.). The testimony of Herod-
otus must be received with caution, especially as ha
asserts (ii. 104) that the Syrians in Palestine con-
fessed to having received circumcision from the
Egyptians. If he means the Jews, the assertion,
though it has beea ably defended (see Spencer, de
Leg. Ilebr. i. 5, § 4) cannot be reconciled wilh
Gen. xvii.; John vii. 22. If other Syrian tribes
are intended, we hare the contradiction of Josephus,
who writes, " It is evident that no other of the
Syrians that live in Palestine besides us alone are
circumcised " (Ant. viii. 10, § 3. See Wbiston's
note there). Of the other nations mentioned by
Jeremiah, the Moabites and Ammonites were de-
scended from Ix>t, who had left Abraham before he
received the rite of circumcision ; and the Edomites
cannot be shown to have been circumcised until
they were compelled to be so by Hyrcanus (Joseph.
Ant. xiii. 9, § 1). The subject is fully discussed
by Michaelis ( Commentaries on the Lairs of Motes,
iv. 3, clxxxiv.-clxxxvi.).
The process of restoring a circumcised person to
his natural condition by a surgical operation was
sometimes undergone (Celaus, de Re Medica, vii.
25). 'Some of the Jews in the time of Antiochus
Epiphanes, wishing to assimilate themselves to the
heathen around them, built a gymnasium (-vo^vo-
aiov) at Jerusalem, and that they might not bs
known to be Jews when they appeared naked in
the games, " made themselves uncircumcised " (1
Maca i. 15, twoi-nffew iauroti ixpofiutrrlas. X ect ~
runt $Un praputiu ; Joseph. Ant. xii. 5 &, U ts)»
tmv altoiav wtptrofi^y fatKaXvarrtw, it. r. A.)-
Against having recourse to this practice, from an
excessive antkludaistic tendency, St. Paul cautions
the Corinthians in the words '• Was any one called
l-eing circumcised, let him not become uncircum-
cised" (p) imcuiaiv, 1 Cor. vii. 18). See the
Essay of Gruddeck, De .ludtris praputium, Ac., in
Schittgen's /lor. Ilebr. ii.
The attitude which Christianity, at its introduc-
tion, assumed towards circumcision was one of ab-
solute hostility, so far as the necessity of the tits
to ralvation, or its possession of any religions m
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CIS
. worth were concerned (Act* xv. ; Ga!. v. 2).
Bat while the Apostle* resolutely forbade ita im-
position by authority on the Gentiles, they made
oo objection to ita practice, a* a mere matter of
feeling or expediency. St. Paul, who would by no
means consent to the demand for Titus, who was a
Greek, to be circumcised (Gal. ii. 3-5), on another
occasion had Timothy circumcised to conciliate the
Jews, and that he might preach to them with more
effect a* being one of themselves (Acta xvi. 8).
The Abyssinian Christians still practice circum-
cision aa a national custom. In accordance with
the spirit of Christianity, those who ascribed effi-
cacy to the mere outward rite, are spoken cf in the
N. T. almost with contempt as " the concision " or
" amputation " (r))v Korarauvji'); while the claim
to be the true circumcision is vindicated for Chris-
tians themselves (Phil. ill. S, 8). An ethical idea
if attached to circumcision even in the 0. T., where
uncircumcised lips (Ex. vi. 12, 30), or ears (Jer. vi.
10), or hearts (Lev. xxvi. 41) are spoken of, i. e.,
either stammering or dull, closed a* it were with a
foreskin (Gewn. Hub. Ltx. a. v. Vty), or rather
rebellious and unholy (Deut. xxx. 6; Jer. iv. 4),
because circumcision was the symbol of purity (see
Is. hi. 1 ). Thus the fruit of a tree is called uucir-
eumciaed, or in other words unclean (l>ev. xix. 2:1).
In the N. T. the ethical and spiritual idea of purity
and holiness is fully developed (Col. ii. 11, 13;
Rom. ii. 28, 29). T. T. P.
CIS (Rec. T. Kit [and so written because the
Greek alphabet did not express ih] ; Lachni. [Tisch.
Treg] with [Sin.] A II C D, Ktts- Cw), Ada
xiii. 21. [Kish, 1.]
CI'SAI [2 syl.] (Kio-cuor; [Vat. Alex. FA.
Kfurauot:] Cm), Eath. xi. 2. [Kjwii, 2.]
CISTERN (n'12, from "W|, dig or tore,
Gesen. 176: usually KixKot- eutema or facw), a
receptacle for water, either conducted from an ex-
ternal spring, or proceeding from rain-fell.
The dryness of the summer months between May
and Septem'.<er. in Syria, and the scarcity of springs
in many porta of the country, make it necessary to
collect in reservoirs and cisterns the rain-water, of
which abundance falls in the intermediate period
(Shaw, TravtU, 335; S. Jerome, quoted by Har-
mer, i. 148; Robinson, i. 430; Kitto, Pky. Gtogr.
of H. I.. 302, 303). Thus the cistern Is essentially
distinguished from the living spring )?J, 'Am;
hut from the well "W3, Bthr, only In the feet
that Beer it almost always used to denote a place
ordinarily containing water rising on the spot, while
T*3, Bar, in often used for a dry pit, or one that
may be left dry at pleasure (Stanity, ft f P. 512,
6H). [Ain; Well.] The larger sort of public
tankd or reservoirs, in Arabic, Birlcth, Hebrew Be-
rccak, are usually called in A. V. "pool," while
far the smaller and more private it is convenient to
reserve the name cistern.
Both birkehs and cisterns are frequent through-
out the whole of Syria and Palestine, and for the
construction of them the rocky nature of the ground
affords peculiar facilities either in original excava-
tion, or by enlargement of natural cavities. Dr.
Robinson remarks that the iuhauitants of all the
alll country "f Judah and Benjamin are in thi
hahit of collecting water during the rainy snsssn m
tanks and cisterns, in the cities and fields, and
30
466
CISTERN
along the high roads, for the sustenance of i
selves and their flocks, and for the comfort of the
pausing traveller. Many of these are obviously an-
tique, and exist along ancient roads now deserted.
On the long forgotten way from Jericho to Bethel,
" broken cisterns " of high antiquity are found at
regular intervals. Jerusalem, described by Strabo
as well supplied with water, in a dry neighborhood
(xvi. 760), depends mainly for this upon its cis-
terns, of which almost every private house possesses
one or more, excavated In the rock on which the
city is built. The following are the dimensions of
4, belonging to the house in which Dr. Robinson
resided. (1.) IS ft X8X 12 deep. (2.) 8X4
X15. (3.) 10X10X15- (•»•) 30X30X90.
The cisterns have usually a round opening at the
top, sometimes built up with stonework above, and
furnished with a curb and a wheel for the bucket
(Keel. xii. 6), so that they have externally much
the appearance of an ordinary well. The water is
conducted into them from the roofs of the house*
during the rainy season, and with care remains
sweet during the whole summer and autumn. In
this manner most of the larger bouses and public
buildings are supplied (Robinson, i. 324-5). Jose-
phus (B. J. iv. 4, § 4) describes the abundant pro-
vision for water supply in the towers and fortresses
of Jerusalem, a supply which has contributed
greatly to its capacity for defense, while the dryness
of the neighborhood, verifying Strain's expression
tV «£*A«t X<ipta> l%or \vwp4w vol lanSpor, has
in all cases hindered the operations of besiegers.
Thus Hetekiah stopped the supply of water outside
the city in anticipation of the attack of Sennach-
erib (2 Chr. xxxii. 3, 4). The progress of Antio-
chus Sidetee, u. c. 134, was at first retarded by
want of water, though this want was afterwards
unexpectedly relieved (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 8, § 2;
Clinton, iii. 331). Josephus also imputes to divine
interposition the supply of water with which the
army of Titus was furnished after suffering from
want of it (B. J. v. 0, § 4). The crusaders also,
during the siege A. o. 1099, were harassed by ex-
treme want of water while the besieged were fully
supplied (MatCh. Paris, ll'ttt. pp. 46, 49, ed. Wat.)
The defense of Maaada by Joseph, brother of Herod,
against Antigonus, was enabled to be prolonged,
owing to an a unexpected replenishing of the cistern*
by a shower of rain (Joseph. AnL xiv. 15, § 2), and
in a subsequent passage he describes the cistern*
and reservoirs, by which that fortress was plenti-
fully supplied with water, as he had previously done
in the case of Jerusalem and Macherua (B. J. h.
4, §4, iv. 6, §2, vU. 8, §3). Benjamin of Tudeta
says very little water is found at Jerusalem, but the
inhabitants drink rain-water, which they collect in
their bouses (Early Trat. p. 84).
Burckhardt mentions cisterns belonging to pri-
vate houses, among other places, at Sermein, near
Aleppo (Sgria, p. 121), El Ban, in the Orontes
valley (p. 132), Dhami and Missema in the Lejah
(pp. 110, 112, 118), Tiberias (p. 331), Kerek in
Moab (p. 377), Mount Tabor (p. 334). Of some
at Hahleh, near Gilgal, the dimensions are given
by Robinson: — (1.) 7 ft-X6X3 deep. (8.)
Nearly the same** (J). (3.) 12X9X8- They
have one or two steps to descend into than, aa la
the case with one near Gaza, now disused, described
by Sandys as " a mighty cistern, filled only by the
rain-water, and descended into bv stairs of stone "
(Sandys, p. 150; Robinson, il. 89). Of those at
Hahleh, some were covered with flat stone* rating
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466
CITHERN
an arches, some entirely open, and all evidently an-
cient (Robinson, iii. 137).
Emptj cisterns were sometimes used as prisons
ind places of confinement. Joseph was cast into a
"pit," Ti3 (Gen. xxxvii. 22), and his "dun-
geon " in Egypt is called by the same name (xli.
14). Jeremiah was thrown into a miry though
empty cistern, whose depth is indicated by the
cords used to let him down (Jer. xxxvili. 6). To
this prison tradition has assigned a locality near
the gate called Herod's gate (Hasselquiat, p. 140;
MaundreU, Early Trav. p. 448). Vitruvius (viii.
7) describes the method in use in his day for con-
structing water tanks, but the native rock of Pal-
estine usually superseded the necessity of more art
in this work than is sufficient to excavate a basin
of the required dimensions.
The city of Alexandria is supplied with water
contained in arched cisterns supported by pillars,
extending under a great part of the old city (Van
Egmout, TrmtU, ii. 134). [Pool; Wkll.]
H. W. P.
CITHERN (= cithara, KtBipa, 1 Mace. iv.
54), a musical instrument most probably of Greek
origin, employed by the Chaldeans at balls and
routs, and introduced by the Hebrews into Pales-
tine on their return thither after the Babylonian
Captivity. The cithern was of the guitar species,
and was known at a later period as the Cittern,
under which name it is mentioned by the old dram-
atists as having constituted part of the furniture
of a barber's shop. Of the same species is the
Cither or Zither of Southern Germany, Tyrol, and
Switzerland.
With respect to the shape of the Cithern or
Cithara mentioned in the Apocrypha, the opinion
of the learned is divided : according to some it re-
sembled in form the Greek Delta (A), others repre-
sent it as a half -moon, and others again like the
modern guitar. In many eastern countries it is
still in use, with strings varying in number from
three to twenty-four. Under the name of Koothir,
the traveller Niebuhr describes it as a wooden plate
or dish, with a hole bei:eath and
a piece of skin stretched above
like a drum. Two sticks, joined
after the manner of.a fan, pan
through the skin at the end, and
where the two sticks stand apart
they are connected by a trans-
versal piece of wood. From
the upper end of this wooden
triangle to the point below are
fastened five chords, which at a
little distance above their junc-
CKhern. tion, pass over a bridge, like the
strings of a violin. The chords
>re made to vibrate by means of a leather thong
fastened to one of the lateral sticks of the triangle,
n Mendelssohn's edition of- the Psalms represen-
ations arc given of the several musical instruments
met with in the sacred books, and Koothir or Koth-
ras is described by the accompanying figure.
The Cithara, if it be not the same with, resem-
bles very closely, the instruments mentioned in the
book of Psalms under the denominations of "1132,
3|^> ''T)., respectively rendered in the A. V.
hap," "psaltery," "organ." In Chaldee, Cithara
DVVTi?, the Keri for DTVTf?
CITIES
(Dan. Hi. 8). In the A, V. Dlinf? is nudeme
"harp," and the same word is employed instead of
Cithern (1 Mace. iv. 64) in Robert Barker's edition
of the English Bible, London, 1615. Gesenius
considers Cithara as the same with harp; but Lu-
ther translates KiSipais by mil Pfttftn, "with
pipes." (See Biour to Mendelssohn's Psalms, 2d
Pref.; Niebuhr, Travels; Flint's Concordance;
Gesenius on the word DW^i?.) D. W. M.
CITIES. (1.) tjny, plur. of both IV, 'Jr
and also T'S, ' fr, from "TO, to keep watch— Ge*.
p. 1004, 5; once (Judg. x. 4) in plur. S^S, for
the sake of a play with the same word, prar. of
~ 1> .?» » JWV <***'• wo\««: CTOta*e», or urbet.
(9.) rrnp, Kirjath; once in dual, DrrTT}?,
Kirfathaim (Nam. xxxii. 37), from >"H|?, approach
as an enemg, prefixed as a name to many names of
towns on both sides of the Jordan existing before
the conquest, as Kirjath-Arba, probably the most
ancient name for city, but seldom used in prose as
a general name for town (Gee. p. 1236; Stanley,
S. (f P. App. § 80).
The classification of the human race into dwellers
in towns and nomad wanderers (Gen. iv. 90, 22)
seems to be intimated by the etymological sense of
both words, 'Ar, or '/r, and Kirjath, namely, as
places of security against an enemy, distinguished
from the unwalled village or hamlet, whose resist-
ance is more easily overcome by the marauding
tribes of the desert. This distinction is found act-
ually existing in countries, as Persia and Arabia, in
which the tent-dwellers are found, like the Recha-
bites, almost side by side with the dwellers in cities,
sometimes even sojourning within them, but not
amalgamated with the inhabitants, and in general
making the desert their home, and. unlike the
Kechabites, robbery their undissembled occupation
(Judg. v. 7; Jer. xxxv. 9, 11; Fraser, Persia, 366,
180: Malcolm. Slelches of Persia, 147-156; Burck-
hardt, Notes on Bedouini, I. 167; WeUsted, Tmrels
in Arabia, I. 335; Porter, Damascus, ii. 96, 181,
188; Vaux, Nineveh and Perte/jolts, c. ii. note A;
Uyard, Nineveh, ii. 272; Nin. a* Bab. 141).
[Villages.]
The earliest notice in Scripture of city-building
is of Enoch by Cain, in the land of his " exile "
("TO, Nod, Gen. iv. 17). After the confusion of
tongues, the descendants of Nimrod founded Mabel,
Krech, Accad, and Calneh, in the land of Shinar,
and Asshur, a branch from the same stock, built
Nineveh, Rehoboth-by-the-river, Calab, and Resen,
the last being " a great city." A sul sequent pas-
sage mentions Sidon, Gaza, Sodom, Gomorrah, Ad-
niah, Zeboim, and Iasha, as cities of the Canaan-
ites, but without implying for them antiquity equal
to that of Nineveh and the rest (Gen. x. 10-12, 19,
xL 8, 9, xxxvi. 87). Sir H. Rawlinson supposes,
(1) that the expedition of Chedorlaomer (Gen. xir )
was prior to the building of Babylon or Nineveh,
indicating a migration or conquest from Persia or
Assyria; (2) that by Nimrod is to be understood
not an individual, but a name denoting the " set-
tlers" in the Assyrian plain; and (3) that the
names Reboboth, Calah, 4c., when first mentioned
only denoted sites of buildings afterwards erected.
He supposes that Nineveh was built about 1254
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CITIES
». c, and Calah about * century later, while Bab-
ylon appean to have existed in the 15th century
B. o. If this be correct, we most infer that the
places then attacked, Sodom, Gomorrah, Ac., were
cities of higher antiquity than Nineveh or Babylon,
Inasmuch as when they were destroyed a few years
later, they were cities in every sense of the term.
The name Kirjathaim, "double-city" (Gee. p.
1336), indicates an existing city, and not only a site.
It may be added that the remains of civic buildings
»»i»Hng in Moab are evidently very ancient, if not,
in some cases, the same as those erected by the ab-
original Emims and Rephaims. (See also the name
Avhh, • ruins," Ges. p. 1000 ; Gen. xix. 1, 39, xxxvL
36; Is xxiii. 13; Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt. i. 308;
Layard, Nin. <f Bab. p. 633; Porter. Damascus, i.
309, ii. 196; Rawlinson, Outlines of Assyr. /fist.
4, 5.) But though it appears probable that, what-
ever dates may be assigned to the building of Bab-
ylon or Nineveh in their later condition, they were
In bet rebuilt at those epochs, snd not founded for
the first time, and that towns in some form or other
may have occupied the sites of the later Nineveh
or Calah; it is quite clear that cities existed in
Syria prior to the time of Abraham, who himself
same from " Ur," the " city " of the Chaldseans
(Ges. p. 55; Rawlinson, p. 4).
The earliest description of a city, properly so
sailed, is that of Sodom (Gen. xix. 1-33); but it
is certain that from very early times cities existed
on the sites of Jerusalem, Hebron, and Damascus.
The last, said to be the oldest city in the world,
must from its unrivalled situation have always com-
manded a congregated population ; Hebron is said
to have been built seven years before Zoan (Tanis)
in Egypt, and is thus the only Syrian town which
presents the elements of a date for its foundation
(Num. xiii. 33; Stanley, S. <f P. p. 409; Joseph.
AM. i. 6, J 4; Conybeare and Howsoo, Life and
£jp. of St Paul, I 94, 96).
But then can be no doubt that, whatever date
may be given to Egyptian civilization, there were
inhabited cities in Egypt long before this ((Jen. xii.
14, 15; Martineau, East. Life, i. 151; Wilkinson,
i. 307 ; Did. of (Jeogr. art. Tanis). The name,
however, of Hebron, Kirjath-Arba, indicates its ex-
istence at least as early as the time of Abraham,
as the city, or fortified place of Arba, an aboriginal
province of southern Palestine (Gen. xxiii. 3; Josh.
xiv. 15). The " tower of Edar," near Bethlehem,
or " of flocks " TTO Vj^tJ, indicates a position
fortified against marauders (Gen. xxxr. 31).
Whether " the city of Sbalem " be a site or an
existing town cannot be determined, but there can
be no doubt that the situation of Shechem is ss
well identified in the present day, as its importance
as a fortified place is plain from the Scripture nar-
rative (Gen. xxxiii. 18, xxxiv. 30, 36; Robinson,
H. 387). On the whole it seems plain that the Ca-
aaanite, who was " in the land " before the coming
f Abraham, had already built cities of more or less
. nportance, which had been largely increased by
the time of the return from Egypt-
Even before the time of Abraham there were
dties in Egypt (Gen. xii. 14, 15; Num. xiii. 33
Wilkinson, 1. 4, 6). The Israelites, during their
wjoum there, were employed in building or forti-
*/ing the " treasure cities " of Pithom (Abbasieh)
and Raamses (Ex. i. 11 ; Herod, ii. 158; Winer,
O ese n ins, s. m.; Robinson, i. 64, 66>' but their
issslml habits nuke it unlikely that they should
CITIES
457
build, still less fortify, cities rf their own in Goshen
(Gen. xlvi. 84, xlvii. 1-11).
Meanwhile the settled inhabitants of Syria oa
both sides of the Jordan had grown in power ana
in number of " fenced cities." In the kingdom of
Sihon are many names of cities preserved to the
present day; and in the kingdom of Og, in Uashan,
were 60 " great cities with walls and brazen bars,"
besides unwalled villages ; and also 23 cities in
Gilead, which were occupied and perhaps partly
rebuilt or fortified by the tribes on the east of Jor-
dan (Num. xxi. 31, 32, 33, 35, xxxii. 1-3, 34, 43;
Deut iii. 4, 5, 14; Josh, xi., xiii.; 1 K. iv. 13;
1 Chr. U. 83; Burckhardt, Syria, pp. 311, 467.
Porter, Damascus, ii. 195, 196, 206, 259, 275).
On the west of Jordan, whilst 31 " royal " cities
are enumerated (Josh. xii. ), in the district assigned
to Judah 125 "cities " with villages are reckoned
(Josh, xv.); in Benjamin 26; to Simeon 17; Zab-
ulun 13; Issachar 16; Asher 23; Naphtali 19;
Dan 17 (Josh, xviii., xix.). But from some of
these the possessors were not expelled till a late pe-
riod, and Jerusalem itself was not captured till the
time of David (3 Sam. v. 6-9).
From this time the Hebrews became a city-
dwelling and agricultural rather than a pastoral
people. David enlarged Jerusalem, and Solomon,
besides embellishing his capital, also built or re-
built Tadmor, Palmyra, Gezer, Beth-boron, Haxor,
and Megiddo, besides store-cities (2 Sam. v. 7, 9,
10; 1 K. ix. 15-18; 3 Chr. viii. 6). To Solomon
also is ascribed by eastern tradition the building
of Persepolis (Chardin, Voyage, viii. 390; Man-
delslo, i. 4 ; Kuran, ch. xxxviii. ).
The works of Jeroboam at Shechem (1 K. xii.
25; Judg. ix. 45), of Kehoboam (2 Chr. xi. 6-10)
of Baasha at Rama, interrupted by Asa (1 K. XT.
17, 33), of Omrl at Samaria (xvi. 24), the rebuild-
ing of Jericho in the time of Ahab (xvi. 34), the
works of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 12), of Jotfaam
(3 Chr. xxvii. 4), the rebuilding of Jerusalem, am)
later still, the works of Herod and his family, be-
long to their respective articles.
Collections of houses in Syria for social habita-
tion may be clawed under three beads: — (1) cit-
ies; (3) towns with citadels or towers for resort
and defense; (3) unwalled villages. The cities
may be assumed to have been in almost all cases
"fenced cities," t. e. possessing a wall with towers
and gates (Lav. xxv. 29; Deut ix. 1; Josh. ii. 16,
vi. 30; 1 Sam. xxiii. 7; 1 K. iv. 13; 2 K. vi. 36,
vii. 3, xviii. 8, 13; Acts ix. 35); and a< a mark
of conquest was to break down a portion, at least,
of the city wall of the captured place, so the first
care of the defenders, as of the Jews after theii
return from captivity, was to rebuild the fortifica-
tions (3 K. xiv. 13, 23; 3 Chr. xxvi. 3, 6, xxxiii
14; Neb. iii , iv., vi., vii.; 1 Mace. iv. 60,61, x. 45,
Xen. Hell ii. 2, § 16).
But around the city, especially in peaceable times,
lay undefended suburbs (3*0?^ TO, wipio-wdpia,
wburbana. 1 Chr. vi. 57 ff. ; Num. xxxv. 1-6, Josh.
xxi.), to which the privileges of the city extended.
' The city thus became the citadel, while the popula-
tion overflowed into the suburbs (1 Mace. xi. 61).
The absence of walls as indicating security in peace-
able times, combined with populousness, as was the
case in the flourishing period of Egypt, is illustrat-
ed by the prophet Zechariah (ii. 4; IK. iv. 36;
Martineau, East. Life, i. 306).
According tr. Kratern custom, special cities wen
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168 CITIES
•(■pointed to furnish special mppUe* for the service
of the state; cities of store, for chariots, for horse-
men, for building purposes, for provision for the
royal table. Special governors for these and their
«ui rounding districts were appointed by David and
by Solomon (1 K. iv. 7, ix. 19; 1 Chr. xxvii. 26;
3 Chr. xvii. 12, zxL 3; 1 Maoc. x. 39; Xen. Anab.
i. 4, § 10). To this practice our I-ord alludes in
his parable of the pounds, and it agrees with the
theory of Hindoo government, which was to be
conducted by fords of single townships, of 10, 100,
or 1000 towns (Luke xix. 17, 19; Klphinstone,
India, ch. ii., i. 39, and App. v. p. 485).
To the Levites 48 cities were assigned, distribut-
ed throughout the country, together with a certain
amount of suburban ground, and out of these 48,
13 were specially reserved for the family of Aaron,
9 in Judah and 4 in Benjamin, and 6 as refuge
cities (Josh. xxi. 13, 42), but after the division of
the kingdoms the Levites in Israel left their cities
and resorted to Judah and Jerusalem (2 Chr. xL
13, 14).
The internal government of Jewish cities was
vested before the Captivity in a council of elders
with judges, wbo were required to be priests : Jose-
phus says seven judges with two Levites as officers,
inrnpiru (Deut- xxi. 5, 19, xvi. 18, xix. 17; Kuth
iv. 2; Joseph. Ant. iv. 8, § 14). Under the kings
a president or governor appears to have been ap-
pointed (1 K. xxii. 26; 2 Chr. xvili. 25); and
judges were sent out on circuit, wbo referred mat-
ters of doubt to a council composed of priests, Le-
vites, and elders, at Jerusalem (1 Chr. xxiii. 4, xxvi.
29; 2 Chr. xix, 5, 8, 10, 11). After the Captivity
Ecra made similar arrangements for the appoint-
ment of judges (Est. vii. 25). In the time of Jo-
sephus there appear to have been councils in the
provincial towns, with presidents in each, under toe
directions of the great council at Jerusalem (Jo-
seph. Ant. xiv. 9, § 4; B.J. ii. 21, § 3; VU. 12,
13, 27, 84, 57, 61, 68, 74). [Sanhedrim.]
In many Eastern cities much space is occupied
by gardens, and thus the size of the city is much
increased (Niebuhr, Voyage, ii. 172, 239; Cony-
beare and Howson, i. 96; EBihen, p. 240). The
nut extent of Nineveh and of Babylon may thus
ve in part accounted for (Dtod. ii. 70; Quint. Curt.
/. i. 26; Jon. iv. 11 ; Chanlin, Voy. vii. 273, 284;
"orter, Damcucm, i. 163; P. della Velle, ii. 83).
»n most Oriental cities the streets are extremely
narrow, seldom allowing more than two loaded
jewels, or one camel and two foot passengers, to
pass each other, though it is clear that some of the
streets of Nineveh must have been wide enough for
jhariuts to pass each other (Nah. ii. 5; Olearius,
Trav. pp. 2114, 309; Burckhardt, Trot, in Arabia,
L 188; Buckingham, Arab Tribe*, p. 830; Mrs.
Poole, KnylUhw. in Egypt, i. 141). The word for
streets used by Nahum — rflalTT, from 3rn,
broail, w kartuu — is used also of streets or broad
places in Jerusalem (Prov. i. 20; Jer. v. 1, xxii. 4;
Cant. iii. 2); and it may be remarked that the
wAjrTtTat into which the sick were brought to re-
0Biv« the shadow of St. Peter (Acts v. 15) were
more likely to be the ordinary streets than the
special pvtvuc of the city. It seems likely that the
Immense concourse which resorted to Jerusalem at
the feasts would induce wider streets than in other
cities. Herod built in Ansioch a wide street paved
with stone, and having covered ways on each side,
•grippa II. p»ved Jerusalem with white stone (Jo-
CITIES OF REFUGE
seph. 4ni xvi. 5, J 2, 8, xx. 9, J 7;. Tin Straight
street of Damascus is still clearly defined and recog
nizable (Irby and Mangles, v. 86, Robinson, iii
454, 465).
In building Casarea, Joseph us says that Herod
was careful to carry out the drainage effectually
(Joseph. AM. xv. 19, 5 6); we cannot determine
whether the internal commerce of Jewish cities was
carried on as now by means of bazaars, but we
read of the bakers' street (Jer. xxxvii. 21), and Jo-
aephus speaks of the wool market, the hardaara
market, a place of blacksmiths' shops, and Mai
clothes market, at Jerusalem (B. J. v. 8, § 1).
The open (paces (wXaTf?cu) near the gates :f
towns were in ancient times, ss they are still, used
as places of assembly by the elders, of holding
courts by kings and judges, and of general resort
by citizens (Gen. xxiii. 10; Ruth iv. 1; 2 Sam. xv.
2, xviii. 24; 2 K. vii. 1, 3, 20; 2 Chr. xviii. 9,
xxxii. 6; Neh. viii. 13; Job xxix. 7; Jer. xvii. 19;
Matt. vi. 6; Luke xiii. 26). They were also used
as places of public exposure by way of punishment
(Jer. xx. 2; Am. v. 10).
Prisons were under the kingly government, with-
in the royal precinct (Gen. mil. 20; 1 K. xxii.
37; Jer. xxxii. 2; Neh. iii. 26; Acta xxi. 84, xxiii.
35).
Great pains were taken to supply both Jerusalem
and other cities with water, both by tanks and cis-
terns for rain-water, and by reservoirs supplied by
aqueducts from distant springs. Such was the
fountain of Gibou, the aqueduct of Hezekiah (2 K.
xx. 20; 2 Chr. xxxii. 80; Is. xxii. 9), and of Solo-
mon (Eccl. ii. 6), of which last water is still con-
veyed from near Bethlehem to Jerusalem (Maun-
dreU, Early Trav. p. 467; Robinson, i. 347, 848)
Joaephus also mentions an attempt made by Pilate
to bring water to Jerusalem (Ant. xviii. 8, 2).
[Conduit.]
Burial-places, except in special cases, were out-
side the city (Num. xix. 11, 16; Matt. viii. 28,
Luke vii. 12; John xix. 41; Heb. xffi. 12).
H. W. P.
CITIES OF REFUGE (tS^ipSn >^y,
from K^fji fo contract [take m, i. e. a fugitive,
hence, aiaes of reception], Gesen. p. 1216: wt\tu
rwf Qvya&tvrnplw, $vya8«vrfipia, <pvyab«7a
oppida in fugitmorum atualia, pratkha, separata,
urbet fugtiivorum). Six Levitical cities specially
chosen for refuge to the involuntary homicide untL
released from banishment by the death of the high-
priest (Num. xxxv. 6, 13, 16; Josh. xx. 2, 7, 9).
[Blood, Rkvknokb of.] There were three on
each side of Jordan. (1.) Kjcimuui, in XajihlalL
Ketle$, about twenty miles E. S. E. from Tyre
twelve S. S. W. from Bama, (1 Chr. vi. 76; Kob
inson, ii. 433; Benj. of Tudda, Early Trot. p. 89)
(2.) Siikciiem, in Mount Kphraini, Nibuliu (Josh,
xxi. 21: I Chr. vi. 67; 2 Chr. x. 1; Hobinson, ii
287, 288). (3.) Hebron, in Judah, eUhlaM
The two last were royal cities, and the litter sacer-
dotal also, inhabited by David, and fortified by Re-
boboam (Josh. xxi. 13; 2 Sam. v. 6; 1 Chr. vi. 66
xxix. 27; 2 Chr. xi. 10; Robinson, i. 213, ii. 8»v
(4.) On the E. side of Jordan — Bkzkr, in U»
tribe of Reuben, in the plains of Moab, said in tot
Gemara to lie opposite to Hebron, perhaps Bvtor
but the site has not jet been found (Deut. iv. 48
Josh. xx. 8, xxi. 86; 1 Mace v. 26; Joseph. Am
iv. 7, $ 4; Roland, p. 663). (6.) Kamoth-Uh,
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U1TIMS
■AD, In the tribe of Gad, auppowd to be on or
■ear the site of es-Szalt (Deut iv. 43; Jxh. zzi.
38; 1 K. xxii. 3; Reland, Ui. 966). (6.) Golak,
in Bashan, in the half-tribe of Manasseh, a town
whoae site haa not been ascertained, but which
doubtless gate its name to the district of Gauloni-
tis, Jaul-m (Dent. iv. 43; Josh xxi. 27; 1 Ohr. vi.
71; Joseph. Ant. iv. 7, § 4; Reland, p. 815; Por-
ter. Dnmmcut, U. 351, 254; Burckhardt, Syria, p.
2861.
ITje Gemara notices that the cities on each side
of the Jordan were nearly opposite each other, in
accordance with the direction to divide the land
in'o time parts (Deut. xix. 2; Rdand, Ui. 662).
Maimonidea says all the 48 Levities! cities had the
privilege of asylum, but that the six refuge-cities
were required to receive and lodge the homicide
gratuitously (Cahnet, On Num. xxxv.).
Most of the Kabbinical refinements on the Law
are stated under Blood, Kkvknukk op. To
them may be added the following. If the homi-
cide committed a fresh act of manslaughter, he was
to flee to another city; but if he were a Levite, to
wander from city to city. An idea prevailed that
when the Messiah came three more cities would be
added; a misinterpretation, as it seems, of Deut.
xix. 8, 9 (Lightfoot, Cent. Ckor. dii. 208). The
altar at Jerusalem, and, to some extent also, the
city itself, possessed the privilege of asylum under
similar restrictions; a privilege claimed, as regards
the former, successfully by Adonijah and in vain
by Joab; accorded, as regards the city, to Shimei,
but forfeited by him (1 K. t 63, ii. 28, 33, 36, 46).
The directions respecting the refuge-cities pre-
sent some difficulties in interpretation. The Levit-
leal cities were to have a space of 1000 cubits
(about 583 yards) beyond the city wall for pasture
and other purposes. Presently after, 2000 cubits
are ordered to be the suburb limit (Num. xxxv. 4,
5). The solution of the difficulty may be, either
the 2000 cubits are to be added to the 1000 as
" fields of the suburbs " (Lev. xxv. 34) as appears
to have been the case in the gift to Caleb, which
excluded the city of Hebron, but included the
" fields and villages of the city " (Josh. xxi. 1 1, 12,
Patrick), or that the additional 2000 cubits were
a special gift to the refuge-cities, whilst the other
Levities! cities bad only 1000 cubits for suburb.
Cahnet supposes the line of 2000 cubits to be meas-
ured parallel, and the 1000 perpendicular to the
city wall; an explanation, however, which supposes
all the cities to be of the same size (Cahnet, On
Num. xxxv.).
The right of asylum possessed by many Greek
and Roman towns, especially Ephesus, was in pro-
cess of time much abused, and was curtailed by
Tiberius (Tac. Ann. Ui. 60, 63). It was granted,
under ceitain limitations, to churches by Christian
emperors (Cod. I. tit 12; Gibbon, eh. xx. in. 35,
Smith). Hence came the right of sanctuary pos-
sessed by so many churches in the middle ages
(HaUam, Middle Ayes, ch. ix. pt 1, vol. ill. r. 302,
Ml ed.l. H. W. ».
Cm MS (Km/oi [rather Ki-sir]; Aj*.
sruuoi: Cetti), 1 Mace. viii. 5. [Cvrrrm.]
CITIZENSHIP (woAiTcb: <*#<•»). The
as* of this term in Scripture has exclusive reference
k> the usages of the Roman empire; in the Hebrew
smrawnwcalth, which was framed on a basis of re-
igkns rather than of political privileges and distlnc-
ioaa, tot idea of the commonwealth was merged
CLAUDIA
469
in that of the congregation, to which every Hebrew,
and even strangers under certain restrictions, were
admitted. [Congregatiox ; Stkaxgkrs.] Ths
privilege of Roman citizenship was widely extended
under the emperors; it wss originally acquired it
various ways, as by purchase (Acts xxU. 28; Cic
ad Fam. xiii. 36; Dion Cass. be. 17), by mUitarj
services (Cic. pro Bulb. 22; Suet. Avuj. 47), by
favor (Tac. HitU Ui. 47), or by manumission. The
right once obtained descended to a man's children
(Acts xxii. 28). The Jews had rendered signal
services to Julius Ccaar in the Egyptian war (Jo-
seph. Ant. xiv. 8, J 1, 2), and it is not improbable
that many obtained the freedom of the city on that
ground : certain it is that great numbers of Jews,
who were Roman citizens, were scattered over
Greece and Asia Minor (Ant xiv. 10, § 13, 14).
Among the privileges attached to citizenship, we
may note that a man could not be bound or impris-
oned without a formal trial (Acts xxii. 29), still
less be scourged (Acts xvi. 37; Cic. in I'err. v. 63,
66) ; the simple assertion of citizenship was suffi-
cient to deter a magistrate from such a step (Acts
xxU. 25; Cic. in I'err. v. 62), as any infringement
of the privilege was visited with severe punishment.
A Jew could only plead exemption from such treat-
ment before a Roman magistrate; he was stiU liable
to it from Jewish authorities (2 Cor. xi. 24 ; Seld.
de Syn. U. 15, § 11 ). Another privilege attaching
to citizenship was the appeal from a provincial tri-
bunal to the emperor at Rome (Acts xxv. 11).
[See the addition to Appeal, Amer. ed.]
W. LB.
CITRON. [AFPI.E-TKEK.J
CLAUT)A (KAovftq, Acta xxvU. 16; called
Uaudue by Mela and Pliny, KAovios by ltolemy,
and KAouSfa in the Stndtatmut Jfarit Mayni : it
is stiU called Clauda-neta, or Gnudonen, by tha
(jreeks, which the Italians have corrupted into
Gozm). This small island, unimportant in itself
and in its history, is of very great geographical im-
portance in reference to the removal of some of the
difficulties connected with St. Paul's shipwreck at
Melita. The position of Cbuida is nearly doe W.
of Cape Matala on the S. coast of Crete [Fan
Havens], and nearly due S. of Phucnick. (See
Ptol. Ui. 17, § 1; Stidintm. p. 496, ed. GaiL)
The ship was seized by the gale a little after pass-
ing Cape Matala, when on her way from Fair Ha-
vens to Pheenice (Acta xxvii. 12-17). The storm
came down from the island (acar* airris, v. 14)
[? see under Crete], and there was danger lest
the ship should be driven into the African Syrtis
(v. 17). It is added that she was driven to Clauda
and ran under the lee of it (v. 16). We see at
once that this is in harmony with, and confirmatory
of, the arguments derivable from all the other geo-
graphical circumstances of the case (as well as from
the etymology of the word Euroclydon or Kuro-
Aquilo), which lead us to the conclusion that the
gale came from the N. E., or rather E. N. E.
Under the lee of Clauda there would be smooth
water, advantage of which was taken for the pur-
pose of getting the boat on board and making
preparations for riding out the gale. [Ship.]
(Smith, Voy. and Shipwreck of St. Paul, 2d ed
pp. 82, 98, 253.) [3d ed. 1866, pp. 94, 100, 250.]
J. S. II.
CLAVDIA (KAouSfa), a Christian fault
mentioned in 2 Tim. iv. 21, as saluting Timotheaa.
Then is reason for supposing that this CfcuxBa
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470
CLAUDIA
was • British maiden, daughter of king Cogidub-
nus, an ally of Rome (Tacit. AyricoL 14), who
took the name of hia imperial patron, Tiberius
Claudius. She appears to have become the wife
of Pudens, who is mentioned in the same verse.
(See Martial, lib. iv. Epigr. 13.) This Pudens, we
gather from an inscription found at Chichester, and
now in the gardens at Goodwood, was at one time
in close connection with king Cogidubnus, and gave
an area for a temple of Neptune and Minerva,
which was built by that king's authority. And
Claudia is said in Martial (xi. 53) to have been
atndas Britanmt etkta. Moreover, she is there
also called Sufina. Now Pomponia, wife of the
hte commander in Britain, Aulua Plautius, under
whom Claudia's father was received into alliance,
belonged to a bouse of which the Rufi were one of
the chief branches. If she herself were a Rufa,
and Claudia her protegee, the latter might well be
called Rufina; and we know that I'omponia was
tried as luperttitionu externa rea in the year 67,
Tacit. Arm. xii. 32; so that there are many circum-
stances concurrent, tending to give verisimilitude
to the conjecture. See Archdeacon Williams's
pamphlet, "On Pudens and Claudia;" — an arti-
cle in the Quarterly Review for July, 1868, entitled
" The Romans at Colchester; " — and an Excursus
in Alford's Greek Testament, vol. Hi. Prolegg. p.
KM. in which the contents of the two works first
mentioned are embodied in a summary form.
H. A.
* Conybeare and Howson also an disposed to
adopt tbe foregoing view of the personal and his-
torical relations of Pudens and Claudia (Lift and
Epittiet of Paul, ii. 594, Anier. ed.). One obvious
exegetical difficulty is that Linus stands nearer than
Pudens to Claudia in the order of tbe names (2
Tim. iv. 21), and if Claudia was the wife of either,
it is arbitrary to make her the wife of the latter
rather than of the former. The reply made to this
is that the amanuensis, confused by Paul's rapid
dictation, may have written down the names incor-
rectly. Tbe German critics, as De Wette, Matthies,
Huther (in Meyer's Comm. So. dot If. TetL),
Wiesinger, find no such point of contact here
between secular and sacred history, but pass over
tbe name simply with tbe remark that Claudia is
otherwise unknown. Winer and Herzog have no
articles on the name. The combinations which
the writers assume who m«int*ln that Claudia was
a British princess, are strained and hypothetical.
Pudens and Claudia were, confessedly, everyday
names among the Romans, and therefore prove
nothing as to the identity of the persons. The
character of Martial forbids the idea that he could
have had intimate friends among the friends of St.
Paul; and still more, his invoking on tiiem the
<avor of heathen gods on the occasion of their
marriage (iv. 13) shows that they were still addicted
to idolatry and not worshippers of the true God.
The "inscription found at Chichester" also (see
above) represents Pudens as a pagan. To meet
these points, we are required to "suppose either
that Pudens concealed his faith, or that his rel-
atives, in their anxiety to shield him, did idol-
atrous acts in his name " (Life and Epistkt of
Paul, ii. 596). North of the Tweed this ingenious
theory of the British origin of Claudia has found
nuch less favor. See the objections to it forcibly
stated in Dr. Kitto's Cgd. of BibL Lit. i. 699, 3d
id., 1862. The writer of the article than points
aat a near approach, at lea*, to a serious chron-
CLAY
obgical difficulty. " Paul's Pudens and Claudia,
if husband and wife, must have bean married ba-
ron A. d. 67, the latest date that can be assigned
to Paul's writing. But Martial's epigram must
have been written after this, perhaps several yean
after, for he came to Rome only in A. D. 66 ; at
that if they were married persons in 67, it is not
likely Martial would celebrate their nuptials yean
after this." H.
CLAUDIUS (KAooSiot; in full, Tiberius
Claudius Nero Drusus Germanicus), fourth Roman
emperor, successor of Caius Caligula, reigned from
41 to 54 A. i>. He was son of Nero Drusus, was
born in Lyons, Aug. 1, b. c. 9 or 10, and lived pri-
vate and unknown till tbe day of his being called
to the throne, January 24, A. D. 41. He was
nominated to tbe supreme power mainly through
•lie influence of Herod Agrippa the First (Joseph.
Ant. xix. 2, }§ 1, 3, 4; Suet. Claud, p. 10); and
when on the throne he proved himself not ungrate-
ful to him, for be enlarged the territory of Agrippa
by adding to it Judtea, Samaria, and some districts
of Lebanon, and appointed his brother Herod to
the kingdom of Chalcis, (Joseph. Ant. xix. 5, § 6 ;
Dion Cass. lx. 8), giving to this latter also, after
his brother's death, the presidency over the Temple
at Jerusalem (Joseph. Ant. xx. 1, § 3). In Clau-
dius's reign there were several famines, arising from
unfavorable harvests (Dion Cass. lx. 11; Euseb.
Chron. Armen. i. 269, 271; Tacit. Aim. xii. IS),
and one such occurred in Palestine and Syria (Acta
xi. 28-30) under the procurators Cuspius Fadus
and Tiberius Alexander (Joseph. Ant. xx. 2, § 6,
and 5, § 2), which perhaps lasted some yean.
Claudius was induced by a tumult of the Jews in
Rome, to expel them from the city (Suet. Claud.
p. 25, " Judaeos impulsore Chresto assidue tumultu-
antea Roma expulit ; " cf. Acts xviii. 2). It is prob-
able that Suetonius here refers to some open dis-
sension between Jews and Christians, but when it,
and the consequent edict, took place, is very uncer-
tain. Orosius (Hit), vii. 6) fixes it in the 9th year
of Claudius, A. D. 49 or 50; referring to Josephus,
who, however, says nothing about it. Pearson
(Annnl Paul p. 22) thinks tbe 12th year more
probable (a. n. 62 or 63). As Anger remarks (De
temportan in Acta App. ratbint, p. 117), the ediet
of expulsion would hardly be published as long as
Herod Agrippa was at Rome, i. e. before the year
49. Claudius, after a weak and foolish reign ("non
principem se, sed ministrum egit," Suet p. 2.i i
was poisoned by his fourth wife Agrippiiia, the
mother of Nero, (Tac. Ann. xii. 66, 7: Suet.
Cl-iud. pp. 44, 45; Joseph. Ant. xx. 3, § 1; B.J
ii. 12. § 8), October 13, A. r>. 54. H. A
CLAUDIUS LYS1AS. [Lysias.]
CLAY CO" 1 © : wnxit : humm or latum), a sed-
imentary earth, tough and plastic, arising from the
disintegration of feldspar and similar minerals, and
always containing silica and alumina combined in
variable proportions. As the sediment of water
remaining in pits or in streets, the word is used
frequently in O. T. (e. g. Is. lvii. 20; Jer. xxxviil
6; Ps. xviii. 42), and in N. T. (vnKis. John ix. 6)
a mixture of sand or dust with spittle. It is also
found in the sense of potter's day (Is. xii. 25)
The alluvial soils of Palestine would no doubt sup-
ply material for pottery, a manufacture which w<
know was, as it still is, carried on in the u>untr)
(Jer. xviii. 2, 6), but our knowledge on the subjeff
is so small as to afford little or no means of deter
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CLEAN
tuning, and the clay of Pakntine, like that of
Egypt, u probably more loam than da; (Birch,
Out, of Pottery, i. 66, 168). [Pottebt.] The
word most commonly used for " potter's clay " U
"l^h (Ex. i. 14; Job iv. 19; Is. xrix. 16; Jer.
xviii. 4, etc.). Bituminous shale, convertible into
day, is said to exist largely at the source of the
Jordan, and near the Dead Sea. The great seat
of the pottery of the present day in Palestine is
Gata, where are made the vessels in dark blue clay
so frequently met with.
The use of clay in brick-making is described
elsewhere. [Bkick.]
Another use of day was in sealing (Job xxxviii.
14). The bricks of Assyria and Egypt are most
commonly found stamped either with a die or with
marks made by the fingers of the maker. Wine
jars in Egypt were sometimes sealed with clay;
mummy pita were sealed with the same substance,
and remains of clay are still found adhering to the
stone door-jambs. Our Lord's tomb may have been
thus sealed (Matt, xzrii. 66), as also the earthen
vessel containing the evidences of Jeremiah's pur-
chase (Jer. xxxii. 14). So also in Assyria at
Kouyunjik pieces of fine clay have been found
bearing impressions of seals with Assyrian, Egypt-
ian, and Phoenician devices. The seal used for
public documents was rolled on the moist clay, and
the tablet .vas then placed in the fire and baked.
The practice of sealing doom with clay to facilitate
detection in case of malpractice is still common in
the East (Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, i. 16, 48, ii.
364; Layard, Nin. f Bub. pp. 163, 158, 6U8; Herod.
ii.88; Harmer, 0*s.iv. 876). [Bkick; Poitkrt;
Seals.] H. W. P.
' CLEAN. [Unclean Meats; Uhcleax-
1TE88.J
CLEM'ENT (K\Vl» : [Clemens; dement]
Phil. iv. 3), a fellow-laborer of St. Paul, when he
was at Phihppi (for so the text implies). It was
generally believed in the ancient church, that this
Clement was identical with the Bishop of Home,
who afterward* became go celebrated. Whether
this was so, it is impossible to say. The practice
of supposing N. T. characters to be identical with
persons who were afterwards known by the same
names, was too frequent, and the name Clemens too
common, for us to be able to pronounce on the
question. The identity is asserted in Euseb. H.
E. iii. 4; Origen, vol. L p. 263, ed. Lommatzsch;
and Jerome, Scripiar. Eccl. p. 176 a. Chrysostom
does not mention it H. A.
CLK'OPAS (KA(oVas), one of the two dis-
omies who were going to Emmaus on the day of
:be resurrection, when Jesus himself drew near and
sliced with them (Luke xxiv. 18). Eusebius in his
Ononmticon makes him a native of Emmaus. It
u a question whether this Cleopas is to be con-
sidered as identical with Cleophas (accur. Clopas)
or Alphssus in John xix. 36. [Alpm.bus.] Their
Identity was assumed by the later fathers and
thurch historians. But Eusebius (II. E. iii. 11)
frites the name of Alphteus, Joseph's brother, Clo-
pas, not Cleopas. And Chrysostom and Theodoret,
» the Epistle to the Gahtians, call James the Just
the son of Clopas. Besides which, Clopas, or Al-
ptueus, is an Aramaic name, wherras Cleopas is a
Greek name, probably contracted from KAcoVarpot,
ss 'Arrival from 'Arrtwarpos. Again, as we find
4kt wife and children of Clopas constantly with tl «
CLOUD
471
family of Joseph at the time of our Lord's minis
try, it is probable that he himself was dead boron
that time. On the whole, then, it seems safer to
doubt the identity of Cleopas with Clopas. Of
the further history of Cleopas nothing is known.
H. A.
CLEOPATRA (KA.oirdVpa), the name of
numerous Egyptian princesses derived from the
daughter of Antiochus III., who married Ptolemy
V. Epiphanes, b. c. 193.
1. "The wife of Ptolemy" (Esth. xi 1) was
probably the granddaughter of Antiochus, and wife
of PtoL VI. Philometor. [Ptol. Philometok.]
2. A daughter of PtoL VI. Philometor and
Cleopatra (1), who was married first to Alexander
Baku, b. c. 150 (1 Msec x. 58), and afterwards
given by her father to Demetrius Nicator when he
invaded Syria (1 Mace xi 12 ; Joseph. AM. xdii. 4,
§7). During the captivity of Demetrius in Parthia
[Demetrius] Cleopatra married his brother Anti-
ochus VII. Sidetes, and was probably privy to the
murder of Demetrius on his return to Syria b. c.
125 (App. Syr. c. 68: yet see Joseph. AM. xiii. 9,
$ 3; Just. uudi. 1). She afterwards murdered
Seleucus, her eldest son by Demetrius (App. Syr.
c. 69) ; and at length was herself poisoned B. c. 130
by a draught which she had prepared for her second
son Antiochus Yin., because he was unwilling to
gratify the ambitious designs which she formed
when she raised him to the throne (Justin, xxxix
2). B. F. W.
CLEOPHAS. [Cleopas; Alphjsus.]
* CLERK. [Town Clerk.]
• OLIFT, an old form of cUJX, Ex. xxxlii. 22
(cf. Is. ii. 21); Is. foil. 5. So in Job xxx. 6, A.
V. ed. 1611, where cliff has been injudiciously sub-
stituted in modem editions. CUJt, however, ap-
pears to be used for cUff in the margin of the A.
V., Is. xxxii. 14, as it is elsewhere in old English
writers. A.
• CLOAK. [Dbess.]
•CLCPAS (KAanros: Oeopkat), John xix.
25, marg., the correct form for Cleophas in the text
of the A. V. See Alph.eus. A
CLOTHING. [Dress.]
CLOUD Ojy). The word D'WP?, sown-
dered in a few places, properly means " vapors," the
less dense form of cloud which rises higher, and
is often absorbed without falling In rain; Arab.
«>LiJ and »j«j. The word 3^, sometimes
rendered " cloud," means merely " darkness," and
is applied also to "a thicket" (Jer. iv. 39). The
shelter given, and refreshment of rain promised,
by clouds, give them their peculiar prominence in
Oriental imagery, and the individual cloud in tliat
ordinarily cloudless region becomes well defined and
is dwelt upon like the individual tree in the bare
landscape (Stanley, S. o 4 P. p. 140). Similarly,
when a cloud a-pears, rain is ordinarily appre-
hended, and thus the " cloud without rain " becomes
a prcverb for the man of promise without perform-
ance (Prov. xvi. 15; Is. xviii. 4, xxv. 5; Jnde 13;
comp. Prov. xxv. 14). The cloud is of course a
figure of transitoriness (Job xxx. 15; Hoe. vi. 4),
and of whatever intercepts divine favor or human
supplication (Lam. ii. 1, iii. 44). Being the least
substantial of visible forms, undefin e d in shape,
and unrestrained in position, it is the one i
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CLOUD
material things which suggests most eu£..y spiritual
being. Hence it is, so to speak, the recognized
.nachinery by which supernatural appearances are
introduced (Is. xix. 1; Ez. i. 4; Ker. i. 7, and
jmuiin), or the veil between things visible and in-
risible; but, more especially, a mysterious or super-
natural cloud is the symbolical seat of the Dirine
presence itself — the phenomenon of deity vouch-
safed by Jehovah to the prophet, the priest, the
king, or the people. Sometimes thick darkness,
sometimes intense himinousness, often, apparently,
and especially by night, an actual fire (as in the
descent of Jehovah on Sinai, Ex. xix. 18), is attrib-
uted to this glory-cloud (Deut iv. 11; Ex. xl.
35, xxxiii. 22, 28; 2 Sam. xxii. 12, 13). Such a
bright cloud, at any rate at timet, visited and rested
on the Mercy Seat (Ex. xxix. 42, 43; 1 K. viii.
11; 2 Chr. v. 14; Ex. xliii. 4) and was by later
writers named Sbekinah. For the curious ques-
tions which the Rabbins and others have raised con-
cerning it, e. a. whether its light was created or
not, whether the actual "light" created on the
" first day " (Gen. i. 3), or an emanation therefrom,
Buxtorf's history of the Ark, ch. xi.-xiv. (Ugolini,
vol. vii.), may be consulted. H. H.
CLOUD, PILLAR OP 0??n "flffi?).
This was the active form of the symbolical glory-
cloud, betokening God's presence to lead his chosen
host, or to inquire and visit offenses, as the lumin-
ous cloud of the sanctuary exhibited the same
under an aspect of repose. The cloud, which be-
eame a pillar when the host moved, seems to hare
COAL
rested at other times on the tabernacle, whence God
is said to have "come down in the pillar" (Nam
xii. 5 ; so Ex. xxxiii. 9, 10). It preceded the beet,
apparently resting on the ark which led the way
(Ex. xiii. 21, xl. 36, Ac.; Num. ix. 15-23, x. 34).
So by night the cloud on the tabernacle became
fire, and the guiding pillar a pillar of fire. A re-
markable passage in Curtlus (v. 2, § 7), descriptive
of Alexander's army on the march, mentions a
beacon hoisted on a pole from head-quarters as th»
signal for marching; " observabatur ignis noctu, fu-
mus interdiu." This was probably an adoption of
an eastern custom. Similarly the Persians used as
a conspicuous signal, an image of the sun inclosed
in crystal (to. iii. 3, § »). Caravans ate still known
to use such beacons of fire and smoke ; the doud-
lessnem and often stillness of the sky giving the
smoke great density of volume, and boldness of
outline. H. H.
•CLOUTED, Josh. ix. 5, "old shoes and
elmileil," i. e. patched ; compare climlt, Jer. xxxviii-
11, 12. A
CNIDUS (KWSot) is mentioned in 1 Mace,
xv. 23, as one of the Greek cities which contained
Jewish residents in the second century before the
Christian era, and in Acts xxvii. 7, as a harbor
which was passed by St- Paul after leaving Myra,
and before running under the lee of Crete. It was
a city of great consequence, situated at the extreme
S. W. of the peninsula of Asia Minor [Caria], on
a promontory now called Cape Crio, which projects
between the islands of Cos and Rhodes (see A its
Plan of Cnfclus and Chart of the admiring coast.
nL 1). Cape Crio Is in fact an island, so joined |
by an artificial causeway to the mainland, as to j
'arm two harbors, one on the N., the other on the
8. The latter was the larger, and its moles were
noble constructions. All the remains of Cnidus
show that it must have been a city of great mag-
nificence. Few ancient cities have received such
unple illustration from travels and engravings.
We may refer to Beaufort's Karamama, Hamil-
JDO's Rtttnrchet, and Teller's A tie JUineure, also
Laborde, l^ake, and Clarke, with the drawings in
the Ionian Antiqwtirt, published by the Dilettanti
Society, aid the English Admiralty Chart*, No*.
1533, 1604. [Newton, C. T., Ducoeeriee at Hal
icnrtuiMiit, Cnuitu, and Branckida, Lond. 1862 ]
J. S. II.
COAL. In A. V. this word represents no lea
than five diHeniit I lebrew words. (1.) The firs'.
and most frequently used is tiaduUth, '"l. ; r^J
{foOpalt c\*6pajttd"' prima, rrrrori), a live ember,
burning fuel, as distinguished from CP5 (Prov.
xxvi. 21). It is written more fully in Ex. x. 8
tt"'H s, ?C2, and in Ex. i. 18, rfnyS ffS "^01
Id 3 Sam. xxii. 9, 13, "coals of fin" an pa
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COAL
Mtaphoricall) for the lightning! proceeding hut.
God (IV xviiL 8, IS, 13, exL 10).
In Pot. xxt. 22 we hare the proverbial expres-
bob, " Thou shall heap coals of fir? upon his head,"
which has been adopted by St. Paul in Rom. xii.
JO, and by which is metaphorically expressed the
burning shame and confusion which men must (eel
when their evil is requited bj good. In Ps. cxx.
4, " coals " = burning brands of wood (not "juni-
per," but broom), to which the false tongue is com-
pared (James iii. 6).
In 2 Sam. xiv. 7 the quenching of the lire coal
Is used to indicate the threatened destruction of
the single remaining branch of the family of the
widow of Tekoah suborned by Joab; just as Lucian
( Tim. $ 3) uses the word (Awupoy in the same con-
nection.
The root of H^IT} fe bfT|, which is possibly
*» * *
the same in meaning as the Arab. *ja\a>>, to light
i Are, with the change of V into D.
2. PcchSm, CnS (iaxipa, aVfyai- : carbo,
prima). In Pror. xxri. 21, this word clearly sig-
nifies fuel not yet lighted, as contrasted with the
burning fuel to which it is to be added; but in
Is. xliv. 12, and lir. 16, it means fuel lighted, hav-
ing reference in both cases to smiths' work. It is
.. > '
derired from DH^ : Arab, a***, to be rery
black. '
The fuel meant in the above passages is probably
charcoal, and not coal in our sense of the word.
3. Rtfeph, or Rittpdh, *Rn, ^f!$~! («Vs>o(:
ealcuhu in Is. vi. 6; but in 1 K. xix. 6, HJ?
D > S^, is rendered by the LXX. iyxptxplas
l\vplrw, and by the Vulg. prmu eabcineridiu).
In the narrative of Elijah's miraculous meal the
word is used to describe the mode in which the
cake was baked, namely, on a hot stone, as is still
•c"
isual in the East. Comp. the Arab. ■_ffi^v a
hot stone on which flesh is laid, n^**"*, in Is.
ri. 0, is rendered in A. V. " a lire coal," but prop-
erly means "a hot stone." The root is *!?">, to
lay stones together as a pavement.
4. *i£" in Hab. iii. 5, is rendered in A. V.
"burning: coals," and in the margin " burning dis-
ssses" The former meaning is supported by Cant
rtU. 6, the latter by Dent xxxii. 24. According
to the Rabbinical writers, *T.?^ = ^Vv 1 P™*"-
6. Slice**-. — In Lam. ir. 8, ITI^D T\VV
2^?^ is rendared in A. T. "their visage is
blacker than a coal," or in the marg. "darker than
blackness." "lintT it found but this once, and
signifies to be black, from root "1I1P*. The LXX.
Moder it by iafiikn, the Vulg. by carboiu*. In
stber forms '.he word is frequent, and Shihor is a
anal name for the Nile. [Shihor.] W. D.
There can wo think, be no doubt that the fuel
(•noted by the Heb. words gacheleth (H^P3)
M ptakdm (CfTO) Is charcoal, and not minora.
COAX
coal. Thvte is no evidence to show that the i
Hebrews were acquainted with the substance we
now denominate "coal;'' indeed it seems prettj
clear that the ancients generally used charcoal fot
their fuel ; and although there is a passage in The-
ophrastus (Fr. ii. 61, ed. Schneider) from which
we learn that fossil coal was found in Liguria and
Ehs, and used by "the smiths," yet its use must
have been very limited. The houses of the ancient
Greeks and Romans were without chimneys in our
sense of the word (see this subject admirably dis-
cussed by Beckmann, H'uL Invent, i. 295). As the
houses had merely an opening in the centre of the
roof, the burning of " coal " would have made even
their kitchens intolerable. Little as has been done
for the zoology and botany of Palestine, still less
has been done for its geology. " Indications of
coal are exhibited," says Kitto (Phys. Hit Pal
p. 67), "in various parts of the Lebanon moun-
tains; here and there a narrow seam of this min-
eral protrudes through the superincumbent strata
to the surface; and we learn from Mr. Elliot (ii.
257) that the enterprise of Mohammed Ali has not
suffered even this source of national wealth to
escape his notice." At Cornale, 8 miles from Bei-
rut, and 2500 feet above the level of the sea, where
the coal-seams are 3 feet in thickness, good coal is
obtained, whence it was transported on mica to
the coast.
The following works contain all that is at pres-
ent known respecting the geology of Syria: —
Lyncb's United Statu Exploring Expedition to
tit Dead Sea and the Ricer Jordan ; Uusseggcr's
Geoynnttiche Karte dee Libanon and Aiuilioamm ;
Kitto's Physical History of Palestine ; Dr. Be-
ring's Report on the Commercial Statistics of
Syria. W. H.
* The Greek words in the X. T. for "coals"
(Rom. xii. 20) and " fire of coals " (John xviii. 18,
and xxi. 9) are oWVomj and ar0ptuud, •'• e. char-
coal or coal made of wood. The incident of Peter's
warming himself at such a fire on the night of the
crucifixion, tallies both with the climate of the
country at the end of March or beginning of April,
and with the present customs of the people. The
nights at Jerusalem, at that season of the yuar,
are cool, though the days may be warm. The air,
after sundown, becomes chilly, and, under the open
sky, a person needs to increase his raiment or have
recourse to a fire. Coal is one of the articles of
fuel which the inhabitants of Jerusalem burn at the
preeint day. Much of the wood which they con-
sume, says Tobler (Denkblalter am Jerusalem, p.
180), and probably much of that out of which the
coal is made, is procured from the region of Hebron.
This writer mentions also that the cool fire is often
built, especially in houses of the better class, in a
vessel like a brazier, around which the family
gather, and, with out stretched hands, stand and
warm themselves. It is a custom, as he remarks
(Denkblatter, p. 181), that vividly recalls the an-
cient scene in the court of the high-priest (jrol
iBepiialrorTo, John xviii. 18).
Or. Robinson furnishes an outline of the re-
sults of the observations of such professional explor-
ers as Seetzen, Russegger, Schubert, Anderson,
and others, In relation to the " Geological Fea-
tures " of Palestine (chapter rv. Phys. Geogr. p.
311 ff.), which the general reader will find con-
venient and interesting. Mr. Gage has inserted fas
his Hitter's Geography of Palestine, iii. 351 at
(Appendix) the elaborate articles on the " Foraav
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174
COABT
Jan of the Basin of the Dead Sea," and other re-
lated topics by M. Louia Lartet, etc., etc., trans-
lated by Mr. Grove from the French. Mr. Grove
deals largely with questions of this nature in his
article on Sea, The Salt, in this Dictionary.
(See additions in Amer. ed.) On that particular
subject, and on the geology of the country gener-
ally, we have much valuable information in Mr.
Tristram's Land of Itrael (scattered through the
work, but especially in chapter xv.). H.
* COAST (derived through the French ante,
from the Latin casta, "a rib," " side"), stands often
in the A. V. for « border " (Judg. xi. 20; 1 Sam.
v. 6; Matt. viii. 84, 4c). The present usage re-
stricts the term to the sea-shore. II.
COAT. [Dress.]
• COAT OF MAIL, 1 Sam. xvii. 5, 88.
See Arms, II. § 1, p. 161.
COCK (.iKinTap: gntUu). There appears to
be no mention of domestic poultry in the O. T.,
the passages where the I.XX. and Vulg. (as in
Prov. xxx. 31; Is. xxii. 17)° read aAeVrao and
gatlui having no reference to that bird. In the
N. T. the " cock " is mentioned in reference to St.
Peter's denial of our Lord, and indirectly in the
word aAcKTOpo^wWa (Matt. xxvi. 34; Mark xiv.
30, xiii. 35, 4c.). The origin of the numerous va-
rieties of our domestic poultry is undoubtedly Asi-
atic, but there is considerable doubt as to the
precise breed whence they were sprung, as well as
to the locality where they were found. Temminck
is of opinion that we are chiefly indebted to the
Malay Gnlliu Giyanttm and the Indian 0. Ban-
lava for our domestic birds. We know that the
domestic cock and hen were early known to the an-
cient Greeks and Romans. Pisthetaerus (Aristoph.
Avet, 483) calls the cock the Persian bird (n«ywi-
«0f ffpm). It is not at all improbable that the
Greeks obtained domestic birds from Persia. As
no mention is made in the 0. T. of these birds,
and as no figures of them occur on the Egyptian
monuments (Wilkinson, Anc Kgypl. i. 234, ed.
1864), we are inclined to think that they came into
Judaea with the Romans, who, as is well known,
prized these birds both as articles of food and for
oock-fighting. The Mishna (Baba Kama, vii. 7)
says " they do not rear cocks at Jerusalem on ac-
count of the holy things ;" b and this assertion
has by some been quoted ss an objection to the
evangelical history. On this subject a writer in
Harris (Diet of Nat But. of Bib. p. 72, ed. 1883),
very properly remarks, " If there was sny restraint
In the use or domestication of this bird it must
have been an arbitrary practice of the Jews, but
could not have been binding on foreigners, of whom
many resided at Jerusalem as officers or traders."
Thomson (Land and Book, p. 872) says the fowls
are now common in Jerusalem, " that they swarm
round every door, share in the food of their pos-
sessors, are at home among the children in every
room, roost over head at night, and with their
vckle aid crowing are the town clock and the
narnlLg hett to call up sleepers at early dawn."
As to the cock-crowing see Time. W. H.
OOCKATllICE. A not very happy render-
ug bv the A. V. of tile Hebrew words ttiph'6M
• • So the Vulg. In Is. xxU. 17, bat no* the hXX.
W» have aXcrrpiMM-, ga'lot, In 8 Maoo. v. 28. H.
» * Ughtttot has shown that the Talmud la not cor
CXKLBSYRIA
C3tar) and Ixtpha' (??",.). See Pro* nil
32, margin; Is. xi. 8, lix. 6; Jer. viii. 17. The
cockatrice is a fabulous animal concerning which
absurd stories are told. [Adder.] W. H.
COCKLE (nr'bSS, JosAdA: Arret: tpima)
occurs only In Job xxxi. 40: " Let thistles grow
instead of wheat, and cockle instead of barley."
The plural form of a Heb. noun, namely, C %f ' K3
(bhahim), Is found in Is. v. 2, 4, A. V. "wild
grapes." It is uncertain whether these two words
denote " noxious weeds " generally, or some partic-
ular plant. Celsius has argued in favor of the aco-
nite, the Aconihm NuptUut, which however is
quite a mountain — never a field — plant. He
traces the Hebrew name to a Persian word (BUh)
of somewhat similar form. The btvthbn of Isaiah
(L c), which the LXX. render " thorns " (amtWfcu),
the Vulg. tabruscat, are by some thought to be the
fruit of the Vtiu Inbrtuca of I jnnaeus, a N. Amer-
ican plant ! Hasselquist thought he had discovered
the bttuhlm in the berries of the hoary nightshade,
which the Arabs call anib-ed-dib, i. e. "wolfs
grape." He says (Trat. p. 290), "the prophet
could not have found a plant more opposite to the
vine than this, for it grows much in the vineyards,
and is very pernicious to them." Some, as Park-
hurst (Lex. Heb. s. v.), believe some "stinking
weed " is intended by bothih, in Job L c, from the
root r V3, "to smell as carrion." If the word
denotes a plant In so limited a sense, we would sug-
gest the hound's tongue (CynogUnmm), which hits
literally a carrion smell. But we are inclined to
believe that the bottidh and bevihfm denote any bad
weeds or fruit: the beuthbn of the prophet's vine-
yard may thus be understood to represent " sour or
bad grapes; " with which view accord the aawpwd
of AquUa and the irtKrj of Symmachus (see also
Hiller, HitrophyL i. 293), and the bothih of Job
(/. c.) may denote bad or smutted barley. The
bunt or stinking rust ( Uredo falida) which some-
times attacks the ears of wheat and barley is char-
acterized by its disgusting odor, which property
would suit the etymology of the Hebrew name; or
the word may probably denote some of the useless
grasses which have somewhat the appearance of
barley, such as Hordeum murinum, 4e. W. H.
COJLESYrVIA (KofAn Wa: Caluyria),
"the hoUnto Syria," was (strictly speaking) the
name given by the Greeks, after the time of Alex-
ander, to the remarkable valley or hollow (acoiAia)
which intervenes between Libanus and Anti-Liha-
nus, stretching from lat. 33° 2C to 34° 40', a dis-
tance of nearly a hundred miles. As applied to
this region the word is strikingly descriptive. Dio-
nysiiui the geographer well observes upon this, in
the lines —
*Hv Ko&ifr ivjirovtriv ivtiw^oy, own 1 op* avr^v
MVcwTik Keu ytfaJiaAnr opjuv ivo irimvts f Yovatr.
P,rug .899 ,900
A modern traveller says, more particularly —
" We finally looked down on the vast green and
red valley — green from its yet unripe com, red
from its vineyards not yet verdant — which divides
the range of Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon ; the for-
mer reaching its highest point in the snowy crest
•latent with Itself on this point (Mir. Bebr. oa Matt
xxvt. 84). 8e» aim l'riedueb's Arvuu.1. del Lriiem
goMchte, p. 88 H.
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COFFER
• the north, behind which lie tho Cedart, the lat-
5sr, in the still more enow; crest of Hermou — the
Elimination of the range being thus in tlie one at
the northern, in the other at the soutnern extremity
of the valley which they bound. The view of this
great valley is chiefly remarkable as being exactly
to tlte eye what it in on mapt — the ' hollow ' be-
tween the two mountain ranges of Syria. A screen
through which the Leontes (Litany) breaks out,
closes the south end of the plain. There is a
similar screen at the north end, but too remote
be visible" (Stanley's Sin. a? Pal p. 407). The
plain gradually rises towards its centre, near which,
but a little on the southern declivity, stand the
ruins of Ba ilbek or Heliopolis. In the immediate
neighborhood of Baalbek rise the two streams of
the Orontes (Nahr-el-Aty) and the litany, which
flowing in opposite directions, to the N. W. and
the S. E., give freshness and fertility to the tract
inclosed between the mountain ranges.
The term Code-Syria was also used in a much
wider sense. In the first place it was extended so
as to include the inhabited tract to the east of the
Anti-Libanus range, between it aid the desert, in
which stood the great city of Damascus; and then
it was further carried on upon that side of Jordan,
through Trachonitis and Penea, to Idunuea and
the borders of Egypt (Strab. xvi. § 21; Polyb. v.
80, § 3; Joseph. Ant i. 11, § 6). Ptolemy (v. 15)
and Josephus (Ant. xiii. 13, § 2) even place Scy-
thopolia in Crete-Syria, though it was upon the
west side of Jordan; but they seem to limit it*
extent southwards to about lat 31° 30", or the
country of the Ammonites (PtoL v. 16; Joseph, i.
11). Ptolemy distinctly includes in it the Damas-
cus country.
None of the divisions of Syria (Aram) in the
Jewish Scriptures appear to correspond with the
Code-Syria of the Greeks ; for there are no
grounds (or supposing, with Calmet (Did. of the
Bible, art. Calttyria), that " Syria of Zobah "
is Code-Syria. Code-Syria seems to have been
included under the name of " Syria of Damascus "
(Ptp$7"on$), and to have formed a portion of
that kingdom. ' [Aram.] The only distinct ref-
erence to the region, a* a separate tract of country,
which the Jewish Scriptures contain, is probably
that in Amos (i. 5), where " the inhabitants of the
plain of Aven " fl.)»$VI5n?, Bihath-Aeen) are
threatened, in conjunction with those of Damascus.
Bikalh is exactly such a plain as Coele-Syria (Stan-
ley's Palestine, Append, p. 484), and the expression
Bikath-Aren, » the plain of Idols," would be well
applied to the tract immediately around the great
sanctuary of Baalbek. [Avkn.] In the Apocry-
phal Books there is frequent mention of Cade-Syria
(i a somewhat vague sense, nearly as an equivalent
■xh Syria (1 Esdr. ii. 17, 24, 27, hr. 48, vi. 29, vil.
1, vtti. 67; 1 Mace x. 69; 2 Mace. iii. 6, 8, iv. 4,
vili. 8, x. 11). In all these cases the word is given
» A. V. as Cklostria. (j. K.
COFFER (*2">S, probably from *i"\ to be
tweed} oVua: oaptella), a movable box hanging
torn the side of a cart (1 Sam. vi. 8, 11, IS)
This word is found nowhere else, and in each of
the above examples has the definite article, as if of
Mtne special significance. II. W. P.
COFFIN. [Burial.]
* A few points require notice under this head,
attoh are not found under Bum vl. One is that
COFFIN
475
Objectors haw
in Gen. 1 28, the body of Joseph, after being em-
balmed, is said to have been put into a " c
(A. V.) or wooden chest ( P
urged from this expression that the writer of Gen-
esis was ignorant of Egyptian customs, and hence
could not have been Moses, if Moses was born and
1 brought up in Egypt. But this objection mis-
states the usage in such cases. Basaltic sarcophagi
were very uncommon, and, as the general rule, the
mummy was placed in a wooden coffin. Herodotus
says expressly (ii. 86) that the body, after being
duly prepared, was "given back to the relatives,
who inclosed it in a wooden cage which they made
for the purpose, shaped into the figure of a man."
See Kawlinson's Berodutiu, ii. 143, and Hengsten-
berg's Die Backer Muft't und jiyypten, p. 71
(Kobbins's trans, p. 76). " If a massive tomb or
lofty pyramid had been erected to liis memory, and
if his mortal remains had been deposited there like
those of the princes of Egypt, it would have been
supposed that his body would remain iu Fgypt till
the day of doom. But he would not permit this
to be done; he ' took an oath of the children of
Israel that they should carry up his hones ' from
Egypt to Canaan ; and he was content with a simple
coffin of wood." (Wordsworth, tienetis, p. 197.)
" Coffin," the marg. rendering of the A. V. for
aofis in Luke vii. 14, is probably more oorrect than
" bier " in the text. The proper Greek for " bier "
is (piptrpoy, K\lrn, ktx<M (in modern Creek {uAo
Kpifjaror). With this stricter meaning we must
infer that the coffin was an open one, since other-
wise the young man whom the Saviour restored to
life could not have " sat up " at once, as he did in
obedience to our Lord's command. But if 0-0001
refers to the bier or litter on which the body was
carried, it must be from an accommodated sense of
the word, corresponding perhaps to the Hebrew
ilK, as in 9 Sam. iii. 81. (Comp. ligbtfoot,
/for. Hebr. on Luke vil. 12, 14.) This latter ex-
planation u not necessary Nearly all admit that
the coffin was not only sometimes used among the
Hebrews, but was occasionally at least, if not as a
general rule, so made as to be open at the top.
See Winer, Realm, ii. 16; Heraog, Rettl-Kncyld. I
773; Paulus, Comm. iib. da$ N. Test. i. 824.
The present customs of Palestine are not incon-
sistent with either view. We are permitted to lay
before the reader the following statement of Dr.
Van Dyck. " At present coffins are used only in
the cities, sod even there they have been in use sbr
only a comparatively short period. The gentral
way of burial is to array the corpse in its bed
dress, as if it were living, and lay it on a bier with
no covering at all, or with a cloak thrown over the
body, leaving the face exposed. The shroud, a
long piece of white cotton stuff, is wrapped around
the body at the grave. The grave has at the bot-
tom, on all four sides, a ledge of stones built up
against its sides high enough to allow the body to
be deposited in the niche thus made, and be cov-
ered with boards, the ends of which rest on this
ledge and prevent the earth from actually touching
the body I have attended scores of funerals on
Lebanon, and I never saw a corpse carried that
could not have sat up at once had it been restored
to life. In Beirut coffins have more recently
come intc use, which may be left uncovered until
the grave is reached, or, as is often the case with
Christians, they are closer' at the bouse or church
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176 COLA
MbtammtflMM in Beirut 0017 the dead vo the
gran on a bier, aa above mentioned, au^ then
sometime* put the bod; into a rude coffin at the
grave." H.
COXA (Xukdi Alex. K»Xo: [Sin. Vulg.
omit]), a place named with Chobai (Jud. xv. 4,
only), the position or real name of which has not
been ascertained. Simonis (Onom. N. T. 170)
suggests Abd-mecholah.
OOLHOZEH (nth-b| laU-teang] : fm
Neb. iii. 16,] XoAsft'; [Vat. omits; in xi. 6, Xo-
\a(i, Vat. FA. XoAea :] Chatham), a man of
the tribe of Judah in the time of Nehemiah (Neh.
US. 15, xi. 5).
CO'LIUS (Kilof- [Vat. Kwrot; Aid.] Alex.
KdKun- Cotait), 1 Esdr. ix. 23. [Kklaiah.]
COLLAR. For the proper aenn of this term,
aa it occur* in Judg. viil. 26, see Earrings. The
expression "Z 2 (at the eollar) in Job. xxx. 18, is
better read as ID" (comp. Job xxxiii. 6), in which
case the sense would be "it bindeth me a* my
coat," referring to the close Jit of the ceUtoneth.
The "?, literally the " mouth," as a part of a gar-
ment, refers to the orifice for the head and neck,
but we question whether it would be applied to any
other robe than the sacerdotal ephod (Ex. mix.
23; Pa. exxxiii. 2). The authority of the LXX.
(&<nrtp to tttpurriiuov), of the Vulg. (quad capi-
tio), and of Gesenius ( Thes. p. 1088), must how-
ever be cited in favor of the ordinary rendering.
COLLEGE, THE (TOtrart: 4 IM ani:
Secunda). In 2 K. xxii. 14 it Is said in the A. V.
that Huldah the prophetess " dwelt in Jerusalem
in the college," or, as the margin has it, " in the
second part" The same part of the city is un-
doubtedly alluded to in Zeph. i. 10 (A. V. "the
second "). Our translators derived their rendering
"the college" from the Targum of Jonathan,
which has "house of instruction," a school-house
supposed to have been in the neighborhood of the
Temple. This translation must have been based
upon the meaning of the Hebrew mishneh, " repe-
tition," which has been adopted by the Peshito-
Syriac, and the word was thus taken to denote a
place for the repetition of the law, or perhaps a
place where copies of the law were made (comp.
Deut xvii. 18; Josh. viii. 32). Kashi, after quot-
ing the rendering of the Targum, says, " there is
a gate in the [Temple] court, the name of which
is the gate of Huldah in the treatise Mi/Moth [i.
I], and some translate H)'" & 7. without the wall,
wtween the two walls, which was a second part
mishneli) to the city." The Utter is substantially
the opinion of the author of Quasi, in Libr. Reg.
attributed to Jerome. Keil's explanation ( Comm.
In loc.) is probably the true one, that the Mithneh
was the " lower city," called by Josephus »j SaAjj
*i\it (Ant. xv. 11, § 6), and built on the hill
Akra. Ewald (on Zeph. i. 10) renders it Neu-
tadt, that is, Beeztha, or New Town.
Others have explained the word as denoting the
]uarter of the city allotted to the Levitea, who
were a second or inferior order as compared with
the priests, or to the priests who were second in
rank as compared with the high-priest. Junius
ind Tremellius render " in parte secunda ab to"
OOLLOP8
that Is, from the king, the position of Huldai't
house, next the king's palace, accounting for the
fact that she was first appealed to. Of conjectures
like these there Is no end. W. A W.
* In Neh. xi. 9, the A. V. has the erroneous
construction, "was second over the city." The
Hebrew, iT^tjJD ~TOn, means the aty teamd in
order = the second city, i. e. the second part of it
(Bodiger, Ges. Thes. iii. 1461, pars urbis secunda-
ria), which Josephus (Ant. xv. 11, § 6) calls the
other city, tV SAAqr wifur, namely, the lower
city, or Akra (Robinson, BibL Re*, i. 412). The
Syriac version follows the true construction, and
translates, "waa governor over the second city,"
In the same sense the word i"TJ)trp alone is
used in 2 K. xxii. 14, and 2 Chr.' xxiiv. 22 (A.
V. in both passages, "college"), and in Zeph.
i. 10 (A V. "second"). The Latin Vulgate, in
2 K. and 2 Chr., translates, "qua; habitabat in
Jerusalem in Secunda; " and in Zeph., " et ululatua
e Secunda," as in the A. V.
The absurd idea of a " college " waa received by
the first Christian Hebraists, at the time of the
Reformation, from their Jewish teachers. The
Targum of Jonathan, 2 K. xxii. 14, acting the
interpreter here aa elsewhere (Hereog's Re3-En-
cjtH. xv. 678) has NJ^W JT3, home of in-
struction, school, and is followed in the Syriac ver-
sion of the parallel passage in 2 Chr. xxxiv. 29.
Accordingly, Sebastian Minister (Hebrew Bible,
with Latin translation and notes, Basle, 1646)
translates, in 2 K. "in domo doctrine;" with
the annotation: "Exponunt hie communiter He-
braa TllWa pro WHO /V3 ; veL ut Chal.
interpres vertit, S3271W ITU, id est, domus
doctrinas sen studii legis divinae." He adds, from
the Rabbinic writers : " Eratque cettus quidam
locus juxta templum, in quo docti quique convenie-
bant, et oonferebant de lege et vaticiniis propheta-
rum." Having no Targum on the parallel passage
in 2 Chr., be there retained the rendering of the
Latin Vulgate.
This Rabbinic notion thus became current among
Christian scholars, and was at length incorporated
in our authorized English version.
It is interesting to trace this rendering of the
A. V. in the earlier stages of our vernacular Bible.
Coverdale's Bible (first published in 1635) has in
2 K. xxii. 14, "she dwelt in Jerusalem in the
second porta " (probably a misprint for " parte,"
which appears in his version of the parallel passage
in 2 Chr.). Matthew's Bible, so called (1537),
generally understood to be essentially Tyndalo't
version of the Old Testament, baa in both passages,
•• dwelt in Jerusalem in the second ward." Cran-
mer's Bible (1640) has in 2 K., "in the nous;
of the doctrine," but in 2 Chr. " within the secira
wall;" followed in both passages by the Bishops'
Bible (1568). The Geneva version (1660) has in
3 K., " in the college," 2 Chr. " within the college "
(with the marginal note on the former passage
" or, the house of doctrine, which was near to tin
temple," Ac., as in the Rabbinic commentaries re-
ferred to above), and in both passages was foDowea
by King James's revisers. T. .'. C
• COLLOFS stands in Job xv. 27 for !"!$*?
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COLONY
means simply "fat" or "fatness." It it
■rid to be a Yorkshire word, still used, signifying
ramps or slices of meat (Eastwood and Wright's
Bible Wortl-Uook, p. 114). As " fatness " occurs
just before, the translators may have wished to
vary the expression, or may have been guided by
saprice. Dr. Conant ( Translation of lie Book of
Job, p. 54) renders "fatness" in one line of the
parallelism, and " fat " in the other. H.
COLONY, a designation of Philippi, the cel-
ebrated city of Macedonia, in Acts xvi. 18. After
the battle of Actium, Augustus assigned to his
veterans those parts of Italy which had espoused
the cause of Antony, and transported many of the
expelled inhabitants to Philippi, Dyrrachium, and
other cities (Dion Cass. li. 4). In this way Phi-
lippi was made a Roman colony with the " Jus IUJ-
icum " (oorap. Dig. 50, tit. 15, s. 8), and accord-
ingly we And it described as a " colonia " both in
inscriptions and upon the coins of Augustus.
(OreUi, Inter. 512, 3658, 8746, 4064; Rasche, vol.
til. pt. a, p. 1120.) On the "Jus Italicum," see
Did. of Ant., arts. Gotonia and Lalimtas.
* Traces of this colonial rank of Philippi appear
at tile present time among the ruins on the ground,
fbe traveller even at Neapolis (Kavalla), the sea-
port of the ancient city, sees around him Latin
inscriptions on sarcophagi, tablets, and fallen col-
umns. Two of the epitaphs there contain the name
of Claudius, the emperor who was on the throne
when Paul passed through Neapolis to the colony
where be gathered his first church in Europe.
At the distance of half an hour before coming to
the ancient site, stands a massive block of marble
which no doubt once supported a statue or some
monumental column, on which the names of " Caius
Vibius et Cornelius Quartus " are distinctly legible,
with other Roman letters not easily deciphered.
Near them are also Turkish cemeteries with frag-
ments of marble at the head of the graves, obtained
evidently from Philippi, on which Latin letters and
occasionally entire words are -found. On some of
the stones among the ruins at Philippi are Greek
inscriptions ; but those in 1 -atin are far more nu-
merous. Many of the seats of the theatre, or
amphitheatre, which rise in tiers, one above another,
on the sides of the hill, are marked with what
seem to be the names of the owners, nearly all of
which are in Latin. The remarkable tomb, mono-
lithic, except the lid or roof, 13 feet long, 8) high,
and 6 wide, situated near one of the roads which
intersect the plain, was a Roman sepulchre, as the
mutilated epitaph on it shows beyond a doubt.
We evidently have before us there the ruins of a
Roman city on Greek soil.
Nothing can be more unstudied than the way in
which this Roman relationship of Philippi shows
tself in the text of Luke. After speaking of the
seizing of Paul and Silas by a mob, and their being
Iragged before the rulers (apyoir«j) of the city
Acts xvi. 19), Luke suddenly drops that term, and
n the next verse, speaks of officers, whom he
denominates " commanders " (irTparnyoi). The
fact now was that in a Roman colony the chief
magistrates, instead of being called duumviri or
fwUuurriri (the number was not always the same),
Vequeiitiy took the name of pratores at one of
peater honor, and that in Greek was vrparnyol.
This is the only occasion in the book of Acts on
which Lake has made use of this peculiar designa-
tion : and it is the nnlv occasion, as far as appears, on
COLORS
477
which he could have introduced it with pn priety
It occurs five times in this brief recital, and showi
that the government of this particular city (*6\it
KoAwvia) was modelled after the Roman form.*
It is also at Philippi only that the " rod-bearers "
or " lictors " (fiaflSovxoi), holding one of the most
distinctive of all the Roman insignia, make theit
appearance. (See Pauly's Real-Encyki ii. 507, 1st
ed.; Wetstein, Nov. Test ii. 556; K-iinocL Acta
Apoti. p. 543; Lechler's ApotUtgesch. p. 231, and
Senate's Am. ed. p. 306 ; Conybeare A Howscn'i
lift and Ltttert of Paul, i. 345. Amer. ed.; and
Bibl. Sacra, Oct. 1860, pp. 886-898.) H.
COLORS. The terms relative to color, oc-
curring in the Bible, may be arranged in twj
classes, the first including those applied to the de-
scripLon of natural objects, the second those arti-
ficial mixtures which were employed in dyeing or
painting. In an advanced state of art, such a dis-
tinction can hardly be said to exist; all the hues
of nature have been successfully imitated by the
artist; but among the Jews, who fell even below
their contemporaries in the cultivation of the fine
arts, and to whom painting was unknown until a
late period, the knowledge of artificial colors was
very restricted. Dyeing was the object to which
the colors known to them were applied. So exclu-
sively indeed were the ideas of the Jews limited to
this application of color, that the name of the dye
was transferred without any addition to the ma-
terial to which it was applied. The .lews were not
however by any means Insensible to the influence
of color: they attached definite ideas to the various
tints, according to the use made of them in robes
and vestments: and the subject exercises an im-
portant influence on the interpretation of certain
portions of Scripture.
1. The natural colors noticed in the Bible are
white, black, red, yellow, and green. It will be
observed that only three of the prismatic colon
are represented in this list; blue, indigo, violet,
and orange are omitted. Of the three, yellow is
very seldom noticed ; it was apparently regarded as
a shade of green, for the same term greenish
(flinT) 1» applied to gold (Ps. lxviii. 13), and to
the leprous spot (Lev. xiii. 49), and very probably
the golden (3iTV) or yellow hue of the leprous hair
(Lev. xiii. 30-32) differed little from the greenish
spot on the garments (Lev. xiii. 49). Green Li
frequently noticed, but an examination of the pas-
sages in which it occurs, will show tiwt the refer
ence is seldom to color. The Hebrew terms arc
raanan T S"3) and yArdk (JT?^5 the first of
these applies to what is rigorous and flourishing,
hence it is metaphorically employed as an iraagt
of prosperity (Job xv. 32; Ps. xxxvii. 35, lii. 1,
xcii. 14; Jer. xi. 16, xvii. 8; Dan. iv. 4; Hos. xiv.
S); it is invariably employed wherever the expres
sion " green tree " is used in connection with idol-
atrous sacrifices, as though with the view of con
veying the idea of the mitsprending branches which
served as a canopy to the worshippers (Deut. xii.
2; 2 K. xvi. 4,, elsewhere it is used of that which
is /real, as oil (Ps. xcii. 10). and newly plucked
boughs (Cant i. 16). The other term, yar&k, has
a •Wslch In his Dissertationa in Acta ApoXotomm
(Xrpanryot PMlippensium, ill. 281-302), treats fully of
thk> mmoJctp*. peculiarity of Philippi H
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478
OOLOHb
tat radical signification of putting forth imw«,
iprouling (Gesen. Thes. p. 682): it U used indis-
aiminately for all productions of the earth fit for
food (Gen. i. 30, U. 8; Ex. x. 15; Num. xxii. 4;
Is. xv. 6; cf. ^Xnpit, Rev. viii. 7, ix. 4), and again
for all kinds of garden herbs (Deut. xi. 10; 1 K.
xxi. 2; 2 K. xix. 26; Prov. xv. 17; Is. xxxvii. 27;
contrast the restricted application of oar grunt) ;
when applied to grass, it means specifically the
young, fresh gran (Ntf/I, Ps. xxxvii. 2), which
springs up in the desert (Job xxxix. 8). Elsewhere
it describes the sickly yellowish hue of mildewed
eom (Deut. xxviii. 22; 1 K. viii. 37; 2 Chr. vi.
28; Am. it. 9; Hag. ii. 17); and lastly, it is used
for the entire absence of color produced by fear
(Jer. xxx. 6; compare xtafpot, li x. 376); hence
XAKpoV (Rev. vi. 8) describes the ghastly, livid hue
of death. In other passages " green " is errone-
ously used in the A. V. for aliite (Gen. xxx. 37;
Esth. i. 6), young (Lev. ii. 14, xxiii. 14), moitt
(Judg. xvi. 7, 8), sappy (Job. viii. 16), and unripe
(Cant. il. 13). Thus it may be said that green a
never used in the Bible to convey the impression
of proper color.
The only fundamental color of which the He-
brews appear to have had a clear conception was
red; and even this is not very often noticed. They
had therefore no scientific knowledge of colors, and
we cannot but think that the attempt to explain
such passages as Rev. iv. 3 by the rules of philo-
sophical truth, must fail (see Hengstenberg, Coram.
in loo.). Instead of assuming that the emerald
represents green, the jasper yellow, and the sardine
red, the idea intended to be conveyed by these im-
ages may be simply that of pure, brilliant, trans-
parent light The emerald, for instance, was
chiefly prized by the ancients for its glittering,
scintillating qualities (alyKfois, Orpheus de tip. p.
608), whence perhaps it derived its name (a/tapery-
tos, from papuaiptir)- The jasper is character-
ised by St. John himself (Rev. xxi. 11) as being
crystal-clear (KpwrraAAlfar), and not as having a
certain hue. The sardine may be compared with
the amber of Ei. i. 4, 27, or the burnished brass
of Dan. x. 6, or again the fine brass, " as if burn-
ing in a furnace," of Rev. i. 15, each conveying the
impression of the color of fire in a state of pure in-
candescence. Similarly the beryl, or rather the
chrysolite (the Hebrew TharsU), may be selected
by Daniel (x. 6) on account of its transparency.
4ji exception may be made perhaps in regard to
the sapphire, in as far as its hue answers to the
Jeep blue of the firmament (Ex. xxiv. 10; cf. Ez. i.
26, x. 1), but even in this case the pellucidity
(T1J5 1 ?, omitted in A. V., Ex. xxiv. 10) or polish
of the stone (comp. Lam. iv. 7) forms an important,
if not the main, element in the comparison. The
highest development of color in the mind of the
Hebrew evidently was light, and hence the predom-
inance given to white as its representative (comp.
the connection between \tvn6s and lux). This
feeling appears both in the more numerous allusions
b> it than to any other color — in the variety of
terms by which they discriminated the shades from
» pile, dull tint (71713, Nackish, Lev. xiii. 21 ft".)
sp to the most brilliant splendor (IHT, Es. Ttii.
J; Dan. xii. 8) — and in the comparisons by which
they sought to heighten their ideas of it, an in-
stance of which occur* in the three accounts of the
COLORS
Transfiguration, where the countenance and Tel es
are described as like " the sun " and " the light,'
(Matt. xvii. 2), "shining, exceeding white at
snow" (Hark ix. 3), "glistening" (Luke ix. 29).
Snow is used eleven times in a similar way; the
sun five times; wool four times; milk once. In
some instances the point of the comparison is not
so obvious, e. g. in Job xxxviii. 14, " they stand
as a garment " in reference to the white color of the
Hebrew dress, and in Ps. lxviii. 13, where the
glancing hues of the dove's plumage suggested an
image of the brilliant effect of the while holyday
costume. Next to white, black, or rather dark,
holds the most prominent place, not only as its op-
posite, but also as representing the complexion of
the Orientals. There were various shades of it,
including the brown of the Nile water (whence its
name Sihor) — the reddish tint of early dawn, to
which the complexion of the bride is likened (Cant.
vi. 10), as well as the lurid hue produced by a
flight of locusts (Joel ii. 2) — and the darkness of
blackness itself (Lam. iv. 8). As before, we have
various heightening images, such as the tents of
Kedar, a flock of goats, the raven (Cant. i. &, iv. 1,
v. 11) and sackcloth (Rev. vi. 12). Red was also
a color of which the Hebrews had a vivid concep-
tion ; this may be attributed partly to the preva-
lence of that color in the outward aspect of the
countries and peoples with which they were famil-
iar, as attested by the name Edora, and by the
words adamah (earth), and adorn (man), so termed
either as being formed out of the red earth, or as
being red in comparison with the fair color of the
Assyrians, and the black of the ^Ethiopians. Red
was regarded as an element of personal beauty;
comp. 1 Sam. xvi. 12 ; Cant ii. 1, where the lily is
the red one for which Syria was famed (Plin. xxi.
11); Cant iv. 8, vi. 7, where the complexion is
compared to the red fruit of the pomegranate; and
Lam. iv. 7, where the hue of the skin is redder
than coral (A. V. "rubies") contrasting with the
white of the garments before noticed. The three
colors, white, black, and red, were sometimes in-
termixed in animals, and gave rise to the terms,
"1TTS, "dappled" (A. V. "white"), probably
white and red (Judg. v. 10); ify, "ringstraked,"
either with white bands on the legs, or white-footed ;
"TpJ, "speckled," and SbQ, "spotted," white
and black; and lastly Y13, "piebald" (A. V.
" grisled "), the spots being larger than in the two
former (Gen. xxx. 32, 35, xxxi. 10) i the latter tern
is used of a horse (Zech. vi. 3, 6) with a symbolical
meaning: Hengstenl>erg (Christol. in loc.) consid-
ers the color itself to lie unmeaning, and that the
prophet has added the term strong (A. V. »' bay " )
by way of explanation; Hitzig (Comm. in loc.) ex-
plains it, in a peculiar manner, of the complexion
of the Egyptians. It remains for us now to notice
the various terms applied to these three colors.
1. White. The most common term is ]2 T ,
which is applied to such objects as milk (Gen. xnx.
12), manna (Ex. xvi. 31), snow (Is. i. 18), hones
(Zech. i. 8), raiment (Eccl. ix. 8); and a oognat*
word expresses the color of the moon (Is. xxiv. 23)
nV, daacting white, is applied to the cotnplexioi
(Cant t. 10); ^TT, a term of a later age, to sno*
(Dan. vii. 9 only), and to the paleness of shame (Is
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COLORS
ail. 99, 1in);3 , », to the hair iktue. An-
other dan of terms wins from tho textures of a
naturally white color, as Bfa? and ^S. These
words appear t« have been originally of foreign ori-
gin, but wen- connected by the Hebrews with roots
in their own language descriptive of a white color
(Gesen. Thm <«/•. pp. 190, 1384). The terms were
without doulit primarily applied to the material;
but the idea of color is also prominent, particularly
in the description of the curtains of the tabernacle
(Ex. xxri. 1), and the priests' vestments (Ex.
xxvUl. ft"). X6W is also applied to white marble
(Esth. i. 6, Cant. v. 15); and a cognate word,
IttntT, to the lily (Cant. ii. 16). In addition to
these we meet with "Wl (fliWot, Esth. i. 6, viii.
15), and D§"1? Uifnmrof, A. V. "green,"
Esth. i. 6), alsoVescriptive of white textures.
White was symbolical of innocence: hence the
raiment of angeh (Mark xvi. 5; John xx. 13), and
of glorified saints (Rev. xix. 8, 14), is so described.
It was also symbolical of joy (EccL ix. 8); and,
lastly, of victory (Zech. vi. 3; Rev. vi. 9). In the
Revelation the term \rux6s is applied exclusively
to what belongs to Jesus Christ (Wordsworth's
Apoc. p. 105).
9. Black. The shades of this oolor are ex-
pressed in the terms "lhEJ, applied to the hair
(Lev. xiii. 81; Cant. v. 11); the complexion (Cant.
i. 6), particularly when affected with disease (Job
xxx. 30); horses (Zech. vi. 9, 6): OV1, literally
tcorched (<p<u6i; A. V. "brown," Gen. xxx. 32),
applied to sheep; the word expresses the color pro-
duced by influence of the sun's rays: "Hi?, literally
to be dirty, applied to a complexion blackened by
sorrow or disease (Job xxx. 30); mourner's robes
(Jer. vili. 91, xiv. 2; compare tordida rnttt); a
clouded sky (1 K. xviii. 46); night (Mic. Ui. 6;
Jer. iv. 98; Joel ii. 10, iii. 15); a turbid brook
(whence possibly Kkdron), particularly when ren-
dered so by melted snow (Job vi. 16). Black, as
being the opposite to white, is symbolical of evil
(Zech. vi. 9, 6; Rev. vi. 5).
3. RID. D'Tp is applied to blood (9 K. iii.
39); a garment sprinkled with blood (Is. Ixiii. 3);
a heifer (Num. xix. 3); pottage made of lentiles
(Gen. xxv. 30); a hone (Zech. 1. 8, vi. 9); wine
(Prov. xxiii. 31); the complexion (Gen. xxv. 95;
Cant. v. 10; Urn. iv. 7). D^Q'Rt is a slight
iegree of red, redduh, and Is applied" to a leprous
spot (Lev. xlil. 19, xiv. 37). \f~lip, literally /t*.
colored, bay, is applied to a horse (A. V. "speck-
led; " Zech. 1. 8), and to a species of vine bearing
a purple grape (Is. v. 2, xvi. 8): the translation
" bay " in Zech. vi. 3, A. T. is incorrect. The
corresponding term in Greek is mjifiit, literally
red at fire. This color was symbolical of blood-
shed (Zech. vi. 9; Rev. vi. 4, xtt. 3).
II. Artificial Colors. The art of extract-
ing dyes, and of applying them to various textures,
appears to have been known at a very early period.
We read of scarlet thread at the time of Zarah's
birth (Gen. xxxviii. 98); of blue and purple at the
time of the Exodus (Ex. xxvi. 1 ). There is how-
•sar no evidence to show that the Jews themselves
COLORS
478
were at that period acquainted with the art: tat
profession of the dyer is not noticed in the Bible,
though it is referred to in the Talmud. They wen
probably indebted both to the Egyptians and the
Phoenicians; to the latter for the dyes, and to the
former for the mode of applying them. The purple
dyes which they chiefly used were extracted by the
Phoenicians (Ec xxvii. 16; Plin. ix. 60), and in
certain districts of Asia Minor (Horn. IL iv. 141 >
especially ThyaUra (Acts xvi. 14). It does no.
appear that those particular cobra were used in
Egypt, the Egyptian colon being produced from
various metallic and earthy substances (Wilkinson,
Arte. Egypt, iii. 301). On the other hand, tVre
was a remarkable similarity in the nv>de of dyei'ig
in Egypt and Palestine, inasmuch as the color was
applied to the raw material, previous to the pro-
cesses of spinning and weaving (Ex. xxxv. 2f>.
xxxb. 3; Wilkinson, Ui. 125). The dyes consisted
of purples, light and dark (the latter being the
" blue " of the A. V.), and crimson (tmrtei, A
V.): vermilion was introduced at a late period.
1. Pdkplb (,91"$?: Chaldaio form, f^-lr*,
Dan. v. 7, 16: ropfipa: purpura). This cok>i
was obtained from the secretion of a species of shell-
fish (Plin. ix. 60), the Murex trunculut of Linnaeus,
which was found in various parts of the Mediterra-
nean Sea (hence called wofxpvpa takurirla, 1 Mace,
iv. 23), particularly on the coasts of Phoenicia
(Strab. xvi. p. 757), Africa (Strab. xvii, p. 835),
Laconia (Hor. Od. ii. 18, 7), and Asia Minor.
[Eusiiail] The derivation of the Hebrew name
is uncertain: it has been connected with the San-
skrit rdgaman, " tinged with red; " and again with
aryhiimam, " costly " (Hitzig, Comment in Dan.
v. 7). Gesenius, however ( Thetaur. p. 1363), con-
siders it highly improbable that a color so p»*"l'"
to the shores of the Mediterranean should be de-
scribed by a word of any other than Semitic origin,
and connects it with the root D3"J, to heap up c-
overlay with color. The coloring matter was con-
tained in a small vessel in the throat of the fish ;
and as the quantity amounted to only a single drop
in each animal, the value of the dye was propor-
tionately high : sometimes, however, the whole fish
was crushed (Plin. ix. 60). It is difficult to state
with precision the tint described under the Hebrew
name. The Greek equivalent was, we know, ap-
plied with great latitude, not only to all colors ex-
tiscted from the sbell-Asb, but even to other brill-
iant colon: thus in John xix. 3, Ifidrior wopfv
«H'=XAsiii Koxxiyn, in Matt, xxvli. 88 (cf.
Plin. Ix. 63). The same may be said of the Litto
purpureas. The Hebrew term seems to be applied
in a similarly broad sense in Cant. vii. 5, where It
either = black (comp. v. 11), or, still better, timing
with oil. Generally speaking, however, the tint
must be considered as having been defined by the
distinction between the purple proper, and the
other purple dye (A. V. "blue"), which was pro-
duced from another species of shell fish. The Ut-
ter was undoubtedly a dark violet tint, while the
former had a light reddish tinge. Kobes of a pur-
ple color were worn by kings (Judg. viii. 26), and
by the highest officers, civil and religious; thus
Mordecai (Esth. viii. 15), Daniel (A. V. "scarlet,"
Dan. v. 7, 16, 29), and Andronkrus, the deputy of
Antlochus (2 Macs. iv. 38), were invested with
purple in token of the offices they held (ef. Xea.
Anab. i. 5, J 8): so also Jonathan, as Ugb-prisst
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COLORS
(I Maes. X. 90, 64, xL 58). They were also worn
by the wealthy and luxurious (Jer. x. 9 ; Kz. xxvii.
T; Luke xvi. 19; Rev. xvii. 4, xviii. 16). A simi-
lar value was attached to purple robes both by the
Greeks (Horn. Okt.xix.22S; Herod, ix. 22: Strab.
xiv. 648), and by the Komans (Virg. llrary. ii.
495; Hot. Ep. 12, 21; Suet. Cat. 48; Mm>, 32).
Of the use of this and the other dyes in the text-
ures of the tabernacle, we shall presently speak.
2. Blo* (nbjj-t: bAxuAos, bmcMiros, oXo-
rippvpos, Num. it. 7: huacinihut, hyaemthimu)
This dye was procured from a species of shell-fish
found on the coast of Phoenicia, and called by the
Hebrews Chilean (Targ. Pieudo-Jon., in Deut.
xxxiii. 19), and by modern naturalists Helix
fanthina. The Hebrew name is derived, according
to Gesenhis (Thttaur. p. 1502), from a root signi-
fying to unihell; but according to llitzig (Com-
ment In Ex. xxiii. 6), from V?-p, in the sense of
dulled, blunted, as opposed to the brilliant hue of
the proper purple. The tint is best explained by
the statements of Josephus {Ant. iii. 7, § 7) and
Philo that it was emblematic of the sky, in which
ease it represents not the light blue of our northern
climate, but the deep dark hue of the eastern sky
(Mpos S« eiufioXor HkiuBos, u.4\at yap oJtos
plxrn, PhiL Opp. i. 636). The term adopted by
the LXX. is applied by classical writers to a color
approaching to black (Horn. Od. vi. 231, xxiii. 168;
Theoc. Id. 10, 28) ; the flower, whence the name
was borrowed, being, as is well known, not .the
modern hyacinth, but of a dusky red color (/«•-
rugineut, Virg. Ueory. iv. 183; calestu luminu
hyacinlhus, Colum. ix. 4, 4). The A. V. has
rightly described the tint in Esth. i. 6 (margin) as
mold; the ordinary term blue is incorrect: the
Lutheran translation is still more incorrect in giving
it grlbe Seide (yellow silk), and occasionally simply
Seide (Ex. xxiii. 6). This color was used in the
same way as purple. Princes and nobles (Ex. xxiii.
6 ; Ecclus. xl. 4), and the idols of Babylon (Jer. x.
9), were clothed in robes of this tint: the riband
and the fringe of the Hebrew dress was ordered to
he of this color (Num. xv. 38): it was used in the
tapestries of the Persians (Esth. i. 6). The effect
of the color is well described in Ex. xxiii. 12, where
such robes are termed Vlb?D Hr'?'?* roots </
perfection, i. e. gorgeous robes. We may remark,
in conclusion, that the LXX. treats the term HftlFI
(A. V. "badger") as indicative of color, and has
translated it feutOtfirot, ianthinut (Ex. xxv. 5).
3. Scarlet (Crimson, Is. i. 18; Jer. iv. 80).
The terms by which this color is expressed in
Hebrew vary; sometimes ^2t27 simply is used, as
in Gen. xxxviii. 28-30; sometimes *3ir R$J>Fl,
as in Ex. xxv. 4; and sometimes 5?^ VI simply,
as io Is. 1. 18. The word Vd"JS (A. V. <• crim-
son; "' 2 Chr. 11. 7, 14, iii. 14) was introduced at a
late period, probably from Armenia, to express the
same color. The first of these terms (derived from
njtT, to Mne) expresses the brilliancy of the color ;
the second, HJ/WI, the worm, at grub, whence
Jie dye was procured, and which gave name to the
) lor occasionally without any addition, just as
r./otom Is derived from vermiculu*. The LXX
COLORS
generally renders it kSkklyov, occasionally with Ikl
addition of such terms as KtKkmruivoy (Ex. xxvL
1), or Siavsnjtr/Uror (Ex. xxviii. 8); the Vclgcst
has it generally cocemwn, occasionally coma bit
tinctm (Ex. xxviii. 8), apparently following the
erroneous interpretation of Aquila and Syiumachos
who render it Stfieupos, double dyed (Ex. xxv. 4)
as though from PI .IT, u> repeat The process of
double-dyeing was however peculiar to the Tyrisr.
purples (Plin. ix. 39). The dye was produced from
an insect, somewhat resembling the cochineal, which
is found in considerable quantities in Armenia anil
other eastern countries. The Arabian name of the
insect is kennez (whence crimson) : the Linntean
name is Coccut /licit. It frequents the boughs of
a species of ilex : on these it lays its eggs in groups
which become covered with a kind of down, so that
they present the appearance of vegetable gaOs or
excrescences from the tree itself, and are described
as such by Pliny, xvi. 12. The dye is procured
from the female grub alone, which, when alive, is
about the sue of a kernel of a cherry and of a dark
amaranth color, but when dead shrivels up to the
size of a grain of wheat, and is covered with a bluish
mould (Parrot's Journey to Ararat, p. 114). The
gei-erai character of the color is expressed by the
Hebrew term yViJl (Is. Ixiii. 1), lit thnrp, and
hence dazzling (compare the expression xpw/ia bl-6),
and in the Greek Xauwpd (Luke xxiii. 11), com-
pared with kokkIvj) (Matt, xxvii. 28). The tint
produced was crimson rather than scarlet. The
only natural object to which it is applied in Script-
ure is the lips, which are compared to a wariet
thread (Cant. iv. 3). Josephus considered it as
symbolical of fire (Ant iu. 7, J 7 ; cf. Phil. i. 636).
Scarlet threads were selected as distinguishing
marks from 'heir brilliancy (Gen. xxxviii. 28; Josh.
ii. 18, 21); and hence the color is expressive of
what is exceuite or glaring (Is. 1. 18). Scarlet
robes were worn by the luxurious (2 Sam. i. 24:
Prov. xxxi. 21; Jer. iv. 30; Lam. iv. 5; Rev. xvii.
4, xviii. 12, 16); it was also the appropriate hue
of a warrior's dress from its similarity to blood
(Nab, ii. 3; cf. Is. ix. 5), and was especially worn
by officers in the Roman army (Plin. xxii. 3; Halt,
xxvii. 28).
The three colors above desaibed, purple, blue,
and scarlet, together with white, were amnloyad in
the textures used for the curtains of tht tabernacle
and for the sacred vestments of the priests. Ths
four were used in combination in the outer curtains,
the vaiL the entrance curtain (Ex. xxvi. 1, 31, 36).
and the gate of the court (Ex. xxvii. 16): as also
in the high-priest's ephod, girdle, and breastplate
(Ex. xxviii. 5, 6, 8, 15). The three first, to the
exclusion of white, were need in the pomegranates
about the hem of the high-priest's robe (Ex. xxviii.
33). The loops of the curtainB (Ex. xxvi. 4), the
lace of the high-priest's breastplate, the robe of the
ephod, and the lace on his mitre were exclusive!?
of blue (Ex. xxviii. 28, 31, 37). Cloths for wrar-
ping the sacred utensils were either blue (Num. iv.
6), scarlet (8), or purple (13). Scarlet thread was
specified in connection with the rites of cleansing
the leper (Lev. xiv. 4. 6, 61), and of burning the
red heifer (Num. xix. 6), apparently for the purpose
of binding the hyssop to the cedar wood. Th»
hangings for the court (Ex. xxvii. 9, xxxviii. 9),
the coats, mitres, bonnets, and breeches of tHl
ipriests, were white (Ex. xxxix. 27, 28). The appfi
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COLORS
■ of than colon to the service of the tabernacle
has lad writer* both in ancient and modern times
to attach tome symbolical meaning to them : refer-
ence ha* already been made to the statements of
Philo and Josephus on this subject t the words of
the latter are as folio*- : if 3iWor tJ)v yi\v iswif-
uoirfir foiicf, 5ui rb ^| avrrjs iwtiffQcu to klvov
*, t« wofxpip* TJ)v 0(Uao"<rw, ry wtpoivix^ai rou
K&X^O" r V "l/wrr rhr tl iipa 0iv\fTat t^Kou*
i ieWicoVr Kal i ipotfif 4" &► sfn Ttxfiiipio* ToC
wupii. Ant. iii. 7, § T. The subject has been fol-
lowed up with a great variety of interpretations,
more or less probable. Without entering into a
disquisition on these, we will remark that it is un-
necessary to assume that the colors were originally
letectcrl with such a view; their beauty and eostli-
Dtfiti sufficient explanation of the selection.
OOLOSSE
481
j 4. Vkhmiliox (Ttftt*: filKros- nn»/iit). This
J was a pigment used in fieeco |uintiugs. either tb»
1 drawing figures of idols on the walls of temples (K*.
xxiii. 14), for coloring the idols ihemselves (Wlad
I xiii. 14), or for decorating the walls and Iwaros of
| houses (Jer. xxii. 14). The (jreek term fil\roi is
applied both to tnimwn, red le.nl, and rubric t, red
' ochre; the Latin $inn/»i describes the best kind of
' ochre, which came from Sinope. Vermilion was r
1 favorite color among the Assyrians (Its. xxiii. 14„
I as is still attested by the sculptures of Nimroud
I and Khonahad (Uyard, ii. 803). W. L. &
|
C JLOS'SE (more properly CaLOS'S^E, Ko-
A(x7(T3i. Col. i. 2; but the prepumlerance of MS.
authority is in favor of KnAoffirai, ColatmB, a fore.
Colosss.
used by the Byzantine writers, and which perhaps
represente the provincial mode of pronouncing the I
name. On coins and inscriptions, and in classical
writers, we find KoA-wirai. See EUioott, ml Inc. ).
A city in the upper part of the basin of the Marau-
der, on one of its affluents named the Lycus.
Ilierapolis and (.aodicea were in its immediate
neighborhood (Col. ii. 1, iv. 13, 15, 16; see Kev.
I. 11, iii. 14). Coloesa; fell, as these other two
cltM* rose, in importance. Herodotus (vii. 30)
sod Xsnophon (Annb. i. 2, § 6) speak of it as a
city of considerable ensequence. Strabo (xii.
p. 576 ) describes it as only a r6\ur/ta, not a ■*&-
> it; yet elsewhere (p. 578) he implies thst it had
soma mercantile importance ; and Puny, in St.
Paul's time, describes it (v. 41) ss one of the " cel-
eberrima oppida" of its district. Colosan was
situated close to the great road which led from
Ephesus to the Euphrates Hence our Impulse
would be to conclude thai St. Paul passed this
way, sod founded or confirmed the Colossian
Church an his third missionary tourney (Acts
irBL 88, xix. 1). He might 'smo easily bare
31
visited Colosss! during the prolonged stay at Eph-
esus, which immediately followed. The most com-
petent commentators, however, agree in thinking
that Col. ii. 1 proves that St. Paul had never been
there, when the Epistle was written. Theodoret's
argument that he must have visited Colosss? on the
journey just referred to. because he is said to have
gone through the whole region of Phrygia, may be
proved fallacious from geographical considerations:
Colossae, though ethnologically in Phrygia (Herod.
/. c, Xen. /. c), was at this period politically in the
province of Asia (see Kev. /. c. ). That the Apostle
hoped to visit the place on being delivered from his
Roman imprisonment is clear from Philemon 22
(compare Phil. ii. 24). Philemon and his slave
Onesimus were dwellers in Colosss:. So also were
Archippus and Epaphras. From Col. i. 7, iv. 12
it has been naturally concluded that the latter (Iris
tian was the founder of the Colossian Church (see
Alfnrd's Prolegomena to dr. Tot. vol. iii. p. 85V
[EptPHRAa.] The worship of angels mentioned
by the Apostle (Col. ii. 18) curiously reappears lo
Christian times in connection with one of the tope*
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COL0S8IAN8
graphical features of the place. A church ii. boom
rf the archangel Michael was erected at the entrance
of a chaim in consequence of a legend connected
with ai> inundation (Hartley'* £e»«i««e<M (irttce,
p. 52), and there i* good reason for identifying thia
ohasm with one which is mentioned by Herodotus.
This kind of superstition is mentioned by Tbeodo-
ret a* subsisting in his time; also by the Byzan-
tine writer Nicetas Choniatee, who was a native of
this place, and who says that Cokasn and Chonse
acre the same. The neighborhood (visited by
Poeocke) was explored by Mr. Arundell (Seres)
Churches, p. 168; Ana Muter, ii. 160); but Mr.
Hamilton was the first to determine the actual
site of the ancient city, which appear* to be at
some Utile distance from the modern village of
Chonas (Researches in A. if. i. 608). J. 8. H.
COLOSSIANS, THE EPISTLE TO
THE, waa written by the Apostle St. Paul during
his first captivity at Koine (Acts xxriii. 16), and
apparently in that portion of it (Col. It. 3, 4) when
the Apostle's imprisonment had not assumed the
more severe character which seems to be reflected
In the Epistle to the l'hilippians (ch. i. 20, 21, 30,
ii. 27), and which not improbably succeeded the
death of Burrus in .v. u. 62 (Clinton, Fasti Rom.
I. 44), and the decline of the influence of Seneca.
This important and profound epistle was ad-
dressed to the Christians of the once large and in-
fluential, but now smaller and declining, city of
Cokxcue, and was delivered to them by Tycbicus,
whom the Apostle had sent both to them (ch. iv.
7, 8) and to the church of Ephesus (Eph. vi. 21),
to inquire into their state and to administer ex-
hortation and comfort. The epistle seems to have
been called forth by the information St. Paul had
received from Epaphras (ch. iv. 12; Philem. 23)
and from Oneshnus, both of whom appear to have
been natives of Colossi?, and the former of whom
was, if not the special founder, yet certainly one
of the very earliest preacher* of the gospel in that
dty. The main object of the epistle is not merely,
as in the case of the Epistle to the Philippians, to
exhort and to confirm, nor, as in that to the Epbe-
sians, to set forth the great features of the church
of the chosen in Christ, but is especially designed
to warn the Coloesians against a spirit of semi-Ju-
daistic and semi-Oriental philosophy which was
corrupting the simplicity of their belief, and was
r^iceably tending to obscure the eternal glory and
dignity of Christ.
This main design is thus carried out in detail.
After his usual salutation (ch. i. 1, 2) the Apostle
returns thanks to God for the faith of the Colos-
nans, the spirit of love they had shown, and the
progress which the Gospel had made among them,
as preached by Epaphras (ch. i. 3-8). This leads
him to pray without ceasing that they may be
fruitful in good works, and especially thankful to
the Father, who gave them an inheritance with His
saints, and translated them into the kingdom of
His Son — Hit Son, the image of the invisible God,
the first-born before every creature, the Creator of
all things earthly and heavenly, the Head of the
shnrcb, He in whom all things consist, and by
wnom all tilings have been reconciled to the eternal
Father (ch. i. 9-20). This reconciliation, the
Apostle reminds them, was exemplified in their own
eases: they were once alienated, but now so recon-
ciled as to be presented holy and blameless before
"5od. if nuly they continued firm in toe faith.
COLOS8IANJ
and were not moved from the hope jf which t.«
Gospel was the source and origin (ch. i. 21-»Mj
Of this Gospel the Apostle declares himself Um
minister; the mystery of salvation waa that fat
which he toiled and for which he suffered (ch i.
24-29). And his sufferings were not only for the
church at large, but for them and others whom be
had not personally visited, — even that they might
come to the full knowltdt/e of Christ, and might
not fall victims to plausible sophistries : they were
to walk in Christ and to be built on Him (ch. ii.
1-7). Especially were they to be careful that no
philosophy was to lead them from Him in whom
dwelt all the fullness of the Godhead, who waa the
head of alt spiiiiual pmoert, and who had quick-
ened tbem, forgiven them, and in His death had
triumphed over all the hosts of darkness (ch. ii.
8-15). Surely with such spiritual privileges they
wen not to be judged in the matter of mere cere-
monial observances, or beguiled into creature-wor-
ship. Christ tons the head of the body; if they
were truly united to Him, to what need were bodily
austerities (ch. ii. 16-23). They were, then, to
mind things above — spiritual things, not carnal
ordinances, for their life was hidden utt/t ChrH
(ch. iii. 1-4): they were to mortify their memben
and the evil principles in which they once walked
the old man was to be put off, and the new max
put on, in which all are one in Christ (ch. ill. 6-
12). Furthermore, they were to give heed to spe-
cial duties ; they were to be forgiving and loving, as
was Christ. In the consciousness of His abiding
word were they to sing; In His name were they to
be thankful (ch. iii. 13-17). Wives and husbands,
children and parents, were all to perform their
duties; servants were to be faithful, masters to be
just (ch. iii. 18 -iv. 1).
In the last chapter the Apostle give* further spe-
cial precepts, strikingly similar to those given to
his Ephesian converts. They were to pray for the
Apostle and for his success in preaching the Gos-
pel, they were to walk circumspectly, and to be
ready to give a seasonable answer to all who ques-
tioned them (ch. iv. 2-7). Tychicus, the bearer
of the letter, and Onesim us, would tell them all the
state of the Apostle (ch. It. 7-9): Aristarchus and
others sent them friendly greetings (ch. iv. 10-14).
With an injunction to interchange this letter with
that sent to the neighboring church of Laodicea
(ch. iv. 16), a special message to Archippua (ch. iv.
17), and an autograph salutation, this short but
striking epistle comes to its close.
With regard to its genuineness and authenticity,
it is satisfactory to be able to say with distinctness
that there are no grounds for doubt- The external
testimonies (Just. M. Trypho, [c. 86,] p. 811 b;
TheophU. ad Autui. ii. [c. 22,] p. 100, ed. CcI.
1686; Irenstus, liar. iii. 14, 1 ; Clem. Alex. Strom.
i. [e. 1,] p. 326, iv. [c. 7,] p. 688. al., ed. Potter;
Tertnll. de Prascr. c. 7 ; rfe Resurr. e. 23 ; Origen,
contra Celt. v. 8) are explicit, and the internal ar-
guments, founded on the style, balance of sentences,
positions of adverbs, uses of the relative pronoun,
participial anacolutha, — unusually strong and well-
defined. It is not right to suppress the fact that
Mayerhoff (Der Brief an die KoL Berl. 1838) and
Baur (Der Apostel Paulus, p. 417) bare deliberately
rejected this epistle as claiming to be a production
of St. Paul. The first of these critics, however
has been briefly, but, aa it would seem, completely
answered, by Meyer (Comment, p. 7); and to the
second, in his subjective and anti-historical attempt
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0OLOSSIAN8
b make individual writings of the N. T. men the-
jeophistic productions of a later Gnosticism, the
intelligent and critical reader will naturally yield
bat little credence. It ia indeed remarkable that
the strongly marked peculiarity of style, the nerve
and force of the arguments, and the originality that
appears in every paragraph should not have made
both these writers pause in their ill-considered at-
tack on this epistle.
A few special points demand bom us a brief
notice.
1. The opinion that this epistle and those to the
Fphesians and to Philemon were written during
the Apostle's imprisonment at Ccesarea (Acts xxi.
IT- xxvi. 32), i. e. between Pentecost A. D. 58 and
the autumn of a. d. 60, has been recently advocated
by several writers of ability, and stated with such
cogency and clearness by Meyer ( Ei tleil. z. Ephet.
p. 15 ft*.), as to deserve some consideration. It
will be found, however, to rest on ingeniously urged
plausibilities; whereas, to go no further than the
present epistle, the notices of the Apostle's impris-
onment in ch. iv. 3, 4, 10, certainly seem historically
inconsistent with the nature of the imprisonment
at Ciesarea. The permission of Felix (Acta xxrr.
S3) can scarcely be strained into any degree of
liberty to teach or preach the Gospel, while the
facta recorded of St. Paul's imprisonment at Rome
(Acts xxviii. 33, 31) are such as to harmonize ad-
mirably with the freedom in this respect which our
present epistle represents to have been accorded
both to the Apostle and his companions : see ch. ir.
11, and oomp. lie Wette, Einlrit. z. Colon, pp. 12,
13; Wieseler, ChronoL p. 420.
2. The nature of the erroneous teaching con-
demned in this epistle has been very differently
estimated. Three opinions only seem to deserve
any serious consideration; (a) that these erroneous
teachers were adherents of Neo-Platonism, or of
some forms of Occidental philosophy ; (6) that they
leaned to Eateue doctrines and practices; (c) that
they advocated that admixture of Christianity,
Judaism, and Oriental philosophy which afterivards
became consolidated into Gnosticism. Of these (a)
has but little in its favor, except the somewhat
vague term ipiKoarxpia (ch. ii. 8), which, however,
it seems arbitrary to restrict to Grecian philosophy;
(6) is much more plausibb as far as the usages
alluded to, but seems inconsistent both with the
exclusive nature and circumscribed localities of
Essene teaching; (c) on the contrary is in accord-
ance with the Gentile nature of the church of Co-
loauB (ch. i. 21), with its very locality — speculative
and superstitious Phrygia — and with that tendency
to associate Judaical observances (ch. ii. 16) with
store purely thcoaophistic speculations (ch. ii. 18),
whiah became afterwards so conspicuous in de-
veloped Gnosticism. The portions in our analysis
»f the epistle marked in italics serve to show how
deeply these perverted opinions were felt by the
Apostle to strike at the doctrine of the eternal God-
head of Christ.
3. The striking similarity between many por-
tions of this epistle and of mat to the Kphesians
aw given rise to much speculation, both as u the
eason of this studied similarity, and as to the
priority of order in respect to composition. These
sointa cannot here be discussed at length, but must
»r somewbat briefly dismissed with the simple ex-
pression of an opinion that the similarity may rea-
sonably be aooo'mted for, (1) by the proximity in
Vine at which the two epistles were written: (9
COLOSSIANS 488
by the high probability that in two catieo of Aat*
within a moderate distance from one another, there
would be many doctrinal prejudices, and many
social relatione, that would call forth and need pre-
cisely the same language of warning and exhorta-
tion. The priority in composition must remain a
matter for a reasonable difference of opinion. Tc
us the shorter and perhaps more vividly expressed
Epistle to the Colossians seems to have been first
written, and to have suggested the more compre-
hensive, more systematic, but less individualizing
epistle to the church of Ephesus.
For further information the student is directed to
Davidson's Introduction, ii. 394 ff. ; Alfbrd, Pro-
Iryom. to If. T. ill. 83 ff. ; and the Introduction to
the excellent Commentary of Meyer.
The editions of this epistle are very numerous.
Of the older commentaries those of Darenant, Ex-
pot. Ep. PauU ad CoL, ed. 3; Suicer, m Ep. Paul*
ndCoL Comment, Tig. 1699, may be specified; and
of modern commentaries, those of Bahr (Baa. 1833),
Ohhausen (Kunigsb. 1840), Huther (Hamb. 1841,
a very good extgeticul commentary), De Wette
(Leipz. 1847), Meyer (GOU. 1848); and in our owa
country those of Eadie (Glasg. [also New York]
1856), Alford (Lond. 1857), and EUioott (Lond.
1868). C. J. E.
* Later editions of Commentaries — Meyer,
1865; Alford, 1865; Euicott, 1865, and Amor,
reprint, 1865. Other recent works — Ewald, Send-
tchreiben da Apotteh Pauhu, 1857; Schenket,
Brief e an die Ephes., PhiHpp. u. Kohtter, 1862;
Or. Karl Braune, Pie Brr. an die Epheeer, Ko-
louer, Phiapper, 1867 (intended as a substitute for
Scbenkel on these epistles in Lange's Bibelwert);
Bleek, Vorlesungen ib. die Brief e an die Kolouer,
u. s. w., 1865, and AW. in dm N. TetU, 1862, p. 484
ff.; Wordsworth, Greek Testament, 1866 (4th ed.);
and J. Llewelyn Davies, The Epistle* of St. Paid
to the Ephetinm, the Colouian*. and Philemon,
with Introduction and .Votes, IxHidon, 1866. There
are many good thoughts on this epistle, exegetical
and practical, though quaintly expressed, in Trapp's
Commentary on the New Testament, pp. 613-21
(Webster's ed., London, 1865).
For a vindication of the genuineness of the epistle
in opposition to the Tubingen critics, see Kliipper.
De Origine Epp. ad Ephetiut et Colo$ten$e*. t
Gryph. 1853, and Riibiger, He ChrittMgia Paul-
ina contra Baurium Commentatio, Yratisl. 1852.
Prof. Weiss also defends the genuineness of the
epistle against Baur's assumptions (Herzogs Real-
EncykL xix. 717-723). But as to the place where
it was written, he sides with those who maintain
that Paul was imprisoned at the time at Csesarea
and not at Rome. He insists with special earnest
ness on the fact that in Pbilera. ver. 22 the Apostle
intimates that he might be expected soon at Colos-
sss ; whereas he appears from Phil ii. 24 to be medi-
tating a journey to Macedonia and not to Asia Minor,
on regaining his liberty. But the implication here
that Paul could not have taken Colossi* and Mace-
donia in his way on the same journey (provided he
was at Home), seems not well founded. For, cross-
ing from Italy to Dyrrachium, he could traverse the
Egnatian Way through Macedonia to Philippl, and
then embarking at Neapohs {Katalta), the port of
Philippi, proceed to Troas or the mouth of the Cay-
ster, and thence to Ephesus or Coiossse as his plan
might require. Pressente' also assigns the Cokssiaa
epistle to Csesarea (Met. de* troit premier* Steele*,
ii. 55 ff.); but natural as it may seem that Paul
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COMB BT
should have written to the Asiatic churches during
the two years that he m kept at C— area, that mn-
dderatkm (ou which Fiesaense' mainly relies) oan
hardly hare more weight than the opposite consid-
eration that Paul might be expected also to write
to the Coloasians while he was at Konie. The fuller
doctrinal development in the letters to the Colossians
and the Kphesians favors a later rather than an earlier
period in the history of these churches. The same
writer's allegation that Paul must have written this
group of letters (Coloasians, Ephesians, Philemon)
it Cosiires, because a slave like Onesimus could not
have been the apostle's fellow-prisoner at Home,
where his captivity was less rigorous than at Csse-
area, is inconclusive; for in fact there is no evidence
it all that Onesimus was a prisoner anywhere.
Yet it should be stated there is a strong current
of opinun. among critics at present in favor of Csss-
area. In support of that view, see especially Reuse,
GacMckU der heil Schriften, p. 100 ff. (3to Aufl.).
IKttger, Meyer, Thiersch, Schenket, I jmrent (JVru-
letL StmSen, p. 100 ft*.), and others, advocate the
same opinion. On the other hand, Hemsen, Cred-
ner, (Juericke, Ewald, Neander, Lange, Week,
Uraurie (in Ijinge's Bibtlwerk), and nearly all the
English critics, refer the epistle to Paul's first Ro-
man captivity. Week in his VorUtmgen and
AitUrilung, mentioned above, states very fully and
forcibly the grounds for this conclusion. H.
• COMB BY. "We had much work to
eomr by the boat" (Acts xxvii. 16). rtputpartU
ywiaicu Tijj <r*-<£<pr|f, lit. •• to become masters of
the lioat," i. r. to secure it so as to. hoist it into
the ship (ver. 17). A.
* COMFORTER. One of the titles and
offices of the Sriitrr (which see).
COMMERCE (1. rn'PP, Gescn. p. 946:
ifiwopla: tiegotiatio ; from ^rTD, a mrrchant,
from "iny, traret, Ez. xxvii. 15; A. V., merchnn-
■Mtf. traffic: 2. n%^"1, Gesen. p. 1289: Ex. xxvi.
12, t& inripxovra, nrguiinlwnts ; in xxviii. 5, 16,
13, i/iwopla, negotiate; from JH, travel).
From the time that men began to live in cities,
trade, in some shape, must have been carried on
to supply the town-dwellers with necessaries (see
fleeren, Afr. Nat. i. 469), but it is also clear that
international trade must have existed and affected
to some extent even the pastoral nomad races, for
»e find that Abraham was rich, not only in cattle,
hut in silver, gold, and gold and silver plate and
ornaments (Gen. xiii. 3, xxiv. 22, 53); and further,
that gold and silver in a manufactured state, and
silver, not improbably in coin, were in use both
among the settled inhabitants of Palestine and the
pastoral tribes of Syria at that date (Gen. xx. 16,
xxiii. 16, xxxviii. 18; Job xlii. 11), to whom those
ratals must in all probability hare been imported
from other countries (Hussey, Anc Wright*, c. xii.
9. p. 193; Kitto, Phy$. Hut of PaL, p. 109, 110;
Herod. 1. 215).
Among trading nations mentioned in Scripture,
Egypt holds in ver)- early times a prominent posi
tion, though her external trade was carried on, not
by her own citixens, but by foreigners, chiefly of
the nomad races (Heeren, Afr. Nat. i. 468, ii. 371,
\7i). It was an Ishmaelite caravan, laden with
niiees, which carried Joseph into Egypt, and the
wooes* shows that slaves formed sometimes a part
COMMERCE
of the merchandise imported (Gen. turn. Ik,
xxxix. 1; Job ri. 19). From Egypt it is likely
that at all times, but especially in times of general
scarcity, corn would be exported, which was paid
for by the non-exporting nations iu silver, wider
was always weighed (Gen. xli. 57, xlii. 3, 26, 36.
riiii. 11, 12, 21). These caravans also brought the
precious stones as well as the spices of India Into
Egypt (F.x. xxv. 3, 7: Wilkinson, Anc Kg. ii. 936,
237). Intercourse with Tyre does not appear to
have taken place till a later period, and thus, though
it cannot be deteimiued whether the purple in
which the Egyptian woolen and linen cloths were
dyed was brought by land from Phoenicia, It If
certain that colored cloths had long been made ar.d
dyed in Egypt, mid the use, at least, of then*
adopted by the Hebrews for the tabernacle as early
as the time of Moses (Ex. xxv. 4, 5; Heeren, Anut
Nat. i. 352 ; Herod, i. 1 ). The pasture-ground of
Sbechetn appears from the story of Joseph to have
lain in the way of these caravan journeys (Gen.
xxxvii. 14, 26; Saalschutz, Arch. Bebr. 16. 1
169).
At the same period it is clear that trade was
juried on between Babylon and the Syrian cities,
and also that gold and silver ornaments were com
mon among the Syrian and Arabian races; a trade
which was obviously carried on by land-carriage
(Num. xxxi. 50; Josh. vii. 21; Judg. v. 30, viii.
24; Jobvi. 19).
Until the time of Solomon the Hebrew nation
may be said to have had no foreign trade. Foreign
trade was indeed contemplated by the I -aw, and
strict rules for morality in commercial dealings were
laid down by it (Deut. xxviii. 12, xxv. 13-16; Lev.
xix. 35, 36), and the tribes near the sea and the
Phoenician territory appear to have engaged to
some extent in maritime affairs (Gen. xlix. 13;
Deut. xxxiii. 18; Judg. v. 17), but the spirit of the
I j»w was more in favor of agriculture and against
foreign trade (Dent. xvii. Hi, 17; Lev. xxv.; Joseph,
c. Apivn. i. 12). Solomon, however, organised an
extensive trade with foreign countries, but chiefly,
at least so far as the more distant nations were
concerned, of an import character. He imported
linen yarn, horses, and chariot* from Egypt. Of
the horses some appear to have been resold to
Syrian and Canaanite princes. For all these he
paid in gold, which was im|»rted by sea from India
and Arabia by his fleets in conjunction with the
Phoenicians (Heeren, At. Sat. i. 334; 1 K. x. 99-
99; Ges. p. 1202). It was by Phoenicians also
that the cedar and other timber for his great archi-
tectural works was brought by sea to Joppa, whilst
Solomon found the provisions necessary fur the
workmen in Mount Lebanon (1 K. v. 6, 9; 2 t'hr.
ii. 16).
The united fleets used to sail into the Indian
Ocean every three years from Elath and Erie ngeber,
porta on the /Elanitic gulf of the Red Sea, which
David had probably gained from Edom, and brought
back gold, silver, ivory, sandal-wood, ebony, pre.
cious stones, apes, and peacocks. Some of these may
have come from India and Ceylon, and some from
the coasts of the Persian (inlf and the E. coast of
Africa (2 Sam. viii. 14; 1 K. ix. 26, x. 11, 99; 1
Chr. viii. 17; Her. iii. 114; IJvingstone, Trmtu,
pp. 637, 662).
Hut the trade which Solomon took so much paint
to encourage was not a maritime trade only. Ht
built, or more probably fortified, Baalbec and Pal
i niyra; the latter at least expressly as a eararas
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Must) for the UimI eommaroe with eastern god
stuth-eastern Asia (1 K. ix. 18).
After his death the maritime trade declined, and
u attempt made by Jehoshaprat to revive it proved
unsuccessful (1 K. xxii. 48, 49) [Takshish,
Ophik]. We know, however, that Phoenicia was
supplied from Judaea with wheat, honey, oil, and
balm (1 K. v. 11; Ex. zxvii. 17; Acta xii. SO;
Joseph. B. J. ii. 31, § 3; lit. 13), whilst Tyrion
dealer* brought fiah and other merchandise to
Jerusalem at the time of the return from captivity
(Nell. xui. 18), as well as timber for the rebuilding
of the temple, which then, as in Solomon's time,
■as brought by sea to Joppa (Err. iii. 7). Oil was
esmtrted to Egypt (Hos. xii. 1), and fine linen and
.in amenta! girdles of domestic manufacture were
sol! to the merchant* (l*rov. xxxi. 24).
The successive invasions to which Palestine was
subjected, involving both large abstraction of treas-
ure by invaders and heavy impost* on the inhab-
itants to purchase immunity or to satisfy demands
fur tribute, must have impoverished the country
from time to time (under Kehoboam, 1 K. xlv. 86:
Asa, xv. 18; Joash, 2 K. xii. 18; Amaziah, xiv.
1=1; Ahaa, xvi. 8; Hezekiah, xviii. 15, 10; Jehoah&x
and Jehoiakim, xxiii. 33, 35; Jehoiachin, xxiv. 13).
but it is also clear, as the denunciations of the
prophets bear witness, that much wealth must some-
where have existed in the country, and much foreign
mervbandise have been imported ; so much so that,
in the language of Kzekie), Jerusalem appears as
the rival of Tyre, and through its port, Joppa, to
have carried on trade with foreign countries (Is. ii.
6, 16, iii. 21-23; Has. xii. 7; K*. xxvi. 2; Jonah
i. 8; Heeren, At. Nat. i. p. 328).
Under the Maccabees Joppa was fortified (1 Maes,
xiv. 84), and later still Csesarea was built and made
a port by Herod (Joseph. Ant. xv. 9, $ 6; Acts
xxvii. 2). Joppa became afterwards a haunt for
pirates, and was taken by Cestius; afterwards by
Vespasian, and destroyed by him (Streb. xvi. p.
769; Joseph. B. J. ii. 18, § 10, iii. 9, § 1).
The internal trade of the Jews, as well as the
external, was much promoted, as was the case also
in Egypt, by the festivals, which brought large
numbers of persons to Jerusalem, and caused great
outlay in victims for sacrifices and in incense (1 K.
viii. 63; Heeren, Afr. NaL li. 363).
The places of public market were, then as now,
chiefly the open spaces near the gates, to which
goods were brought for sale by those who came
from the outside (Neh. xiii. 15, 16; Zeph. i. 10).
The traders in later times were allowed to intrude
Into the temple, in the outer courts of which victims
ware publicly sold for the sacrifices (Zech. xiv. 21;
Matt. xxi. 12; John ii. 14).
In the matter of buying and selling great stress
la bid by the Law on fairness in dealing. Just
weights and balances are stringently ordered (Lev.
six. 85, 36; Deut. xxv. 13-16). Kidnapping slaves
Is frrbidden under the severest penalty (Ex. xxi.
M: Deut. xxiv. 7). Trade in swine was forbidden
•y the Jewish doctors (Surenhus. Stiilm. de damn.
\ 7, vol. iv. p. 60; Ughtfoot, //. //. on Mnith.
rlli. 88; Winer, Handel; SaaJschiitx, Arch. Htbr.
1. 16, 16). il. W. P.
* For further information on this subject, wn
ah* art. Piiochiciass, III.; Tychsen, Pe Coma..
af Many. Ht broonm ante h'.xilium Bobylumctm.
H the Comm. 8oc Reg. 8ci. Gotting-, voi xvi.
(MO*/ CL hist., pp. 160-179; Viiraent, Comment
/ f Is Ananas m Ike Indian Ocean, 2 vols. Loud. '
CONCUBINE 486
1837 4to; V. M. Hubbard, Commerce of Jneim
JCgfgk, In the BibL Rep*, for April 1836, vU. 364-
890; Commerce of Ancient B.iboUm, ibid. July
1837, x. 33-66; Albert Barms, The Ancient Com-
merce of Western Aeia, in the Amer. BM. Rt-poe.
Oct. 1840, and Jan. 1841, 2d ser., iv. 810-828, v.
48-74; J. W. Gilbert, Ledum on Ancient Com
merce, Load. 1847, 1868, repr. in Hunt's JsV
chatWs Mag. voL xix.; and Winer, BM. Reaim.
art. UandeL A.
• COMPASS. To « fetch a compass" (1
Sam. v. 23; 2 K. iii. 9; Acts xxviii. 18) is to
" make a circuit," " go round." A.
• COMPEL (A. V. in Matt v. 41, Mark xv.
21). See Adgabeuo.
CONANI'AH (irr?33 [Keri, whom Jeho-
vah create*]: Xwr *•><«; Alex. Xo>x""U : Chone-
swu), one of the chiefs 0^) of the Levites in
the time of Josiab (2 Chr. xxxv. 9). The aw <
name is elsewhere given in the A. V. [as] Com >
SIAH.
• CONCISION. So Paul, by the use of an ab-
stract term for the concrete (Phil. iii. 2), denominates
the Judaixers who insisted on circumcision as neces-
sary for Gentile converts. They carried their seal
so far, and so monstrously perverted the real char-
acter of the rite, that instead of a name which per-
haps they were disposed to think honorable to them
— 1) wtpiTo/jiii, "the circumcision," — they might
more justly be called A, Kara.ro/t4, "the concision "
or "mutilation." The article liefore the names points
out the persons ss well known. This is the mora
approved explanation (BengeL Meyer, Weiss, Wie-
singer, EUicott, Wordsworth, Alford). For Paul's
use of such paronomastic expressions, see Wilke's
Neutett. Rhetor, p. 413, and Winer's Neutett.
(Jnunm. § 68, 2 (Ote Aufl.). H.
CONCUBINE. tr^Vs appears to have been
included under the general conjugal sense of the
word H^H, which in its limited sense is rendered
" wife." The positions of these two among the
early Jews cannot be referred to the standard of
our own age and country; that of concubine being
less degraded, as that of wife was, especially owing
to the sanction of polygamy, less honorable than
among ourselves. The natural desire of offspring
was, in the Jew, consecrated into a religious hopr
which tended to redeem concubinage from the
debasement into which the grosser motives for its
adoption might have brought it. The whole ques-
tion must be viewed from the point which touches
the interests of propagation, in virtue of which even
a alavs concubine who had many children would
become a most important person in a family, espe-
cially where a wife was barren. Such was the true
source of the concubinage of Nacbor, Abraham, and
Jacob, which indeed, in the two latter cases, lost
the nature which it has in our eyes, through the
process, analogous to adoption, by which the off-
spring was regarded as that of the wife herself.
From all this it follows that, save in so far as the
latter was generally a slave, the difference between
wife and concubine was less marked, owing to the
absence of moral stigma, than among us. We must
therefore beware of regarding as essential to the
relation of concubinage, what really pertained ss
that of bondage.
The concubine's condition was a definu>oas,sasl
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180 CONCUBINB
jaitc independent of the bet of there bang another
woman having the right* of wife towards the aame
awn. The difference probably la; in the ah— we
of the right of the libelku drcerru, without which
the wife could not be repudiated, and in some par-
ticulars of treatment and consideration of which we
ire ignorant; also in her condition and rights on
the death of her lord, rather than in the absence
of nuptial ceremonies and dowry, which were non-
essential; yet it is so probable that these last did
not pertain to the concubine, that the assertion of
the Gemsra (BierotoL Chetubotk, v.) to tint effect,
though controverted, may be received. 'Che doc-
trine that a ooncubine also could not be dismissed
without a formal divorce is of later origin — not
that such dismissals were more frequent, probably,
than those of wives — and negatived by the silence
of Ex. xxi. and Pent, xxi. regarding it. From
this it seems to follow that a concubine could not
become a wife to the same man, nor rice rend,
unless in the improbable case of a wife divorced
returning as a concubine. With regard to the
children of wife and concubine, there was no such
difference as our illegitimacy implies; the latter
were a supplementary family to the former, their
names occur in the patriarchal genealogies (Gen.
xxii. 24; 1 Chr. i. 32), and their position and
provision, save in the case of defect of those former
(in which case they might probably succeed to
landed estate or other chief hostage), would depend
on the father's will (Gen. xxv. 6). The state of
concubinage is assumed and provided for by the
law of Moses. A concubine would generally be
rather (1) a Hebrew girl bought of her lather, i. e.
a slave, which alone the Rabbins regard as a lawful
connection (Maimon. ffnlach-.Wefaktm, iv.), at least
for a private person; (2) a Gentile captive taken in
war; (i))a foreign slave bought, or (4)a(.'anaanitiah
woman, bond or free. The rights of (1) and (2)
were protected by law (Ex. xxi. 7 : I eut. xxi. 10),
but (3) was unrecognized, and (4) prohibited. Free
Hebrew women also might become concubines. So
Gideon's concubine seems to have been of a family
of rank and inBuence in Shechem, and such was
probably the state of the Invite's concubine (Judg.
xx.). The ravages of war among the nude sex, or
the impoverishment of families, might often induce
this condition. The case (1) was not a hard lot.
The passage in Ex. xxi. is somewhat obscure, and
•asms to mean, in brief, as follows: — A man who
xmght a Hebrew girl as concubine for himself
might not treat her as a mere Hebrew slave, to be
sent "out" (i. e. in the seventh, v. 2), but might.
If she displeased him, dismiss her to her rather on
redemption, ■'. e. repayment probably of a part of
what be paid for her. If he had taken her for a
ooncubine for his son, and the son then married
another woman, the concubine's position snd rights
were secured, or, if she were refused these, she
became free without redemption. Further, from
the provision in the case of such a concubine given
ay a man to his son, that she should be dealt with
'after the manner of daughters," we see that the
servile merged in the connubial relation, and that
her children must have been free. Yet some degree
sf contempt attached to the "handmaid's son"
(ntBt<"}2l). used reproachfully to the son of a con-
ssbine merely in Judg. ix. 18; see also Ps. cxvi.
16. The piovisinns relating to (2) are merciful and
joosiderate to a rare degree, but overlaid by the
Babbia with distorting con? meats.
CONDUIT
In the books of Samuel and Kings the eoooubsaat
mentioned belong to the king, and their «~Mlw. r1
and number cease to be a guide to the genera,
practice. A new king stepped into the rights of
his predecessor, and by Solomon's time the eustorr
bad approximated to that of a Persian harem (S
Sam. xii. 8, xvi. 21; 1 K. ii. 22). To seise on
royal concubines for his use was thus an usurper's
first act. Such was probably the intent of Abner's
act (2 Sam. iii. 7), and similarly the request on
behalf of Adonyab was construed (1 K. ii. 21-94).
For fuller information Seidell's treatises de Dicer*
Hebron and de Jure Nultir. »l Cent. v. 7, 8, and
especially that de Succttmmibv; cap. iii , may with
some caution (since be leans somewba' easily to
rabbinical tradition) be consulted ; also tbo treatises
SvtaJi, Kiddnthin, and Chthtbuth in the (jeLoro
HierosoL, and that entitled Snnkedri* in tht
Geraara BabyL The essential portions of all these
are collected in Ugolini, vol. xxx. de Uxor*
Bebreti. H. H.
CONDUIT (<"lbyjp : Upayuyit: oyuaaaje-
Uu; a trench or water-course, from H7^, to atcend,
Gesen. p. 1022).
1. Although no notice is given either by Script-
ure or by Josephus of any connection between the
pools of Solomon beyond Bethlehem and a supply
of water for Jerusalem, it seems unlikely that so
large a work as the pools should be constructed
merely for irrigating his gardens (lied. ii. 6), and
tradition, both oral and as represented by Tal-
mudical writers, ascribes to Solomon the formation
of the original aqueduct by which water was brought
to Jerusalem (MaundreU, Early Trot. p. 468;
Hassdquist, Trot. 146; Lightfoot, Deter. Tempi
c. xxiii. vol i. p. 612; Kobinson, 1. 265). Pontius
Pilate applied the sacred treasure of the Corban to
the work of bringing water by an aqueduct from a
distance, Josephus says of 300 or 400 stadia (B. J.
ii. 9, § 4), but elsewhere 200 stadia, a distance
which would fairly correspond with the length of
the existing aqueduct with all its turns and wind-
ings (Ant. xviii. 3, § 2; Williams, lMy City, ii
601). His application of the money in this man-
ner gave rise to a serious disturbance. Whether
bis work was a new one or a reparation of Solomon's
original aqueduct- cannot be determined, but it
seems more than probable that the ancient work
would have been destroyed in some of the various
sieges since Solomon's time. The aqueduct, though
much injured, and not serviceable for water beyond
Bethlehem, still exists : the water is conveyud from
the fountains which supply the pools alxut two
miles S. of Bethlehem. The water-course then pssses
from the pools in a N. E. direction, and winding
round the hill of Bethlehem on the S. aide, is car-
ried sometimes above and sometimes below the
surface of the ground, partly in earthen pipe* and
partly in a channel about one foot square of rough
stones laid in cement, till it approaches Jerusalem.
There it crosses the valley of Hinnom at the S. W.
side of the city on a bridge of nine arches at s
point above the pool called Bitixt-tt-Suildn, ther
returns S. E. and E. along the side of the valley
and under the wall, and continuing its course alouf
the east side is finally conducted to the llaram. Il
was repaired by Sultan Mohammad lbn-Kalaun o*
Egypt about a. i>. 1300 (Williams, HUj City, ii
498; Raumer, Pid. p. 280; Kobinson, i. 96e-»r
347, 476, iii. 347).
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OONBY
%. Among the works of Hezekiah he U aid to
lave •topped the " upper water-course of Gihon,'
and brought it down straight to the W. side of the
city of David (S Chr. mil. 30). The direction of
this water-course of course depends on the site of
Gihon. Dr. Robinson identifies this with the large
pool called Bxrlcet-ts- ifumiila at the head of the
valley of Hinnom on the S- W. side of Jerusalem,
and considers the lately discovered subterranean
conduit within the city to be a brauch from Hece-
kia'n's water-course (Kob. iii. 943-4, i. 327 ; Ges.
pp. 616, 1396). Mr. Williams, on the other hand,
placet Gihon on the N. side, not far from the tombs
of the kings, and supposes the water-course to have
brought water in a S. direction to the temple,
whence it flowed ultimately into the 1'uol of Siloam,
or Lower Pool. One argument which recommends
this view is found in the account of the interview
between the emissaries of Sennacherib and the
officers of iiezekiah, which took place " by the con-
duit of the upper pool in the highway of the fuller's
field " (2 K. xviii. 17), whose site seems to be indi-
cated by the "fuller's monument" mentioned by
Joaephus as at the N. E. side of the city, and by
the once well-known site called the Camp of the
Assyrians (Joseph. B. J. v. 4, § 2, 7, § 3, and 12,
§ 3). [Gihon; Jerusalem.] H. W. P.
CONEY (W: Saobwmn, xotpoypiKtoos,
v. L Xayis '• ausrogrylhis, hermnmu, lepus-
ealat), a gregarious animal of the class Pachyder-
mata, which is fouud in Palestine, living in the
eaves and clefts of the rocks, and has been erro-
neously identified with the Kabbit or Coney. Its
scientific name is Hyrax Synaau. The l^tt? U
mentioned four times in the O. T. In l.ev. xi. 5
and in Deut. xiv. 7 it is declared to be unclean,
because it chews the cud, but does not divide the
hoof. In Ps. civ. 18 we are told " the rocks are a
refuge for the coneys," and in Prov. xxx. 26 that
" the coneys are but a feeble folk, yet make they
their houses in the rocks." The Hyrax satisfies
OONBY
-187
Hyrax Syriaeos. (from a specimen In the British
Museum.)
exactly the expressions In the two last passages ;
and its being reckoned among the ruminating an-
imals is no difficulty, the bare being also errone-
ously placed by the sacred writers in the same class,
because the action of its jaws resembles that of the
ruminating animals. Its color is gray or brown on
the back, white on the belly; it is like the alpiiM
marmot, scarcely of the size of the domestic ca*.
having king hair, a very short tail, and rornd ears.
It is very common in Syria, especially on tt"> ridges
of 1-ehanon, and is found also in Arabia Petnea,
Upper Egypt, Abyssinia, and Palestine (Wilson,
Lands of At BMe, ii. 28 ft). The Arabs oaD ths
7?«|? yiy wabr; but among the southern Arabs
' > >
we find the term j^wftJ, Iho/an^shaphdn (Fresnal
in Asiatic Journ. June, 18o8, p. 514). The Am-
haric name is aihUkd, under which name the hy-
rax is described by Bruce, who also gives a figure
of it, and mentions the fact that the Arabs also
called it JoL*.f {S *J *AS, "sheep of the
children of Israel." The hyrax is mentioned by
Robinson (iii. 387), as occurring in the sides of
the chasm of the litany opposite to Beldt. He
says that it is seen coming out of the clefts of the
rocks in winter at midday; in summer only towards
evening. The derivation of If® '™ m "" uouna '
root, 13B?t to hide, chiefly in the earth is obi ma.
W :i.
The Hyrax Syriacm is now universally anowed
to be the shdphin of the Bible, and the point may
fairly be considered satisfactorily settled. The
" coney " or rabbit of the A. V., although it suits
the Scriptural allusions in every particular, except
in the matter of its ruminating, is to be rejected, as
the rabbit is nowhere found in the Bible lands;
there are several species or varieties of hare, but
toe rabbit is not known to exist there in a wild
state." The Jerboa (Dipus AZyyptius) which Bo-
chart (ItUroz. ii. 409), Rosenmiiller (Scliol. in Lev.
xi. 5), and others have sought to identify with ths
shdphan, must also be rejected, for it is the nature
of the jerboas to inhabit sandy places and not stony
rocks. It is curious '.u find Bochart quoting Ara-
bian writers, in order w prove that the tcubr de-
notes the jerboa, whereas the description of this
animal as given by Damir, Giauhari, and others,
exactly suits the hyrax.
" The wior," says Giauhari, " is an ar imal less
than a cat, of a brown color, without a tail" upon
which Damir correctly remarks, » when he says it
has no tail, he means that it has a very short one."
Now this description entirely puts the jerboa out
of the question, for all the species of jerboa are
remarkable for their long tails.
With regard to the localities of the oyrsx, it
does not appear that it is now very common in Pal-
estine, though it is nationally seen in the hilly
parts of that country Schubert says "of the
Wober (Hyritx Syrians), we could discover no
trace in either Palestine or Syria: " upon this Dr
Wilson (Lands of tor. BMe, ii. 28) remarks, " We
were, we believe, the first European travellers who
actually noticed this animal within the proper
bounds of the Holy Land," this was amongst the
rocks at Mar Saba. Bruce, however, noticed these
animals plentifully in Lebanon, and among the rocks
at the Pharan Promontorium or Cape Mohammed,
near the Gulf of Suez ; and Shaw ( Tim. ii. 160,
8vo ed.) also saw the hyrax on Lebanon, and says
" it is common in other places of this country."
Dr. Hooker in his recent journey to the Lebanon
and Palestine saw no hyrax anywhere, and says he
• Russell {AUppo, II. 169, 2d ed.) mentions rabbits
*s being occasionally brad In houses. " for the use of
she Franks " at Aleppo ; and un that ttu fur of the
► and Mack rabbit Is much worn, and that the
r Und Is Imported from Europe. Evan If ths an-
cient Hebrews hat* »ver seen Imported specimens of
the rabbit, then can be no doubt that it would have
been Included under the Hebrew term vneb, which M
the Arable name at Aleppo both of this animal and
ths ham.
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$88
CONFECTION
■as) laid it It confined to the sterile hill* of the Jor-
dan and Dead Sea valleys only; Thomson (Land
Barf Boot, p. 298) apeaki only of one individual
among the ruin* of the Castle of Kurein."
Uemprich (Symbola Phyt. p. i.) enumerates
three ipeciee of hyrax, and gives the localities as
(allows: //. Syriaau, Mount Sinai; H. haiettin-
iou$, mountains on the coast of Abyssinia; — this
is the Athbuco of Bruce — and //. ruficepf, Don-
gala. The Amharic name of Ashkoko is, accord-
ing to Itruce, derived from " the long lierinaceous
hairs which like small thorns grow about his back,
and which in Amhara are called Ashok." A tame
hyrax was kept by Bruce, who from the action of
the animal'* jaws was led into the error of suppos-
ing that " it chewed the cud ; " it is worthy of re-
mark that the poet Cowper made the same mistake
with respect to his tame hares. The flesh of the
hyrax is said to resemble the rabbit in flavor; the
Arabs of Mount Sinai esteem it a delicacy ; the Chris-
tians of Abyssinia do not eat its flesh, nor do the
Mohammedans: see Oedmann ( I 'ermitch. Saturn.
pt. v. cb. ii.). Hetnprich states that the urine of
the Cape hyrax (//. cnpauU), as well as that of
the Asiatic species, is regarded as medicinal. See
also Sparman ( Trav. p. 324) and Thunberg ( Trnv.
i. 190). This is confirmatory of the remarks of an
Arabic writer cited by Hochart (ffieroz. ii. 413).
The hyrax is zoologically a very interesting an-
imal, for although in some respects it resembles the
Rodentia, in which order this genus was originally
placed, its true affinities are with the rhinoceros;
its molar teeth differ only in size from those of that
great pachyderm. Accordingly Dr. Gray places the
hyrax in his sub-family Rhinocerma, family Ele-
phnntidm ; it is about the size of a rabbit, which In
some of its habits it much resembles ; the animals
are generally seen to congregate in groups amongst
the rocks, in the cavities of which they hide them-
selves when alarmed; they are herbivorous as to
diet, feeding on gratw and the young shoots of
ahruls). Some obtteners have remarked that an
old male is set as a sentry in the vicinity of their
holes, and that he utters a sound like a whistle to
apprise his companions when danger threatens; if
this is a fact, it forcibly illustrates Prov. xxx. 24,
90, where the thdphan is named us one of the four
things upon earth which, though little, " are ex-
ceeding wise." \V. H.
* CONFECTION (Ex. xxx. 36; st-mds for
compound or mixture, a Latin sense of the word.
U.
• CONFIRMATION. [Baptum, p. 844.]
CONGREGATION (r»75, bn|?, from
/TID, to call = convocation : <rvrayayh\ iiueKn-
orla, in Daut. xviii. 16, xxiii. 1 : congregutio, eccle-
sia, ca*js). This term describes the Hebrew people
in its collective capacity under its peculiar aspect
as a holy community, held together by religious
rather than political bonds. Sometimes it is used
m a broad sense as inclusive of foreign settlers
(Ex. xii. 19); but more properly, as exclusively ap-
propriate to the Hebrew element of the population
.Num. xv. 15); in each case it expresses the idea
af the Koinan CiriUu at the Greek woKtrtla.
• •Mi\ Tristram, who ass natafattttwM the more sar-
asst In bis efforts, caught on* of these animals (which
It Is extremely difficult to do) among ths ellfl> on the
I. W sals of tin Dmd Sea, and describee It as an-
CONGRBGATION
Every circumcised Hebrew (J"H?N : oirexoW
indigenn ; A. V. '• home-born, born m the land,'
the term specially descriptive of the Israelite in op.
position to the non-Israelite, Ex. xii. 19 : Lev. xvi
29; Num. ix. 14) was a member of toe congrega-
tion, and took part in its proceedings, probably
from the time that he bore arms. It is important,
however, to observe that he acquired no politics;
rights in his individual capacity, but only as a
member of a houte ; for the basis of the Hebrew
polity was the house, whence was formed in as
ascending scale the /amUg or collection of bouses,
the tribe or collection of families, and the congre-
gation at collection of tribes. Strangers (D"H3)
settled in the land, if circumcised, were with cer-
tain exceptions (Dtut. xxiii. 1 ff.) admitted to ths
privilege of citizenship, and are spoken of as num-
bers of the congregation in its mere extended ap-
plication (Ex. xii. 19; Num. ix. 14, xv. 16); it
appears doubtful, however, whether they were repre-
sented in the congregation in its corporate capacity
as a deliberative body, as they were not, strictly
speaking, members of any bouse; their position
probably resembled that of the wpo'ftroi at Athens.
The congregation occupied an important position
under the Theocracy, as the comtiia or national
parliament, invested with legislative and judicial
powers. In this capacity it acted through a sys-
tem of patriarchal representation, each house, fam-
ily, and tribe being represented by its Lead or
father. These delegates were named rTJSn "•JJJJt
(wfwfiintpof- ttmom; "elders"); D^tTOtsV-
Yorrff: principal i "princes"); and sometimes
D , K , "}i? (sVurAirroi : qui voctibanhir, Num. xvi. 2 ;
A. V. "renowned," "famous"). The number of
these representatives being inconveniently large for
ordinary business, a further selection was made by
Moses of 70, who formed a species of standing
committee (Num. zi. 16). Occasionally indeed the
whole body of the people was assembled, the mode
of summoning being by the sound of the two sil-
ver trumpets, and the place of meeting the door
of the tabernacle, hence usually called the taber-
nacle of the congregation OJ1Z2, fit. piaor of
meeting) (Num. x. 3): the occasions of such gen-
eral assemblies were solemn religious services (Ex.
xii. 47; Num. xxv. 6; Joel ii. 16), or to receivj
new commandments (Ex. xix. 7, 8; Lev. viii. 4).
The elders were summoned by the call of one trum-
pet (Num. x. 4), at the command of the supreme
governor or the high-priest; they repre s en ted the
whole congregation on various occasions of public
interest (Ex. iii. 16, xii. 21, xvii. 6, xxiv. 1); they
acted as a court of judicature in capital offenses
(Num. xv. 33, xxxv. 12), and were charged with
the execution of the sentence (1-ev. xxiv. 14; Num.
xv. 35); they joined iu certain of the sacrifices
(Lev. iv. 14, 15); and they exercised the usual
right* of sovereignty, such as declaring war, making
peace, and concluding treaties (.losh. ix. 15). Tbs
people were strictly bound by the sets of their rep-
resentatives, even in cases where they disapproved
of them (Josh. ix. 18). After the occupation of
swermg psriactlr to what is said in Prov. xxx M, tt
both ss to Its Sjeblsnsss and Its singular cunoiug ant
power of eeir-pneerraaon. See his Land tf Iwnd, %
sd. p. 258 (London, 1886). fl.
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CONIAH
fee land of Canaan, the congregation was assembled
mly on matters of the highest importance. The
ielegates were summoned by messengers (2 Chr.
xxx. 6) to such places as might be appointed, most
frequently to Mizpeh (.Indg. x. 17, zi. 11, zx. 1 ;
1 Sam. vii. 5, x. 17; 1 Mace. iii. 46); they came
attended each with his band of retainers, so that
the number assembled was very considerable (Judg.
xx. 2 ff.). On one occasion we hear of the congre
gation being assembled for judicial purposes (Judg.
xx.); on other occasions for religious festivals (2
Chr. xxx. 6, xxxiv. 2.1); on others for the election
of kings, as Saul (1 Sam. x. 17), David (2 Sam. v.
1), Jeroboam (1 K. xii. 20), Joash (2 K. xi. 19),
Josiah (2 K. xxi. 24), Jehoahaz (2 K. xxiii. 30),
and Uzziah (2 Chr. xxvi. 1). In the later periods
of Jewish history the congregation was represented
by the Sanhedrim; and the term awa-ywy^, which
in the LXX. is applied exclusively to the congre-
gation itself (for the place of meeting "I51I2 vHH
is invariably rendered j} o-irniH) toO fiaprvpiov, tab-
ernaculum Ustimonii, the word *T5"VQ being con-
«dered = rW15 1 - was transferred to the places of
worship established by the Jews, wherever a certain
number of families were collected. W. L. B.
* " Congregation," assembly of the people, is
the proper rendering of ixxXiiffia in Acts vii. 38,
instead of " church " (A. V.). That is the render-
ing in the older English versions (Tyndale's, Cran-
mer's, the Genevan). Stephen evidently refers in
that passage to the congregation of the Hebrews
assembled at Sinai, at the time of the promulgation
of the law. So nearly all the best critics (Bengel,
Kuiuoel, Olshausen, De Wette, Meyer, Lechler,
Alford). H.
CONI'AH. [Jeooniaii.]
CONONI'AH pl!T?31| [whom Jehovah es-
tablishes]: Xuvevtas; [Vat. in ver. 12 Xcs/imati]
Alex. Xa>xf '•« : CAonenias), a Levite, ruler (T3 J)
of the offerings and tithes in the time of Uezekiah
(2 Chr. xxxi. 12, 13). [See Conajuah.]
CONSECRATION. [Priest.]
•CONVENIENT signifies "becoming, fit-
ling, appropriate " in several passages, e. g. Prov.
xxx. 8; Jer. xL 4; Rom. i. 28; Eph. v. 4; Philem.
ver. 8. It occurs once in the dedication of James's
translator*. It is the rendering of lurijicor and
itaBiiKov in the N. T.. and was an ancient Latin
cense of the word. It belongs to the class of terms
of which Archbishop Whately remarks that " they
are much more likely to perplex and bewilder the
leader, than those entirely out of use. The latter
only leave him in darkness ; the others mislead him
by a false light." See his Bacon't Essays • with
Annotations (Essay xxir. p. 359, 5th ed. Boston,
1863). H.
• CONVERSATION is never used in the
A. V. in its ordinary sense, but always denotes
" course of life," " conduct." In the N. T. H com-
monly represents the Greek avaarrpopti; once rpi-
roi. In Phil. iii. 20, "our conversation is in
Searen," it is the rendering of woKlrtvfU The
nrobable meaning is well expressed by Wakefield's
translation, " we are citizens of heaven." A.
CONVOCATION (tn^D, from HT eo-
jare; comp. Num. x. 9; Is. i! 13). This term is
kaplied Invariably In moating* of a religious char-
COOKINO 489
acter, in contradistinction to congregation, in whisk
political and legal matters were occasionally settled
Henoe it is connected with ttJ^Tp, My, and is ap-
plied only to the Sabbath and the great annual
festivals of the Jews (Ex. xii. 16; I* v. xxiii. 2 ff.;
Num. xxviii. 18 ff., xxix. 1 ff.). With one excep-
tion (Is. i. 13), the word is peculiar to the Penta-
teuch. The LXX. treats it as an adjective =
kXt/toj, MkKiuos; but there can be no doubt
that the A. V. is correct in its rendering.
W. L.B.
COOKING. As meat did not form an article
of ordinary diet among the Jews, the art of cook-
ing was not carried to any perfection. The diffi-
culty of preserving it from putrefaction necessi-
tated the immediate consumption of an animal.
and hence few were slaughtered except for purposes
of hospitality or festivity. I'he proceedings on
such occasions appear to have been as follows : On
the arrival of a guest the animal, either a kid,
lamb, or calf, was killed (den. xviii. 7 ; Luke XT.
23), its throat being cut so that the blood might
be poured out (Lev. vii. 26); it was then flayed
and was ready either for roasting (n?!J), or boil-
ing ( vU?3) : in the former case the animal was
preserved entire (Ex. xii. 46), and roasted either
over a fire (Ex. xii. 8) of wood (Is. xliv. 16), or
perhaps, as the mention of fire implies another
method, in an oven, consisting simply of a hole dug
in the earth, well heated, and covered up (Burck-
hardt. Notes on Bedouins, I 240); the Paschal
lamb was roasted by the first of these methods (Ex.
xii. 8, 9; 2 Chr. xxxv. 13). Boiling, however, was
the more usual method of cooking, both in the case
of sacrifices, other than the Paschal lamb (Lev. viii.
31), and for domestic use (Ex. xvi. 23), so much
so that 727^1 = to cook generally, including even
roasting (Deut. xvi. 7). In this case the animal
was cut up, the right shoulder being first taken off
(hence the priest's joint, Lev. vii. 32), and the
other joints in succession ; the flesh was separated
from the bones and minced, and the bones them-
selves were broken up (Mic. iii. 3); the whole mass
was then thrown into a caldron (Kz. xxiv. 4, 5)
filled with water (Ex. xii. 9), or, as we may infer
from Ex. xxiii. 19, occasionally with milk, as is
still usual among the Arabs (Burckhardt, Notes,
i. 63), the prohibition "not to seethe a kid in his
mother's milk" having reference apparently to
some heathen practice connected with the ottering
of the first-fruits (Ex. I c; xxxiv. 26), which ren-
dered the kid so prepared unclean food (Deut. xiv.
21). The caldron was boiled over a wood fire (Ex.
xxiv. 10) ; the scum which rose to the surface was
from time to time removed, otherwise the meat
would turn out loathsome (6); salt or spices were
thrown in to season it (10); and when sufficiently
boiled, the meat and the broth IfTlQ: fn>/«fj,
LXX.: jus, Vulg.), were served up separately
Mudg. vi. 19), the broth being used with unleav-
ened bread, and butter (Gen. xviii. 8), as a sauce
for dipping morsels of bread into (Burckhatdt'a
Notes, i. 63). Sometimes the meat was so highly
tpiced that its flavor could hardly be distinguished;
such dishes were called D^BJtpp (Gen. xxvii. 4;
Prov. xxiii. 3). There is a striking similarity in
the culinary operations of the Hebrews sad Egypt-
ians (Wilkinson's Anc Egypt ii. 374 K). Vefr
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coos
staples wen usually boiled, and served up as pottage
(Gen. xxv. 29 ; 2 K. iv. 38). FUh was also cooked
dxOvos JttoC uApos- puci$ tun; Luke xxiv. 43),
probably broiled. The cooking ni hi earl; times
performed by the mistress of the household (Gen.
xviii. 6); professional cooks (ONTI^tS) were after-
wards employed (I Sam. viii. 13, ii. 23). The
utensils required were — D*7? (xvrpoVoSsr:
dij/lrojxxlet), a cooking range, having places for two
or more pots, probably of earthenware (Lev. xi 35);
1*1*3 (AljSip: kbu), a caldron (1 Sam. ii. 14);
J!?TC (itp*i.ypa- fiucmuln), a large fork or flesh-
hook; "lO (\4fbit'- oliu), a wide, open, metal ves-
sel, resembling a fish-kettle, adapted to be used as
a wash-pot (l*s. lx. 8), or to eat from (Ex. xvi. 3);
"Bn§, Tn, niHii?. pots probably of earthen-
wan and high, but bow differing from each other
fees not appear; and, lastly,nil?S, or fflTV??,
iishes (2 K. U. 20, xxL 13; Prov. xU. 24, A. V.
•bosom"). W. L.B.
CO'OS (Rec. Text, Wi iV Kir, Lachm. [and
risen.] with ABC [DE Sin.], Kfi), Acts xxi. 1.
[Cos.]
COPPER (m£rp. This word In the A. V.
is always rendered " brass," except in Err. viii. 27.
See BliAioi). This metal is usually found as pyrites
(sulphuret of copper and iron), malachite (curb, of
copper), or hi the state of oxide, and occasionally
in a native state, principally in the New World. It
was almost exclusively used by the ancients for
common purposes; for which its elastic and ductile
nature rendered it practically available. It is a
question whether in the earliest times iron was
known (ji4\as V owe tVnrs (rlSnpos, Hes. Ojip. tt
Diet, 149; Lucr. v. 1285 ft".). In India, how-
ever, its manufacture has been practiced from a
very ancient date by a process exceedingly simple,
and possibly a similar one was employed by the an-
cient Egyptians (Napier. Anc. Worker* in iftlnl,
p. 137). There is no certain mention of iron in
the Scriptures; and, from the allusion to it as
kuowu to Tubalcain (Gen. iv. 22), some have ven-
tured to doubt whether in that place 7X"?? means
iron (Wilkinson, Anc. EgypL iii. 242).
We read in the Bible of copper, possessed in
oountlois abundance (2 Chr. iv. 18), and used for
every kind of instrument; as chains (Judg. xvi.
21), i>iUart (1 K. vii. 15-21), htvers, the great one
being called "the copper sea" (2 K. xxv. 13;
1 Chr. xviii. 8), and the other temple vessels.
These were made in the foundry, with the assist-
ance of Hiram, a Phoenician (1 K. vii. 18), although
the Jews were net ignorant of metallurgy (Ez. xxii.
18; Deut. iv. 20, Ac.), and appear to have worked
their own mines (Deut. viii. 9; Is. Ii. 1). We read
sbo of copper mirrors (Ex. xxxviii. 8 ; Job xxxvii.
18), since the metal is susceptible of brilliant polish
(2 Chr. iv. 16 ) ; and even of copper arms, as helmets,
spears, Ac. (1 Sam. xvii. 5, 6, 38; 2 Sam. xxi. 16).
The expression "bow of steel," in Job xx. 24, IV
xviii. 34, should be rendered " bow of copper," since
Jn term lor steel is mb? or l'lSSD Vn?.
{northern Iron). Th j could hardly have applied
topper to these purpo ■«< without pc ssessing some
■udMous system of alloys, or perhaps some forgot-
CORAIi
ten secret Tor rendering the metal hanla and sson
elastic than we can make it.
It ban been maintained that the cutting-took of
the Egyptians, with which they worked the graniU
and porphyry of their monuments, were made d
bronze, in which copper was a chief ingredient
The arguments on this point are found in Wilkin,
son, iii. 249, Ac., but they are not conclusive.
There seems no reason why the art of making iror
and excellent steel, which has been for ages prac-
ticed in India, may not have been equally known
to the Egyptians. The quickness with which iron
decomposes will fully account for the non-discovery
of any remains of steel or iron implements, r'or
analyses of the bronze tools and articles found in
Egypt and Assyria, see Napier, p. 88.
The only place in the A. V. where " copper " is
mentioned is Ezr. viii. 27, " two vessels of fine cop
per, precious ss gold " (cf. 1 Eadr. viii. 57 ; srsr«trq
XaAsrov <rr(A/3orro j, Sidipopa, iriBufarri if xpv-
altf-, arit fidgentu; "vases of Corinthian bran,"
Syr.; "ex orichalco," Jun.), perhaps similar to
those of " bright brass " in 1 K. vii. 45 ; Dan. i. 6.
They may have been of oricbalcum, like the Per-
sian or Indian vases found among the treasures of
Darius (Aristot. <le Mirab. AmcuU.). There were
two kinds of this metal, one natural (Sen. ad JEn.
xii. 87), which Pliny (//. N. xxxiv. 2, 2) says had
long been extinct in his time, but which Cbardin
alludes to as found in Sumatra under the name
Calmbac (Kosenm. I. c.)\ the other artificial (iden-
tified by some with ^Ktmoor, whence the mistaken
spelling ouri-chalcum), which Hochart (ffieroz. vi.
ch. 16, p. 871 ff.) considers to be the Hebrew
bptpn, a word compounded (he says) of tCf^p
(copper) and Chald. sV?l? (? gold, Ez. L 4, 97,
viii. 2); <A«Krpo», LXX.; electnm, Vulg (oAA<-
rvwav xpvalov, Hesych.; to which Suid. adds,
luiuyiiinv U\<p «a> KiBif). On this substance
see Pausan. v. 12; Plin. xxxiii. 4, § 23. Gesenlus
considers the xaAxoAf/Davoi' of Kev. i. 15 to be
xaAjcir kirap6s= 'P r .' U ; he differs from Bo-
chart, and argues that it means merely " smooth or
polished brass."
In Ez. xxvii. 13, the importation of copper ves-
sels to the markets of Tyre by merchants of Ja-
van, Tubal, and Meshecb, is alluded to. Probably
these were the Moschi, *c., who worked the cop
per mines in the neighborhood of Mount Cau-
casus.
In 9 Tim. iv. 14, xaA«<»s is rendered "copper-
smith," but the term is perfectly general, and is
used even for workers in iron (Od. ix. 391); x«V
Kfis, xoi t«x>'''"|», leal 6 ipyvpoitAwat icol i
Xpwoxios (llesycb.).
" < opper ' is used for money, Ez. xvi 86 (A. V.
" filtliinexs ); /{lx<as rbv x ** * *<">> LXX.;
"emisuuiestastuum," Vulg.; and in N. T. (xoA-
Kovt, rovro M xpvo-sv KaX too iayioov fctyor,
Hesych.). F. W. t.
• COPTIC VERSION. [Vkhmoks, A»-
CIEHT (EGYPTIAN).]
• COR 03 '• Hifot- form) a measure of ca-
pacity, the same as the homer (Ex. xlv. 14; IK
iv. 22 and v. 11, marg.; Ezr. vii. 22, marg). flat
Weights and Mkasliiks, II. § 2. JL
CORAL (,rnDK"\ r&mith : prr/noa; Sjmm
i>$nki; "°i»it: arrscms, exccUa) occurs jnrjr, ft
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COBBAN
to wmewhat doubtful rendering of the Hebrew
r&mith, in Job xxviii. 18, " No mention shall he
nade of ooral (ramoUi, margin) or of pearls, foi
Jie price »( wisdom is above rubies; " and in Ex.
xxvii. 16, where coral is enumerated amongst the
wares which Syria brought to the markets of Tyre.
The old versions fail to afford us any clew; the
I.XX. gives merely the etymological meaning of the
Hebrew term "lofty things;" the Vulg. in rx.
(t c.) reads "silk." Some have conjectured "rhi-
noceros skins," deriving the original word from
retm (the nniccrn of the A. V.), which word, how-
ever, has nothing to do with this animal. [Uni-
corn.] Schultens (Comment, m Jobum, 1. c.)
gives up the matter in despair, and leaves the word
untranslated. Many of the Jewish rabbis under-
stand - red coral " by r&mfith. Geseniiis ( Thes.
s. v.) conjectures "black coral" (?), assigning the
red kind to ptnMm ("rubies," A. V.): see Ruby.
Michaelis (Sup/J. Lex. lltbr. p. 2318) translates
rikmith by Lapukt gaitllm-um, i. e. L. kewardici,
as if from rim, an Arabic name for some species of
gazelle. The Lapu btmirtlictu of Linnaeus d<v
jotes the calcareous concretions sometimes found in
the stomach of the Indian gazelle, the Sasin (Atiti-
lope cerricnpra, Pallas). This stone, which pos-
sessed a strong aromatic odor, was formerly held in
high repute as a talisman. The Arabian physi-
cians attributed valuable medicinal properties to
these concretions. The opinion of Michaelis, that
r&m&th denotes these stones, is little else than con-
jecture. On the whole, we see no reason to be dis-
satisfied with the rendering of the A. V. " Coral "
has decidedly the best chum of any other substances
to represent the rimtth. The natural upward
form of growth of the Cornllium rubrtou is well
suited to the etymology of the word. The word
rendered " price " in Job xxviii. 18, more properly
denotes "a drawing out;" and appears to have
reference to the manner in which coral and pearls
were obtained from the sea, either by diving or
dredging. At present, Mediterranean corals, which
constitute an important article of commerce, are
broken off from the rocks to which they adhere by
long hooked poles, and thus " drawn out" With
regard to the estimation in which coral was held
by the Jews and other Orientals, it must be re-
membered that coral varies in price with us. Fine
compact specimens of the best tints may be worth
at much as £ 10 per or., while inferior ones are
rhaps not worth much more than a shilling per
Pliny says (AT. H. xxxii. 2) that the Indians
valued coral as the Romans valued pearls. It is
possible that the Syrian traders, who as Jerome re-
marks (Rosenmuller, Sckcl. in Ex. xxvii. 16), would
!n his day run all over the world " lucri cupiditate,"
nay have visited the Indian seas, and brought
home thence rich coral treasures; though they
would also readily procure coral either from the
Red Sea or the Mediterranean, where it is abund-
antly found. Coral, Mr. King informs us, often
occurs in ancient Egyptian jewelry as beads, and
rut into charms. W. H.
COBBAN 03")i7 [</«%] t Sipor' oMsno;
'n N T. Kop&ar expL by tipov, and in Vulg. do-
•Km ued only in Lev. and Num., except in Ex.
ex. 28, xl. 43), an offering to God of any sort,
sloody or bloodless, but particularly ir fulfillment
4 a vow The law laid clown rules for vows, (1)
ifltanativs; (2) negative. By the former, persons,
uirmua, and property might be devoted to God,
COBB
401
but, with certain limitations, they were Ndeetsabsi
by money payments. By the latter, persons inter
dieted themselves, or were interdicted by then
parent* from the use of certain things lawful in
theinxelves, as wine, either for a limited or an un-
limited period (I-ev. xxvii.; Num. xxx.; Judg. xdil.
7; Jer. xxxv.; Joseph. Ant. iv. 4, % 4; B. J. ii. 15,
§ 1 ; Acta xviil. 18, xxi. 23, 24). Upon these rules
the traditionista enlarged, and laid down that a
man might interdict himself by vow, not only fron
using for himself, but from giving to another, oi
receiving from him some particular object whetliet
of food or any other kind whatsoever. The thing
thus interdicted was considered as Corban, and the
form of interdiction was virtually to this effect:
" I forbid myself to touch or be concerned in any
way with the thing forbidden, as if it were devoted
by law," i. e. "let it be Corban." So far did they
carry the principle that they even held as binding
the incomplete exctunations of anger, and called
them HIT, handlet. A person might thue ex-
empt himself from assisting or receiving assistance
from some particular person or persons, as parents
in distress; and in abort from any inconvenient ob-
ligation under plea of corban, though by a legal
fiction he was allowed to suspend the restriction in
certain cases. It was with practices of this sort
that our Lord found fault (Matt. xv. 5; Mark vii
11), as annulling the spirit of the law.
Tbeophrastus, quoted by Josephus, notices the
system, miscalling it a Phoenician custom, but iii
naming the word corban identifies it with Judaism.
Josephus calls the treasury in which offerings for
the temple or its services were deposited, cop/Saras,
as in Matt xxvii. 6. Origen'a account of the air-
ban-system is that children sometimes refused as-
sistance to parents on the ground that they had
already contributed to the poor fund, from which
they alleged their parents might be relieved (Jo-
seph. B. J. ii. 9, § 4: Ap. i. 22; Mishna, [ed.] Su-
renhus., dt Cons, i. 4, ii. 2; Oappellus, Grotius,
Hammond, Lightfbot, Hor. Iltbr. on Matt. xv. 6 ;
Jahn, Arch. Biil. v. § 392, 394). [Alms; Vows;
Offf.rings.] H. W. P.
COB'BE (Xop$4; [Aid. Kop$4:] Choraba), 1
Esdr. v. 12. This name apparently answers t/<
Zaccai in the lists of Esra and Nehemiah.
cobd fain, -in.?, ->n*o, nhj). or
the various purposes to which cord, including under
that term rope and twisted thongs, was applied, the
following are specially worthy of notice. (1.) For
fastening a tent, in which sense "V^D is more
particularly used (e. g. Ex. xxxv. 18, xxxix. 40; Is.
liv. 2). As the tent supplied a favorite image of
the human body, the cords which held it in its
place represented the principle of life (Job iv. 21,
"Are not their tent-cords (A. V. "excellency")
torn away?"; Eccl. xii. 6). (2.) For leading or
binding animals, as a halter or rein (Ps. cx\iii. 27;
Hos. xi- 4), whence to " loosen the cord " (Job xxx
ll) = to free from authority. (3.) For yoking
them either to a cart (Is. v. 18) or a plough (Job
axxix. 10). (4.) For binding prisoners, more par-
ticularly nhj (Judg. xv. 13; Ps. ii. 3, exxix. 4,
Ex, iii. 25), whence the metaphorical expressioa
"4«nd» of lute" (Hot. xi. 4). (6.) For bow-
strings (Ps. xi. 2), made of catgut; such are spoken
of In Judg. xvi 7 (DTtb nnn^ A. V.
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OOBDS OF SHKOL
wWuj;" but mors properly rtvpal typal, fresh or
moist bow-strings). (6.) For the ropes or " taek-
Bngs " of » vessel (Is. iniii, 23). (7.) For meas-
uring ground, the full expression being ^—H
fT-TO (8 Sam. viii, 2; Ps. lzzrUi. 56; Am. vii. 17;
Zech. ii. 1): hence to " cast a cord " = to assign a
property (Mic. ii, 5), and cord or fine became an
expression for an inheritance (Josh. rvii. 14, xix. 9;
Ps. xvi. 6; Ez. x'.vii. 13), and even for any defined
district (e. g. the fine, or tract, of Argob, 1 teut. iii.
4). [Chkbkl.] (8.) For fishing and snaring
[Fishing; Fowling; Hohtikg]. (9.) For at-
taching articles of dress; at the wreatJitn cbiimt
(nhj!), which were rather twisted cords, wom by
the high-priests (Ex. xxviii. 14, 22, 24, xxxix. 15,
17). (10.) For fastening awnings (Esth. i. 6).
(11.) For attaching to a plummet. The line and
plummet are emblematic of a regular rule (2 K.
xxi. 13; b. xxviii. 17); hence to destroy by line
and plummet (Is. xxxiv. 11 ; Lam. ii. 8 ; Am. vii.
7) has been understood as — regular, systematic
destruction (ad normam tt Uittinn, Gesen. jTAes.
p. 125): it may however lie referred to the carpen-
ter's level, which can only be used on a flat surface
(comp. Thenius, Comm. in 2 K. xxi. 13). (12.)
For drawing water out of a well, or raising heavy
weights (Josh. ii. 15; Jer. xxxviii. 6, 13). To
place a rope on the head (1 K. xx. 31) in place of
the ordinary head-dress was a sign of abject sub-
mission. The materials of which cord was made
varied according to the strength required; the
strongest rope was probably made of strips of camel
bide, as still used by the Uedouins for drawing
water (Burckhardt's Nvtti, i. 40); the F-gyptians
twisted these strips together into thongs for sandals
ind other purposes (Wilkinson, Anc. Kgypt. iii.
145). The finer sorts were made of flax (Is. xix.
!))• The fibre of the date-palm was also used (Wil-
kinson, iii. 210) ; and probably reeds and rushes
of various kinds, as implied in the origin of the
word axpivlov (Plin. xix. 9), which is generally
used by the I«XX. as = ?^n, and more particu-
larly in the word flDJN (Job. xli. 21, which pri-
marily means a reed ; in the Talmud (F.rubhin, fol.
58) bulrushes, osier, and flax are enumerated as the
materials of which rope was made ; in the Mishna
{Soiah, i. § 6) the "H2D b^H is explained as
funis vimintrus sen tnUgmu. In the N. T. the
term axoiyla is applied to the whip which our
Saviour made (John ii. 15), and to the ropes of a
■hip (Acts xxvii. 32). Alford understands it in
the former passage of the rushes on which the cat-
tle were littered; but the ordinary rendering cords
teems more consistent with the use of the term
elsewhere. W. L. B.
• CORDS OF SHEOL. [Shares of
)eath, Amer. ed.]
OCRE (Root", N. T.iK.: Core), Ecdus. xlv.
Ii; Jude 11. [Rorah, 1.]
CORIANDER (T3 : tcipiof- corianarvm).
The plant called Corvmdrum tatmum la found in
Egypt, Persia, and India (Plin. xx. 82), and has a
round tall stalk; it bean umbelliferous white or
reddish flowers, from which arise globular, grayish,
tpicy seed-corns, marked with fine stria*. It is
aueh cultivated in the south of Europe, as its seeds
m used by confectioners and druggists. The Car-
CORINTH
thaginians called it •yo(J = "T3 (Dioscurid. UL M)
The etymology is uncertain, though it to not im-
possible that the striated appearance of the seed- vet
sels may have suggested a name derived from ^^
to cut (Gesen.). It is mentioned twice in the Bibfa
(Ex. xvi. 31; Num. xi. 7). In both passages th«
manna is likened to coriander-seed as to form, and
in the former passage as to color also. W. D.
COR'INTH (Kipwfos- [Corinlhut]). This
city is alike remarkable for its distinctive geograph-
ical position, its eminence in (.reek and Roman
history, and Us close connection with the early
spread of Christianity.
Geographically its situation was so marked, that
the name of its Itthnau has been given to every
narrow neck of land between two seas. Thus it
was "the bridge of the sea" (Pind. Nem. vi. 44)
and "the gate of the Peloponnesus" (Xen. Ayti.
2). No invading army could enter the Morea by
land except by this way, and without forcing some
of the defenses which have been raised from one sea
to the other at various intervals letween the great
Persian war and the recent »trupi;les of the Turks
with the modem Greeks, or with the Venetians.
But, besides this, the site of Corinth is distin-
guished by another conspicuous physical feature —
namely, the AcrvcorinlJiut, a vast citadel of rock,
which rites abruptly to the height of 2000 feet
above the level of the sea, and the summit of which
it so extensive that it once contained a whole town.
The view from this eminence is one of the most cel-
ebrated in the world. Besides the mountains of
the Morea, it embraces those on the northern shore
of the Corinthian gulf, with the snowy heights of
Parnassus conspicuous above the rest. To the
east is the Saronic gulf, with its islands, and the
hills round Athens, the Acropolis itself being dis-
tinctly visible at a distance of 45 miles. Immedi-
ately below the Acrocorintbus, to the north, was
the city of Corinth, on a table-land descending in
terraces to the low plain, which lies between Cen-
chrcte, the harbor on the Saronic, and Lechteum,
the harbor on the Corinthian gulf.
The situation of Corinth, and the possession of
these eastern and western harbors, are the secrets
of her history. The earliest passage in her prog-
ress to eminence was probably Phoenician. But
at the most remote period of which we have any
sure record we find the Greeks established here in
a position of wealth (Horn. 11. ii. 570; Pind. OL
xiii. 4), and military strength (Thucyd. i. 13).
Some of the earliest efforts of Greek ship-building
are connected with Corinth; and her colonies to
the westward were among the first and most flour-
ishing sent out from Greece. So too in the latest
nassages of Greek history, in the struggles with
Macedonia and Rome, Corinth held a conspicuous
place. After the battle of Chaeronea (B. c. 338)
the Macedonian kings placed a garrison in the
Acrocorinthus. After the battle of Cynoscephabe
(b. c. 197) it was occupied by a Roman garrison
Corinth, however, was constituted the head of the
Acheean league. Here the Roman ambassadors
were maltreated : and the consequence was the ut-
ter ruin and destruction of the city.
It is not the true Greek Corinth with which we
have to do in the life of St. Paul, but the Corinth
which was rebuilt and established as a Roman col-
ony. The distinction between the two must ht
carefully remembered. A period cf a hundset
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CORINTH
years intervened, during which the place wis al-
most utterly desolate. The merchanta of the
Isthmus retired to Deloa. The presideucj of the
Isthmian games was given to the people of Sicyon.
Corinth seemed blotted from the map; till Julius
Caesar refounded the city, which thenceforth was
called Colomi Julia Cormthm. The new city was
hardly less distinguished than the old, and it ac-
quired a fresh importance as the metropolis of the
Koman province of Aciiaia. We find Gallio,
brother of the philosopher Seneca, exercising the
functions of proconsul here (Achaia was a senato-
rial province) during St. Paul's first residence at
Corinth, in the reign of Claudius.
This residence continued for a year and six
months, and the circumstances, which occurred
during the course of it, are related at some length
(Acts xviii. 1-18). St. Paul had recently passed
through Macedonia. He came to Corinth from
Athens; shortly after his arrival Silas and Tuno-
CORISTH 493
theus came from Macedonia and rejoined him : and
about this time the two epistles to the Thussalo-
uians were written (probably a. d. 52 or 53). It
was at Corinth that the apostle first became ac-
quainted with Aquila and Priscilla; and shortly
after his departure Apollos came to this city from
Ephesus (Acts xviii. 27).
Corinth was a place of great mental activity, as
well as of commercial and manufacturing enter-
prise. Its wealth was so celebrated as to be pro-
verbial; so were the vice and profligacy of iU
inhabitants. The worship of Venus here was at
tended with shameful licentiousness. All these
points are indirectly illustrated by passages in the
two epistles to the Corinthians, whiih were written
(probably a. d. 57) the first from Epuesus, the
second from Macedonia, shortly before the second
visit to Corinth, which is briefly stated (A*ts vx.
3) to have lasted three months. During this visit
(probably a. i>. 58) the epistle to the Romans was
written. From the three epistles last mentioned,
compared with Acts xxiv. 17, we gather that St.
Paul was much occupied at this time with a collec-
tion for the poor Christians at Jerusalem.
There are good reasons for believing that when
St. Paul was at Ephesus (a. d. 57) he wrote to the
Corinthians an epistle which has not been preserved
(see below, p. 495); and it is almost certain that
about the same time a short visit was paid to
Corinth, of which no account is given in the Acts.
It has been well observed that the great number
of Latin names of persons mentioned in the epistle
to the Romans is in harmony with what we know
of the colonial origin of a large part of the popu-
lation of Corinth. From Acts xviii. we may eon-
elude that there were many Jewish converts in the
Corinthian shurch, though it would appear (1 Cor.
aii. 9) that the Gentiles predominated. On the
jtber hand it is evident from the whole tenor of
V*h epistles that the Judaizing element was very
ttong at Corinth. Party-spirit also was extrt nely
jrsjTsImt, the tunes of Paul, Peter, and ApoDot
being used as the watchwords of restless factions.
Among the eminent Christians who lived at Cor-
inth were Stephanas (1 Cor. i. 16, xvl. 15, 17),
Crispus (Acta xviii. 8; 1 Cor. 1. 14), Caius (Rom.
xvi. 23; 1 Cor. I. 14), and Erastus (Rom. xvi. 23;
2 Tim. lv. 20). The epistles of Clement to the
Corinthians are among the moat interesting of the
post-apostolic writings. 3 Corinth is still an epis-
copal see. The cathedral church of St. Nicolas,
" a very mean place for such an ecclesiat tical dig-
nity," used in Turkish times to be in the Acrocor-
inthus. The city has now shrunk to a wretched vil-
lage, on the old site, and bearing the old name,
which, however, is often corrupted into Gorlho.
Pausanias, in describing the antiquities of Cor-
inth as they existed in his day, distinguishes clearly
between those which belonged to the old Greek
city, and those whioh were of Roman origin. Two
•• • Of the two epistles to the Corinthians ascribe*
to Ciomeot of Borne, only to* first Is now ragaitfefi as
■mains by respect a ble scholars a.
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CORINTH
reiki of Roman work are still to be wen, one a
teap of brick-work which may have been part of
the baths erected by Hadrian, the of<er the remain!
of an amphitheatre with subterranean arrangements
for gladiatora. Far more interesting are the ruins
of the ancient Greek temple — the " old columns,
which hare looked down on the rise, the prosperity,
and the desolation of two [in fact, three] successive
Corinths." At the time of Wheler's visit in 1676
twelve columns were standing: before 1798 they
were reduced to five; and further injury has very
recently been inflicted by an earthquake. It is
believed that this temple is the oldest of which any
remains are left in Greece. The fountain of Pei-
rene, " full of sweet and clear water," as it is de-
scribed by Strabo, is still to be seen In the Acro-
corinthus, as well as the fountains in the lower
city, of which it was supposed by him and Pausa-
ntas to be the source. The walls on the Acrocor-
tiithus were bi part erected by the Venetians, who
held Corinth for twenty five years in the 17th cen-
tury. This city and its neighborhood have been
described by many travellers, but we must especially
refer to Leake's Morta, iii. 229-304 (I/mdon,
1830), and his Prtupontuiiaca, p. 892 (London,
1846), Curtius, Pelopomcot, ii. 614 (Goths, 1861-
62); Clark, Ptloponnetus, pp. 42-61 (London,
1868). There are four German monographs on
the subject, Wilckens, Rrrum CornUhiacantm awe-
imen ad iiluttratbmtm ulriutque Kputola Paulina,
Bremen, 1747; Walch, Antiquitnlet Corinthiaca,
Jena, 1761 ; Wagner, Berum Cwmtkiacarvm $prr-
uaen, Darmstadt, 1824 ; Berth, Curinlkiurum ( «m~
ssercM et Mercaturm Hutoria ParttaUa, Berlin,
1844. [The eminent archawlogist, Raugabes, has
a sketch of Corinth, its earlier and later history,
and its antiquities, in his 'EAAqvunt, U- 287-314.
-H.]
This article would be incomplete without some
notice of the Posidonium, or sanctuary of Neptune,
the scene of the Isthmian games, from which St.
Paul borrows some of his most striking imagery
hi 1 Cor. and other epistles. [See Gamks, Amer.
ed.] This sanctuary was a short distance to the
N. E. of Corinth, at the narrowest part of the Isth-
mus, near the harbor of Schaenus (now Kalamald)
on the Saronic gulf. The wall of the inclosure
can still be traced. It is of an irregular shape,
determined by the form of a natural platform at
the edge of a ravine. The fortifications of the
Isthmus followed this ravine and abutted at the
east upon the inclosure of the sanctuary, which
thus served a military as well as a religious pur-
pose. The exact site of the temple is doubtful,
and none of the objects of interest remain, which
I'limniai describes as seen by him within the in-
clcoure : but to tbe south are the remains of the
stadi mi where the foot-races were run (1 Cor. Ix
24); to the east are those of the theatre, which
was probably the scene of the pugilistic contests
(ib. 23); and abundant on the shore are the small
green pine-trees (mural ) which gave the fading
wreath (it. 26) to the victors in the games. An
inscription found here in 1676 (now removed to
Verona) affords a valuable illustration of the ui
terest taken in these games in Roman times (Bo-
sekh, No. 1104). The French map of the Morea
ioes not include the Isthmus ; an that, till recently.
Col. Leake's sketch (reproduced by Curtius) has
heen the only trustworthy representation of the
sosae of the Isthmian game*- Bui the ground has
keen more minutely examined by Mr. Clark, who
CORINTHIANS
gives us a more exact plan. In the linnwdlssr
neighborhood of this sanctuary are the braces of
the canal, which was begun and discontinued b)
Nero about the time of St Paul's first visit •>
Corinth. J. 8 H.
Mdnchm of Corinth (Attic talent). Obv., Hmd of
Minerva, to right. Rev., Pegasus, to right ; below,
?•
CORINTHIANS, FIRST EPISTLE TO
THE, was written by the Apostle St Paul toward
the close of his nearly three-year stay at Epbesus
(Acts six. 10, xx. 31; see the subscription in B
and in Copt Vers.), which we learn from 1 Cor.
xvi. 8, probably terminated with tbe Pentecost of
A. I>. 67 or 68. Some supposed allusions to the
passover in eh. v. 7, 8, have led recent critics (see
Meyer in foe.), not without a show of probability,
to fix upon Easter as the txact time of composition.
Tbe bearers were probably (according to the com-
mon subscription) Stephanas, Fortunatus, and Acha-
iciis, who had been recently sent to the Apostle,
and who, in tbe conclusion of this epistle (ch. xvi.
17), are especially commended to the honorable re-
gard >if the church of Corinth.
'Iliis varied and highly characteristic letter wss
addressed not to any party, but to the wbols Iwdy
of the large (Acts xviii. 8, 10) Juda?o-Gcntile (Acts
xviii. 4) church of Corinth, and appears to have
been called forth, 1st, by the information the Apos-
tle had received from members of the household of
Chloe (cb. i. 11) of the divisions that were existing
among them, which were of so grave a nature at
to have already induced the Apostle to desire Tim-
othy to visit Corinth (ch. iv. 17 ) after his journey
to Macedonia (Acts xix. 22); 2dly, by the infor-
mation he had received of a grievous case of incest
(ch. v. 1), and of the defective state of the Corin-
thian converts, not only in regard of general habits
(ch. vi. 1 ff.) and church discipline (ch. xi. 20 ff.),
but, as it would also seem, of doctrine (ch. xv.);
3dly, by the inquiries that had been specially ad-
dressed to St Paul by tbe church of Corinth on
several matters relating to Christian practice.
Tbe contents of this epistle are thus extremely
varied, and in the present article almost preclude >
more specific analysis than we here subjoin. The
Apostle opens with his usual salutation and with
an expression of thankfulness for their general state
of Christian progress (ch. i. 1-9). He tbeii at once
passes on to the lamentable divisions there were
among them, and incidentally justifies his own con-
duct and mode of preaching (ch. I. 10— iv. 16),
concluding with a notice of the mission of Timothy,
and of an intended authoritative visit on bis owa
part (ch. iv. 17-21). Tbe Apostle next deals with
the case of incest that had taken place among them
and had provoked no censure (ch. v. 1-8), noticing
as he passes, some previous remarks be had made
upon not keeping company with fornicators (ch. v
9-13). He then comments on their evil practice
of litigation before heathen tribunals (ch. vi. 1-IS>
.and again reverb to the plague-spot in Cofintokse
Hit, fornication and uncleanness (ch. vi. «-»)
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CORINTHIANS
tot uwt suoject naturally para the way fb- hi* an-
iwen to their inquiries about marriage (cb. vii. 1-
M), and about the celibacy of virgins and widows
(ch. vii. 85-40). The Apostle next makes a transi-
tion to the subject of the lawfulness of eating things
sacrificed to idols, and Christian freedom generally
(ch. viii.), which leads, not unnaturally, to a di-
gression on the manner in which he waived his
apostolic privileges, and performed his apostolic
duties (ch. ix.). He then reverts to and concludes
the subject of the use of things offered to idols (ch.
x.-ri. 1), and passes onward to reprove his con-
verts for their behavior in the assemblies of the
church, both in respect to women prophesying and
praying with uncovered heads (ch. xi. 2-16), and
also their great irregularities in the celebration of
the Lord's Supper (ch. xi. 17-34). Then follow
full and minute instructions on the exercise of spir-
itual gifts (ch. xii.-xiv.), in which is included the
noble panegyric of charity (ch. xiii.), and further a
defense of the doctrine of the resurrection of the
dead, about which doubts and difficulties appear to
have arisen in this unhappily divided church (ch.
XT.). The epistle closes with some directions con-
cerning the contributions for the saints at Jerusa-
lem (ch. xvi. 1-1), brief notices of his own intended
movements (ch. xvi. 5-9), commendation to them
of Timothy and others (ch. xvi. 10-18), greetings
bom the churches (ch. xvi. 19, 20), and an auto-
graph salutation and benediction (ch. xvi. 21-24).
With regard to the genw'ncnett and authenticity
of this epistle no doubt has ever been entertained.
The external evidences (Clem. Rom. tut Cor. cc. 47,
19; Polycarp, ad Phil. c. 11; [gnat ad Kph. c
2; Ireneus, Har. iii. 11, 9; iv. 27, 3; Athenag.
dt Returr. [c. 18,] p. 61, ed. Col.; Clem. Alex.
Pacing, i. 33 [?c. 6, p. 42 f. or 117 f. ed. Potter] :
rertull. dt Prater, c 33) are extremely distinct,
and the character of the composition such, that if
any critic should hereafter be bold enough to ques-
tion the correctness of the ascription, he must lie
prepared to extend it to all the epistles that liear
the name of the great Apostle. The baseless as-
sumption of Bolton and Bertholdt that this epistle
is a translation of an Aramaic original requires no
confutation. See further testimonies in Lardner,
CretHhiUty, ii. 36 ff., 8vo, and Davidson, Introduc-
tion, ii. 263 6*.
Two special points deserve separate consideration :
1. The title ofpirtiet at Corinth at the time
of the Apostle's writing. On this much has been
written, and, it does not seem too much to say, more
ingenuity displayed than sound and sober criticism.
The lew bets supplied to us by the Act* of the
Apostles, and the notices in the epiRtle, appear to
Ite as follows : — The Corinthian church was planted
by the Apostle himself (1 Cor. iii. 0), in his second
missionary journey, after his departure from Athens
(Acts xviil. 1 If.). He abode in the city a year and
s half (ch. xviil. 11 ), at first in the house of Aquila
and Priscilla (ch. xviii. 3), and afterwards, apparently
to mark emphatically the factious nature of the
conduct of the Jews, in the house of the proselyte
Justus. A short Mme after the A,x>stle had left
the city, the eloqueut Jew of Alexandria, Apollo*
ifier having received, when at Ephesus, more exact
mstruction in the Gospel from Aquila and Priscilla,
0ORINTHIAN8
495
a • flea also llUfeufoU, Die OristH^- Ltute in Kar-
■**, to nis Znuekr.f. v»u. Theol. 1886, vul. 241-266,
mi Beysehlaf , Otba die Chrimupanri zu Kariiuh,
M Dm 7W. Stmt, u. Krit. 1866, pp. 217-276. It Is
went to Corinth (Acts xix. 1 ). where he preached,
as we may perhaps infer from St Paul's comment*
on his own mode of preaching, in a manner marker'
by unusual eloquence and persuasiveness (conip. ch.
ii. 1, 4). There is, however, no reason for con-
cluding that the tabtUmce of the teaching was in
any respect different from that of St Paul; for see
ch. i. 18, xvi. 12. This circumstance of the visit
of Apollos, owing to the sensuous and carnal spirit
which marked the church of Corinth, appears to
have formed the commencement of a gradual divis-
ion into two parties, the followers of St. Paul, and
the followers of Apollos (comp. ch. iv. 6). These
divisions, however, were to be multiplied ; for, as it
would seem, shortly after the departure of Apollos
Judaizing teachers, supplied probably with letters
of commendation (2 Cor. iii. 1 ) from the church of
Jerusalem, appear to have come to Corinth and to
have preached the Gospel in a spirit of direct an-
tagonism to St Paul pertonally, in every way seek-
ing to depress his ciaims to be considered an Apostle
(1 Cor. xi. 2), and to exalt those of the Twelve,
and perhaps especially of St Peter (ch. i. 12). To
this third party, which appears to have been charac-
terized by a spirit of excessive bitterness and faction,
we may perhaps sdd a fourth, that, under the nam*
of " the followers of Christ" (ch. i. 12), sought at
first to separate themselves from the factious ad-
herence to particular teachers, but eventually were
driven by antagonism into positions equally sec-
tarian and inimical to the unity of the church. At
this momentous period, before parties had become
consolidated, and had distinctly withdrawn from
communion with one another, the Apostle writes;
and in the outset of the epistle (ch. i.-iv. 21) we
have his noble and impassioned protest against this
fourfold rending of the robe of Christ This spirit
of division appears, by the good providence of (ifcj,
to have eventually yielded to his Apostle's rebuke,
as it is noticeable that Clement of Rome, in his
epistle to this church (ch. 47), alludes to these
evils as long past, and as but slight compared to
those which existed in his own time. For further
information, beside that contained in the writing*
of Neander, Davidson, Conybeare and Howson, and
others, the student may be referred to the special
treatises of Scbenkel, de Keel. Cor. (Basel, 1838),
Kniewel, A'ccf. Cor. Distention)* (Gedan. 1841),
Becker, Partheitmgen in die Uemdnde 8. Kor.
(Altona, 1841), Rabiger, Krit. Untertueh. (BreaL
1847); but be cannot be too emphatically warned
against that tendency to construct a definite history
out of the fewest possible facts, that marks most
of these discussions.*
2. The number of epit'let written by St Paul to
the Corinthian church. This will probably remain
a subject of controversy to the end of time. Ost
the one side we have the a priori objection thai
an epistle of St Paul should have ever l«en lost to
the church of Christ; ou the other we have certain
expressions which seem inexplicable on any other
hypothesis. As it seems our duty here to express
an opinion, we may briefly say that the will-known
words, typa^ia tyuy iv rjj iwurroXjj, ftii avvata-
filyrutrihu wipvois (ch. v. 9), do certainly seem to
point to some former epistolary communication to
the church of Corinth — not from linguistic, but
hardly worth while to rafer mora fully to the copious
literature on this very uncertain subject For a brlsf
ravW* of the various hypotheses, see lloUsmafin at
Bunam-s Afctfwrrs. Till. 434 S. (1866). a.
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CORINTHIANS
from limplc exegetical considerations: for it does
xxw impossible either to refer the definite /iii
auvavaulyy. it. t. \. to what has preceded in ver.
2 or ver. 6, or to conceive that the words refer to
the command which the Apostle is now giving for
I he first time. The whule context seems in favor
uf a former command given to the Corinthians, but
interpreted by them so literally as here to require
further explanation. It is not right to suppress the
fact that the Greek commentators are of the con-
trary opinion, nor must we overlook the objection
that no notice has been taken of the lost epistle by
any writers of antiquity. Against this last objec-
tion it may perhaps be urged that the letter might
have been so short, and so distinctly occupied with
tjttafic directions to this pnrliculir church, as
never to have gained circulation beyond it. Our
present epistles, it should be rememl>ered, are not
addressed exclusively to the Christians at Corinth
(see 1 Cor. i. 2; 2 Cor. i. 1). A special treatise
on this subject (in opposition, however, to the view
here taken), and the number of St. Paul's journeys
to Corinth, has been written by Miiller, De Tiibui
Pauli /tin., e?c. (Basil, 1831 ).«
The apocryphal letter of the church of Corinth
to St. Paul, and St. Paul's answer, existing in
Armenian, are worthless productions that deserve
no consideration, but may be alluded to only as
perhaps affording some slight evidence of an early
belief that the Apostle had written to his converts
more than twice. The original Armenian, with a
. translation, will be found in Aucher, Arm. Gram-
mar, p. 143-161.
The editions of [commentaries on] these epistles
have been somewhat numerous. Among the best
are those of Billroth (Leipz. 1833 [trans, in Edin.
Cab. Ubr.]), Kiickert (Leipz. 1836-37), Olshausen
(KCnigsb. 1840), De Wette (Leipz. 1845 [3d Aufl.
by Messner, 1855]), Osiander (Stuttg. 1847 [2d
Ep. 1858]), Meyer (1845 [4th Aufl. 1861, 2d Ep.
1862]), and in our own country, Peile (Lond.
1848), Alford (Lond. 1856 [4th ed. 1865]), and
Stanley (Lond. 1858 [3d ed. 1866]). C. J. E.
* The following works should be added : Adalb.
Haier (Catli.), Comm. til. de n ersten Brief Pavli
an die Korinther, 1857; Comm. ub. d. ziceiten
Brief, 1865; Ewald, Die Sendschreilen del Ap.
Pauhu, 1857; Neander, Auslegvng der beiden
Brief e an die Corinlher (a posthumous work
edited by Beyschlag), 1859; Clir. Fr. Kling, Dit
Korintherbriefe, in Lange's Bibelicerk, 1861;
Charles Hodge, Exposition of the First Epistle to
he Corinthians, New York, 1857, 12mo, and Ex-
position of the Second Epistle, ditto; Chr. Words-
worth, in his Creek Testamtnt, villi Jnlroduction
and Notes, 4th ed., 1866; \V. F. Desser, St. Pauli
trsler Brief im die Corinther (1862), and Zirtiter
Urief (1863), in BUieUtunden fir die Gemeinde
susgetegt, regarded in Germany as one of the best
specimens of a happy union of accurate exegesis
sod practical exposition ; and J. C. K. von Hofinann,
Erster Brief an die Korinther (1864), Ziceiter
Brief (1866), in his IHe heiUge Sclirift Atuen
Testaments zusammenhdngend untersucJil, with
special reference to the development of the doctrinal
kieas. The article by Holtzmann (in Herzog's
Rtal-Encykl. six. 730-41) on the relation of the
<■ * Bleek also maintains the view that Paul wrote
sn epistle to the Corinthian*, which has been lost, be-
l-»«m his 1st and 2d epistles now extant. He states
Us Masons at length for so thinking In his EM. in
CORINTHIANS
two Corinthian epistles to each other and on th
course of thought pursued in them is very good
On the internal condition of the church at Corinth,
when Paul wrote his epistles to the Corinthians
see I*chler'8 Das apost. «. dot naclmpost. Zt itnUer
p. 385 ff. " H.
CORINTHIANS, SECOND EPISTLE
TO THE, was written a few months subsequently
to the first, in the same year, — and thus, if the
dates assigned to the former epistle be correct, about
the autumn of a. d. 57 or 58, a short time previous
to the Apostle's three months' stay in Achaia (Act*
xx. 3). The place whence it was written was
clearly not Ephesus (see ch. i. 8), but Macedonia
(ch. vii. 6, viii. 1, ix. 2). whither the Apostle went
by way of Troas (ch. ii. 1-2), after waiting a short
time in the latter place for the return of Titus (ch.
ii. 13). The Vatican MS., the bulk of later MSS.,
and the old Syr. version, assign Philippi as the
exact place whence it was written; but for this
assertion we have no certain grounds to rely on :
that the bearers, however, were Titus and his asso-
ciates (Luke?) is apparently substantiated by ch
viii. 23, ix. 3, 5.
The epistle was occasioned by the information
which the Apostle had received from Titus, and
also, as it would certainly seem probable, from
Timotliy, of the reception of the first epistle. It
has indeed recently been doubted by Neander, De
Wette, and others, whether Timotliy, who had been
definitely sent to Corinth (1 Cor. iv. 17) by way of
Macedonia (Acts xix. 22), really reached his destina-
tion (couip. 1 Cor. xvi. 10); and it has been urged
that the mission of Timotliy would hardly have
teen left unnoticed in 2 Cor. xii. 17, 18 (see Kiickert,
Comm. p. 409). To this, however, it has been
replied, apparently convincingly, that as Timothy
is an associate in writing the epistle, any notice of
his own mission in the third person would have
seemed inappropriate. His visit was assumed as a
fact, and as one that naturally made him an asso-
ciate with the Apostle in writing to the church he
had so lately visited.
It is more difficult to assign the precise reason
for the mission of Titus. That he brought back
tidings of the reception which St. Paul's first epistle
had met with seems perfectly clear (ch. vii. 6 ff.),
but whether he was specially sent to ascertain this,
or whether to convey fresh directions, cannot be
ascertained. There is a show of plausibility in the
supposition of Bleek {Stud. u, Ki it. for 1830, p.
625), followed more recently by Neander (Pflanz.
u. Lett. p. 437), that the Apostle had made Titus
the hearer of a letter couched in terms of decided
severity, now lost, to which he is to be supposed to
refer in ch. ii. 3 (compared with ver, 4. 9), vii. 6,
11 ff.; but, as has been justly urged (see Meyer,
EinleU. p. 3), there is quite enough of severity in
the first epistle (consider ch. iv. Jo-21, v. 2 ff., vi.
5-8, xi. 17) to call forth the Apostle's affectionate
anxiety. If it be desirable to hazard a conjecture
on tris mission of Titus, it would seem most natural
to si ppose that the return of Timothy and the in-
telligence he conveyed might have been such as to
make the Apostle feel the necessity of at once
despatching to the contentious church one of bis
immediate followers, with instructions to support
das N. "Till. p. 402 ft" Neander also adopts the samf
opinion In the 4th ed. of his Oetrh. der Pflaxzmg (1847)
and in his Awtcg. der Brt an die Ciw. (p. Ml), aftw
baring previously declared himself against r> U
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CORINTHIANS
and strengthen the effect of the epistle, and to bring
back the niost recent tidings of the iipirit that was
prevailing at Corinth.
These tidings, aa it would seem from our present
epistle, were mainly favorable ; the better part of
the church were returning back to their spiritual
allegiance to their founder (ch. i. 13, 14, vii. 9. 15,
16). but there waa still a faction, possibly of the
Judaixing members (comp. ch. xi. 22), that were
sharpened into even a more keen animosity against
the Apostle personailti (ch. x. 1, 10), and more
strenuously denied his claim to Apostleahip.
The contents of this epistle are thus very varied,
but may perhaps be roughly divided into three
parts : — 1st, the Apostle's account of the character
of his spiritual labors, accompanied with notices of
his affectionate feelings towards his converts (ch.
i.-vii.); 2dly, directions about the collections (ch.
viii., ix.); 3dly, defense of his own apostolical
character (ch. x.-xiii. 10). A close analysis is
scarcely compatible with the limits of the present
article, aa in no one of the Apostle's epistles are the
changes more rapid and frequent. Now he thanks
Hod for their general state (ch. i. 3 if.); now he
glances to his purposed visit (ch. i. 15 ff.); now he
alludes to the special directions in the first letter
(ch. ii, 3 ff.); again he returns to his own plans
(ch. ii. 12 ff. ), pleads his own apostolic dignity (ch.
iii. 1 ff.), dwells long upon the spirit and nature of
his own labors (ch. iv. 1 ff.), his own hopes (ch. v.
1 ff.), and his own sufferings (cb. vi. Iff.), return-
ing again to more specific declarations of his
love towards his children in the faith (ch. vi. 11
ff.), and a yet further declaration of his views
and feelings with regard to them (ch. vii.). Then
again, in tie matter of the alius, he stirs up their
liberality by alluding to the conduct of the churches
of Macedonia (ch. riii. 1 ff. ), their spiritual progress
(ver. 7), the example of Christ (ver. 0), and passes
on to speak more fully of the present mission of
Titus and bis associates (ver. 18 ff.), and to reiterate
his exhortations to liberality (ch. ix. 1 ff.). In the
third portion he passes into language of severity
and reproof ; he gravely warns those who presume
to hold lightly bis apostolical authority (cb. x. 1
ff.); he puts strongly forward his apostolical dignity
(ch. xi 5 ff. ) ; be illustrates his forbearance (ver. 8
ff.); he makes honest boast of his labors (ver. 23
ff.); he declares the revelations vouchsafed to him
(ch. iii. Iff.); he again returns to the nature of
his dealings with his converts (ver. 12 ff.), and con-
cludes with grave and reiterated warning (ch. xiii.
1 ff.), brief greetings, and a doxology (ver. 11-14).
The genuintneu and nuilienlicity is supported by
the most decided external testimony (Irenams, liar.
iii. 7, 1, iv. 28, 3 ; Atheiiagoras, dt Jiesurr. [c. 18,]
p .61, ed. Col.; Clem. Alex. Strom, iii. 94, iv. 101;
[iii. c 11, iv. c. 16, pp. 544, 608, ed. Potter;}
Tertull. dt PwHcit. c 13), and by internal evidence
of such a kind that what has been said on this
point in respect of the first epistle is here even still
more applicable. The ouly doubts that modern
pseud< -criticism has been able to bring forward
relate to the unity of the epistle, but are not such
as aeem to deserve serbus consideration (see Meyer,
Vinleit. p. 7).
The principal historical difficulty conm cted with
too epistle relates to the num'tor of visit* made by
the Apostle to the church of Corinth. The words
of this epistle (ch. xii. 14, xiii. 1,2) seem distinctly
so imply that St. Paul had visited Corinth twice.
• the time at which he now writ** St. Luke.
32
CORMORANT
497
however, only mentions one visit prior to that Ihas
(Acts xviii. 1 ff.); for the visit recorded in Acts
xx. 2, 8, is confessedly subsequent. If with Grotius
and others we assume that in cb. xii. 14 t/>(to>
belongs to hol/uct lx a > *"& not *" iM>"* »p«i
ip&t, we still have in ch. xiii. 1, the definite words
to/tok toSto Ipxofuu, which seem totally to pre-
clude any other meaning than this — that the
Apostle had visited them twice before, and was now
on the eve of going a third time. The ordinary
subterfuge that fpyopai is here equivalent to
irolpas *x» tkStiy (so actually A, the Arabic
[Erp.], and the Coptic versions) is grammatically
indefensible, and would never have been thought
of if the narrative of the Acts had not seemed to
require it. We must assume then that the Apostle
made a visit to Corinth which St. Luke was not
moved to record, and which, from its probably abort
duration, might easily have been omitted in a nar-
rative that is more a general history of the church
in the lives of its chief teachers, than a chronicle
of annalistie detail. So Chrysostom and his fol-
lowers, (Ecumenius and Theophylact, and in recent
times, Mtiiler {Of Tribut Pauti /tin. Basil. 1831).
Anger (Rat. Temp. p. 70 ff.), Wieseler (Chronul.
p. 239), and the majority of modem critics. It has
formed a further subject of question whether, on
this supposition, the visit to Corinth is to be re
garded only as the return there from a somewhat
lengthened excursion during the 18 months' stay at
that city (Anger), or whether it is to be referred to
the period of the 3 years' residence at Ephesus. The
latter has most supporters, and seems certainly moat
natural; see Wieseler, Chronol. L c, and Meyer
£•*&(, p. 6.
The commentaries on this epistle are somewhat
numerous, and the same as those mentioned in the
article on the former epistle. [See the addition on
that epistle.] No |»rtion of the Apostle's writings
deserves more careful study, as placing before OS
the striking power of Christian rhetoric, which dis
tinguished its great and inspired author.
C.J. E.
* CORINTHUS. This Latin form ocean
(for Coitumi) in the A. V. in the subscription t»
the Epistle to the Komans. A.
CORMORANT. The representative in the
A. V. of the Hebrew words kAath (">'fp and
thaUc (TPJtT). Aa to the former, see Peucab.
ShilAc (Kurafiiernt' mergvhu; m/cticoraxt)
occurs only as the name of an unclean bird in Lor
xi. 17 ; Dent. xiv. 17. The word has been vari-
ously rendered (see Bochart, Hitrot. iii. 24), but
some sea bird is generally understood to he denoted
by it. There is some difficulty in identifying the
jcoraoa'jcTr/i of the LXX. ; nor can we be quite sat-
isfied with Oedmann ( Verm. Samml. iii. c. vii
p. 68), Micnaelis, Rosenmiiller, and others, that tht
Solan goose, or gannet (Sula alba), is the bird men-
tioned by Aristotle (Hit An. ii. 12, § 15; ix. 13,
§ 1) and the author of the Ixeutict (Oppian, Ii. 2).
Col. H. Smith (Kitto'a Cue. art. Salach) has
noticed that this bird («areul^a7m|t) is described
aa being of the size of a hawk or one of the smaller
gulls (As oi rir \ipav ixiiraont), whereas the
gannet is as large as a goose. The account given
in the Ixeutict (L c.) of this bird is the fullest wa
possess; and certainly the description, with the ex-
ception above noted, is well suited to the gannet,
whose habit of rising high into the air, and par-
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498
CORN
Ually closing iU wings, and then falling itiaight aa
an arrow on iU prey, emerging again in a few sec-
onds, it graphically described in the passage alluded
to. H is probable that the ancients sometimes con-
fused this bird with some species of tern ; hence the
difficulty aa to size. l'i.l. II. Smith suggests the
Caspian tern (Stettin Oit/jin) as the representative
of the KOTop|5<i«-n)j; which opinion is however in-
admissible, for the terns are known never to dive,
whereas the diving habits of the KarapiAxrtis are
expressly mentioned (maToSiieToi nixptt ipyutax tl
Kal w\4oy)- Modem ornithologists apply the term
catarncttt to the different species of skuas (kttris),
birds of northern regions, to which the description
■>( the KaroyJ^dJcrns is wholly inapplicable. Bat
though the gannet may be the karadiiurrnt of
Aristotle and the Ixeutict, it is doubtful whether
this bird is found in the Bible-lands, although it
has a wide range, being seen northward in New-
foundland and in the Hebrides, and southward at
the Cape of Good Hope. The etymology of the
Hebrew word point* to some plunging bird: the
common cormorant (Phutncrocorax carbo), which
some writers have identified with the tfidldc. is
unknown in the eastern Mediterranean; another
species is found S. of the Ked Sea, but none on
the W. coast of Palestine. W. H.
UOKN 'IJj )• The most common kinds were
wheat, TVSjQ ; barley, TrpV? ; spelt (A. V., Ex.
ix. 32, and Is. xxviii. 96, " rie; " Ex. iv. 9, •' fitch-
es") ripPS (or in plur. form t*\I33); and
millet, IrYt : oats are mentioned only by rabbin-
ical writers. The doubtful word iTJ* t£?, rendered
" principal," as an epithet of wheat, in the A. V.
of Is. xxviii. 25, is probably not distinctive of any
species of grain (see Gesen. tub roe. ). Corn crops
are still reckoned at twentyfold what was sown, and
were anciently much more. " Seven ears on one
stalk " (Gen. xli. 22] is no unusual phenomenon in
Egypt at this day. The many-eared stalk is also
common in the wheat of Palestine, and it is of
course of the bearded kind. The "heap of wheat
set about with lilies " (which probably grew in the
field together with it) may allude to a custom of so
decorating the sheaves (Cant. vii. 2). Wheat (see
2 Sam. iv. 6) was stored in the house for domestic
purposes — the "midst of the bouse" meaning
the part more retired than the common chamber
where the guests were accommodated. It is at
present often kept in a dry well,-and perhaps the
"ground corn " of 2 Sam. xvii. 19 was meant to
imply that the well was so used. From Solomon's
time (2 C'hr. ii. 10, 15), >'. t. as agriculture became
developed under a settled government, Palestine
was a corn-exporting country, and her grains were
largely taken by her commercial neighbor Tyre (Ez.
xxvii. 17; oomp. Amos viii. 5). " Plenty of corn "
was part of Jacob's blessing (Gen. xxvii. 28 ; comp.
•V lxv. 13). The " store- houses " mentioned 2
<■ This seems the general wort for corn as It grows.
An ear Is n /J3W ; standing com is fTDD ; the
word fbr grim In Its final state as fit for food la " 1 ? ,
ipparantly from the suns word, "12, pm : oomp.
!, 8'
■» Arab, _ji wA*n and _j pun, t. •. as
T* J-
OORNBLIIjb
Chr. xxxii. 28 as built by Hezekiab, were, perhaps
the consequence of the havoc made by the Assyr
ian armies (comp. 2 K. xix. 29) ; without such pro-
tection the country in its exhausted state would
have been at the mercy of the desert marauders.
Grain crops were liable to ^fj"' ""&&!*,'■
and 1*15^1?, "blasting" (see 1 K. viii. 37), as
well as of course to fire by accident or malice (Ex.
xxii. 6; Judg. xv. 6); see further under Agricul-
ture. Some good general remarks will be found
in Saalacbutz, ArchdoL tier Htbr. H. II.
OORNEO.IUS (K.o/nW|Aioj), a Roman cen-
turion of the Italian cohort stationed in Cavarea
(Acts x. 1, Ac.), a man full of good works and alms
deeds, who was admonished in a vision by an angel
to send for St. Peter from Joppa, to tell him words
whereby he and his house should be saved. Mean-
time the Apostle had himself been prepared by a
symliolical vision for the admission jf the Gentiles
into the Church of Christ. On his arriving at the
house of Cornelius, and while he was explaining to
them the vision which he had seen in reference to
this mission, the Holy Ghost fell on the Gentiles
present, and thus anticipated the reply to the ques-
tion, which might still have proved a difficult one
for the Apostle, whether tbey were to be baptized
at Gentilrt into the Christian Church. They wen
so baptized, and thus Cornelius became the first-
fruit of the Gentile world to Christ. Tradition has
been busy with his life and acts. According to
Jerome (Ada Joan. 1. 301), be built a Christian
Church at Csessrea; but later tradition makes him
Bishop of Scamandios (-ria?), and ascribes to him
the working of a great miracle (Menolog. Orac. i
129). H. A.
• We need not infer from Acts xv. 7 that Cor-
nelius was actually the first Gentile convert who
believed the Gospel and was brought into the
church ; for at the time of his conversion and bap-
tism, Paul, the Apostle of the Gentiles, had been
laboring several years, preaching, in all probability,
to some extent, in Arabia, and certainly in Syria
and Cilicia. It is sufficient to understand that it
was so ordered of God, that Cornelius, when he
embraced the Gospel, should be received into the
church under such circumstances as to settle au-
thoritatively the question of circumcision in oppo-
sition to the Jewish claim that the rite was to be
imposed on all Gentile converts. The position of
Cornelius in this respect was one of groat interest,
and the fullness of the sccount of his reception into
the church shows the importance which the first
Christians attached to it. The precise relation of
Cornelius to Judaism before be adopted the Chris-
tian faith is not perfectly clear. He had certainly
embraced the pure theism of the O. T. (cvo-(0))>
icai <po$o6/Ltvos rhv ©«oV), but was uncirenmcised
and may not openly have professed the Jewish be-
lief. Neuider thinks that he belonged at least tc
the class of proselytes of the gate. It appears thai
the Jews regarded him as belonging at this time,
"QF 1 (from "1JP*, to area*) means "grist.*
"Parched com." useful fbr provisions, as not nssd
ing cookery, Is "OP, and W^P \ • »P- the Aral
ij>, «o fiy. '< Pounded wheat," n*3 v }, 2 Baa
xtU. 19, Pror xxrii. 21.
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CORNER
|rg»Bj and socially, to a heathen coirjn"tiity (Acts
i. 28; ii. 1 ffi; xv. 7). Neander unfolds the in-
itructlve history in a very interesting nvnner
(P/lanamg, u. s. w. i. 118-131, 4« Aufl.; Robiu-
son's revised trans., pp. 69-77). U-
CORKER. The T"!SQ, or "corner," «'. «. of
the field, was uot allowed (Lev. xix. 9) to Us wholly
reaped. It formed a right of the poor to carry nff
what was so left, and this was a part of the main-
tenance from too soil to which that class were enti-
tled. Similarly the gleaning of fields and fruit
trees [Gleaning], and the taking a sheaf acci-
dentally left on the ground, were secured to the
poor and the stranger by law (xxiii. 33; Deut
xxfrr. 19-31). These seem to us, amidst the sharply
defined legal rights of which alone civilization is
cognizant, loose and inadequate provisions for the
relief of the poor. But custom and common law
had probably insured their observance (Job xxiv.
10) previously to the Mosaic enactment, and con-
tinued for a long but indefinite time to give practi-
cal force to the statute. Nor were the " poor," to
whom appertained the right, the vague class of
sufferers whom we understand by the term. On
the principles of the Mosaic polity every Hebrew
family had a hold on a certain fixed estate, and
could by no ordinary and casual calamity be wholly
beggared. Hence its indigent members had the
claims of kindred on the "comers," Ac, of the
field which their landed brethren reaped. Simi-
larly the "stranger" was a recognized dependent;
" within thy gates " being his expressive descrip-
tion, as sharing, though not by any tie of blood,
the domestic claim. There war thus a further se-
curity for the maintenance of Che rig'jt in its defi-
nite and ascertainable character. Neither do we,
in the earlier period of the Hebrew polity, closely
detailed as its social features are, discover any gen-
eral traces of agrarian distress and the unsafe con-
dition of the country which results from it — such,
for instance, as is proved by the banditti of the
Herodian period. David, a popular leader (1 Sam.
xviii. 80, xxi. 11), could only muster from four to
six hundred men out of all Judah, though " every
one that was in distress, in debt, and every one
that was discontented " came unto him (1 Sam.
xxii. 3, xxv. 13). Further, the position of the Le-
vites, who bad themselves a similar claim on the
produce of the land, but no possession in its soil,
would secure their influence as expounders, teach-
ers, and in part administrators of the law, in favor
of such a claim. In the later period of the proph-
ets their constant complaints concerning the de-
frauding the poor" (Is. x. 2; Amos v. 11, viii. 6)
seem to show that such laws had lost their practi-
cal force. Still later, under the Scribes, minute
(epilation fixed one-sixtieth as the portion of a
field which was to be left for the legal "comer; "
but provided also (which seems hardly consistent)
tint two fields should not be so joined as to leave
ne comer only where two should fairly he reck-
oned. The proportion being thus fixed, til the
grain might be reaped, and enough to satisfy the
regulation subsequently separated from the whole
orop. This " comer " was, like the gleaning, tithe-
tee. Certain fruhvtrees, t. a. nuts, pomegranates,
vines, and olives, were deemed liable to thr 'aw of
the corner. Maimonides indeed lays down the
■ The two latter passages, speaking of " taking bur-
saw of wbsat from ths poor," and of ''selling the
CORNET 499
principle ( Consrtnrtfones de dorm pmpetmn, cap
ii. 1) that whatever crap or growth Is fit for boa,
is kept, avd gathered all at once, and carried into
store, is liable to that law. A Gentile holding land
in Palestine was not deemed liable to the obliga
tioo. As regards Jews an evasion seems to have
been sanctioned as follows: — Whatever field was
consecrated to the Temple and its sen-ices, was
held exempt from the claim of the poor; an owuea
might thus consecrate it while the crop was on it,
ami then redeem it, when in the sheaf, to his own
use. Thus the poor would lose the tight to the
"comer." This reminds us of the "Gorban"
(Mark vii. 11 ). For further information, see un -
der AoiJCULXUHB.
The treatise Peak, in the Mishna, may likewise
be consulted, especially chap. i. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6; ii.;
iv. 7, also the above-quoted treatise of Maimonides.
H. H.
CORNER-STONE (n^9 75$ : x/Oot •ysr
ruuot, or ijcpoymuuot' l»V>* unyulm-U; also
it^Q trrf-1, Ps. cxviii. 22: Knpa\*i ymrias- ca-
put anyuli), a quoin or comer-stone, of great im-
portance in binding together the sides of a build-
ing. Some of the comer-stones in the ancient
work of the temple foundations are 17 or 19 feet
long, and 7, feet thick (Kobuisou, 1. 286). Cor-
ner-stones are usually laid sideways and endways
alternately, so that the end of one appears above
or below the side-face of the next. At Nineveh the
comers are sometimes formed of one angular stone
(Layard, Nin. ii. 254). The expression in Ps.
cxviii. 22 is by some understood to mean the cop-
ing or ridge, " coign of vantage," of a building,
but as in any part a corner-stone must of necessity
be of great impoitance, the phrase " comer-stone "
is sometimes used to denote any principal person,
as the princes of Egypt (Is. xix. 13), and is thus
applied to our Lord, who, having been once
rejected, was afterwards set in the place of the
highest honor (Is. xxviii. 16; Matt. xxi. 42; 1 Pet
ii. 6, 7; Grotius on Ps. cxviii. and Kph. ii. 30;
Harmer, Obs. ii. 356). II. \V. P.
CORNET (Sliiptir, ->r{W : <nUwry{: but-
eiaa), a loud sounding instrument, made of the
horn of a ram or of a chamois (sometimes of au
ox), and used by the ancient Hebrews for signal*,
for announcing the v3^, " Jubile" (l.ev. xxv. 9),
for proclaiming the new year (Mislma, Roth fliuh-
shanah, iii. and iv.), for the purposes of war (Jer. iv.
5, 19, eomp. Job xxxix. 25 \ as well as for the sen-
tinels placed at the watch-towers to give notice of
the approach of an enemy (Ez. xxxiii. 4, ,. "1^ w
is generally rendered in the A. V. "trumpet," but
"cornet" (the more correct translation) is used in
2 Chr. xt. 14; Ps. xcviii. «: Hos. v. 8; and 1 Chr.
xv. 28. It seems probable that in the two lost in-
stances the authors of the A. V. would also have
preferred " trumpet," but for the difficulty of find-
ing different Knglish names in the same passage
for two tilings so nearly resembling each other in
meaning as "VQ id buccina, and Chat*6UerAh.
my "120> «uo<»- "Comet" is also employed ir
n> ' i '• (^n) of the wheat," i. t. perhaps, the gtain
Ins;, seem to point to «n special evasion of the hat
vast laws.
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500
CORNET
Dan. iii. 5, 7, 10, 16, for the Chaldee nwin I"?*"?,
Keren (literally a horn).
Oriental scholar* for the moat part consider thd-
phar and keren to be one and the same musical
Instrument; but some Biblical critics regard thd-
pkar and chatzdtzerdh as belonging to the species
of keren, the general term for a horn. (Joel Brill,
in preface to Mendelssohn's version of the Psalms. )
Jahn distinguishes keren, "the horn or crooked
trumpet," from chaUdtzerali, the straight trumpet,
"an instrument a cubit in length, holluw through-
out, and at the larger extremity so shaped as to re-
semble the mouth of a short bill " (Archaoloy. icv.
4, 5); but the generally received opinion is, that
keren is the crooked hom, and thdpkdr the long and
straight one.
The silver trumpets (*]55 rfPSisn), which
Moses was charged to furnish for the Israelites,
wen to be used for the following purposes: for
the calling together of the assembly, for the jour-
neying of the camps, for sounding the alarm of
war, and for celebrating the sacrifices on festivals
and new moons (Num. x. 1-10). The divine com-
mand through Moses was restricted to two trumpets
only ; and these were to be sounded by the suns of
Aaron, the anointed priests of the sanctuary, and
not by laymen. It should seem, however, that at
a later period an impression prevailed, that " whilst
the trumpets were suffered to be sounded only by
the priests tritltin the sanctuary, they might be
used by others, not of the priesthood, without the
sacred edifice." (Conrad 1 ken's An'uptilates Jle-
braiaz, purs i. sec. vii. " Sacerdotum cum instru-
inentis ipsorum.") In the age of Solomon the
"silver trumpets" were increased in number to
120 (2 Chr. v. 12); and, independently of the ob-
jects for which they bad been first introduced, they
were now employed in the orchestra of the temple
as an accompaniment to songs of thanksgiving and
praise.
YdbSl, v2V, used sometimes for the " year of
Jubilee" (*'? v n rptf*, comp. l.ev. xxv. 13, 15,
with xxv. 38, 40), generally denotes the institution
of Jubilee, but in some instances it is spoken of as
a musical instrument, resembling in its object,
if not in its shape, the keren and the th6phAr.
Gesenius pronounces yAbil to be "an onomato-
puetic word, signifying jubihm or a joyful sound,
and hence applied to the sound of a trumpet signal,
like nyVU-1" ("alarm," Num. x. 5): and Dr.
Hunk is of* opinion that " le mot tobkl n'est
ou'une epithete " (Palestine, p. 456 a, note). Still
it is difficult to divest yHbel of the wwnning of a
sounding instrument in the following instances:
« When the trumpet ( ?3 Vfl) soundeth long, they
shall come up to the mount" (Ex. xix.13); "And
It shall come to pass that when they make a long
blast with the ram's horn " (b3"l»n pp.?, Josh,
vi. 5); " And let seven priests bear seven trumpets
■* rains' horns" (D" 1 ?? " n'Tl^r, Joah. vi.
The sounding of the cornet OD1U7 nyp'"*'')
was the distinguishing ritual feature of the festival
appointed by Moses to be held or the first day of
the seventh month under the denomination of " a
lay of blowing trumpets" (H'J'nj^ SV, Num.
CORNET
xxix. 1), or "a memorial of blowing of trumpets'
(rry*rU-) ynyt, Lev. xxiii. 24); and that rite a
still observed by the Jews in their celebration of the
same festival, which they now call " the day of me-
morial" (I'TT^WJ DV),«nd also "New Year"
(H J"^n trS'l). » Some commentators," says
Koseumuller, " have made this festival refer to the
preservation of lsaaa (Gen. xxii.), whence it is
sometimes called by the Jews, "the Binding of
Isaac " (lX7$ > . HlpS). But it is more probable
that the name of the festival is derived from the
usual kind of trumpets (rams' horns) then in use,
and that the object of the festival was the celebra-
tion of the new year and the exhortation to thanks-
givings for the blessings experienced in the year
just finished. The use of cornets by the priests
in all the cities of the land, not ;n Jerusalem only
(where two silver trumpets were sdded, whilst the
Levitea chanted the 81st Psalm), was a suitable
means for that object " (Kosenmuller, Dat alte vnd
neue Mmyenland, vol. ii., No. 337, on Lev. xxiii.
24).
Although the festival of the first day of the
seventh month is denominated by the Mishna " New
Year," and notwithstanding that it was observed
as such by the Hebrews in the age of the second
temple, there is no reason whatever to believe that
it had such a name or character in the times of
Moses. The Pentateuch fixes the vernal equinox
(the period of the institution of the Passover), as
the commencement of the Jewish year; but for
more than twenty centuries the Jews have dated
their new year from the autumnal equinox, which
takes place about the season when the festival of
" the day of sounding the comet " is held. Rab-
binical tradition represents this festival as the anni-
versary of the creation of the world, but the state-
ment receives no support whatever from Scripture.
On the contrary, Moses expressly declares that the
month Abib (the Moon of the Spring) is to be
regarded by the Hebrews as the first month of the
year: — " This month shall be unto you the begin-
ning (*? S~) of months; it shall be the first
S ' * month of the year to you " (Ex. xii. 2).
(Mimk, I'oUttine, p. 184 b )
The intention of the appointment of the festival
"of the Sounding of the Cornet," ss well ss the
duties of the snerrd institution, appear to be eat
forth in the words of the prophet, "Sound the
comet ("^"tr) in Zion, sanctify the Cut, proclaim
the solemn assembly " (Joel ii. 15). Agreeably tc
the order in which this passage runs, the institution
of " the Festival of Sounding the Comet," seed
to be the prelude and preparation for the awfnl
Day of Atonement. The Divine command for that
fast is connected with that for - the Day of Sound-
ing the Cornet" by the conjunctive particle ?S.
" Likewise on the tenth day of this seventh month
is the Day of Atonement " (Lev. xxiii. 27). Her*
■"* (likewise) unites the festival "of the Day of
Sounding the Comet " with the solemnity of the
Day of Atonement precisely as the same particls
connects the " Festival of Tabernacles " with the ob-
servance of the ceremonial of "the fruit of ths
Hadar tree, the palm branches," Ac ,'Ur. nhH
34-40). The word " solemn assembly " (rnV J'
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OOfc
s the •tend froin Joel quoted above, applies to the
Vstival " Eighth day of Solemn Assembly "
liT.!?!? ^Cl?) (Lev. xxiii. 88), the closing rite
rf the festive cycle of Tuhri (see RtUgium Dit-
coursee of Rev. Professor Marks, vol. i. pp. 201,
392).
Ilesides the use of the cornet on the festival of
" blowing the trumpets," it is also sounded in the
synagogue at the close of the service for the day of
atonement, and, amongst the Jews who adopt the
ritual of the Sephardim, on the seventh day of the
feast of Tabernacles, known by the postrbiblical de-
nomination of » the Great Hosannah " (HJ? 27 VI
njn). The sounds emitted from the comet in
modem times are exceedingly harsh, although they
produce a solemn effect. Uesenius derives the name
"Vfitf from ~ID t ? = Arab. jL, "to be bright,
clear" (compare iT"!9K7, Ps. xvi. 6).
D. W. M.
COS (Kmj, now Stanchio or Stanlto: [Cbui])."
This small island has several interesting points of
connection with the Jews. It is specified, in the
edict which resulted from the communications of
Simon Maccabeus with Rome, as one of the places
which contained Jewish residents (1 Mace. xv. 23).
Josephus, quoting Strabo, mentions that the Jews
had a great amount of treasure stored there during
the Mithridatic war (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 7, § 2).
From the same source we learn that Julius Csesar
issued an edict in favor of the Jews of Cos (Hid.
10, § 15). Herod the Great conferred many favors
on the island (Joseph. B. ./. i. 21, $ 11); and an
inscription in Biickh (No. 2503' associates It with
Herod the tetrarch. St. Paul, on the return from
his third missionary journey, paused the night here,
after sailing from Miletus. The next day he
went on to Rhodes (Acts xxi. 1 ). The proximity
rf Cos to these two important places, and to Cni-
COTTON
501
.''•tradachm at Cos (Phoenician! talent). Obv., Head
if young Hercules, to rfrht. R", n^jxYoN
crab and bow In case, all within dotted square.
DV8, and its position at the entrance to the Archi-
pelago from the east, made it an island of consid-
erable consequence. It was celebrated for its light
woven fabrics and for its wines, — also for a temple
af ibculapius, to which a school of physicians was
attiched, and which was virtually, from it* votive
models, a museum of anatomy and pathology. The
smperor Claudius bestowed upon Cos the privilege
if a free state (Tac. Ann. xii. 61). The chief town
(at the same name) was on the N. E. near a prom-
ontory called Scandariura : and perhaps it is to the
town that reference is made in the Acta (t c)
There is a monograph on Cos by Kiistcr (lit Ct
/mufo, Halle, 1833), and a very useful paper or
the subject by Col. Leake (in the Tram, of Uu
Royal Soc of literature, vol. i., seoond series).
An account of the island will be found in Clarke's
Travel*, vol. ii., pt. i., pp. 196-213, and vol. ii., pt.
ii., pp. 321-333; but the best description is in Host,
Reiten nach Kot, Halicui-natsw, u. s. w. ( Ha ll e ,
1852), with which his Ileum aufden Urieck. Inttin
should be compared, vol. ii. (1843), pp. 86-92, roL
iii. (1845), pp. 126-139. J. S. H.
GO'S AM (Kwo-ilu: Cotan, a name that occurs
nowhere else either in the 0. T. or N. T., and is
of doubtful etymology), son of Elmodam, and fifth
before Zorobabel, in the line of Joseph the hus-
band of Mary, Luke iii. 28. [Genealogies oi
Christ.] * A. C. H.
» COTTAGE. In Is. xxiv. 20 the Hebrew
word nyntD, .Wilindn, rendered "cottage" Id
the A. V., would be better translated " hammock."
See Bed, p. 261. A.
COTTON P§"13 : <td>>ra<roj, tA itapiraWa,
Esth. i. 6, where the Yulg. has carbnsini colon*, at
if a color, 6 not a material (so in A. V. "green "),
were intended). There is a doubt whether under
WW, Shlth, in the earlier and V^ 3 . B(Uz, in the
later books of the O. T. rendered in the A. V. by
white linen," " fine linen," Ac., cotton may have
been included as well. Both slienh and butz are
said by Geaen. («. v.) to be from roots signifying
originally mere whiteness ; a sense said also to in-
here in the word *T3 (perhaps Arab, abyad,
Ufl.' '1 "white"), used sometimes instead of, and
sometimes together with iheth to mean the fabric.
In Ez. xxvii. 7, 16, WW, thfth, is mentioned as
imported into Tyre from Egypt, and b&tz as from
Syria. Each is found in turn coupled with 7^J JHS
(purpura), in the setae of "purple and fine linen,"
i. t. the most showy and costly apparel (comp
l*rov. xxxi. 22 with Esth. > iii- Id). The dress of
the Egyptian priests, at any rate in their ministra-
tions, was without doubt of linen (Herod, ii. 37).
in spite of Pliny's assertion (xix. 1. 2) that they
preferred cotton. Yet cotton garments fot the wor-
ship of the temples are said to be mentioned in the
Rosetta stone (Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, iii. 117)
The same with the Jewish ephod and other priestly
attire, in which we cannot suppose any carelessness
to have prevailed. If, however, a Jew happened a,
have a piece of cotton cloth, he probably would not
be deterred by any scruple about the heterogcntii
of Deut. xxii. 11 from wearing that and linen to-
gether. There is, however, no word for the cotton
plant (like "! " ?"* for flax) in the Hebrew, nor
any reason to suppose that there was any earl"
knowledge of the fabric.
The Egyptian mummy swathings also, many oi
which are said to remain as good as when fresh
« * StmuMo or Stanko, the present name of Cos, has
i issn from a Slurred pronunciation of tv -«r Kw (mod-
ern Greek), like Stambol .from « rir mS.\t». H.
_J_», harm, « silk." The ^"RJ, " shsela," marg
" shirts," of A. T. Judg. xiv. 12, 18, and " Una Una,'
i. a. -vu-i .,_..■.-„ ■ . ■» i..j i v-vi Is. Ill 28, is perhaps a In of the ssaw word as
» So TVI, •• whit. " In A. V. tod., Is probably not , » ^ ' £"?}"
bat » stuff, possibly silk : comp. Arabic '
<riv«W Mark xiv. 61.
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502
COTTOK
from the ktoin, ire decided, after much controversy
ind minnte analysis, to have been of linen, and.
not cotton. The very difficulty of deciding, how-
ever, shows how easily even scientific observers
may mistake, and, much more, how impossible it
would have been fV»r ancient popular writers to
avoid confusion. Kven Greek naturalist* sometimes
clearly include •• cotton " under Kirov. The same
ippears to he true of o0oVn, biorior, and the whole
clam of words signifying white textile vegetable
fabrics. The proper Oriental name for the article
33"}? (said to occur with slight variation in Sanskr.
and other Oriental languiges") is rendered "green"
in the A. V. of Esth. i. 6, but Grecued in the
I XX. by Kapwaabmu. From the same word, with
which either their Alexandrian or Parthian inter-
xuree might familiarize them, the l-atiiu borrowed
carbamt, completely current in poetical use in the
golden and silver period of Latinity, for sails, awn-
ings, 4c. Varro knew of tree-wool on the author-
ity of Cteaias, contemporary with Herodotus. The
Greeks, through the commercial consequences of
Alexander's conquests, must hare known of cot-
ton cloth, and more or less jf the plant. Amasis *
Indeed (about n. c. 640) sent as a present from
Egypt a corslet KeKoauijfilvov xp WT ^ Ka ^ ipioitri
tato fvAov (Herod, iii. 47), which ftiny says was
Mill existing in his time in a temple in Rhodes, and
that the minuteness of it* fibre had provoked the
experiments of the curious. Cotton was manu-
factured and worn extensively in Kgypt, but extant
monument* give no proof of it* growth, as in the
case of flax, in that country (Wilkinson, lb. pp.
1 16-139, and plate No. 366) ; indeed, bad it been a
general product, we could scarcely have missed find-
ing some trace of it on the monumental detail* of
ancient Egyptian arts, trades, 4c. ; but, especially,
when Pliny (a. n. 116) assert* that cotton was then
grown in Egypt, a statement confirmed by Julius
Pollux (a century later), we can hardly resist the
inference that, at least as a curiosity and as an ex-
periment, some plantations existed there. This is
the more likely since we find the cotton-<ree (jjot-
sjgw'wn arboreum, less usual than, and distinct from,
the cotton plant, gott. herbac.) is mentioned still
by Pliny a* the only remarkable tree of the adja-
cent Ethiopia; and since Arabia, on its other aide,
appears to have known cotton ' from time immemo-
rial, to grow it in abundance, and in part* to be
highly favorable to that product. In India, bow-
ever, we have the earliest records of the use of cot-
ton for dress; of which, including the starching of
It, some curious traces are found a* early a* 800 B.
c, in the Institutes of Manu; also (it is said, on
the authority of Prof. Wilson) in the Big- Veda,
106, v. 8. For these and some other curious an-
tiquities of the subject, see Royle's Culture and
Commerce of Cotton in India, pp. 117-122.
Cotton ii no» both grown and manufactured in
various part* of Syria and Palestine, and, owing
probably to it) being leas conductive of heat, seems
preferred for turbans and rhirt* to linen; but there
is no proof that, till they came in contact with Per-
* Kurpasa or kurpasum Is the Sanskr. Kvpas m
flmdee means the cotton row or pod with seed, which
n the Bengalee Is upojte, and In the Bombay dialect,
COf.00'
i> So BurckhaMt ( tVav. Nub. App. 111. p. 616, note)
■nation! a " species of eulrasa mads of quilted oot-
•on " as still worn by certain tribes adjacent to the
COURT
aia the Hebrews generally knew of it u a distinct
fabric from linen, whilst the negative j roof of lan-
guage and the probabilities of fact offer a strong
presumption that, if they obtained it at all in com-
merce, they confounded it with linen under the
terms thetli or bitz. The greater cleanliness and
durability of linen probably established it* superi-
ority over cotton for sepulchral purposes in the N.
T. period, by which time the latter must hare been
commonly known, and thus there is no reason for
assigning cotton as the material of the i66via and
Irripia of which we read. For the whole subject,
see i ates's Textrinum Antiovorum, pt. i. chap. vi.
and app. D. H. H.
COUCH. [Bed.]
COUNCIL. (1.) oW8/>m>», the great
council of the Sanhedrim, which sat at Jerusalem.
[Samhkdrim.] (2.) vwOput (Matt. x. 17.
Mark xiii. 9), the lesser court*, of which there were
two at Jerusalem, and one in each town of Pales
tine. The constitution of these courts is a doubt-
ful point; according to Talmudical writers the
number of judges was twenty-three in places where
there was a population of 120, and three where the
population fell below that number (Miahn. tiankedr.
1, § 6). Joeephus, however, gives a different ac-
count: he states that the court, as constituted by
Moses (Deut x-i. 18; comp. AtU. iv. 8, § 14), con-
sisted of seven judge*, each of whom had two Le-
vite* a* assessors ; accordingly in the reform which
he carried out in Galilee, he appointed seven judge*
for the trial of minor offenses (B. J. ii. 20, § 6).
The statement of Joeephus is generally accepted a*
correct; but it should be noticed that these court*
were not always in existence ; they may have been
instituted by himself on what he conceived to be
the true Mosaic model: a supposition which is ren-
dered probable by his further institution of a coun-
cil of Seventy, which served as a court for capital
offenses, altogether independent of the Sanhedrim
at Jerusalem ( VU. § 14; B. J. ii. 20, § 5). The
existence of focal courts, however constituted, is
clearly implied in the passages quoted from the N
T.; and perhaps tiiejw/i/ment (Matt v. 21) applies
to them. (3.) auiifioi\io» (Acta xxv. 12), a kind
of jury or privy council, consisting of a certain
number of assessors (ctmriKnrii, Suet. Tib. 33, 55),
who assisted Roman governors in the administra-
tion of justice and other public matters.
W. L. B.
COURT, an open inclosure, applied in the A.
V. most commonly to the inclosure* of the Taber-
nacle and the Temple. The Hebrew word invaria-
bly used for the former is Ckatxtr, "IVI?, from a
root, "^VH, to surround (Gesen. p. 612). (Sea,
amongst others, Ex. xxvii. 9, to xl. 33 ; I.ev. vi. 16 ;
Num. iii. 26, 4c.) The same word is also most
frequently used for the " court* " of the Temple,
as 1 K. vi. 36, vii. 8 ; 2 K. xxiii. 12; 2 Chr. xxxm.
6; Pa. xcii. 13, 4c. In 2 Chr. iv. 9, uid vi. 13,
however, a different word is employed, apparently
c Arab. Com, i n* means: (1) any i
(2) anything between two leaves ; (8) the well-knows
"cotton" plant. Thi* evolving of the special fton
the general sense seems to indicate that the nam* " cot
ton " Is originally Arabic ; though It may ht Iras ska*
the plant I* Indigenous in India.
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COUTHA
br Iho nme places — Azarih, HTTJ, from a toot
rf similar meaning to the above. This word also
occurs in Ex. xliii. 14, 17, 90, xlr. 19 (A. V. "set-
He"), but perhaps with a diflerent force. Ck&tzir
also designates the court of a prison (Neh. Hi. 25;
Jer. xxxii. 2, Ac.), of a private house (2 Sam. xvii.
18), and of a palace (3 K. xx. 4; Esth. i. 5, Ac.).
ji Am. vii. 13, where the Hebrew word is Beth =
j " house," our translators, anxious to use a term
applicable specially to a king's residence, have put
"court." [House; Tabernacle; Temple.]
The word chatter is very often employed for the
inclosures of the villages of Palestine, and under
the form of Hazer or Hazor frequently occurs in
the names of places in the A. V. [Hazsk: Vil-
lage.] G.
• In Matt. xxvi. 69 (ver. 58 may be doubtful);
Mark xiv. 66 (perhaps also ver. 54) and xr. 16;
John xviii. 15, ai\i\ should be rerJered "court,"
i. t. the quadrangle around which the house or
palace of the high-priest was built, and not " pal-
ace " or " ball ' (A. V. ). Peter himself was not
in the room of the palace where the Saviour was
on trial, as the English reader would be led to sup-
pose, but was in the court outside. [See House;
Peter.] H.
COUTHA (Kovdi; [Vat omits:] Phusa), 1
Esdr. v. 83. There is uo name corresponding with
this in the lists of Ezra and Neheniiah. [He is
mentioned as one of those whose sons were "ser-
vants of the temple " after the return from the Cap-
tivity.— H.]
COVENANT (rrn?: j,^,,! once,
Wisd. i. 16, o-uWr^irn: in O'. T. fadus, pactum —
often interchangeably, Gen. ix., xvii. ; Num. xxv. ;
in Apocr. teslamtntum, but tacramentum, 2 Esdr.
ii. 7; sponsiones, Wisd. i. 16; in N. T. testamentum
[absque fadere, Kora. i. 31; Gr. itrvvSirovt] )■
The Hebrew word is derived by Gesenius from the
root i"Vl^» '• ?• •^7?' " ne cut >" ***& taken to
mean primarily "a cutting," with reference to the
custom of cutting or dividing animals in two, and
passing between the parts in ratifying a covenant
(Gen. xv.; Jer. xxxiv. 18, 19). Hence the expres-
sion "to cut a covenant" (ttnjl /"P^, Gen.
xv. 18, or simply /"P^, with IT")?! understood,
1 Sam. xi. 2) is of frequent occurrence. (Comp.
Spina riiu/eiv, tipnen <rwovois, icert, ferire,
perciUere fadus.) Professor Lee suggests (Heb.
Lex. s. v. rrn?) that the proper signification of
the word is on eating together, or banquet, from
thj meaning " to eat," which the root >"n^ some-
times bears, because among the Orientals to eat
together amounts almost to a covenant of friend-
ship. This view is supported by Gen. xxxi. 46,
where Jacob and Laban eat together on the heap
of stones which they have set up in ratifying the
covenant between them. It affords also u satisfac-
tory explanation of the expression " a covenant of
salt " (rfpi) n"H9, SuMnti) aAo», Num. xviii.
19; 2 Chr. xiii. 5). when the Eastern idea of eat-
fxg salt together is remembered. If, however, the
rther derivation of i"V"}^l be adopted, this expres-
sion may be expfcuned by supposing salt to have
ken eaten, or offered with accompanying sacrifices,
in occasion of very solemn covenant- or it may
COVENANT
60S
be regarded as figurative, denoting, either, from
the use of salt in sacrifice (Lev. ii. 13; Hark ix
49), the sacredness, or, from the preserving quidi
ties of salt, the perpetuity, of the covenant.
In the N. T. the word Stafyien is frequently,
though by no means uniformly, translate testa-
ment in the EngK«h Authorized Version, whence
the two divisions of the Bible have received their
common English names. This translation is per-
haps due to the Vulgate, which having adopted
testamentum as the equivalent for JiaWjio) in the
Apocr., uses it always as such in the N. T. (see
above). There seems, however, to 1« no necessity
for the introduction of a new word conveying a
new idea. The LXX. having rendered n ,- 15
(which never means mil or testament, but always
covenant or agreement) by SuMikti consistently
throughout the 0. T., the N. T. writers, in adopt-
ing that word, may naturally be supposed to intend
to convey to their readers, most of them familiar
with the Greek 0. T., the same idea. Moreover,
in the majority of cases the same thing which has
been called a " covenant " (JTH3) in the 0. T. is
referred to in the N. T. («. g. 2 Cor. iii. 14; Heb.
vii., ix.; Rev. xi. 19); while in the same context
the same word and thing in the Greek are in the
English sometimes represented by " covenant," and
sometimes by " testament " (Heb. vii. 22, viii. 8-
13, ix. 15). In the confessedly difficult passage,
Heb. ix. 16, 17, the word SiaB^ien has been thought
by many commentators absolutely to require the
meaning of tall or testament. On the other side,
however, it may be alleged, that in addition to what
has just been said as to the usual meaning of the
word in N. T., the word occurs twice in the con
text, where its meaning must necessarily be tbn
same as the translation of fYPJ, and in the un
questionable sense of covenant (tt. ttatfivn KOivti,
Heb. ix. 15, with the same expression in viii. 8;
and 3taS4iHti, ix. 16, 17, with ver. 20, and Ex. xxiv.
8). If this sense of oiatHiicn be retained, we may
either render iwl vtKpoli, " over, or in the case of,
dead sacrifices," and 6 tuBipevos, " the mediating
sacrifice" (Scholefield's Hints for <m improrta
Trandttion of the N. T.), or (with Ebrard and
others) restrict the statement of ver. 16 to the 0.
T. idea of a covenant between man and God, in
which man, as guilty, must always be represented
by a sacrifice with which he was so completely
identified, that in its person he (6 Stafftutros, the
human covenanter) actually died (cf. Matt, xxvi
28).
In its Biblical meaning of a compact or agree-
ment between two parties, the word is used — 1.
Improperly, of a covenant between God and man
Man not being in any way in the position of an
independent covenanting party, the phrase is evi-
dently used by way of accommodation. Strictly
speaking, such a covenant is quite unconditional,
arid amounts to a promise (Gal. iii. 15 ft*., when
imtyye\ta and SioB^kv are used almost as syno-
nyms) or act of mere favor (Ps. Ixxxix. 28, when
ipi? stands in parallelism with iT^?) on God's
part. Thus the assurance given by God after the
Flood, th»* s like judgment should not be repeated,
and that the recurrence of the seasons, and of day
and night, snould not cease, is called a covenant
(Gen. ix.; Jer. xxxiii. 20). Generally, however,
the form of a covenant is maintained by the bans)
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60 i COVENANT
Id which God engages to baton- being made by
him dependent upon the fulfillment of certain con-
ditions which he imposes on man. Thus the cove-
nant with Abraham was conditioned by circumcision
(Acts rii. 8), the omission of which was declared
tantamount to a breach of the covenant (Geo. xvii.);
the covenant of the priesthood, by seal for God, his
honor and service (Num. zxv. 12, 13 ; Deut. xxxiii.
9; Neh. ziii. 29; Mai. ii. 4, 5); the covenant of
Sinai, by the observance of the ten commandments
(Ex. xixiv. 27, 28; Lev. xxvi. 15), which are there-
fore called " Jehovah's covenant " (Deut iv. 13), a
name which was extended to all the books of Moses,
if not to the whole body of Jewish canonical Script-
ures (2 Cor. iii. 13, 14). This last-mentioned cov-
enant, which was renewed at different periods of
Jewish history (Dent, nix.; Josh, xriv.; 2 Chr.
vr., xxiii., xxix., xxxiv. ; Ear. x. ; Neh. ix., x.), is
one of the two principal covenants between God and
man. They are distinguished as old and new (Jer.
xxxi. 31-34; Heb. viii. 8-13, x. 16), with reference
to the order, not of their institution but of their
actual development (Gal. iii. 17 ) ; and also as being
the instruments respectively of bondage and free-
dom (Gal. iv. 24). The latter of these covenants
appears to be represented in Gal. iii. under a twofold
aspect, as being a covenant between the First and
Second Persons of the blessed Trinity (ver. 16 and
ver. 20, as explained by Scbolefield, Ellicott, Ac.),
and also a covenant, conditioned by faith in Christ,
between God and man. (See Bishop Hopkins's
Works, vol. ii. pp. 299-398, and WiUim on the
Covenants, for the theology of the subject.) Con-
sistently with this representation of God's dealings
with man under the form of a covenant, such cov-
enant is said to be confirmed in conformity to hu-
man custom by an oath (Deut. iv. 31 ; Ps. hexxix.
3), to be sanctioned by curses to fall upon the un-
faithful (Deut. xxix. 21), and to be accompanied by
a sign (iTH), such as the rainbow (Gen. ix.), cir-
cumcision (Gen. xvii.), or the Sabbath (Ex. xxxi.
16, 17).
2. Properly, of a covenant behreen man and
man, t. c. a solemn compact or agreement, either
between tribes or nations (1 Sam. xi. 1 ; Josh. ix.
6, 15), or between individuals (Gen. xxxi. 44), by
which each party bound himself to fulfill certain
conditions, and was assured of receiving certain ad-
vantages In making such a covenant God was
solemnly invoked as witness (Gen. xxxi. 50), whence
the expieasion " a covenant of Jehovah " (j"YH2
mn*. 1 Sam. xx. 8, oomp. Ez. xvii. 19), and an
oath was sworn (Gen. xxi. 31); and accordingly a
breach of covenant was regarded as a very heinous
rfn (Es. xvii. 12-20). A sign (."!>') or witness
v**y) of the covenant was sometimes framed, such
ss a gift (Gen. xxi. 30), or a pillar, or heap of
stones erected (Gen. xxxi. 52). The marriage
compact is called " the covenant of God," i*rov. ii.
17 (see Mai. ii. 14). The word covenant came to
be applied to a sure ordinance, such as that of the
ihew-bread (Lev. xxiv. 8); and is used figuratively
in such expressions as a covenant with death (Is.
xxviii. 18), or with the wild beasts (Hot. ii. 18).
rhe phrases fYn? "bjjS, rf~>^ "tr?N,
lords or men of one's covenant," are employed
to denote confederacy (Gen. xiv. 13, Ob. 7).
T. T. P.
COVERING OF THE EYES
• COVERING OF THE EYES TU
Hebrew word j"T?ID5 occurs in eight passage* of
the Old Testament; 'in six of which (Gen. xx. 18
Ex. xxii. 27, Job xxiv. 7, xxvi. 6, xxxi. 19, Is. L
3) it is translated "covering" in the A. V. ; i»
one (Ex. xxi. 10) it is translated " raiment," and
is one (Deut. xxii. 12) " vesture."
The meaning of the phrase, " covering of the
eyes," in Gen. xx. 16, and the construction and
import of the sentence, are still subjects of discus-
sion, even among the latest interpreters. "Tot
pame exstant explications, quot sunt interpretes "
(Roe.). The points still at issue have respect to
almost every word in the sentence. The pronoun
rWT (he or it) may be referred (a) to Abraham
himself, or (6) to the present made to him. " A
covering of the eyes " may mean (c) a literal veil,
or (a*) a veil in a figurative sense as a protective
influence, or (e) with a different allusion, a means
of pacification. By " the eyes " may be meant {J )
those of Sarah herself, or (o) in connection with
the following 737, those of all around her and
in intercourse with her. The word " all " (in vD 7)
may refer (A) to things (namely, act*), at (») to
persons. In the last clause, J"lM may be (J) a
preposition, or (k) the sign of the accusative ease,
after ViHl, or (f) as the punctators have indica-
ted by the Athnach, in connection with the follow-
ing verb. The form HTI"!) may be (m) the 2d
pen. fern, of the perfect, or (n) the participle used
as the 3d pers. fern.
No. n, in conjunction with d, was well expressed
by Calvin : " Docetur enim Sara, maritum cui
juncta est, instar veli esse, quo se tegere debeat, ne
exposita sit alienis." So Vitringa. But Tiele justly
objects, that in this view, the present of a thousand
silverlings, with which Aliinirlech prefaces this re-
mark, has no significance.
Ewald (Avtf. Lelnb. p. 281), combining a, a, g,
i,j, m, translates and explains thus: " He it to the*
a covering of the eyes for every one who i$ with
thee (so that, under his protection, no impure eye
can with impunity venture to look on thee), mid
toward every one ; so dost thou right thystlf (defend
thy right)."
Gesenius, combining b, e, f, h, j, n, translates
and explains thus: " So this (the thousand silver-
lings ) it to thee a penalty [satisfaction] far oil which
(has happened) with thee anil before all; and she
tens convicted (had nothing to say in excuse ). Com-
pare Gen. xxxii. 21, / trill cover l,U /•>•<■ (appease
him) with theprtsent." So Keil, and also Delitzach ;
except that they take i"l|l?3 (m) as the 2d pen.,
and v3 (1) as referring to persona: " .So ii it Us
thee a covering of the eyes (an expiatory gift) in
reference to all who ore with thee (because all ir
the household shared their mistress's dishonor) ; so
thou art righted (properly, proved, namely, tn ha
the one who suffered wrong)."
So the passage is understood by Tuch. He takes
exception, however (after Schumann) to EwaM'a
and Gesenius's const-wtion of the second iTM,
which should be construed as the one immediately
preceding it; for bb i"»*l ?Jf)N must not U
arbitrarily separated <n construction and 1
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oow
Bene* he Uanslates: 'for all witch (has been, or,
has taken place) with the* and with all, that thou
aamtt be righted."
Baumgarten (TheoL Cotmn. sum Pent.) baa re-
rived Schrueder's interpretation (follored by Rosen-
muuer anil utbera), taking "covering of the eyes "
(c) in the sense of a literal veil ; not, however, as
Schroeder viewed it, at the token of a married
woman, but simply as a means of concealing her
beauty, and thus avoiding the dangei referred to in
V. 11. baumgarten supposes that after Athnacli
the accusative construction is resumed in HH1
(i), taking Dn?3 as the 2d pars. parf. (m), and
translates: "and allthit (I do, or, I give) that thou
mat/at be righted."
Lange, understanding by " oovering of the face "
a veil in the figurative sense, finds (with Le Clare)
a double meaning in the expression ; namely, a gift
of atonement and reconciliation, which at the same
time shall be as a veil to all eyes, by indicating the
relation of one married to a husband.
On these views it may be remarked, that the
farm of the expression, " covering of the eyes," (not
"of the face,") seems to be decisive against the
supposition that a veil is meant, either as worn by
Sarah for concealiug ber person from the sight of
others, or by them to restrict their sight. In the
former case, the expression should have been, " cov-
ering of the face " (O^). A '« covering of the
eyes," in the literal sense, can mean nothing else
than the repression of the improper use of the eyes,
as of wanton looks. This, with reference to Sarah,
is inapposite, as no such fault is laid to ber charge;
and if understood of others ("a oovering of the
•yes to all who are with thee"), a veil cannot be
meant, for that is used for concealment, and not
for the purpose of obstructing the vision. The ob-
jection lies equally against the supposition of a veil
in a figurative sense, since this must conform to
the literal and proper use of the term.
The only alternative remaining, is to take the
expression, "covering of the eyes," in its strict and
proper sense, instead of a veil for the face; either
with Ewald, as referring to Abraham, her lawful
protector from the wanton gate of others, or with
tiesenius, as a figurative expression for a peace-
offering. In favor of the former, is the juxtaposition
rf the pronoun WH (he, or it) with " thy brother,"
making this its most natural antecedent; an objection
to the latter view, which is but partially obviated
by the use of WP for both genders in the Penta-
teuch. But on the contrary, against Kwald's view
lies the more serious objection, that Abimelech
prefaces this remark with a statement which has
no hearing on it ; and thus a part of what he says
to Sarah herself is without significance, as addr e s se d
loner.
The ancient versions are all at fault here, and
throw no light on the true rendering and inter-
aretation (unless we understand the Septuagint
version with tiesenius), showing that it was as
Hfficult then as it U now. T. J. C.
OOW. The Heb. words "IHS, TI^V, and
'VIV.have been treated of under Bull. The A.
f. renders by "oow," both *V3, In Es. h. IS,
md "ntt> in I^v. xxil. 28; Nam. xviii. 17, where
ORANB
506
the feminine gen ler j» required by the souse. la
Job xxi. 10 and Is. xi. 7, the A. V. has "cow " e»
the rendering of H"W, the fern, form of "T§, "a
bullock." ' T WD.
COZ (V'""" [o thorny. KW: Co*), a mat.
among the descendants of Judah (1 Chr. Iv. 8}.
* The name also of one of the Levites (see I
Chr. xxiv. 10; Ezr. ii. 61; Neh. iii.4,21; vii. «:)).
The article is prefixed in these passages, and in tlie
first of them retained in the A. v. (Hakkm/
which see). H.
COZ'BI ( S 3?S [deceptive, lying} : Xoe-jSt,
[Vat -0»i ;] Jos. Xoo&la- Gobi), a MidiuuiU
woman, daughter of Zur, one of the chiefs of the
nation (Num. xxv. 15, 18).
• CRACKNELS (in 1 Kings xiv. 3, A. V.),
denotes crumb-cakes, " so called from the sharp
noise made when breaking " (Eastwood 4 Wright's
Bible Word- Book, p. 134). They formed a part
of the present which the wife of Jeroboam carried
to the prophet Ahyah (comp. 1 Sam. ix. 7, 8; xvi.
20) when she went to learn from him the issue of
her son's sickness. They were different from ordi
nary loaves, for both are mentioned together in the
above passage. I'iirst says they were perhaps small
dried cakes, and pricked or pointed like biscuit,
such as common people carried with them on jour-
neys (f/ebr. u. Chald. Worterb. ii. S3). Being
thus dry and hard, they would have the quality
expressed by the English name, but inferred oidy
from the Hebrew. The queen took such cakes with
her, because she wished to conceal her rank and
appear as an ordinary person. See Humeri's Bibei-
werk on 1 Kings xiv. 8. The Hebrew term is that
in Josh. ix. S, 12, usually understood there.of bread
so old as to be dry and spotted with mould. But
the etymology is very obscure. See Flint's Cim-
cotd. s. v., and ties. The*, ii. 809. H.
CRANE (D-1D or D-D, tit or aft [hone,
from the fleetness of the swallow] : ^tKiidv- pullm
hirundinit, hirundo). There can be little doubt
that the A. V. is incorrect in rendering «i« by
"crane," which bird is probably intended by the
Hebrew word 'dgur, translated " swallow" by
the A. V. [Swallow.] Mention is made of
the tut in Hezekiah's prayer (Is. xxxviii. 14),
" Like a tut or an 'iyur so did I twitter;" and
again in Jer. viii. 7 these two words occur in the
same order, "the sit and the 'agur observe the
time of their coming:" from which passage we
learn that both birds were migratory. According
to the testimony of most of the ancient versions
tit denotes a "swallow." The passage in Jere
miah (L c), compared with the twittering notes of
the tut in Hezekiah's prayer, goes far to establish
this translation, for the Hebrew rerb a which is
rendered " chatter " by the A. V. more properly
signifies to " chirp " or to " twitter," the term be-
ing evidently, as Bochart (Hierot. 11. 005) baa
shown, onomatopoetic, indicative of the notes of
the bird. The Italians about Venioe call a swallow
litilln, and its chirping they express by tuillar*
(see Bochart, 1. c). The expression "like a swat-
low did I twitter " may perhaps appear to us not a
very apt illustration of mournful complaint, the
jotes of th» various species of the Hinmdinidn
is?r«.
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506 ORATES
wing expressive of happiness rather than of grief; "
Mt it must be remembered that the ancients re-
garded the "wallow aa a mournful bird ; and it i»
worthy of remark that, according to Dr. Kennicott,
in thirteen Codices of Jeremiah (L e.) the wcrd
lot occurs instead of tit : it is probable therefore
that the story of Procne, Tereus, Ac., of Grecian
mythology had its source in ancient Egyptian fa-
ble, Uis, as the Egyptians say, having been changed
into a swallow. The Hebrew word Deror CtVty
u noticed under the article Swallow. W. H
ORATES (Kptrnt: Vulg. translates pralnttii
e&t), governor of the Cyprians (4 M riv K.), who
was left in charge of the " castle " (rqt lutpowi-
Ktmt) of Jerusalem (?), during the absence of
Soetratus, in the reign of Antiochos Epiphanes (2
Mace. iv. 29).
CREDITOR. [Loam.]
CRES'CENS (KpVirnt [the Greek for the
Latin name Crescent, " increasing"], 9 Tim. iv. 10),
an assistant of St. Paul [who went from Rome to
Galatia, perhaps sent by the Apostle], said to have
been one of the seventy disciples. According to
the Apottolical Contlitutivnt, and many of the
fathers, he preached the Gospel in Galatia, which
perhaps is only a conjecture built on the " Crescens
to Galatia " of 2 Tim. ir. 10. Later tradition (So-
phronius) makes him preach in Gaul (Galatia, see
Theodoret on 2 Tim. L c), and found the Church
at Vienna. H. A.
CRETE (hVWrrn: Crete), the modern CantHa.
This large island, which closes in the Greek Archi-
pelago on the S., extends through a distance of
140 mike between its extreme points of Cape Sal-
monk (Acts xxvii. 7) on the EL, and Cape Criume-
topon beyond Ph<knice or PHouax (to. 12) on
the W. The breadth is comparatively small, the
tarroweat part (called an isthmus by Strabo, x. 475 )
Ming near Phoenix. Though extremely bold and
mountainous, this island has very fruitful valleys,
uid in early times it was celebrated for its hundred
rities (Virg. Jin. iii. 106). Crete has a conspic-
aous position in the mythology and earliest history
rf Greece, but a comparatively unimportant one in
Its later history. It was reduced (b. o. 67) by the
Romans under Metellus, hence called Creticus, and
united in one province with Cyrenaica, which was
at no great distance (Strabo, x. 476) on the oppo-
site coast of Africa [Ctrknk]. It is possible thai
in Tit. iii. 1, there may be an implied reference to
a turbulent condition of the Cretan part of the
province, especially as regarded the Jewish resi-
dents.
It seems likely that a very early acquaintance
took place between the Cretans and the Jews. The
story in Tacitus (Hut. v. 2), that the Jews were
themselves of Cretan origin, may be accounted for
>y supposing a confusion between the Philistines
and the Jews, and by identifying the Cherethites
sf 1 Sam. xxx. 14; 2 Sam. viii. 18; Ex. xxv. 16;
Zeph. il. S, with Cretan emigrants. In the two
last of these passages they are expressly called
Kprjres by the LXX., and in Zeph. ii. 6, we have
the word KfrrVrw- Whatever conclusion we may
arrive at on this point, there is no doubt that Jens
were settled in the island in considerable numWrs
luring the period between the death of Alexander
a Unless perhaps the sU may have reference more
cartirularly to «ou.« species of »*tft I (VpmAu), rhose
CRETE
the Great szu the final destructiua of JaasalssB
Gortyna seems to have been their chief reeVJeuo*
for it is specially mentioned (1 Mace xv. 23) ii
the letters written by the Romans on behalf of tha
Jews, when Simon Maocabssus renewed the treaty
which his brother Judas had made with Rome.
[Gortyna.] See 1 Mace x. 67. At a later pe-
riod Josephus says (Ant. xvii. 12, § 1, B. J. ii. 7
§ 1) that the Pseudo-Alexander, Herod's supposed
son, imposed upon the Jews of Crete, when on his
way to Italy. And later still, Philo (Leg. ad Cat.
§ 38) makes the Jewish envoys say to Caligula
that all the more noted islands of the Mediterra-
m, including Crete, were full of Jews. Thus
the special mention of Cretans (Acts ii. 11) among
those who were in Jerusalem at the great Pentecost
is just what we should expect
No notice is given in the Acts of any more direct
evangelization of Crete: and no absolute proof can
be adduced that St. Paul was ever there before his
voyage from Ctes&rea to Puteoli ; though it is quite
possible that be may have visited the island in tha
course of his residences at Corinth and Ephesus.
For the speculations which have been made in ref-
erence to this point, we must refer to what is written
in the articles on Trrut*, and Titus, Epistle to.
The circumstances of St. Paul's recorded visit
ib briefly as follows. The wind being contrary
when he was off Chidi's (Acta xxvli. 7 ), the ship
was forced to run down to Cape Selnione, and
thence under the lee of Crete to Fair Havens,
which was near a city called Lab.ba (ver. 8).
Thence, after some delay, an attempt was made,
on the wind becoming favorable, to reach Pbcenioe
for the purpose of wintering there (ver. 12); but a
sudden gale from the N. E. [Winds] coming
down from the high ground of Crete (kot' o4tt)»),
in the neighborhood of Mount Ida, drove the ship
to the little island of Claupa (w. 13-16), whence
she drifted to Malta. It is impossible to say bow
far this short stay at Fair Havens may have afforded
opportunities for preaching the Gospel at Lass* or
elsewhere.
The next point of connection between St. Paul
and this island is found in the epistle to Titus. It
is evident from Tit. i. 5, that the Apostle himself
was here at no long interval of time before be wrote
the letter. We believe this to have been between
the first and second imprisonments. In the course
of the letter (Tit. i. 12) St Paul adduces from
Epimenides, a Cretan sage and poet (0<<or iirr/o,
Plat Leyg. i. 642), a quotation in which the rices
of his countrymen are described in dark colors.
The truth of what is said by Epimenides is abun-
dantly confirmed by the passages collected (iv. 10)
in Meursius's great work on Crete (Meuraii Opera,
Florence, 1744, vol. iii.). He has also a chapter
(iv. 4) on the early Christian history of the island.
Titus was much honored here during the middle
ages. The cathedral of Megalo-Castrou was dedi-
cated to him : and his name was the watchword of
the Cretans, when they fought against tbo Vena
tians, who themselves seem to have placed his
above St Mark in ( andia, when they became mas-
ters of the island. See Pashley's 7'rW« i* Crete,
i. 6, 175 (London, 1837). In addition to this
valuable work, we must refer to Hoeck's A*rvsV> (Got-
tingen, 1829), and to some papers translated frost
tha Italian, and published by Mr. E. Falkener In tbs
load squealing may ar. pear to et»
Kttsf.
i to be In llaasm at
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OBETKS
neood volume of the Museum of Classical AnA-
sasnet (Loudon, 1866). J. S. H.
• Rangabes in his 'EfcAnnaa 1 (Ui- 453-579) has
sketched the ancient history and the geographical
featuree of Crete (mountains, riven, promontories,
and harbors, with an enumeration of the cities and
villages), and (though some readjustment may be
necessary for the present time) furnishes valuable
statistics respecting the population of the island at
different periods (Greeks and Turks), its monastic
establishments, products, exports, imports, and the
like. His author represents KaAol tupivtt as an
insecure roadstead, to which vessels resorted only
in great distress, in accordance with its reputa-
tion among seamen in Haul's time (Acts xxvii. 8).
He supposes the Lasaa which was near there to
be the "Lisia" of the Peutinger TabU, but says
nothing of any place still known by that name
(l.AS/BA). He mentions the interesting fact that
Phoenix or Pbosnice (Acts xxvii. 1-2) had its own
bishops at ac early period, and that one of them
named Leon was present at the second Nicene
Council. He speaks of this Phoenix as near Ijutro
(Aovroir), but evidently had no idea that they
were Identical (see Phcexick). The opinion of so
eminent an arctueologist ou these points deserves
to be considered. The mora recent publications of
Caps. Sprart, R, N. (Staling Direction for the
/stood of Crete, and Timels and Researches in
Crete) have added largely to our knowledge of
the topography of the island. Mr. Smith has
availed himself of these later discoveries, with good
effect, in his admirable work on the Voyage and
Shipwreck of St. Paul (3d ed. 1866).
One of the observations reported by navigators
is that on the south side of Crete a light southerly
wind is often succeeded by a typhoon, which strikes
iown from the high mountains on the island, as
happened to Paul's vessel in going from Fair Ha-
vens to Phoenice (Acta xxvii. 13, 14). It is said
•.hat this fact favors the interpretation of fBa\t
kot" eurrrjs (mentioned in the article above and
adopted in several of the later English Commenta-
ries) wbijh refers airrijs to the island (Joan from
it) and not to the ship. (Voyage and Shipwreck of
St. Paul, 3d td. p. 99). It was true, no doubt, that
the wind in that instance came from the high land
en shore, but it does not follow that hot' ovrqr
point! oat that circumstance. No proof has been
given that $i\Aa, as said of winds, was actually
used thus with the genitive of the quarter whence
the wind came. Lechler's view (Dtr Aposlel O'e-
schiehten, p. 348, in Lange's Bibelwerk) seems to
be more correct, that aiirtjt refers to the vessel
which the wind struck and drove out to sea, with
r»D» — the mental antecedent, which (actually em-
ployed in ver. 41) could so easily take the place here
of Luke's usual vKotov. This is the explanation
saw of Winer (ff. Test. Gram. § 47, 6, h) and of
Bottmann (Stillest. Gram. p. 137). It is known to
the writer that Prof. Sophocles of Harvard College
interprets Luke here in the same manner. H.
• CRBTES (Kpfrrti: Crttet), inhabitants of
Crete (Act* ii. 11), where probably Jews and pros-
elytes are meant (comp. 'Vuutuot —'lovituoi r« «al
rpoctiKvroi in the previou« verse); while for tht
same term we have Cretians (A. V.) in Tit. i. 14
lnplied then to native Greeks. " Cretans " would
■» a better rendering, says Trench (Auth. Vers,
f. 78, ed. 186U), in both passage*. The subsenp-
«on to the Epistle to Titus (A. V.) states that it
orib 601
was written to him as the " first bishop or c m —
of the church of the Cretians." For the charantsi
of the ancient Cretans, see Crete. H.
•CRETIANS. [Crktes.]
• CRIB. This it the rendering (A. V.) ot
D-"QH, e. g. in Is. i. 3. The word denotes (from
D3M, to fodder) toe place from which cattle and
horses were accustomed to eat their food, but throws
no light on the sort of structure provided for that
purpose. It was, no doubt (for such usages in the
East remain the same from age to age), a box or
trough " built of small stones and mortar," or boi-
lowed out of an entire block, such ss the farmers
of the country use at the present time. Dr. Thom-
son mentions an incident connected with these oos>
trivances which illustrates a Scripture pasnge. At
Tiberias, as "the droves of cattle and donkeys
came down from the green hills " at night, " I hur-
ried after them . . . and no sooner had we got
within the walls than the droves began to disperse.
Every ox knew perfectly well his owner, his house,
and the way to it, nor did he get bewildered for a
moment in the mazes of these narrow and crooked
alleys. As for the asses, they walked straight to
the door, and up to their master's crib. ... I fol-
lowed one company clear into their habitation, and
saw each take his appropriate manger, and begin his
evening meal of dry ft'&n. Isaiah (I. 3, 4) says in all
this they were wiser than their owners, who neither
knew nor considered, but forsook the Lord, and
provoked the Holy One of Israel." — Land and
Book, ii. 97.
The " mangers" of the N. T. were probably like
the " cribs " of the Old. The new Paris edition
of Stephens's Thesaurus Graca Lingua adopts
the representation in Suicer's The*. Kcclet. ii. 1490,
that Q&rn\ is " properly a hollow place in the stable
which contains the food of animals ; " tbat " it is a
part of the stable, and each of the horses has his
own eyirrn or table, as it were, before him. Here
<pdrrn and rpiw*(a (crib and table) are used in-
terchangeably." But while the writers admit
that sense in I-uke xiii. 15 (where the A. V. has
"stall") they regard the word as employed out of Us
proper signification in the passages relating to the
nativity of our Lord, and as " standing there by
metonymy for a stable in which was a crib." But
such an exception to the usual meaning is the less
necessary here, because the locality of the eytmi
may imply the stall, if for any reason that be re
quired. Undoubtedly the true conception of the
history is that the holy family, excluded from the
part of the caravanserai (KariKu/ta) allotted to
travellers, repaired to the part where the animals
were, and the birth taking place there, tlte new*
born child was laid in one of the feeding-troughs
within reach. They are not ill adapted to such •
use; for Dr. Thomson states (Land and Book, ii.
98) that "his own children have slept in thorn in
his rude summer retreats on the mountains." The
Arabic translation from the Vulgate by the Maro-
nite bishop Serkis en-Kurr (under Pope Urban
VIII.) adjusts the rendering to this view of the
word. Dr. Van Dyck says that he has no doubt
of the correctness of such a translation.* The
writer found this to be a common use of Aim)
among the modem Greeks. Bid (This. Philal
iii. 534) states very correctly the Sept. usage, and
in accordance with the foregoing view. H.
« • From a oot« nf Dr. Tan Dyck to the wxttar
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508 CRIMSON
CRIMSON [Coi-om.]
• CRISPING -PINS. The Hebrew word ao
translated in It. \d. 22, D^D^P, cknrUhn, de-
notes the reticules, often, probably, elegant and
highly oniameuted, carried by the Hebrew ladies.
In 3 K. v. 23, the only other passage in which it
3* jars, it la rendered butjs. See Bag, 1. A.
CRIST US (Kpttrxos [crisped, curled]; found
also in the TalmudUls under the forms SSD^p
and ,> QD s "lp), ruler of the Jewish synagogue at
Corinth (Acta xviii. 8); baptized with his family
by St. Paul (1 Cor. i. 14). According to tradi-
tion, be became afterwards Bishop of iEgina
(Cant. AposL rii. 46). H. A.
* His office (bpxurvviyteyoi) shows that he was
a Jew, and his foreign name that he or his ances-
tors had mingled freely with other nations. The
guarded manner in which Paul speaks in 1 Cor. i.
14, would lead us to think that he baptized Crispus
only, and not those of his family also who believed
(Acts xriii. 8). * H.
CROSS (trrmip6t, cnco'A.of )• Except the Latin
ewe there was no won) definitively and invariably
applied to this instrument of punishment The
Greek word oravpo'f is derived from lorr/pi, and
properly, like aic6\<rty , means merely a stake (Horn.
Od. xiv. 11; //. xxiv. 453). Hence Eustathius
defines erraupol to be opda xal b/res^vfjLfitya £oAa,
and Hesvch. 01 Kd.Tartwrry6Tts erxoKowes, X^P°"
Kts. The Greeks use the word to translate both
paint and crux ; e. g. aravpy wpoerSttr in Dion
Pass. (xlix. 22) is exactly equivalent to the Latin
no" pakim dtlignre. In livy even crux means a
mere stake (" in tree sustolli cruces," xxviii. 29),
Just as, (ice ttrta, the Fathers use citiKoty and
even sttpti (" de stipite pendens " ) of a cross proper.
(In consequence of this vagueness of meaning, im-
paling (Herod, ix. 76) is sometimes spoken of,
loosely, as a kind of crucifixion, and iwatrKo\ow(-
(tir U nearly equivalent to iumirrmpody; "alii per
obseoena stipitem egerunt, alii brachia patibuk) ex-
plkuerunt." Sen. Consul, ad Hare, xx.: and Fp.
xiv.). Other words occasionally applied to the
eras are patibuhm and /urea, pieces of wood in
the shape of n (or V) and A respectively (Dig. 48,
tit 13; Plant Mil. 67. U. 47 ; and in Sail fr. ap.
Non. iv. 355, " patibulo eminens affligehatur " seems
jleariy to imply crucifixion). After the abolition
of this mode of death by Constantine, Trebonianus
substituted furcA fgendoe, for crvcifigtndm, wher-
ever the word occurred. More generally the cross
U ailed arbor mfelix (Uv. i. 26; Sen. Ap. 101),
sr lignum m/rHx (He. jxr Sab. 3); and in Greek
Ifeor (Deut xxi. 22). The Fathers, in controversy,
used to quote the words 6 Kvpios iftaoihtwrtr
(•Wo rod (i\ov), from Ps. xiv. 10, or Ps. xcvi.,
it a prophecy of the cross; but these words are
" wlulterina et Christiana devotion* addita ; ' ' though
'Jenebrardus thought them a prophetic addition of
the LXX., and AgeUius conjectures that they read
ITS' for Y£ (Scbleusner's Tl,*~). The Hebrews
■ad no word for a cross more definite than V3?>
* wood " (Gen. xl. 19, Ac.), and so they called the
transverse beams 2?.?1 s ntI7, " warp and woof"
(Pearson, On Me Creed] art iv.), like (i\av tltv
•ar, LXX. Crux is the root of crucin, and is
•ftec used proverbially for what is most painful (a*
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jns, summa crux," Coluni 1.7; "q
in malo erucem," Ter. Phorm. ill. 8, 11), and at 1
nickname for villains ("Quid ait, crux?" Phut
Pern. U. 5, 17). Barer terms are fucptor (Kuseb
viii. 8), <r4*u (?), and Gabaka (Varro ap. Non. U.
378; Macrinut ap. Capitol. Macr. U). This hat
word is derived from '33, " to complete."
At the emblem of a slave's death and a murder,
er's punishment, the cross was naturally looked
upon with the profoundest horror, and closely con-
nected " with the ideas of pain, of guilt, and of
ignominy " (Gibbon, ii. 158; " Nomen ipsuni crucia
absit non modo a corpore cirium Romanorum, sed
etiam a eogitatione, oculis, auribus," Cii. pro Rob.
5). But after the celebrated vision of Constantine
(Kuseb. ViL CotuL L 27-30), he ordered bis friends
to make a antes of gold and gems, such at he had
teen, and " the towering eagles resigned the flags
unto the cross " (Pearson), and "the tree of curs-
ing and shame " "tat upon the sceptres and was
engraved and signed on the foreheads of kings"
(Jer. Taylor, Life of Ckrvt, in. xv. 1). The new
standards —
" In qulbua sfflgiw omnia aut gatnmata nfalgat,
Aut loogis aolido ex euro prasfcrtur ab hastia,"
(Prudent m Sgmm. U. 484 ft)
were called by the name Labarum, and may bt
seen engraved in Baronius
(Ann. KccL A. n. 812, No.
36), or represented on the
coins of Constantine the
Great and bis nearer suc-
cessors. The l.abarum is
described in Kuseb. ( I'. Con-
itant. i. 25), and, besides the
pendent cross, supported the
celebrated em-
broidered niou-
A ^(C *l ogram of Christ
(Gibbon, ii. 154;
"Transversa X
littern, summo capite circum-
flexo," Cecil.), which was
also inscribed on the shields
and helmets of the legions : —
"Chriatua purpunmm gem-
mantl (actus in auro
StgnabAt labarum ; eiypeo-
rum insignia Chrttua
Scrlpaatat, araebat summlf
crux addita criatia."
(Prudent (. c.)
N.y,the«^Ao,,,»rVo, <^J !Z*1?
was even more prominently ""—" «•«»■»— 1
honored ; for Jerome says, " Kegum purpurea et
ardentes diadematum gemmas patihuli Salvatoris
picture condeoorat" (A/;, ad Latam).
We may tabulate thus the various rtntmptiotu
of cross (Lips, de Cruce, L; Godwyn's Motet ass)
Aaron) : —
Crux.
t
>K «<
1 <
The Labarum.
1
1. Snpplex.
Compacts.
I
8. On last,
and!
2. Decuaaala,
Andnana, or
Pniyintlian
1. The crux simplex, or mere stake "of 1
single piece without transom," was p rob ab ly <
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jrtgmal of the rest Sometimes it mi merely itrirai
through the man's cheat, but at other timet it mi
driven longitudinally, tia fatal *ol r&roo
(Hesych. i. v. an&\jty), coming out at the mouth
(Sen. Ep. xiv. ), a method of punishment called
sVatrKivivArvo*.*, or infixin. The 'ffixtu consisted
merely of tying the criminal to the stake (ml ptlum
ietigare. Uv. xr.i. 13), from which he hung by
his arm*: the process is described in the little poem
of Ausonits, Cupulo crvcifixus. Trees were nat-
urally convenient for this purpose, ami we read of
their being applied to such use in the Martyr-
ologies. Tertullian too tells us (Apol. vili. 16) that
to punish the priests of Saturn, Tiberius " in eisdem
arborihus, obumbratricibus scelerum, votivis crucibus
explicuit" (cf. Tac. Germ, xii., " Proditores et tiuns-
fugas arboribas suspendunt " ). How far the expres-
sion " accursed tree " is applicable under this head
is examined under the word Crucifixion.
2. The crux decussata u called St. Andrew's
cross, altliough on no good grounds, since, accord-
ing to some, be was killed with the sword; and
Hippolytus says that he was crucified upright, " ad
arborem olive." It is in the shape of the Greek
letter X (Jerome, in Jer. xxxi. ; " X littera et in
figura crucem, et iu numero decern demoustrat,"
Isidor. Oriy. i. 3). Hence Just. Mart. (Dial, c.
Tryph. p. 200) quotes Plato's expression, Ixlafrr
burin/ in rtf wawrt, with reference to the enws.
The Fathers, with their usual luxuriant imagination,
discover types of this kind, of cross in Jacob's
blessing of Joseph's sons, xh "" tn)K\ayn4vats
(cf. Tot. de Bitjitumo, viii.) ; in the anointing of
priests " decussatively " (Sir T. Browne, Garden
vf Cyrus); for the rabbis say that kings were
anointed "in forma corona;, sacerdotes autem
"2 ]V53, i. e. ad formam X Gnecorum" (Schoett-
gen's llor. llebr. et Taim. iv. ad /".); and in the
crossing of the hands over the head of the goat on
the day of expiation (Targ. Jonatb. ad Lev. xvi.
21, Jar.).
3. The crux commuta, or St. Anthony's cross
(so called from being embroidered on that saint's
sope, Mrs* Jameson's Sacred Art, i. xxxv. ), was in
the shape of a T. Hence Lueian, in his amusing
\t7rti QwrnivTttv, jocosely derives o~ravp6s from
«av (iri riurov . . Kai t$ Ttx^/uari ry wornp$
ritv worvpay itrwyvplay <rvv*\6i?v), and makes
mankind accuse it bitterly for suggesting to tyrants
'he instrument of torture (Jud. Vocal. 12). This
«hape is often alluded to as " the mystical Tan "
( Garden of Cyrut ; " nostra autem T species crucis,"
Tert. adv. Marc. iii. 22; Jer. in Ezerh. ix., Ac.).
As that letter happens to stand for 300, opportunity
was given for more elaborate trifling: thus the 300
cubits of the ark are considered typical (Clem. Alex.
Stivm. vi. ; S. Paullui. Ep. ii.); and even Abraham's
318 servants ( ! ) ; since 318 is represented by tiij,
they deduced rhr piy 'Inaovy «V Toit 8v«ri ypdp-
oat/rui Kai «V iv\ rhv <rraup6v (Barnab. Ep. ix. ;
Clem. Alex. Strom, vi. ; Ambros. Prot. in I. i. de
Fide ; Pearson (art. iv.) On the Creed, in whose
notes these passages are quoted).
A variety of this cross (the crux anaata, " crones
with circles on their beads ") is found " in
the sculptures from Khorsabad and the l\
(Tories from Nimroud. M. Lajard ( (Mtsrvo- '
"ion* ear la Croix antee) refers it to the Assyrian
lymbo) of divinity, the winged figure in a circle;
Mi Egyptian antiquaries quite reject the theory "
'Layard's Ninereh. ii. 313, noto). In the Egyptian
citoss 609
sculptures, a similar object, coiled a cnix anaata, Is
constantly borne by divinities, and is various.)
called "the key of the Nile" (Dr. Young in Encya
Brihtn.), " the character of Venus," and more cor
rectly (as by Lacroze) " the emblem of life." In-
deed this was the old explanation (ippnytottiffa*
(rnuayat riurnr ypaiphy Zvt) iw*pxop4vn, Sozo-
men, ffiit. EccL vii. 15: so too kufinus (ii. 29),
who rays it was one of the " itparuai vel sacer-
dotal* litter*"). "Tie Egyptians thereby ex-
pretsrel the powers and motion of the spirit of the
world, and the diffusion thereof upon the celestial
and elemental nature " (Sir T. Browne, Gard. if
Cyrus). This too was the signification given to it
by the Christian converts in the army of Theodos.ua,
when they remarked it on the temple of Sennit,
according to the story mentioned in Suidas. The
same symbol has been also found among the Copts,
and (perhaps accidentally) among the Indians and
Persians.
4. The crttx immma (or latin sross) differed
from the former by the projection of the S6pv
ityn\oi> (or stipes) above the K 4pas tyxipatoy, ot
patioulum (Euseb. de V. Constant, i. 31). That
this was the kind of cross on which our Lord died
is obvious (among other reasons) from the mention
of the " title," as placed above our Lord's head, and
from the almost unanimous tradition ; it is repeat-
edly found on the coins and columns of Constan-
tine. Hence ancient and modern imagination has
been chiefly tasked to find symbols for this sort of
cross, and has been eminently successful. They
find it typified, for instance, in the attitude of
Moses during the battle of Kephidim (Ex. xvii. 12),
saying that he was bidden by the Spirit, tra »roi Vp
rt'twoy aravpov Kai rod plWorros xaWxeiy
(Barnab. Ep. 12; Just. Mart. Dial. c. Tryph. 89;
habitue cruris, Tert. adv. Marc. iii. 18). Finnic.
Matornus (</e Errore, xxi.) says (from the Tal-
mudists?) that Moses made a cross of his rod, " ut
facilius impetraret quod magnopere postulant,
crucem sibi fecit ex virga." He also fantastically
applies to the cross expressions in Hab. iii. 3-5; Is.
ix. 6, *c. Other supposed types are Jacob's ladder
(Jer. Com. in Ps. xci. ; " Dominus innixus seals?
Christns crucifixus ostenditur," August. Serm. de
Temp. Ixxix.); the paschal Iamb, pierced by trans-
verse spits (axvpafifyptvov iuoless T<p trxjipart
row aravpov otrrorai, Just. M. Dial, c Tryph.
40) ; and " the Hebrew Tenupha, or ceremony of
their oblations waved by the priest into the four
quarter, of the world after the form of a cross "
(Vitringa, Obt. Sacr. ii. 9; Schoettgen, /. c). A
truer type (John Iii. 14) is the elevation (iTW , |*/ , >
Chald.) of the fiery serpent (Num. xxi. », 9). For
some strange applications of texts to this figure tee
Cypr. Tetiim. ii. xx. ft". In Matt. r. 18, Una U
1) pia Ktpala is also made to represent imw (|
iart to hpSow (iiAov Kai Kspaia- to w\iyior
Theophyl. in he, Ac,). To the four tmpa of tn
cross they also applied the ftf-or anl fUBos icai
wAaros no) pJnrot ot Eph. iii. 18 (as Greg. Ny»s.
and Ang..£p. ISO); and another of their fancies
was that there was a mystical significance in this
tipv rtrpaw\tvpow (Nonn. In Joh. xix. 18), be-
cause it pointed to the four comers of the world
(" Quatuor inde plagas quadrati oolligit orbis,"
Sedul. iii. ). In all nature the sacred sign was found to
be indispensable (KaTavotVrari wdWa <V t«> tiapa
et avsv rov ox^uaros rovrov 8fo.jcf.TW, J'ist. M.
Apol i 72), especially in such things at involvs
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Hgnity, energy, or deliverance: as the action* of
digging, plowing, Ac., the human face, the anten-
na of a ship in fiiU sail, Ac. " Area quando volant
ad aethers aignum crucia aaumunt. Homo natana,
rel onus, formfi crucia viaitur " ( Jer. t'n Marc. xi. ).
** Signa ipaa et cantabra et vexifla quid aliud quam
inaurats cruces aunt?" (Min. Fel. Oct xxix.).
•Sitnilar analogiea are repeated in Firm. Matern. de
Krrorc, ad.; Tert. adv. If at. i. 12; ApoL 16; de
Coivh. Afil 3, and, in answer to the sneers of
those to whom the cross was " foolishness," were
considered sufficient proof that " signo crucia aut
ratio iiaturalia nititur aut restra religio format ur"
(Min. Fel., Ac.). The types adduced from Script-
ure were valuable to silence the difficulties of the
Jew*, to whom, in consequence of Deut. xxi. 22
(eVutarrfparot 6 oravpoiptvos), the croas was an
especial » stumbling-block " (Tert. adv. Jml. 9).
Many such fancies (e. g. the harmlessness of cruci-
fbim flowers, the southern cross, Sic.) are collected
in " Communications with the Unseen World."
Besides the four tutpa (or apices, Tert.) of the
cross, was a fifth (tempo), projecting out of the
central stem, on which the body of the sufferer
rested (iA* & broxovvrai oi aravpovptvoi, Just.
M. Tryph. 91, who {more suo) compares it to the
horn of a rhinoceros; stdilis excessus, Tert. adv.
ffat i. 12; "ubi requiescit qui clavis affigitur,"
Iran. adv. /Tares, i. 12). This was to prevent the
weight of the body from tearing away the hands,
since it was impossible that it " should rest upon
nothing but four great wounds " (Jer. Taylor, Life
of Christ, iii. xv. 2, who erroneously quotes the
t6pv TtrpAirKtvpov of Nonnus). This projection
is prohalily alluded to in the famous line* of Mss-
eenaa (ap. Sen. tip. 101): —
" Vita dum superest bene est ;
Hano mint vet acuta
Si sedtam cruce, susttne."
llublcopf {ad be.) so explains it, and it is not so
probable that it refers to aratrxirSt/Afvo-is as
Lipsius thinks {dt Cruce, i. 6). Whether there
was also a InrowiStor or support to the feet (as we
see hi pictures), is doubtful. Gregory of Tours
mentions it; but he is the earliest authority, and
has no weight (6. J. Voss. Harm. Passion, ii.
7, 98).
An inscription, tituhu or ehghtm (htypcufyli,
Luke xxiii.; atria, Matt, xxvii.; jj treypeupi) T7Jj
curias, Mark ; t(tAo», John xix. : " Qui eauaam
poenae indicavit," Suet. Cat 32 ; wlraf, Euaeb. ;
•vpappara tV ahlar rqr 9cnwraV«» oriKovrra,
Dion Cass. liv. 3 ; wrvxtor Mypnppa (x"y,
Flesych.; !u7) was generally placed above the
person's head, »'A briefly expressed his guilt, as
olris imv "AttoAoi i Xptarlavot (Eoseb. v. 1),
" Impie locutus parmularlus " (Suet. Dom. x.), and
generally was carried before the criminal ("pnece-
dente titulo," Suet.). It was covered with white
gypsum, and the letter* were black ; hence Sozomen
call* it \hixmpa {Hist Kcd. ii. 1), and Nicepborus
a Asi'irl) o-aVir (H. Ecd. viii. 29). But Nicquetus
{Tit. Sonet. Cruets, i. 6) (ays it was white with
red letters.
A common tradition assigns the perpetual shiver
rf the aspen to the fact of the cross having been
tamed of its wood. lipsius, however {dt Cruce,
'ii. 13), thinks it was of oak, which was strong
■lough, and common in Judaea. Few will attach
«ny oeosequenee to his othn reason, that the rsBo*
CltOSS
appear to be of oak. The legend to whiea h*
alludes,
" Pes crucia est eedrus, corpus tenet alta euprsasos
Palma manna retinet, titulo totatur olira,"
hardly needs refutation. It must not be overlooked
that crosses must have been of the meanest and
readiest materials, because they were used in such
marvelous numbers. Thus we are told that Alex-
ander Jaiuueus crucified 800 Jews (Joseph. Ant
xiii. 14, $ 2); and Varus 2000 {id. xvii. 10, $ 10);
and Hadrian 600 a^ay; and Titus so many that
X»pi t« <V<A<(w«TO rott trravpoit koI orewpti
roir (Tuuaaiv (Joseph. B. J. vi. 28, when lie-
land rightly notices the strange retribution, " so
that they who had. nothing but ' crucify ' in their
mouth, were therewith, paid home in their own
bodies," Sir T. Browne, Vuly. Err. v. 21). In
Sicily, Augustus crucified 600 (Oros. vi. 18).
It is a question whether tying or binding to the
cross was the more common method. In favor of
the first are the expressions ligare and detigare ;
the description in Ausonius, Cvpido Crucif. ; th*
Egyptian custom (Xen. Kphes. iv. 2); the mention
by Pliny (xxviii. 11) of spartum e cruce among
magical implements ; and the allusion to crucifixion
noted by the fathers in John xix. 24 (Theophyl.
ad he. and Tert. " Tunc Petrus ab altera tingitur
cum cruci astringitur"). On the other aide we
have the expression wpo<rnXoSo°«Vu, and numberless
authorities (Sen. dt Pit. Beata, 19 ; Artemidor.
Ontirocr., in several passages; Apul. Met iii. 60;
Plaut. Mattel, ii. 1, 13, et passim). That our
Ixird was nailed, according to prophecy, is certain
(John xx. 25, 27, Ac.; Zech. xii. 10; P*. xxii. 16:
" Foderunt manus meas et pedes, que propria
atrocitas crucia," Tert. adv. Marc. iii. 19, Ac.;
Upv^ay, I JCX. ; although the Jews vainly endeavor
to maintain that here , "'MD, > like a lion," is the
true reading, Sixt. Senensis Bibl Sand. viii. 5, p.
640). It is, however, extremely probable that both
methods were used at once: thus in Lucan (vi. 547,
fF. ) we have mention both of " nodos nocentes " and
of " insertum manibus chalybem " : and Hilary {dt
Trin. x.) mentions together " colligantum ftanium
vincula et adaetorum clavorum vulnera." We may
add that in the crucifixion (as it is sometimes
called, Tert. adv. Marc. i. 1, cf. ManiL dt Androm
v.) of Prometheus, jEschylus, besides the nails,
speaks of a pcurxaXiorr^p {Prom. 79). When •
either method was used alone, the tying was con-
sidered more painful (as we find in the Martyroto-
gies), since it was a " diutinus cruciatus."
It is doubtful whether three or four naus were
employed. The passage in Plant. Most. ii. 1, 13,
is, as lipsius {de Cruce, ii. 9) shows, indecisive.
Nonnus speaks of the two feet (6poir\oK4et) being
fastened with one nail {t(vyt yipQip), and Greg.
Naz. {Dt Christ, pat.) calls the cross a (iKoy
Tpto~n\oi>; hence on gold and silver crosses the
nails were represented by one ruby or carbuncle ti
each extremity (Mrs. Jameson, I c). In the " in-
vention " of the cross, Socrates {H. F.. i. 17) only
mentions the hand-nails; and that only two were
found is argued by Winer (s. v. Kreuagung) from
the ra piv, rk &( (instead of T oit piv) in Theodor.
H. E. i. 17. Romish writers, however, generally
follow Gregory of Tours {De Obr. Mart vi.) ii
maintaining four, which may also be implied by the
plural in Cypr. de Passumt {" clavis . . . pedes
terebrantibua"), who also mentions three more,
used to nail on the title. Cyprian is a very gemj
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0B0S8
mthority, beemuw he had often been a witness of
•xecutions. Then is a monograph on the lubject
by Corn. Curtius (de dtvis dormmdt, Antw. 1670).
VVhat has been said sufficiently disproves the
calumny against the Albigenses in the following
lery curious passage of Lucas Tudensis (U. contra
Uliig.): " Albigensis primi pinxerunt imagineni
tnicifixi uno olavo simul utrumque pedem conngente,
et virginem Mariam Honoculam (!); utrumque
in derisioneni : sed postea prior fignra retenta est,
et irrei*it in vulgarem fiunam." (Quoted by Jer.
Tuj lor, /. c.) On the supposed fate of the nails,
nee Theodor. U. E. i. 17. Constantine fastened
one as a <pu\aicrt)piov on his horse's bridle, and
one (Zonaras says tome) on the bead of the statue
which he intended to be the palladium of Constan-
tinople, and which the people used to surround with
lighted torches (Mosbeim, h'ccl. Hist. ii. 1, 3, and
notes). The dcams pedis tltxtri is shown at Treves
(Lips. ii. 9, note).
The story of the so-called "invention of the
cross," A. d. 896, is too famous to be altogether
passed over. Besides Socrates and Theodoret, it is
mentioned by Rufinus, Sozomeu, Paulinus, Sulp.
Sevenis, and Chrysostom, so that Tillemunt ( Mem.
Eee. vii.) says that nothing am be more certain ;
but, even if the story were not so intrinsically ab-
surd (for among other reasons it was a law among
the Jews that the cross was to be burnt; Othonis
Lex. Rub. s. v. Supphaa), it would require far more
probable evidence to outweigh the silence of Euse-
bius. It clearly was to the interest of the Church
of Rome to maintain the belief, and invent the story
of its miraculous multiplication, because the sale
of the relies was extremely profitable. The story
itself is too familiar to need repeating. To this
day the supposed title, or rather fragments of it,
are shown to the people once a year in the church
of Sta. Croce in Gerusalemme at Rome. On the
capture of the true cross by Chosroes II., and its
rescue by Heraclius, with even the seals of the cane
unbroken, and the subsequent sale of a large frag-
ment to Louis IX., see Gibbon, ir. 386, vi. 66.
Those sufficiently interested in the annals of ridicu-
lous imposture may see further accounts in Baronius
(Ann. Ecc A. d. 326, Nos. 42-50), Jortin, and
Schmidt (Problem, de Cruets Dominica Inven-
tion*, Hdmst. 1724); and on the fate of the true
cross, a paper read by Lord Hahon before the So-
ciety of Antiquaries, Feb. 1831 (cited by Dean
Milman).
It was not till the 6th century that the emblem
of the cross became the image of the crucifix. As
» symbol the use of it was frequent in tne early
Church (■• frontem cruets signaculo terimna," Tert
dtCor.MiLZ). It was not till the 2d century that
any particular efficacy was attached to it (Cypr.
Testm. ii. 31, 22; Lact. Inst. ir. 27,4c.; Mos-
beim, ii. 4, 6). On its subsequent worship (latria)
by the Church of Rome, see Jer. Taylor's Diss,
from Popery, i., Ii. 7, 12; and on the tne of the
sign in our Church, Hooker's Ecti. PoL v. 65.
Some suppose an allusion to the custom in Ee. ix.
4 (l*uti Synops. au toe.; Gesen. s. «. VI; signmm
(Ore. cruci/orme, Sixt Sen. ii. 120).
Resides the noble monograph of Lipsraa, de Cruet
(from which we hare largely borrowed, and whose
wealth of erudition has supplied every succeeding
writer on the subject with abundant authorities),
there are works by Sslmasius (de Once, Epp. 8);
Kippingiui (de Cruet et Jrudariis, Bretb. 1671);
OBOWK
611
Bosins (de Cruet triumphant* et ghrioti, Ant-
werp, 1617); Gretser (de Cruet Cfeisfi); and
Bartholious (Hypomnemata de Once); very much
may also be gleaned from the learned notes of
BUhop Pearson (On the Creed, art. ir.). Other
authorities are cited or alluded to in the article It-
self. [Cbocikixiok.] F. W. F.
CROWN (rnipj?). This ornament, whien
is both ancient and universal, probably originated
from the fillets used to prevent the hair from being
dishevelled by the wind. Such fillets are still com-
mon, and they may be seen on the sculptures of
Pereepolis, Nineveh, and Egypt; they gradually
developed into turbans (Joseph. Ant iii. 7, § 7/,
which by the addition of ornamental or precioai
materials assumed the dignity of mitres or crowns.
The use of them as ornaments probably was sug-
gested by the natural custom of encircling the head
with flowers in token of joy and triumph. (" Let
us crown ourselves with rosebuds," Wisd. ii. 8; 8
Mace. vii. 16; Jud. xv. 18, and the classical writ-
ers, passim) Winer, s. r. Krante). The first
crown was said to have been woven for Pandora by
the Graces (comp. <rri<paroi xaplrar, Prov. iv. t
= e~rJ<p<wos rmr mvuaTUt&r xaputyidrw, Lex.
Cyr.). According to Pherecydes, Saturn was the
first to wear a crown ; Diodorus says that Jupiter
was first crowned by the gods after the conquest of
the Titans. Pliny, Harpocration, Ac., ascribe its
earliest use to Bacchus, who gave to Ariadne s
crown of gold and Indian genu, and assumed the
laurel after his conquest of India. Leo iEgyptius
attributes the invention to bus, whose wreath was
cereal. These and other legends are collected by
Tertullian from the elaborate treatise on crowns by
Claud. Satumius (" prastantissimus in hie materia
oommentator " ). Another tradition says that Nim-
rod was the first to wear a crown, the shape of which
was suggested to him by a cloud (Eutychius Alex-
andr. Arm. i. 63). Tertullian in his tract De Cor.
MUilis (c. 7 ff.) argues against them as unnatural
and idolatrous. He is, however, singularly unsuc-
cessful in trying to disprove the countenance given
to them in Scripture, where they are constantly
mentioned. He says " Quia . . . epiacopus invert
itur coronatus ? " (e. 9). But both the ordinary
priests and the high-priest wore them. The com-
mon mitre (n^^JD, gtSapis, Ex. xxviii. 40, xxU.
9, Ac., Toivfa, Joseph, aroityiov 6 el Upsis <po-
povai, Hesych.) was a rtXor axanos, forming a
sort of linen tamia or crown (orsyirn), Joseph.
Ant iil. 7. The PftXrV (fiuaairn ridea) of the
high-priest (used also of a regal crown, Ex. xxi. 20)
was much more splendid (Ex. xxviii. 39; lev. viiJ.
9 ; "an ornament of honor, a costly work the de
sire of the eyes," Ecclus. xlv. 12; "the holy awwn,"
Lev. viii. 9, so called from the Tetragrammaton Ir
scribed on it; Sopranes, de Re Vest. Jud, p. 441
It had a second fillot of blue lace («"{ fcw(W»o.>
wnraiKiKp.irot, the color being chosen as a type oi
heaven) md over it a golden diadem CTJ3, Ex
xxix. 6 ), " on which blossomed a golden calyx like
the flower of the botnctcuios " (Joseph. Ant. iii. 6).
The gold band (\P?, LXX. w#VoAo», Orig. JAoo-
ffiotor. Das SHmblatt, Luther) was tied behind
with blue lace (embroidered with flowers), and be
ing two Slums broad, bore the inscription (not ir.
bas-relief as Abarbanel says) <> Holiness to tin
i-ord." (Comp. Rev. xvli. 6; Braunius, de Vest
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(HA OBOvfW
Baeerd. 0. 83; Malmon. o% Apparatu Temph, ix.
1; Roland, Aiitiq. ii. 10; Carprov. Appar. Crh. p.
86; Joseph. JB. •/.».»,$ 7; PhUo, de VU. Mont,
iii. 619.) Some suppose tint Jowpbua it describ-
ing a later crown given by Alexander the Great to
Jaddua. (Jennings's Je». .dnt p. 168.) The uw
of the crown by priests and in religions service*
was universal, and perhaps the badge belonged at
downs worn by Assyrian kings. (Tram Nimrood and
Kouyixnjlk.)
first '• rather to the pontificalia than the rtgntin."
Thus Q. r'abius Pictor says that the first crown
was used by Janus when tacr\ficing. " A striped
bead-dress and queno," or "a short wig, on which
a band was cwtened, ornamented with an asp, the
symbol of royalty," was used by the kings of Egypt
in religious ceremonies (Wilkinson's Anc, r.i/y/it.
iii. 354, Jig. 13). The crown worn by the kings
of Assyria was "a high mitre . . . frequently
adorned with flowers, Ac., and arranged in bands
of linen or silk. Originally there was only one
band, but afterwards there were two, and the orna-
ments were richer '* (Layard, ii. 320, and the illus-
trations in Jahu, Arch. Germ. ed. pt- i. vol. ii. tab.
ix. 4 and 8).
There are several words in Scripture for a crown
besides those mentioned; as "W§, the head-dress
of bridegrooms, Is. lxi. 10, uiroa, LXX. ; Bar. v.
2; Ez. xxiv. 17 (rp(x«/««), and of women, Is.
iii. 20 UpwkoKtor?); "T"??. » head-dress of
great splendor (Is. xxviii. 5) ; H ^]?> a wreath of
flowers (irrtQayos), Prov. i. 9, iv. 9 : such wreaths
were used on festal occasions (Is. xxviii. 1 ). H'??)
> common tiara or turban, Job xxix. 14; Is. iii.
21 (but LXX. SiwXott, Bipiarpov). The words
TW, "1^5, aud l03"}3, are spoken of under
Diadem. The general word is ""PjlSJJ. and we
must attach to it the notion of a costly turban irra-
diated with pearls and gems of priceless value,
which often form aigrettes for feathers, as in the
rrowns o( modern Asiatic sovereigns. Such was
probably the crown, which with its precious stones
weighed (oi rather "was worth ") a talent, taken
y David from the king of Amnion at Kabbah, and
ised as the state crown of Judah (2 Sam. xii. 30).
Some groundlessly suppose that being too heavy to
wear, it was tunpended over his head. The royal
Brown waa sometimes buried with the king (Schick-
snd, Jus Reg. vi. 19, 421). Idolatrous nations also
" made crowns for the head of their gods " (Ep.
ler. 9) [or Bar. vi. 9].
The Jews boast that three crowns were given to
«jami mm nrO. the crown of the Law ; "lfO
CROWS OF THORNS
i"T31 ". the crown of priesthood; and 1T)3 /53.
the royal crown, better than all, which ia "VI ~
31t5 DC, the crown of a good name (Carprov
ApparaL Critic p. 60; Othonia Lex. Tabu. a. r
Corona).
iriQam is used in the N. T. for every kind of
crown; but in i mux only once (Acts xiv. 13) tot
the garlands used with victims. In the Byzantine
Court the latter word was confined to the imperial
crown (Du Frame, Glim. Grac p. 1442). The
use of funeral crowns is not mentioned in the
Bible.
In Rev. xii. 3, xix. 12, allusion is made to
•'many crowns" worn in token of extended do-
minion. Thus the kings of Egypt used to b*
crowned with the " pshent " or united crowns of
Upper and Lower Egypt (Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt.
iii. 361 ff.; comp. Layard, u. 320); and Ptolemy
Phiionietor wore two diadems, one for Europe and
one for Asia. Similarly the three crowns of the
Papal tiara mark various accessions of power: the
first corona was added t« the mitra by Alexander
III., in 1159; the scorn*! by Boniface VIII., in
1303; and the third by Urluui V., in 1362.
The laurel, pine, or parsley crowns given to vic-
tors in the great games of (ireece are finely alluded
to by St. Paul (1 Cor. ix. 25; 2 Tim. ii. 5, Ac.)."
They are said to have originated in the laurel-
wreath assumed by Apollo on conquering the Py-
thon (Tert. de Cor. Mil. cc. 7, 15). " Crown " is
often used figuratively in the Bible (l*rov. xii. 4,
xvii. 6; Is. xxviii. 5; Phil. iv. 1, Ac.). The term
is also applied to the rims of altars, tables, Ac.
(Ex. xxv. 25, Ac : Deut. xxii. 8, lroiioe is aretpa-
rnv t? Sd/Mrt iron. "Projectuia coronarum,"
Vitr. ii. 8: " Angusti muri corona," Q. Curt. ix. 4,
30). The ancients as well as the moderns had a
coin called •' a crown " ( T 4» trrtfavov or otpttAtrt,
1 Mace. xiii. 39, x. 29, A. V. "crowu-tax," r.
Suid. *. r. o-t«P<xihkov reKto-iui). [Diadkm.]
The chief writers on crowns are (iaschalius {fit
Cmvn'u libri x.) and Meursius (die Cvrond, Iiafnia>.
1671). For others, see Kabricius, Bibl Ant. xiv.
13. F. W. F.
CROWN OF THORNS (ot^wfoj ii mo.
$&r, Matt, xxvii. 2!)). Our Lord was crowned
with thorns in mockery by the Roman soldiers.
The object seems to have been insult, and not the
infliction of pain, as has generally been supposed.
The Rhamnus or Spina Cbristi, although abundant
in the neighborhood of Jerusalem, cannot be the
plant intended, because its thorns are so strong and
large that it could not have been woven \w\4-
{arrf t) into a wreath. The large-leaved acanthus
(bear's-foot) is totally unsuited for the purpose.
Had the acacia been intended, as some suppose, the
phrase would have been l( ojcAvQtis. Obviously
some small flexile thorny shrub is meant; perhan*
capparet t/rinoea (Reland's Patastina, ii. 523).
Hasselquist ( Travel*, p. 260) says that the thorn
used was the Arabian Nabk. " It was very surv
able for their purpose, as it has many sharp thorns
which inflict painful wounds; and its flexible
pliant, and round branches might easily be plaited
in the form of a crown." It also resembles the
rich dark green of the triumphal ivy-wreath, whlcr
would give additional pungency to its ironical par
" • On Paul's nse of me«sphor» asrtvwl frost thai
socr*. set Duos (Aon. ed.). H.
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CRUCIFIXION
pa (Eosenmuller, Botany of Scri,*. p. 203, Eng.
ad.). On the Empress Helena's supposed discov-
ery of the crown of thorns, and its subsequent fate,
see Gibbon, ii. 306, vi 66, ed Million.
F. W. F.
CRUCIFIXION (trrcuipovy, iwcurraupovv,
o~KO\ml(*a>, wpotrnKcuf (and. less properly, aytc
9KtrSv\tuttr) ■• cruet or patibulo ajigere, tujigere,
or simply figere (Tert. dt Pat iii.), cruciare
(Auson.), ad pahim alHgare, crucem aticui stat-
uere, in crucem agere, totlere, Ac. : the sufferer was
called crucinriut). The variety of the phrases
shows the extreme commonness of the punishment,
the invention of which is traditionally ascribed to
8emir.unis. It was in use among the Egyptians
(is in the case of Inarus, Thuc. i. 30; Gen. xl.
19), the Carthaginians (as in the case of ilaiuio,
Ac., Val. Max. ii. 7; Sil. Ital. ii. 344), the Per-
sians (Polycrates, Ac., Herod, iii. 125, iv. 43; Esth.
vii. 10, (rrauptMrru «V airri, IJCX. v. 14), the
Assyrians (L)iod. Sic. ii. 1), Scythians (id. ii. 44),
Indians (ii ii. 18), (Winer, s. v. Kreungung,)
Germans (possibly, Tac. Germ. 12), and very fre-
quent from the earliest times (rate ttupendito, I iv.
i. 26) among the Greeks and Romans. Cicero,
however, refers it, not (as Livy) to the early kings,
but to Tarquinius Superbus (/no Jinb. 4) ; Aurel.
Victor Cklls it " Vetus veterrimumque (an teterr. ?)
pstibulorum supplicium." Both Kpt/ii* and lut-
ptndere (Ov. Ibis, 299) refer to death by crucifix-
ion; thus in speaking of Alexander's crucifixion of
2000 Tynans, artitpiiuurtv in Diod. Sic. answers
to the crucibut ajfixut, Q. Curt. iv. 4.
Whether this mode of execution was known to
the ancient Jews is a matter of dispute, on which
Winer quotes a monograph by Bormitius. It is as-
serted to have been so by Baroniua (Annul, i. xxxiv.),
Sigonius (dt Hep. Bebr. vi. 8), Ac., who are re-
futed by Casaubon (c. Baron. Exerc. xvi. ; Carp-
a»v. Apparat CrU. p. 591). The Hebrew words
•aid to allude to it are f^W (sometimes with the
addition of f JH vj; hence the Jews in polemics
~»U our Lord ""VJn, and Christians ^Vl *~QW,
■' worshippers of the crucified ") and 5JTJ, both of
which in A. V. are generally rendered " to bang "
(2 Sam. xviii. 10; Deut xxi. 22; Num. xxr. 4;
Job xxvi. 7); for which o~ravf>4a occurs in the
I.XX (Esth. vii. 10), and crucifixerunt in the
Vulg. (2 Sam. xxi. 6, 9). The Jewish account of
the matter (in Maimonides and the Kabbis) is, that
the exposure of the body tied to a stake by its
hands (which might loosely be called crucifixion),
took place afttr death (IJghtfoot, Hot: Htbr. in
Matt, xxvii. 31 ; Othonis Lex. Hob. s. v. Suppliriu ;
Belaud, Anl. ii. 6; Sir T. Browne, Vulg. l-.rrort, v.
21 ). E»en the placing of a head on a single up-
right pole has been called crucifixion. This cus-
tom of crucifixion after death (which seems to be
Implied in Deut xxi. 22, 23), was by no means
rare; men were frit killed in mercy (Suet. Cos.;
Herod. Iii. 125; Hut. Ckom. 38). According to
a strange story in Pliny (xxxvi 15, § 24), it was
adopted by Tarquin, as a post mortem diagram, to
prevent the prevalence of suicide. It seems on the
whole that the Rabbis are correct iu asserting that
Oat exposure is intended in Scripture, since the
Mosaic capital punishments were foul (namely, th.
sword, Ex. xxi., strangling, fire, l<ev. xx- and ston
'ng, Deut. xxi.). Philo indeed says (de L*g. tpec.;
3a
CRUCIFIXION
618
that Moses adopted crucifixion as a murderer's pun-
ishment, because it was the wont he could discover;
but the passage in Deut (xxi. 23) does not prove
his sssertion. Probably therefore the Jews i or-
rowed it from the Romans (Joseph. Anl. xx. 6, % 2;
de Bell Jud. ii. 12, § 6; Vu. 75, Ac.), although
there may hare been a few isolated instances of it
before (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 14, J 2).
It was unanimously considered the most horrible
form of death, worse even than burning, since the
" cross " precedes '• burning " in the law-books
(Lips, de Cruet, ii. 1). Hence it is called " crude-
lissimum teterrimumque supplicium " (Cic. Verr. v.
66), "extrema poena" (Apul. de An. Ann. x.),
" sununum supplicium " (Paul. Sent. v. lit. xxi.,
Ac. ) ; and to a Jew it would acquire factitious horror
from the curse in Deut xxi. 23. Among the Ro-
mans also the degradation was a part of the inflic-
tion, since it was especially a tetxilt supplicium
(Tac H. iv. 11 ; Juv. vi. 218; llor. Sat. i. 3, 8. Ac;
Plaut passim), so that even a freedman ceased to
dread it (Cic. pro Rob. 5); or if applied to freemen,
oidy in the case of the vilest criminals, thieves,
Ac (Joseph. Ant. xvii. 10, § 10; B. J. v. 11, $ 1;
Paul. Sent. r. tit xxiii.; I.amprid. Alex. Set. 23).
Indeed exemption from it was the privilege of every
Roman citizen by the jus cicitatis (Cic. I 'err. ii
1, 3). Our Lord was condemned to it by the pop-
ular cry of the Jews (Matt xxvii. 23, as often hap-
pened to the early Christians) on the charge of se-
dition against Caesar (Luke xxiii. 2), although the
Sanhedrim had previously condemned him on the
totally distinct charge of blasphemy. Hundreds
of Jews were crucified on this charge, as by Floras
(Joseph. Bell. Jud. ii. 14, § 9) and Varus, who
crucified 2000 at once (Ant. xvii. 10, § 10).
We now purpose briefly to sketch the steps of
the punishment, omitting only such parts of it M
have been already detailed under Ckuss.
The scarlet robe, crown of thorns, and other in-
sults to which our Lord was subjected were illegal,
and arose from the spontaneous petulance of th*
brutal soldiery. But the punishment properly com-
menced with scourging, after the criminal had been
stripped; hence in the common form of sentence
we find " summove, lictor, drtpolia, verbera," Ac
(Liv. i. 26). For this there are a host of authori-
ties, I jv. xxvi. 13 ; Q. Curt. vii. 11 ; Luc. de Fiscal.
2; Jer. Onnment. ad Matt, xxvii. 26, Ac It was
inflicted not with the comparatively mild virga, but
the more terrible ftagelkm (Hor. Sat. i. 3; 2 Cor.
xi. 24, 25), which was not used by the Jews (Deut
xxv. 3). Into these scourges the soldiers often
stuck nails, pieces of bone, Ac., to heighten the pain
(the udoTtl jurrpayaXcrHi mentioned by Athen-
ajus, Ac. ; " flagrum pecuinis ossibus catenatum,"
Apul.), which was often so intense that the suflerer
died under it (Ulp. de Pamit, 1. viii. ). The scourg-
ing generally took place at a column, and the one
to which our Lord was bound was seen by Jerome,
Prudentius, Gregory of Tours, Ac, and is still
shown at several churches among the relics. In
our Lord's case, however, this infliction seems
neither to have been the legal scourging after the
sentence (Val. Max. I. 7; Joseph. B. J. r. 28, ii
14, J 9), nor yet the examination by torture (Acts
xxii. 24 ), but rather a scourging before the sentence,
to excite pity and procure immunity from further
punishment (Luke xxiii. 22; John xix. 1); and if
this view be correct, the tppayt\\<i<ras in Matt
xxvii. 26 is retrospective, as so great an anguish
could hardly hav» hero endured twice (see Poli
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614 CRUCIFIXION
Bgnopsis, ad fee.). Haw tevere it wu is indicated
la prophesy (Pa, xxxv. 15, Is.1. 6). Vossius con-
siders that it was parti; legal, parti; tentative
{Harm. Past, v. 13).
The criminal carried his own arose, or at an;
rate a part of it (Plat. de its qui tero, Ac 9 ; Ar-
temid. Oneirocr. ii. 61 ; John xix. 17; " Patibulum
teat per urbem, deindo affigatur cruet," Plant. Car-
ionar.). Hence the term Furcifer, = croeabearcr.
llus was prefigured b; Isaac carrying the wood In
Gen. xzii. 6, where even the Jews notice the paral-
lel; and to this the fathers fantastically applied the
expression in Is. ix. 6, " the government shall be
upon his shoulder." The; were sometimes scourged
and goaded on the wa; (Plant. Moult I. i. 1, 52).
" In some old figures we see our Lord described
with a table appendent to the fringe of his gar-
ment, set full of nails and pointed iron " (Jer.
Taylor, life of Christ, mil. xv. 2. " Herebas ligno
quod tuleras," Cypr. de Pas. p. 50). [Simon of
Cykksk.]
The place of execution was outside the city
(" post urbem," Cic Kerr. v. 66; " extra portam,"
Plaut Mil GL ii. 4, 6; 1 K. xxi. 13; Acts vii.
58; Heb. xiii. 12; and in camps "extra vallum "),
eften in some public road (Quinct. Orel. 275) or
other conspicuous place like the Campus Martius
(Ob pro Rabirio), or some spot set apart for the
purpose (Tac. Ann. xv.). This might sometimes
be a hill (Val. Max. vi.); it is however mere); tra-
djti.m to call Golgotha a hill ; in the Evangelists it
is called rowor [Calvary]. Arrived at the place
of execution, the sufferer was stripped naked (Ar-
temid. Oneirocr. ii. 58), the dress being the per-
quisite of the soldiers (Matt xxvii. 35 ; Dig. xlviii.
SO, 6 ) ; possibly not even a cloth round the loins
was allowed him ; at least among the Jews the rule
was " that a man should be stoned naked," where
what follows shows that " naked " must not be taken
in it* restricted sense. The cross was then driven
into the ground, so that the feet of the condemned
were a foot or two above the earth (in pictures of
the crucifixion the cross is generally much too large
and high), and he was lifted upon it ("agere," " ex-
eurrare," " toUere," " ascendere in crucem ; " Pru-
dent, weal oretp; Plaut. MosteL "Cmcisalus;" Id.
Bficch. u. 3. 128; hfrjyoy, %yor, Ifyoy tis &Kpov
Wxot, Greg. Nas.), or else stretched upon it on the
ground, and then lifted with it, to which there seems
to be an allusion in a lost prophecy quoted by Barna-
bas ( Ep. 12), fa-ay (i\or it\i0rj mil cwturrS (Pear-
em on Creed, Art. iv.). The former method was
the commoner, for we often read (as in Esth. vii.
10, Ac.) of the cross being erected beforehand tn
terrorem. Before the nailing or binding took place
(for which see Cross), a medicated cup was given
out of kindness to confuse the senses and deaden
the pangs of the sufferer (Prov. xxxi. 6), usually
of olvot iffuupfiterpJvos or AeAtJSarw/itVof, as
among the Jews (lightfoot, Hor. fftbr. ad Matt.
xxvii.), because myrrh was soporific. Our Lord re-
fused it that his senses might be clear (Matt, xxvii.
34; Mark xv. 23. Maimon. Sanhed. xiii.). St.
Matt, calls it o^os/urii x° k V* (V£l"l)> *" expreg-
sfon used in reference to Ps. lxix. 21, but not strict!;
accurate. This mercifully intended draught must
■ot be confounded with the spongeful of vinegar
• The malefactors («n«ovpyo<) crucified with the
or am not " tblcrea" («Mtm ) as in the A. V.,
CRUCIFIXION
(or puscn, the common drink of lion, an i
Spart. ffioV.; Plaut MO. GL iii. 2, 28), whiok
was put on a hyssop-stalk and offered to our Lord
in mocking and contemptuous pit; (Matt xxvii
48; Luke xxiii. 36); this He tasted to alia; the
agonies of thirst (John xix. 29).
Our Ixird was crucified between two " thieves " °
or "malefactors" (then so common in Palestine,
Joseph. B. J. ii. 6, Ac. ), according to prophecy (Is.
liii. 12); and was watched according to custom by
a part; of four soldiers (John xix. 23) with their
centurion (Kovaraoia, Matt, xxvii. 66; "miles qui
cruces agsurabat," Petr. SuL iii. 6; Plut Fit Clean,
c. 38), whose express office was to prevent the sur-
n-ption of the bod;. This was necessary from the
lingering character of the death, which sometimes
did not supervene even for three days, and was at
last the result of gradual benumbing and starva-
tion (Euseb. viii. 8; Sen. Prov. 8). But for this
guard, the persons might have been taken down
and recovered, as was actually done in the case of
a friend of Josephus, though only one survived out
of three to which the same Oiparfta briptKeor&Tn
was applied ( VU. c. 76). Among the Convulaion-
naires in the reign of Ixmis XV. women would be
repeatedly crucified, and even remain on the cross
three hours ; we are told of one who underwent it
23 times (Ancycl Metr. s. v. Cross); the pain con-
sisted almost entirely in the nailing, and not
more than a basinful of blood was lost Still we
cannot believe from the Martyrologies that Victor-
inus (crucified head downwards) lived three days,
or Timotheus and Maura nine days. Fracture of
the legs (Plaut Pan. iv. 2, 64) was especially
adopted b; the Jews to hasten death (John xix.
31), and it was a mitigation of the punishment, as
observed by Origen. But the unusual rapidity of
our Lord's death was due to the depth of his previ-
ous agonies (which appears from his inability to
bear his own cross far) and to his mental «n giii«ti
(Schoettgen, liar. Hebr. vi. 3; De Pass. Messia),
or may be sufficiently accounted for simply from
peculiarities of constitution. There is no need to
explain the " giving up the ghost " as a miracle
(Heb. v. 7 ?), or say with Cyprian, " Prevento ear-
nificis officio, spiritum sponte dimisit" (aoV. De-
meir.). Still less can the common cavil of infidel-
ity be thought noteworthy, since had our Lord
been in a swoon the piercing of his pericardium
(proved b; the appearance of lymph and blood)
would have insured death. (See Eschenbaeh,
Opusc. Med. de Servatore wm apparenter sed
tere mortuo, and Gruner de Morte ChrisH turn
synoptici, quoted by Jabn in the Arch. BiM.)
Pilate expressly satisfied himself of the actual
death by questioning the centurion (Mark xv. 44);
and the omission of the breaking of the legs in this
case was the fulfillment of a type (Ex. xii. 46).
Other modes of hastening death were by lightiiuj
fires under the cross (hence the nicknames Sur
mentitH and Scmaxii, Tert. Apoloo. c. 50), or let
ting loose wild beasts on the crucified (Suet. A'i r.
49).
Generally the body was suffired to rot <« the
cross (de. Tusc. Q. I. 43; Sil. ltd. vlli. 466), bv
the action of sun and rain (Herod, iii. 12), or to bit
devoured by birds and beasts (Apul. de Aw. Asm.
c. 6; Hor. Ep. i. 16, 48; Jur. xlv. 77). Sepattan
but " robbers " (Ajjoreu). The Greek makes a c
(km between the terms (John x. S). See Tram.
B.
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ORtrciinxioN
Dy therefore forbidden, though it eight
M granted as a special favor or on grand occasions
(Dip. L iz. De off'. P.iscvns.). Bat in consequence
jf Dent, zxi. 22, 23, an express national exception
was made ir. favor of the Jews (Matt, xxvii. 58 ; cf.
Joseph. R. J. iv. 6, § 2).
Having thus traced the whole process of cruci-
fixion, it only remains to speak of the manner of
death, and die kind of physical suffering endured,
which we shall very briefly abridge from the treatise
of the physician Kicbter (in Jain's Arch. Bibl.).
These are, 1. The unnatural position and violent
tension of the body, which cause a painful sensation
from the least motion. 2. The nails being driven
through parts of the hands and feet which are full
cf nerves and tenluns (and yet at a distance from
Uu heart) crente the most exquisite anguish. 3.
The exposure of so many wounds and lacerations
brings on inflammation, which tends to become
gangrene, ar»l every moment increases the poignancy
of Buffering 4. In the distended parts of the body
more Mood flows through the arteries than can be
carried back into the veins : hence too much blood
finds its way from the aorta into the head and
stomach, and the blood-vessels of the head become
pressed and swollen. The general obstruction of
circulation which ensues causes an internal excite-
ment, exertion, and anxiety, more intolerable than
death itself. 5. The inexpressible misery of gr.id-
uaiiy increasing and lingering anguish. To all
which we may add, 6. Burning and raging thirst.
This accursed and awful mode of punishment
was happily abolished by Constantine (Socom. i. 8),
probably towards the end of his reign (see Lips.
de Cruee, iii. 15), although it is curious that we
have no more definite account of the matter. " An
edict to honorable to Christianity," says Uibbou,
" d e s erved a place in the Theodosian code, instead
of the Indirect mention of it which seems to result
from the comparison of the 5th and 18th titles of
the 9th book" (ii. 164, note)
An explanation of the other circumstances attend-
ing the crucifixion belongs rather to a commentary
than a dictionary. On the types and prophecies
of it, besides those adduced, see Cypr. TesHm. ii.
20. On the resurrection of the saints, see Light-
foot ad Matt, xxvii. 52 (there is a monograph by
Uebaverius — Dissert de Resnr. sanctorum cum
Christo). On other concomitant prodigies, see
Schoettgen, Hor. Htbr. el Talmud, vi. 3, 8. [Dark-
ness; Cross.] The chief authorities are quoted
in the article, and the ancient ones are derived in
part from Lipsius ; of whose most interesting treatise,
De Cruee, an enlarged and revised edition, with
notes, would be very acceptable. On the points
In which our Lord's crucifixion differed from the
ordinary Jewish customs, see Othonis Lex. liab-
iiniewn, s. v. Suppticin; Byneus de if arte J.
Ckristi; Vossius, Htm. Pomona; Carpzov, Ap-
atrat. CriL p. 591 ff. 4c. [See also Friedlieb,
ArcMologie der Leidensgetchtehtt, Bonn, 1843;
Stroud, Physical cause of (he Death of Christ,
tond. 1847; and for very full references to the
f terature of every part of the subject, Hase, Leten
letu, t* Aufl. Leipz. 1865. —A.] F. W. F.
* The question, whether the/eel of Jesus were
.sifted to the cross, his a bearing on the reali.y of
tls death and resurrection; for, if they were, it
■annot reasonably be supposed that, having been
lettered, without a miracle, from a maHy a-went
death, he was able to walk the same day many
I through a billy country. The wounds of his
CRUCIFIXION
616
feet would have surely prevented the Journey Is
Einmaus. Influenced, it appears, by this consid-
eration, L>. Paolus published an Essay in 1792,
asserting that the feet of persons crucified were not
nailed to the cross, but rather bound to it by cords.
Forty yean later, in reply to arguments against
this view, he attempted to show that the feet were
not even bound to the cross, but suffered to hang
down freely. The point in question is one of con-
siderable interest and a brief survey of the evidence
which relates to it is therefore inserted. (1.) The
narrative of Luke (see xxiv. 39), seems to imply
that the feet, as well as the hands, of Jesus were
nailed to the cross. For, according to this narra-
tive, when the two disciples whom Christ had
joined on their way to Emmaus had returned to
Jerusalem and were reporting to the eleven what
they had seen and heard, Jesus himself stood in
the midst of the astonished group, saying: " Peace
be unto you " ; and then, for the double purpose
of enabling them to identify fully his person, and
ascertain that his body was real, he added: "See
my hands and my feet, that it is I myself: handle
me and see; for a spirit hath not flesh and bones,
as ye tee me have." Had it been the sole aim of
Christ to convince his disciples that they were not
gazing at a mere apparition, the words, " handle
me and see; for a spirit hath not flesh and bones,
as ye see me have," would have been quite suffi-
cient; for the act of grasping his hand would have
afforded evidence of bis possessing a genuine body,
as complete ss could hare been gained by touching
liia feet also. But if he wished to convince them
that they were looking once more upon their Lord,
who had risen with bis own body from the dead,
it was natural for him to call their attention to
those parte of his body which would enable them
most surely to identify it, that is, to those which
bore the marks of his recent crucifixion. Hence
the fact that he showed them his hands and his
feet affords evidence that the marks of his peculiar
death were visible in them both. (See Meyer,
Bleek, Alford, in toe.) Moreover, the narrative of
John (see xx. 19 ff), which probably describes the
same meeting of Jesus with his disciples, confirm*
the interpretation now given to the words preserved
by Luke. For, John declares that Christ " showed
unto them both (aW, repeated, Tisch.) bis hands
and his side " ; evidently, as appears from the whole
tenor of the account, that they might identify
him beyond a doubt by the known marks of violence
on his body, and thus assure themselves of his
actual resurrection. That John does not mention
the feet of Christ, is surely no evidence that they
were not shown for the same purpose as his hands
and bis aide. (2.) Justin Martyr twice refers to
the nailing of Christ's feet as a fulfillment of the
prophecy in Ps. xxii. 17. (See ApoL i. c 35 ; Dial
c. Trgph. c 97.) In the former passage he says:
" But the sentence, ' they pierced my hands and
my feet,' was on account of the nails fixed in his
hands and feet on the cross"; and In the latter:
" In the twenty-second Psalm David did thus
typically speak of his cross and passion: 'They
pierced my hands and my feet.' For when they
crucified him they pierced his hands and his feet
by driving nails into them." Justin distinctly
affirms that the feet as well as the hands of Christ
were nailed to the cross, and that by this set »
predlcttuu of the O. T. respecting him was fulfilled.
But he does not intimate that his jrueiftzion dif-
fered in any respect from the same punishment
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CRUCIFIXION
u it ra usually inflicted upon criminals. Had he
recognized the nailing of his feet as a peculiarity,
he would have been likely to call attention to it
as aggravating his suffering. He may have been
misled by the Septuagint version as to the meaning
of the Terse quoted from the 23d Psalm, but be
wnuM hardly have ventured to appeal, without
explanation, to its fulfillment in the manner of
Christ's death, had it not been customary in his
own day to nail the feet of persons crucified to the
cross. That he was acquainted with the process
of crucifixion by the Romans may be inferred from
his minute description of a cross (Dial, c. Tryph.
c. 91), and from his general intelligence. (3.) Ter-
tullian, who also lived before this kind of punish-
ment was prohibited, speaks of the nailing of the
feet in crucifixion. (See Adv. Marc. iii. 19). He
refers to the twenty-second Psalm as *' containing
the whole passion of Christ," and quotes the 17th
verse: "Foderunt manus meas et pedes," adding
the words, " quie propria atrocia cruris." These
words show that Tertuliian regarded nailing the
hands and feet as a characteristic and most dread-
ful feature of death by the crow. And it is not
easy to believe that such writers as Justin Martyr
and Tertuliian were unacquainted with this method
of punishment, so frequent in their times, or that
they were likely, in refuting adversaries, to bring
forward a passage from the 0. T. as prophetic of
Christ's death, the words of which were but half
fulfilled in an ordinary crucifixion. (Compare
Winer, Realm, i. 679.) (4.) A passage in Plauttis
(MositUaria, ii. 1) appears to favor the new that
the feet were nailed to toe cross. It is the language
of a slave on the approach of bis master, against
whom be had committed many offenses during his
absence. He cries out in fear of the punishment
which might be inflicted on himself: —
" Ego dabo el talentum, primus qui in crneem excu-
currerit;
Sed ea lege, ut afflgantur bis pedes, bis brachia.''
The unusual severity of punishment is here expressed
by the word his ; the structure of the sentence does
not point to the nailing of the feet as peculiar. (5. )
Reference is made hy several writers of the fifth
century to certain nails which the Empress Helena
found with the true cross and sent to Constantine
her son. (Socrates, //. A.', i. 17 ; Theodoret, H. E.
i. 18; Sozomen, //. A', ii. 1; Kufinus, H. E. ii. 8;
Ambrose, Oratio de Mln Thtodat. 47.) But the
statements of these writers are apparently contra-
dictory, and certainly of little value. (6.) The fol-
lowing classical writers have also been referred to
on the point in question. Xenophon Ephesius (iv.
2) asserts that in Egypt the hands and feet were
■imply bound to the cross, but this only proves
that the Egyptian method of crucifixion differed
from the Roman. Lucan (Phar. vi. 643 ff.) men-
tions the nailing of the hands and the use of cords,
but be does not aim to give a full account of cruci-
fixion, and the cords may have been used In bind
the body more firmly to the cross. (See Winer,
Realm, i. 678.) In the mock crucifixion of Amor,
described by Ausonins (IdyL viii. 56 ft*.), the
nropria atrocia crucis would have been out of
Dbce, and no one can be surprised that the victim's
bands and fcrl are represented as merely bound to
the tree. And though the dialogue of Uician
(Prometh. i. 2) speaks only of nailing the hands,
tt describes no proper crucifixion, and hence gives
as Tnsrwnrthy evidence in respect to the usual
CRUSE
method. The nailing of the feet of .Jeans to to*
cross may therefore be said to rest on satisfactory
evidence; but whether a single nail was drives
through both feet, or they were fastened separate)}
to the cross, cannot be ascertained with any degree
of certainty. Literature: Paulus, in Memarab. iv
36 ff.; Comment, iii. 764 ff; ExegeU Uandb. iii
ii. 669 ff ; Hug, in the /Veto. Zeitschrift, iii. 167
ff v. 18 ff vii. 141 ff ; Bahr, in Hiiflel und Hey-
denreich's ZaUchr\ft, ii. ii., and in Tboluck's Lilrr.
Anzeig. 1835, Nos. 1-6 ; Winer, de Pedum AJUnone,
Lips. 1845, and Reahc. art. Kremigtmg; Meyer,
Comment on Matt, xxvii. 35, and Luke xxiv. 39;
Neander, Life of Christ, Amer. ed. p. 418 ; EUioott'i
Life of Christ, Amer. ed. p. 318, note; Andrews's
Life of our Jjard, p. 537. A. H.
CRUSE, a word employed in the A. V., appa
rently without any special intention, to translaU
three distinct Hebrew words.
L Ttappacliath, rifl?? (from HO?, a root
with the idea of width; comp. ampulla, from am-
pins). Some clew to the nature of this vessel is
perhaps afforded by its mention as being full of
water at the head of Saul when on his night expe-
dition after David (1 Sam. xxvi. 11, 12, 16), and
also of Ehjah (1 K. xix. 6). In a similar ease in
the present day this would be a globular vessel of
blue porous clay — the ordinary Gaza pottery —
about 9 inches in diameter, with a neck of about 3
inches long, a small handle below the neck, and
opposite the handle a straight spout, with an orifice
about the size of a straw, through which the water
is drunk or sucked. The form is common also in
Spain, and will be familiar to many from pictures
of Spanish life. A similar globular vessel probably
contained the oil of the widow of Zarephath (1 K.
xvii. 12, 14, 16). For the " box " or «' horn " in
which the consecrated oil was carried on special
occasions, see On-
2. The noise which these vessels make when
emptied through the neck is suggestive of the
second term, Bnkbik, ffiBJfi, probably like the
Greek bomtmkx, HipfivXot, an onomatopoetic word.
This is found but twice — a " cruse of houey," 1
K. xiv. 3; and an " earthen bottle," Jer. xix. 1.
3. Apparently very different from both these is
the other term, TzilAchan, Hflbs (found also
in the forms JTrT 1 ?? and fin??), from a root
(FTPS) signifying to sprinkle; or perhaps fron-
v vS, to ring, the root of the word for cymbal.
This was probably a fiat metal saucer of the form
still common in the East. It occurs 2 K. ii. 30,
"cruse;" 'xxL 13, "dish;" 2 Chr. xxxv. 13,
"pans;" also Prov. xix. 24, xxvi. 15. where the
figure is obscured by the choice of the word
"bosom." G.
* What is related of "the cruse of water'
placed by Saul's " bolster " as he slept m the cava,
which David so quietly removed without awaking
him (1 Sam. xxvi. 12), and of "the cruse of water
at the head " of Elijah as " he lay and slept be-
neath a juniper-bush " (1 Kings xix. 5, 6), accords
perfectly, says Thomson, with the habits of Eastern
life at this day. " No one ventures to travel over
the deserts there without his cruse ot water; and it
is very common to place one at the bolster, so that
the owner can reach it during the night. Tht
Arabs eat their dinner in the evening, and It fr
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CRYSTAL
pnsratl; of such a nature as to create thirst, and
Jhe quantity of water which the; drink is enormous,
rhe cruse is, therefore, in perpetual demand."
{Land and Book, U. 21.) ' H.
CRYSTAL, the representative in the A. V. of
the Hebrew words ttddth (irSO?) and kerach
(rnn).
1. ZecAcitlt (SaAot : vitnmn) occurs only in Job
ixriii. 17, where wisdom is declared to be more
Tamable than " gold and the crystal." Notwith-
standing the different interpretations of "rock
crystal," " glass," " adamant," Ac., that hare been
assigned to this word, there can, we think, be very
little doubt that "glass" is intended. The old
Torsions and paraphrases are in favor of this inter-
pietation. The Targum has ugougiilta, by which
the Talmudists understand " glass." The Syriac
has tagugiito; the Arabic eajnj, I. e. "glass."
Schultena (Cummait. in Job. L c.) conjectures that
the words ziltab iztcidth (WZPOXH 3iTp are a
bendiadys to denote " a valuable glass or crystal
goblet," or >• a glass vessel gilt with gold," such a
ine perhaps as that which Nero is reported to have
broken to pieces in a fit of anger (Pliny, //. If.
zxzvii. 3). Cary (Job L c.) translates the words
" golden glass ; " and very aptly compares a passage
in Wilkinson (Anc. Kijypt. ii. 61, ed. 1854), who,
speaking of the skill of the Egyptians in making
glass, says " they had even the secret of introducing
gold between two surfaces of glass, and in their
bottles a gold band alternates within a set of blue,
green, and other colors." It is very probable that
the zec&dth of Job (/. c. ) may denote such a work
of art as is referred to in this quotation. [Glaus.]
2. Kerach btpforaAAoi: cryttallum) occurs in
numerous passages in the O. T. to denote " ice,"
" frost," Ac. ; but once only (Ex. i. 22), as is gen-
erally understood, to signify " crystal : " " And the
likeness of the firmament was as the color
of the magnificent crystal." The ancients sup-
posed rock-crystal to lie merely ice congenial by
intense cold; whence the Greek word KpivraXXot,
from Kpiot, "cold" (see Pliny, N. H. xxxrii. 2).
The similarity of appearance between ice and crystal
nursed no doubt the identity of the terms to express
Ihese substances. The A. V., following the Vulg.,
translates the epithet (HTlSsn) "terrible" in
Ex. (I e.)i the word would be better rendered
"splendid." It has the same meaning as the
f*tin tpeciabilit. The Greek xpv<rra\Kos occurs
in Rev. iv. 6, xxii. 1. It may mean either "ice"
jt •' crystal." Indeed there is no absolute necessity
tc depart from the usual signification of the Hebrew
turnch in Ex. (I. c). The upper rault of heaven
may weD be compared to » the astonishing bright-
ness tf ice " (see Harris, If at. Hid. of Bible, art.
Crgetal). W. H.
CUBIT. [MBA8UBB8.]
OUOKOO (inttJ, $hachapk [leanneu] :
Idpot: tarut). There does not appear to be any
othority for this translation of the A. V.; the
dab. word occurs only in Lev. xi. 16; Deut. xiv.
A as the name of some unclean bird. Bochart
[Hieroz. ill. 1) has attempted to show that shac/iaph
IssMtes the Cepphtu. The («<V«>oi) of Aristotle 1
[Amm. Hi$L viii. 5, J 7; Ix. 23, J i\ Niea-Jer '
[Mmpharm. 16b), and other Greek writers, has I
jean, with sufficient reason we think, identified by <
CUCUMBERS
51?
Sehneidet with the storm-petrel (Thabumarama
pelagica), the Procelluria pdagica of Linnsnua
The Scholiast on Aristophanes (Phttui) describes
the crpphut as a light kind of gull. Suidas, under
the word kc'tcJws, says, " It if a bird like a gull
light of body, and sails over the wares." The
notion held by the ancients that the ctpphw lived
on the foam of the sea, may perhaps be traced to
the habit the petrels hare of seeking their food,
Ac., in the midst of an agitated and frothy sea;
the folly ascribed to the bird, whence the Greek
verb ttttQiopai, " to be easily deceived " (see LXX
in Prov. vii. 22), may have some foundation in thr
fact that these birds when on the nest will allow
themselves to be taken by the band. The etymol-
ogy of the Hebrew word points to some " slender "
bird. It is very improbable, however, that this
diminutive bird, which would be literally but a
mouthful, is signified by the thachnph ; and per-
haps therefore, as Mr. Tristram suggests to us,
some of the larger petrels, such as the Puffimu
cincreut and P. anylorum (shearwater), which
abound in the east of the Mediterranean and which
are similar in their habits to the storm-petrel, may
be denoted by the Hebrew term. Of the Larida
the Larm futctu and the L. argmtahu are two
common species of Palestine. W. H.
cucumbers (anjryij, **»»*»««».• i
(tIkvoi: cucwnertt). This word occurs once only,
in Num. xi. 5, as one of the good things of Egypt
for which the Israelites longed. There is no doubt
as to the meaning of the Hebrew word, which is
found with a slight variation in the Arable, Syriac.
Ethiopic, Ac., to denote the plant now under con-
sideration (see Celsius, Hierob. ii. 247). Egypt pro-
duces excellent cucumbers, melons, Ac. [Melon],
the Cucumu chate being, according to Hesselquiat
(Trav. p. 268), the best of its tribe yet known.
This plant grows in the fertile earth around Cairo
after the inundation of the Nile, and not elsewhere
in Egypt. The fruit, which is somewhat sweet and
cool, is eaten, says Hasselquist, by the grandees
and Europeans in Egypt as that from which they
have least to apprehend. Prosper Alpinus (Ptunt
AlgypL xxxviii. p. 64) speaks of this cucumber as
follows: " The Egyptians use a certain kind of
cucumber which they call chate. This plant does
not differ from the common kind, except in size,
color, and tenderness; it has smaller, whiter, softer
and rounder leaves, and the fruit is longer and
greener than ours, with a smooth soft rind, and
more easy of digestion." The account which
rorskil (Flor. Atgypt. p. 168) gives of the 6V
cumis chate, which be says is called by the Arabs
Abdtllavi or AQ&r, does not agree with what Has-
selquist states with regard to the locality where it
is grown, this plant being, according to the testi-
mony of the first-named writer, " the common Ml
fruit in Egypt, planted over whole fields." The C
chate is a variety only of the common melon ( ( '
mtlo) ; it was once cultivated in England and called
" the round-leaved Egyptian melon ; " but it is
rather an insipid sort. Besides the Cu cmmu chate,
the common cucumber ( C. tntivue), ot which the
Arabs distinguish a number of varieties, is common
in Egypt. This grows with the water-melons; the
poor people boil and eat it with vinegar; the richer
« t (iiKMi and P. angtenm an both expoMd
tor saw «s srUeles of rood in tbs Arab markets on tot
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CUMMIN
paoplt fill it with flab and aromatic*, and make a
itiod of paddings, which, say* Hasselquist (p. 257),
•at very wall. " Both Cucumit ckate and C.
tatieut," lays Mr. Tristram, "are now grown in
great quantities in Palestine : on visiting the Arab
school in Jerusalem (1858) I observed that the
dinner which the children brought with them to
school consisted, without exception, of a piece of
barley cake and a raw cucumber, which they eat
rind and all."
The prophet Isaiah (i. 8) foretells the desolatioL
that was to come upon Judah and Jerusalem in
these word*: "The daughter of Zion is left a* a
cottage in a vineyard, as a lodge in a garden of
cucumbers, as a besieged city." The cottage or
lodge here spoken of is a rude temporary shelter,
erected in the open grounds where vines, cucum-
bers, gourds, &., are grown, in which some lonely
man or boy is set to watch, either to guard the
plants from robbers, or to scare away the foxes and
jackals from the vines. l)r. Thomson ( Land ami
Boot, ii. 11) well illustrate* this passage of Script-
ure, and brings out its full force. The little wood-
cut which he gives of the lodge at Butaiha repre-
sent! such a shelter as is alluded to above: by and
by, when the crop is gathered and the lodge for-
saken, the " poles will fall down or lean every way,
and the green bright with which it is shaded will
be scattered by the winds, leaving only a ragged
sprawling wreck — a most affecting type of utter
desolation."
It is curious to observe that the custom of keep-
ing off birds, <£c., from fruit and com by means of
a scarecrow is as old as the time of Baruch (vi. 70)
[or Epist. of Jer. 70] : " As a scarecrow (r/rc/W-
Kirioy) in a garden of cucumbers keepeth
nothing, so ve their gods of wood," Ac
W. H.
CUMMIN [rather Cumim] (,b? : '
Kifuvov' cuminum), one of the cultivated
plants of Palestine, mentioned by Isaiah
(xxviii. 25, 27 ) at not being threshed in the
ordinary way in which wheat was threshed, „,
but with a rod; and a^in hy our Saviour Modern ^P"" <WnUDg-cups, o»-«fUi of tl» reals
CUP-BEARER
Egyptian caps wert ;t varioui
shapes, either having handles of
without them. In Solomon's
time all his drinking vessels
were of gold, none of silver (1
K. x. 21). Babylon is com
pared to a golden cup (Jer. Ii. 7 )
Assyrian cups from Khoraav-
bad and Nimrood may be seen
figured in Layard (Nin. ii. 303,
304; .Via. and Bab. 186, 190,
192), some perhaps of Phami-
eian workmanship, from which
source both Solomon and the
Assyrian monarch possibly de-
rived both their workmen and
the works themselves. The cupa
and other vessels brought to
Assyrian cop with Baby km by Nebuchadnezzar
handl*. (Layard, '"")' thus have been of Pbcei.i-
U. 808.) ' cian origin (Dan. v. 2).
On the bas-reliefs at Perwp-
olis many figures are representwl
bearing cup* or vases which niay
fairly be taken as types of the
vessels of that sort described in
the liook of Esther (Esth. i. 7 ;
Assyrian drtoklnr- Niebufar, Voyage, ii. 106; Char-
cup. (Layard, li. dil| Voy „ !lc ^ viii . p . ass- p|.
' lviii.). The great liver, or
" sea," was made with a rim like the rim of a cup
( CV'i), " with flowers of lilies " (1 K. vii. 26), a form
which the Persepolitan cups resemble (Jahn, ArcJt.
§ 144). The common form of modern Oriental cupa
is represented in to* accompanying drawing: —
as one of the crops of which the Scribes and Phari-
sees paid Lithe. It is an umbelliferous plant some-
thing like fennel (Cuminum sativum, Linn.). The
seeds have a bitterish warm taste with an aromatic
flavor. It was used in conjunction with salt as a
sauce (Plin. nix. 8). The Maltese are said to grow
cummin at the present day, and to thresh it in the
nanner descrilwd by Isaiah. W. D.
• CUNNING originally meant " skillful,"
"knowing." and has this sense in Gen. xxv. 27
(where Esau is called a "cunning hunter"); in
Exod. xxvi. 1 (" cunning work," said of figures of
the Cherubim); in 1 Sam. xvi. 16 ("cunning
player " on the harp) and other passages (A. V.).
H.
• CUNNINGLY(aPe*eri.l6). [Cunning/)
CUP. The chief words rendered "cup" in the
k. V. are, 1. D*I3: wor^ior: caHx ; 8. mtPf?,
mly in plural : trrvytfla : craleret ; 8. 'P , 3? :
tiriv scyphui. Stie also, further, words Basin
<nd Bowl The cups of the Jews, whether of
Metal or earthenware, were possibly borrowed, in
Kint of shape and design, from Egypt and from
■ Phoarlohns, who were celebrated in that branch
>,* workmanship (// null. 743; Od. Iv. 615, 618).
The use of gold and silver cups was introduced
into Greece after the time of Alexander (Athen- vi.
229, 30, xi. 446, 465; Birch, Anc. Pott. ii. 109).
The cups of the N. T., rort\pia, were orUii no
doubt formed on Greek and Komau models. They
were sometimes of gold (Kev. xvii. 4). Diet of
Antiq. art. Patera. H. W. P.
" " Cup " or " bowl " would undoubtedly be more
correct than "vial" (A. V.), as the rendering of
■JudAij in the Apocalypse. The term designates a
vessel with breadth rather than depth, and whetha
used of the censer-dish (Kev. v. 8), or of the cup
with its contents a* the emblem of punishment
(Kev. xv. 7, xvi. 2, Ac.), doe* not correspond to out
word rial, as at present employed. H.
CUP-BEARER (nptr'9 : 0l Vo X <fos: pi*-
cerwt), an officer of high rank with Egyptii i,
Persian, Assyrian, as well as Jewish monarch*.
The chief cup-be-irer, or butler, to the king of Egypt
was the means of raising Joseph to his high position
(Gen. xl. 1-21, xli. 9). Kabshakeh, who was sent
by Sennacherib to Iletckiah, appears from his name
to have filled a like office in the Assyrian court (3
K. xviii. 17>; Ges. p. 1225), and it seems probable,
from his association with Rab-aaria, chitf of tat
eunuch* (D V "1IJ"2'?)> and from EaaUra
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CURTAINS
o geaenl, that be was, like him, an eunucti (Gee.
f. 978). Herod the Great had an establismnent
rf eunuchs, of whom one wee a cup-bearer ( Joeepb.
Ant. xvi 8, 1). Nehemiah was cup-bearer to
Artaxerxes Longiiuanus long of Persia (Neb. i. 11,
U. 1). Cup-bearers are mentioned among the at-
tendants of Solomon (1 K. x. 6; comp. Leyard,
yja. ii. 384, 32CV H. W. P.
CURTAINS. Ihe Hebrew terms translated
in the A. V. by this word are three:
1. 1'eri***, rtJ*"*. u»e ten "curtains" of
line linen, Ac., each 28 cubits long and 4 wide, and
also the eleven of goats' bair, which covered the
Tabernacle of Moses (Ex. xxvi. 1-18, xxxvi. 3-17).
The charge of these curtains and of the other
tactile fabrics of the Tabernacle was laid on the
Uerahonites (Num. ir. 25). Having this definite
meaning, the word came to be used as a synonym
for the Tabernacle — its transitorinees and slight-
new ; and is so employed in the sublime speech of
David, 2 Sam. vii. 2 (where " curtains " should be
"the curtain"), and 1 Chr. xvii. 1. In a few
later instances the word bears the more general
meaning of the sides of a tent; as in the beautiful
figure of la. liv. 2 (where " habitations " should
be " tabernacles," fTUSCD, poetic word for
"tents"); Ter. Iv. 20, x. 20 (here "tabernacle"
and "tent" are both one word, VilH —tent);
l'fi. civ. 2 (where "stretch," ?t33, is the word
usually employed for extending a tent). Also
specially of nomadic people, Jer. xlix. 29 ; Hab. iii.
7; Cant. i. 5 (of the black hair-cloth of which the
tents of the real Bedoueen are still composed).
2. Mitie, 7|99 ' the " Dan S in g " for ti>a door -
way of the tabernacle, Ex. xxvi. 36, 37, xxxv. 16,
xxxvi. 37, xxxix. 38, xl. 5; Num. iii. 26, iv. 26:
and also for the gate of the court round the tab-
ernacle, Ex. xxvii. 16, xxxv. 17, xxxviii. 18, xxxix.
40, xl. 38; Num. iii. 26, iv. 26. Amongst these
the rendering " curtain " occurs but once, Num. iii.
26; while "hanging" is shared equally between
U&t&c and a very different word — Keld't, ^SjT}.
The idea in the root of Mdtdc seems to be of shield-
ing or protecting ("pD, Gee. p. 961). If this be
so, the Mat&c may have been not a curtain or veil,
>ut an awning to shade the entrances — a thing
natural and common in the fierce suit of the East
(see one figured in Ferguson's Xinetth and Per-
sepoUt, p. 184). But the nature of this and the
rtlier textile fabrics of the tabernacle will be best
examined under Tabbknaclk.
Besides "curtain" and "hanging," Mitdc is
rendered " covering " in Ex. xxxv. 12, xxxix. 34,
ti. 21; Num. iv. 6; 2 Sam. xvii. 19; Ps. cv. 39;
U. all. 8.
3. IVk pM. There is nothing to guide us to
the meaning of this word. It is found but once
(Is. xl. 22), in a passage founded on the nrfaphor
•f a tent. G.
GUSH (B?13 [see the word below]: XW;
t 7as. Sin. -o*ei:] jEMopit, and Chum), a Benja-
nite men*ioned only in the title to Ps. vii. Them
i* every reason to believe this title to be of great
antiquity (Ewald. Ptilmen, p. 9). Cush was prob-
ably a follower of Saul, the head of his tribe, and
sad sought the friendship of David t-r the purpose
CUSH
519
of "lewardtiig tvil to nim who was at pesos with
him " — an act in which no Oriental of ancient of
modem times would see any shame, but, if success-
ful, the reverse. Happily, however, we may gather
from verse 16 that he had not succeeded.
* The antiquity of the name has been less ques-
tioned than its application. The Jewish interpret-
ers very generally regard the name as symbolic:
Ethiopian, black in heart and character. But
among those who accept this view opinions differ as
to the person thus enigmatically designated. Some
suppose Cush to be Shimei who cursed David when
he fled from Absalom (2 Sam. xvi. 6 ff.); and others
suppose him to be Saul, chiefly because the Psalm
seems to refer to the times of Saul rather than those
of Absalom. The latter is Heugstenberg's view
{Vie Ptahaen, i. 138 ff), and also Alexander's
{Pialmt, i. 49). Rosenmuller argues against both
opinions and abides by the name as that of some
partisan of Saul, and an enemy and calumniator
of David, otherwise unknown {Scholia in Pealmot
redacta, iii. 56). H.
CUSH (BftS [dark-colored, Fiirst; perh. an
assembly, people brought toijtther, Ges., 6« Aufl.j
Xois- Chut (Gen. x. 6, 7, 8; 1 Chr. i. 8, 9, 10)
Aleunrla, Alelortf. JCUtiopitt; Cush'iTE, ''BftS
AM**): sEthiopt; pL D^S, D^'ttJS ; fern.
fTtp!©), the name of a son of Ham, apparently
the eldest, and of a territory or territories occupied
by his descendants. (1.) In the genealogy of
Noah's children Cush seems to be an individual,
for it is said " Cush begat Nimrod " (Gen. x. 8; 1
Chr. i. 10). If the name be older than his time
he may have been called after a country allotted to
him. The following descendants of Cush are
enumerated: his sons, Seha, Havilah, Sabtah or
Sabta, Raamah, and Sabtechah or Sabtecha; his
grandsons, the sons of Kaainah, Sheba and Dedan ;
and Nimrod, who, as mentioned after the rest,
seems to have been a remoter descendant than they,
the text not necessarily proving him to have beer
a son. The only direct geographical information
given in this passage is with reference to Nimrod,
the beginning of whose kingdom was in Babylonia,
and who afterwards went, according to the reading
which, we prefer, into Assyria, and founded Nin-
eveh and other cities. The reasons for our prefer-
ence are, (1) that if we read " Out of that land
went forth Asshur," instead of "he went forth
[into] Asshur," i. e. Assyria, there is no account
given but of the " beginning " of Nimrod's king-
dom; and (2) that Asshur the patriarch would
seem here to be quite out of place in the geneal-
ogy.
(2.) Cash as a country appears to be African in
all passages except Gen. ii. 13. We may thus dis
tinguish a primeval and a post-diluvian Cush. Tin-
former was encompassed by Gihon, the second rivei
of Paradise. It would seem, therefore, I o have been
somewhere to the northward of Assyria. It is
possible that Cush is in this case a name of a pe-
riod later than that to which the history relates, but
it seems more probabie that it was of the earliest
age, and that the African Cush was named from
this older country. Most ancient nations thus
connected their own lands with Paradise, or with
primeval seats. In this manner the future Para-
dise of the Egyptians was a sacred Egypt watered
by a sacred Nile; the Arabs have told of the tor-
Digitized by VjO
dgS
520 ctrsH
' rastrlal Paradise of Sheddad the son of »A'd, u
sometimes seen in their desert* ; the Greeks located
the aH-destroying floods of Ogygee and Deucalion
in Greece; and the Mexicans seem to have placed a
similar deluge in America ; all carrying with them
their traditions and fixing them in the territories
where they established themselves. The Cushan
mentioned in Hab. (iii. 7) has been thought to be
an Asiatic post-diluvian Cush, but it is most rea-
sonable to hold that Cushan-rishathaim is here in-
tended [Cushan]. In the ancient Egyptian in-
scriptions Ethiopia above Egypt is termed Keesh or
Kesb, and this territory probably perfectly corres-
ponds to the African Cush of the Bible. The
Cushites however had clearly a wider extension, like
the Ethiopians of the Greeks, but apparently with
a more definite ethnic relation, lie settlements
of the sons and descendants of Cush mentioned in
Gen. x. may be traced from Meroe to Babylon, and
probably on to Nineveh. We have not alone the
African Cush, but Seba appears to correspond to
Meroe, other sons of Cush are to be traced in Ara-
bia [Arabia, Kaamaii, Ac.], and Nimrod reigned
in Babylonia, and seems to have extended his rule
over Assyria. Thus the Cushites appear to have
spread along tracts extending from the higher Nile
to the Euphrates and Tigris. Philological and
ethnological data lend to the same conclusion.
There are strong reasons for deriving the non-
Semitic primitive language of Babylonia, variously
called by scholars Cushite and Scythic, from an
ante-Semitic dialect of Ethiopia, and for supposing
two streams of migration from Africa into Asia in
very remote periods; the one of Nigritians through
the present Malayan region, the other and later one,
of Cushites, "from Ethiopia properly so called,
through Arabia, Babylonia, and Persia, to Western
India" (Oentfit of the Earth, <fc, pp. 214, 215).
Sir H. Kawlinson has brought forward remarkable
evidence tending to trace the early Babylonians to
Ethiopia ; particularly the similarity of their mode
of writing to the Egyptian," and the indication in
the traditions of Babylonia and Assyria of " a con-
nection in very early times between Ethiopia,
Southern Arabia, and the cities on the I-ower Eu-
phrates," the Cushite name of Nimrod himself as
a deified hero, being the same as that by which
Meroe is called in the Assyrian inscriptions (Raw-
Unson's Berod. i. 442, 443). History affords many
traces of this relation of Babylonia, Arabia, and
Ethiopia. Zerah the Cushite (A. V. " Ethiopian " )
who was defeated by Asa, was most probably a
king of Egypt, certainly the leader of an Egyptian
tnny. Tlie dynasty then ruling (the 22d) bears
names that have caused it to be supposed to have
bad a Babylonian or Assyrian origin, as Sheshonk,
shishak, Sheshak; Nainuret, Nimrod; Tekrut,
Teklut, Tlglath. The early spread of the Mizraites
illustrates that of the Cushites [Caphtuh] : it may-
be considered as a part of one great system of mi-
grations. On these grounds we suppose that these
Hamite races, very soon alter their arrival in Africa,
began to spread to the east, to the north, and to
the vest; the Cushites establishing settlements
along the southern Arabian coast, on the Arabian
shore of the Persian Gulf and in Babylonia, and
thence onward to the Indus, and probably north-
ward to Nineveh ; and the Mizraites spreading along
the south and east shores of the Mediterranean, on
" Idsograrble writing seems characteristic of To-
ssalaa nations ; at least such alone ban kept to It
OU8H1
part of the north shore, and In the great islands
These must have been sea-faring peoples, not whoBj
unlike the modem Malays, who have similar!}
spread on the shores of the Indian Ocean. They
may be always traced where very massive architect-
ural remains are seen, where the native language is
partly Turanian and partly Semitic, and where the
native religion is partly cosmic or high nature-wor-
ship, and partly fetishism or low nature-worship.
These indications do not fail in any settlement of
Cushites or Mizraites with which we are well ac-
quainted. [Ethiopia.] R. S. P.
* BftS, as the name of a country, is translated
in the A. V. " Ethiopia" or " Ethiopians," in all
the passages in which it occurs except Is. xi. 11.
A.
CU'SHAN (70*13: AiWowfj; [Sin.l E*V
ow«t :] ^Ethiopia, Hab. iii. 7), possibly the same
as Cushan-rishathaim (A. V. Chushsn-) king of
Mesopotamia (Judg. iii. 8, 10). The order of
events alluded to by the prophet seems to favor this
supposition. First he appears to refer to for-
mer acts of Divine favor (ver. 2); he then speaks
of the wonders at the giving of the Law, " God
came from Teman, and the Holy One from Mount
Paran ; " and he adds, " I saw the tents of Cushan
in affliction: [and] the tent-curtains of the land
of Midian did tremble," as though referring to the
fear of the enemies of Israel at the manifestations
of God's favor for His people. Cushan-rishathaim,
the first recorded oppressor of the days of the
Judges, may have been already reigning at the time
of the entrance into Palestine. The Midianites,
certainly allied with the Moabites at that time,
feared the Israelites and plotted against them (Num.
xxii., xxiii., xxiv., xxv.); and it is noticeable that
Balaam was sent for from Aram (xxiii. 7), perhaps
the Aram-naliaraim of the oppressor. Habakkuk
afterwards alludes to the crossing of Jordan or the
tied Sea, or both, (ver. 8-10, IS,) to the standing
still of the sun and moon (1 1 ), and apparently to
the destruction of the Canaanites (12, 13, 14).
There is far less reason for the supposition that
Cushan here stands for an Asiatic Cush. [Cho-
SHAN-KlSIIATHAlM.] R. S. P.
CtrSHI (NT'S : Xouo-f [Vat -*«]: Chui),
a name occurring more than once in the 0. T. 1.
One of the ancestors of Jehudi, a man about the
court of king Jehoiakim (Jer. xxxvi. 14).
2. [Vat. Alex. Xowei.] Father of Zephaniab
the Prophet (Zeph. i. 1).
3. (With the article, ""OHlSH, i. e. "the Cu
shite," "the Ethiopian:" 6 Xowo-f [Tat Alex.
-an] : Chusi), a man apparently attached to Joab's
person, but unknown and unaccustomed to the king,
as may be inferred from his not being recognized
by the watchman, and also from the abrupt man-
ner in which he breaks his evil tidings to David,
unlike Ahimaaz, who was well aware of the effect
they were sure to produce. That Cuahi was a for-
eigner — as we should infer from his name — is also
slightly corroborated by his ignorance of the ground
in the Jordan valley — " the way of the ' Ciccar ' "
— by knowing which Ahimaaz was enabled to out-
run him (2 Sam. xviii. 21, 22, 23, 31, 89). Ewald
however, conjectures that a mode of running ii
here referred to, peculiar to Ahimaaz, and by whirl
partly or wholly, lp »plte of thrir after knowledge •
phonetic characters.
Digitized by
Google
OUTHAH
m m taoognixed a long distance off l" the wateh-
oun.
OUTHAH or OUTH (njTO, n-13 :
Xov0i [Vat XowBa, Alex. Xroal/xoft [Alex,
omits] ; Joseph. XoiSof- Cutha), one of the coun-
tries whence Shalmaneser introduced colonists into
Samaria (2 K. rvii. 24, SO); these, intermixing
with the remnant of the ten tribes, were the pro-
genitor* of the Samaritans, who were called Cu-
thieans by the Jews, and are so described in the
Chaldee and Talmud (o! Kara ri)v 'E&paiuv
yfiArrav Xovtaioi, «ar4 S« tV 'EWfactv Zafia-
0«tra>, Joseph. Ant. ix. 14, §3). The position of
Cuthah is undecided ; Josephus speaks of a river of
that name in Persia, and fixes the residence of the
( uthaajis in the interior of Persia and Media (Ant.
ix. 14, § 3, x. 9, § 7). Two localities have been
proposed, each of which corresponds in part, but
neither wholly, with Josephus's account. For the
one we depend on the statements of Arabian geog-
raphers, who speak of a district and town named Ku-
tha, between the Tigris and Euphrates, after which
one of the canals (the fourth in Xen. Anab. i. 7)
was named ; the town existed in the time of Abul-
feda, and its site has been identified with the ruins
of Tmcibah immediately adjacent to Babylon (Ains-
worth's Anuria, p. 165; Knobel, VStiertn/el, p.
352); the canal may be the river to which Jo-
sephus refers. The other locality corresponds with
the statement that the Cuthteans came from the
interior of Persia and Media. They have been
identified with the Cossaji, a warlike tribe, who
occupied the mountain ranges dividing those two
snmtries, and whose lawless habits made them a
terror even to the Persian emperors (Strab. xi. p.
524, xvi. p. 744). They were never wholly subdued
until Alexander's expedition; and it therefore ap-
pears doubtful whether Shalmaneser could have
gained sufficient authority over them to effect the
removal of any considerable number; their habit*
would have made such a step highly expedient, if
practicable. The connection between the Samar-
itans and the Sidoniana, a* stated in their letter to
Alexander the Great (Joseph. Ant. xi. 8, § 6, xii.
5, § 5), and between the Sidonians and theCuUW-
ans as expressed in the version of the Chaldee
Paraphrast Pseudo-Jonathan in Gen. x. 19, who
substitutes D^lfTD for )VTS, and In the Tar-
irum, 1 Chr. i. 13, where a similar change is made,
is without doubt to be referred to the traditional
belief that the original seat of the Phoenicians was
mi tie shore* of the Persian Gulf (Herod, i. 1).
W. L.B.
CUTTING OFF FEOM THE PEOPLE.
(Excommunication.]
CUTTINGS [IN THE FLESH] ((1.)
T&ip, «• /, B^, «■ m., both from BTffi
lAntorf), W^Jr* (Gesen. p. 1395), cut; (2.\
nVrj|, from TTJ, «nci»e (Gesen. p. 264): trro-
u/tf*: incisure; (3.) 2??23?l2» <•• (tarn yp» «*>-
•rare (Qesen. p. 1208): ypijtfuera arueri *>g-
nata). The prohibition (I>ev. six. 28) against
nark* or cuttings in the flesh for the dead must be
taken in connection with the parallel passages (Lev.
cxi. 5; Deut. xiv. 1), in which shaving the head
tith the same view is equally forbidden. But it
appears from Jer. xvi. 6, 7, that some outward
Manifestation of grief in this way was not wholly
CUTTINGS 521
forbidden, or was at least tolerated. The ground,
therefore, of the prohibition must be sought else-
where, and will he found in the superstitious or in-
human practices prevailing among heathen nation*
A notion apparently existed that self-inflicted bald-
ness or mutilation had a propitiatory efficacy in
respect of the manes of the dead, perhaps a* repre-
senting, in a modified degree, the solemnity of
human or animal sacrifices. Herodotus (iv. 71)
describe* the Scythian usage in the case of a de-
ceased king, for whose obsequies not fewer than six
human victims, besides offerings of animals and
other effects, were considered necessary. An ex-
treme case of funereal bloodshed is represented on
the occasion of the burial of I'atroclus, when four
horses, two dogs, and twelve Trojan captives ate
offered up (IL xxiil. 171, 176). Together with
human or animal sacrifices at funerals, and after
these had gone out of use, the minor propitiatory
acts of self-laceration and depilation continued in
use (/{. xxiii. 141; .Od. iv. 197; Virg. jEn. iii. 67,
with Servius ad foe. xii. 605; Kurip. Ale. 425;
Seneca, Hippol v. 1176, 1193). Plutarch says
that some barbarians mutilate themselves (De Con-
sol ad Apolbm. p. 113, vol. vi. Keiske). He also
says that Solon, by the advice of Kpimenides, cur-
tailed the Athenian practice in this respect (Solon,
12-21, vol. i. pp. 184, 194). Cicero quotes a law
of the twelve tables to the same effect ; " mulieres
genas ne radunto " (De Leg. ii. 23).
Such being the ancient heathen practice it is not
surprising that the l.aw should forbid similar prac-
tices in every case in which they might be used or
misconstrued in a propitiatory sense. " Ye shall
not make cuttings for (propter) the dead B?5?J $
(Lev. xix. 28;. Gesen. p. 731; Spencer ofe leg.
Uebr. ii. xix. 404, 405).
But the practice of self-mutilation as an act of
worship belonged also to heathen religious ceremo-
nies not funereal. The priests of Baal, a Syrian
and also an Assyrian deity, cut themselves with
knives to propitiate the god "after their manner "
(1 K. xviii. 28). Herodotus says the Carians, who
resided in Europe, cut their foreheads with knives
at festivals of Ljis; in this respect exceeding the
Egyptians, who beat themselves on these occasions
(Herod, ii. 61). This shows that the practice was
not then at least an Egyptian one. Lucian, speak-
ing of the Syrian priestly attendants of this mock
deity, says, that using violent gestures they cut
their arms and tongues with swords (Lucian, A$v
nut, c. 37, vol. ii. 102, Amst.; de Dea Syr. ii 658,
681; comp. Ex. viii. 14). Similar practices in the
worship of Bellona are mentioned by Lucan (Phait.
i. 560), and alluded to by .lElius Lampridiu*
(Comm. p. 209), by Tertullian (ApoL c 9), and
Lactantius (Dm. Jrutil. i. c. 21, 29, Paris). He-
rodotus, speaking of means used for allaying a
storm, uses the words iVropa wowSktss, which
may mean cutting the flesh, but more probably
offering human sacrifices (Herod- via. 191, ii. Ill),
with Schweighaeuser's note; see also Virg. jEn. ii.
116; Lucr. i. 85).
The prohibition, therefore, is directed against
practices prevailing not among the Egyptians whom
the Israelites were leaving, but among the Syrians.
to whom they were about to become neighbor*
(Selden, de Diit Sgrit, Sgn. ii. c. 1).
Practices of self-mutilation, whether propitiatory
or simply funereal, i. t. expressive of highly excited
feeling, are ■nentioned rf the modern Persians on
Digitized by
Googi
CYAMON
she occasion ut the celebration of the death of Ho-
seyn, at which a man is paraded in the chaiacter
af the saint, with points of lancet thrust into his
flesh. At funerals also iu general the women tear
their hair and faces. The Circassians express
grief by tearing the flesh of their foreheads, arms,
and breasts. The Mexicans and Peruvians offered
human sacrifices both at funerals and festivals.
The (josayens of India, a class of Brahmiuical
friars, endeavor in some cases to extort alms by
gashing their limbs with knives. Among the na-
tive negro African tribes also the practice appears
to prevail of offering human sacrifices at the death
of chiefs (Cbardin, Voyages, vi. 482, ix. 68, 490;
Olcarius, Travels, p. 937 ; Lane, Mod. Kgypt. ii.
59; lYoscott, Mexico, i. 88, 68; Peru, I 86; FJ-
phinstone, Hist of Indii, i. 116; Strab. xr. p. 711
ff. ; Niebuhr, Voyages, ii. 64 ; Livingstone, TnirtU,
pp. 318,688; CoL Ch. Chron. No. exxxi. 179; Mu-
r.ttori, Anetil. iv. 99, 100).
But there is another usage fontemplated more
remotely by the prohibition, namely, that of print-
ing marks (ariyitara), tattooing, to indicate alle-
giance to a deity, in the same manner as soldiers
oid slaves bore tattooed marks to indicate allegi-
ance or adscription. This is evidently alluded to
in the Kevelatiou of St. John (xiii. 16, xix. 20,
ivii. 6), xipayiui M rr)t X"P ot '">' 8«{'«i ko\
4wl rir fur&wuv, and, though in a contrary
direction, by Eiekiel (ix. 4), by St. Vaul (Gal. vi.
17), in the Revelation (vii. 3), and perhaps by
Isaiah (xliv. 6) and Zechnriah (xiii. 6). Lucian,
speaking of the priests of the Syrian deity, says,
crriforroi nhrrts, oi pty is Kaprois, oi tt is
aitxinas, xcd iarb roSSt irayres 'Aacrvpioi vriy
fuero<pOf4ovffi (de Dta Syr. [c 69,] ii. p. 684).
A tradition, mentioned by Jerome, was current
among the Jews, that king Jehoiakim bore on his
liody marks of this kind which were discovered
alter his death (Spencer, De Leg. Bebr. ii. xx.
410). Philo, quoted by Spencer, describes the
marks of tattooing impressed on those who submit-
ted to the process in their besotted love for idol-
worship, as being made by branding (oiM\p>( m-
wupat)i.ira, Philo, de Monarch, i. 819; Spencer, p.
416). The Arabs, both men and women, are in
the habit of tattooing their faces, and other parts
of the body ; and the members of lirahminical sects
in India are distinguished by marks on the fore-
head, often erroneously supposed by Europeans to
be marks of caste (Niebuhr, Deter, de (Arab. p.
58; Vuyiges, i. 242; Wellsted, Arabia, ii. 206,
446 ; Olearius, Trattlt, p. 299 ; Elpbinstone, India,
I 196). H. W. P.
CY'AMON (KiKyu&y- Chtlmon), a place
named only ill Jud. vii. 3, as lying in the plain
(aiKdu, A. V. "valley ") over against (iWwuri)
Esdrclom. If by " Ivsdrelom " we may understand
Jezreel, this description answers to the situation of
the modern village Tell Kaimdn, on the eastern
dopes of Oorroel, on a conspicuous position over-
looking the Kishon and the great plain (Rob. iii.
114; Van de Velde, i. 330). The place was known
So Eusebius (Ktuipwd) and Jerome (Gmana),
ind is mentioned by tbeui in the Onomasticon.
rhey identify it with Camon, the burial-place of
/air the Gileadite. Robinson suggests its identity
villi JoKXKAM. G.
* This last remark may be misunderstood. Dr.
Robh.son assents to the suggestion that Jokneam
nay be T,U Kabmm (Hi. 114); but (see Iii. 389,
CYMBAL
note) he regards Cyatnon (Jud. vii. 3, as inikocwn
unless it be Filch, on the east side of the plain of
Esdraelon. Cyamon (fLuafuiv', and Filch both
mean a bean or place of beans, and so may repre
sent an earlier name ( 7^5, V-1E) of that siguitiea
tion. Kaumer (PabSsHna, p. 164) identifies Cya-
mon with Filch. It was the central point of the
battle of Kleber against the Tuiks in 1799, is
which Bonaparte's opportune arrival from Akka
saved the French from defeat. H.
CYMBAL, CYMBALS (D^? 1 ?? or
D?C7??)> * percussive musical instrument, from
77^, to tinkle (comp. his two ears shall tingle,
Tlyy^I-l, 1 Sam. iii. 11, and a fish-spar,
b$7S, Job xli. 7); possibly so called from its
tinkling sound. The three instruments which ap-
pear to have been most in common use amongst
the Hebrews were Scbd, V^?, CViwor, ^'ffl?,
and TaUil, bs^S. Two kinds of cymbals an
mentioned in Ps. ft 5, 59^ S 2f??i " loud
cymbals," cymbala bene tonantia, or castagneUu,
and nyPW ^b? 1 ??, "high-sounding cym-
bals," cymbafp Jubilation/*. The former consisted
of four small plates of brass or of some other hard
metal ; two plates were attached to each hand of
the performer, and were smote together to produce
a loud noise. The latter consisted of two larger
plates, one held in each hand, and struck together
as an accompaniment to other instruments. Asaph,
Heman, and Jeduthun, the renowned conductors
of the music of the sanctuary, employed the " loud
cymbals " possibly to beat time, and to give the
signal to the choir when it was to take part in the
sacred chant. I-ewia says — but he does not sup-
port bis statement by any authority — that " thei
was allowed but one cymbal to be in choir at once.'
The use of cymbals was not necessarily restricted U
the worship of the Temple or to sacred occasions .
they were employed for military purposes, as also
by the Hebrew women as a musical accompaniment
to their national dances. The "loud cymbals"
are the same with D?rpv5!2, A. Y. "cymbals,"
performed on by the band which accompanied Da
vid when he brought up the ark of God from Kb>
jath-jearim (1 Chr. xiii. 8).
Both kinds of cjmbals are still common in the
East in military music, and Niebuhr often refers to
them in his travels. " II y a chez les Orientaut,"
says Muuk, "deux esptoes: I'une se compose de
deux petite morceaux de bois ou de for crenx et
roods qu'on tient entre les doigts, et qui sont con-
mis sous le nom de castagnettes; 1'autre est omn-
posle de deux demi-sph£res creuses en metal."
Lampe has written a copious dissertation on ancient
cymbals, and his work may be consulted with ad-
vantage by those who desire fuller information on
the subject.
The cymbals used in modem orchestras at d mil-
itary bands, and which are called in Italian piiUti
are two metal plates of the size and shape of sau-
cers, one of which is fixed, and the other is held by
the performer in his left hand. These resanhlf
very closely the "high-sounding cymbals " of ola
and they are used in a similar maimer to mark the
rhythm, especially in music of a loud and grans'
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OYPKESS
diameter. They are generally played by the perton
»ho perfiauis on the large side drum (also au in-
itrumeDt of pure percussbn); and whilst he holds
we cymbal in his left hand, he strikes it against
the other which is fixed to the dram, his right hand
remaining free to wield the drumstick, as the large
dram is only struck on one side, and with one
itick. In practice the drum and the cymbals are
•truck aimultaneoudy, and an effect of percussion
is thus produced which powerfully marks the
time.
The noun metaUith, mbSJ?, found in Zech.
xiv. 90, is regarded by some critics as expressive of
certain musical instruments known in the age of
the second Temple, and probably introduced by the
Israelites on their return from Babylon. The A.
V. renders the word " bells," supposing it to be
derived from '?}?. The most generally received
opinion, however, is, that they were concave pieces
or plates of brass which the people of Palestine and
Syria attached to horses by way of ornament. (See
Mendelssohn's Preface to Book of Psalms; Kimchi,
Comment, in loc. ; l-ewi», Origint* llebroa, Lond.
1734, 176-7; Forkel, (Jnchichle d. Miuik; Jahn,
Archoulogy, Amer. ed., cap. v. § 98, 2; Monk,
Palatine, p. 456; Eaendier, Diet, of Music, i.
119). D. W. M.
CYPRESS (nrjri, tiratA: i/ypwfloUaws,
Alex., Aq., and Theod".: Hex). The Hebrew word
is found only in Is. xliv. 14, " He hewetli him down
cedars and taketh the fcVata and the oak." We
are quite unable to assign any definite rendering to
this word. Besides the cypress, the " beech," the
"holm-oak," and the "fir" have been proposed ;
but there is nothing in the etymology of the lie-
brew name, or in the passage where it occurs, to
guide us to the tree intended. The word is de-
rived from a root which means " to be hard," a
quality which obviously suits many kinds of trees.
Celsius {ffierob. ii. 289) believes the "ilex" or
" holm-oak " is meant; but there is no reliable evi-
dence to show that this tree is now found in Pales-
tine. With respect to the claims of the cypress
( Cupretsm sempertiirens), which, at present, at all
(rents, is found cultivated only in the lower levels
f Syria, it must be granted that they are unsup-
> orted by any authority. Van de Velde's cypress
is the Juniperut exceUi, which is also the cypress
of Pococke; but neither juniper nor cypress, as is
asserted by Pococke, grow anywhere near the top
of libation- " The juniper," says Dr. Hooker, <• is
found at the height of 7000 feet, on Lebanon, the
top of which is 10,500 feet or so." The true cy-
press is a native of the Taurus. The Hebrew word
point* t: some tree with a bard grain, and this is
all that can be positively said of it. W. H.
UYP'RIANS (Kir/Hoi: C'jprii). Inhabitants
of the island of Cyprus (2 Mace. iv. 3?). At the
time alluded to (that is during the reign of Antic-
sImm Epiphanes), they wen urder the dominion of
Egypt, and were governed It a viceroy who was
possessed of ample powers, and is called in the in-
scriptions rrpartiybi icol r afl syyov jra? ipx t€ P tos
I «arr* tV "near (comp. Boeckh, Curr. Intc. No.
tS34). Crates, one of these viceroys, was left by
8ostratus in command of the castle, or acropolis.
*f Jerusalem while he was summoned before the
king. W. A. W.
* Barnabas, who was Paul's associate in his first
srltriouary Journey, inn a Cgpriim br birth (Kftr-
OYTRUS
623
/>io» -o? y«V«i, Acts It. 36), for which Ik* A. V.
substitutes " of the country of Cyprus." This ori-
gin of Barnabas appears to have been the provi-
dential reason why the first missionaries went to
the particular fields of labor first visited by them
(Cyprus and the southern parte of Asia Minor)
where Christianity won its earliest signal victoru*
among the heathen. H.
CY'PRUS (Keir/wj). This island was in
early times in close commercial connection with
Phoenicia; and there is little doubt that it is re
ferred to in such passages of the O. T. as Ez. xxvii
6. [Chittim.] Joeephus makes this identifica-
tion in the most express terms (XJOi/m . . . Kv-
root oSrn vw koAc?toi; Ant. i. 6, § 1; so Epi-
phan. /far. xxx. 25). Possibly Jews may have
settled in Cyprus before the time of Alexander
Scon after his time they were numerous in the
island, as is distinctly implied in 1 Mace. xv. 23.
The first notice of it in the N. T. is in Acts iv.
36, where it is mentioned as the native place of
Barnabas. In Acts xi. 19, 20, it appears promi-
nently in connection with the earliest spreading of
Christianity, first as receiving un impulse among its
Jewish population from the persecution which drove
the disciples from Jerusalem, at the death of Ste-
phen, and then as furnishing disciples who preached
the gospel U Gentiles at Antioch. Thus when
Paul was sent with Barnabas from Antioch on bis
first missionary journey, Cyprus was the first scene
of their labors (Acts xlii. 4-13). Again when
Paul and Barnabas separated and took different
routes, the latter went to his native island, taking
with him his relative Mark, who bad alio been
there on the previous occasion (Acta XT. 89). An
other Christian of Cyprus, Mnason, called " an old
disciple," and therefore probably an early convert,
is mentioned Acts xxi. 16. The other notices of
the island are purely geographical. On St. Paul'f
return from the third missionary journey, the}
" sighted " Cyprus, and sailed to the southward of
it on the voyage from Patara to Tyre (ib. 3). Al
the commencement of the voyage to Rome, they
sailed to the northward of it, on leaving Sidon, in
order to be under the lee of the land (Acts xxvii.
4), and also in order to obtain the advantage of the
current, which sets northerly along the coast of
Phoenicia, and westerly with considerable forcv
along Cilicia.
All the notices of Cyprus contained in ancient
writers are diligently collected in the great work of
Meursius (Meursii Opera, vol. iii. Flor. 1744).
Situated in the extreme eastern corner of the Med-
iterranean, with the range of Lebanon on the eart,
and that of Taurus on the north, distinctly visible,
it never became a thoroughly Greek island. Its
religious rites were half Oriental [Pathos], and
its political history has almost always been aun-
ciated with Asia and Africa. Cyprus was a rick
and productive island. Its fruits and flowers were
famous. The mountains also produced metah,
especially capper. This circumstance gives us an
interesting link between this island and Judas.
The copper mines were at one time fanned to
Herod the Great (Joseph. Ant. xvi. 4, J 6), and
there b a Cyprian inscription (Boeekh, No. 9698)
which seems to refer to one of the Herode. The
history of Cyprus is briefly as follows: — After be
ing subject to the Egyptian king Astasia (Herod.
II. 182) It became a part of the Persian empire (to
ill 19, 91), and furnished ships against Greece it
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524
CYRAMA
the expedition of Xerxes (to. vii. 90). For a time
it was subject to Greek Influence, but again be-
ams tributary to Persia. After the battle of Issue,
it joined Alexander, and alter his death fell to the
■hare of Ptolemy. In a desperate sea-fight off
Salamis at the east end of Cyprus (b. c. 306*
the victory was won by Demetrius Poliorcetes, —
but the island was recovered by his rival, and after-
wards it remained in the power of the Ptolemies,
and was regarded as one of their most cherished
possessions. It became a Roman province (b. c.
58) under circumstances discreditable to Home.
Copper Coin of Cyprus, under Bmp. Claudius.
9bv. [CLJAVDIV8. OSSA[R). Head of Bmp. to left.
Kev. Kill KoMINIoY It[POKA]OY AN0YIIA
KYH.PUN.
At first its administration was joined with that of
Cilicia, but after the battle of Actium it was sep-
arately governed. In the first division it was made
an imperial province (Dion Csss. liii. 12). From
this passage and from Strabo (xiv. 683) it has been
supposed by some, as by Baronius, that St. Luke
used the word iwBvraros (yroconntl), because the
island was still connected with Cilicia; by others,
as by Grotius and Hammond, that the evangelist
employs the word in a loose and general manner.
But, in fact, Dion Cassius himself distinctly tells
us (to. and liv. 4) that the emperor afterwards
made this island a senatorial province; so that St.
Luke's language is in the strictest sense correct.
Further confirmation is supplied by coins and in-
scriptions, which mention other proanuult of Cyprus
not very remote from the time of Sero.ius Paul-
us. The governor appears to have resided at Pa-
phos on the west of the island. Under the Roman
empire a road connected the two towns of Paphos
and Salamis, as appears from the Peut. Table.
One of the most remarkable events in this part of
the history of Cyprus was a terrible insurrection of
the Jews in the reign of Trajan, which led to a
massacre, first of the Greek inhabitants, and then
jf the insurgents themselves (Milroan, ffitt. ofJeict,
iii. Ill, 112). In the 9th century Cyprus (ell into
the power of the Saracens. In the 12th it was in
the hands of the Crusaders, under our king Richard
I. Materials for the description of Cyprus are sup-
plied by Pacocke and Von Hammer. But see espe-
cially Engel's Kyprot, Berlin, 1843, and Ross's
Return nach Kot, ffalikrtmauos, lihoilot, u. der
Intel Cypern, Halle, 1852. J. S. H.
* CYRA'MA, 1 Esdr. v. 20. an incorrect form
in the A. V. ed. 1611, and other early editions, for
Cikama. A.
CYRE'NE (Kup^vn), the principal city of that
part of northern Africa, which was anciently called
Cyrenaica, and also (from its five chief cities) Pen-
aspolitana. This district wss that wide projecting
portion of the coast (corresponding to the modern
Tripoli), which was separated from the territory of
TWrthage on the one hand, and thet of Kgypt on
CYRENE
the other. Its surface is a table-land descending
by ui races to the sea; and it was celebrated for its
climate and fertility. It is observable that the ex-
pression used in Acts ii. 10, " the parts of Iibye
about (.Karri) Cyrene," exactly ccrresponds with a
phrase used by Dion Cassius (Ai/3i/n »> xtpl Kvp*>
rtir, liii. 12), and also with the language of Jose-
phtis (}) wpot KvrfyTiv Ai &<rt\\ Ant - xri. 6, § 1)
[Libya.]
The points to be noticed in reference to Cyrene
as connected with the N. T. are those, — that,
though on the African coast, it wss a Greek city ;
that the Jews were settled there in large numbers ;
and that under the Romans it was politically con-
nected with Crete, from which it is separated by no
great space of sea. The (ireek colonization of this
part of Africa under Battus liegan as early as u. c.
631 ; and it became celebrated riot only for its com-
merce, but for its physicians, philosophers, and
poets. After the death of Alexander the Great, it
became a dependency of Kgypt. It .s in this pe-
riod that we find the Jews established there with
great privileges. Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, in-
troduced them, because he thougbt they would con-
tribute to the security of the place (Joseph, c. Apian.
ii. 4): they became a prominent and influential
class of the community (Ant. xiv. 7, $ 2); and
they afterwards received much consideration from
the Romans (xvi. 6, § 5). See 1 Mace. xv. 23.
We learn from Josephus (Lift, 76) that soon after
the Jewish war they rose against the Roman power.
Another insurrection in the reign of Trajan led to
great disasters, and to the beginning of the decay
which was completed under the Mohammedans.
It was in the year B. c. 75 that the territory of
( 'yrene (having previously been left to the Romans
as a legacy by Apion, son of Ptolemy Physoon)
was reduced to the form of a province. On the
conquest of Crete (b. c. 67) the two were united
in one province, and together frequently called
( reta-Cyrene. Under Con stan tine they were
again separated. [Creti.]
Tstradraehm (Attic talent) of Cyrsna.
ODv. Sacred ■ilphlum plant Kev. KYPA. ileal ot
bearded Jupiter Amnion to the right.
The notices above given of the numbers and po-
sition of the Jews in Cyrene (confirmed by Philo,
who speaks o' the diffusion of the Jews 4w» roi
wpbs tu&vi\v Kara&aBftov p.txp' T&r iplav Aifli-
ot(oit, ndr. Flncc. p. 523) prepare us for the fre-
quent mention of the place in the X. T. in connec-
tion with Christianity. Simon, who bore oui
Saviour's cross (Matt, xxvii. 32; Mark xv. 21;
Luke xxiii. 26), was a native of Cyrene. Jewish
dwellers in Cyrenaica were in Jerusalem at Pente-
cost (Acts ii. 10). They even gave their name to
one of the synagogues in Jerusalem (i». vi. 9).
Christian converts from Cyrene were among those
who contributed actively to the formation of tin
first Gentile church at Ant! tch (». si SO), and
among those who are specially mentioned as labor
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OYRENIAN
tag it Antiooh when Barnabas and Saul wen sent
id liieir missionary journey is Lucius of Cyrene (ib.
liii. 1), traditionally said to have bam the first
bishop of his native district. Other traditions con-
nect Mark with the first establishment of Chris-
tianity in this part of Africa.
The antiquities of Cyrene have been illustrated
m a series of recent works. See Delia Cella, Vtagyio
da Tripoli, Ac., Genoa, 1819 ; Pacho, Voyage dans
la Marmarique, la Cyrenaique, Ac, Paris, 1827-
1839 ; Trigs, lit* Cyrenentet, Hafii. 1848 ; Beecbey,
Expedition to explore the north coast of Africa,
ie., London, 1828; Barth, Wanderongendurch dot
Punitche u. Kyreniitche Kuttenland, Berlin, 1849 ;
Hamilton, Wandering* in North Africa, London,
1866. J. 8. H.
*CYBE'NIAN(Kufn)ixuos: Cyrtnam), Hark
zv. 21 ; Luke zxiii. 26 ; Acta vi. 9, a native or in-
habitant of Cyrknk, which see. The adjective
also occurs in the original, 2 Mace. ii. 23 ; Matt,
xxvii. 83; Acts xi. 20, xiii. 1. A.
CYRE'NIUS (Kvpn>«»: [Cyrinat], Luke ii.
2), the literal English rendering in the A. V. of the
Greek name, which is itself the Greek form of the
Roman name Quimnus (not Quiriniua; see Meyer,
in toe. ; Suet Tiber. 49; Tac. Arm. it 30, iii. 48).
The full name is Publius Sulpicius Quirinus. He
was consul A. u. c. 742, b. c. 12, and made gov-
ernor of Syria after the banishment of Archelaua in
A. D. 6 (Joseph. Ant. xvii. 13, § 5). He was sent
to make an enrolment of property in Syria, and
made accordingly, both there and in Judaea, a cen-
ius or awoypwpt) (Joseph. I. c., and xviii. 1, § 1).
But this census seems in Luke (U. 2) to be identi-
fied with one which took place at the time of the
birth of Christ, when Sentius Saturninus was gov-
ernor of Syria. Hence has arisen a considerable
difficulty, which has been variously solved, either
by supposing some corruption in the text of St.
Luke (a supposition which is not countenanced by
any external critical evidence), or by giving some
unusual sense to his words, atrn q iroypwpri vp&-
rn iyirtro rfft^oveiovTot rijj iuptas Kvpyviov.
Many commentators and chronologuts, e. y. Peri-
tomus, TJssher, Petavius, Starr, Tholuck, Wieseler,
would render this, " was made before Q. ictm gov-
ernor of Syria," by a usage otherwise confined to
St. John among the Evangelists. But this is very
improbable, both in itself and because thus there
would have been no adequate ground for inserting
the notice.
An unexpected light has been thrown on the
matter lately, which renders it only necessary to
f&T to summaries and criticisms of the various
. ypotheses. such as that in Winer, art. Qmrinitu.
A. W. Zumpt, of Berlin, the nephew of the dis-
tinguished grammarian, in his Commentatio de
Syria Romamrrum provincia a Catare Auyusto ad
T. Vetpaiinnum, has shown it to be probable that
Quirinus was twice governor of Syria. This he
supports by the following considerations: —
In 9 b. c. Sentius Saturninus succeeded M. Ti-
Mus in the province of Syria, and governed it three
Tears. He was succeeded by T. Quintilius Varus
(Joseph. Ant. xvii. 5, § 3), who, as it appears, re-
mained governor up to the end of 1 b c. Thence-
forward we lose sight of him till he it appointed to
4m command in Germany, in which he lost his life
n A. t>. 7. We also lose sight of the governors
1 Syria till the appointment of P. Sulpiehu Qul-
inus, in x. i>. 6. Now from the maxim acted on
CYBENITJ8
526
by Augustus (Dion Cass. Iii. 33), tha* none should
hold an imperial province for less than three a
more than five years, Varus cannot have been gov-
ernor of Syria during the twelve veers from B. c.
6 to A. D. 6. Who then were the missing govern-
ors? One of them has been found, L. Volusius
Saturninus, whose name occurs as " legatut Syria* "
on a coin of Antioch, A. D. 4 or 5. But his pro-
consulate will not fill the whole time, and one or
two governors must be supplied between Varna,
ending 4 b. a, and Volusius, 4 or 6 A. D.
Just in that interval falls the census, of which it
is said in Luke ii. 2, that it xparrn tyivero iryt-
uortioyros Tt)s Xvplat KvpnWov. Could Quirinus
have been governor at any such time? From Jan.
to Aug. B. c. 12 he was consul. Soon after that
he triumphed over the Homonadenses ( u Mox ex-
pugnatis per Ciliciam Homonadensium castellis in-
signia triumphi adeptus," Tac. Ann. iii. 48). Now
Zumpt applies the exhaustive process to the prov-
inces which could by any possibility have been un-
der Quirinus at this time, and eliminate from 1 the
inquiry Asia — Pontus and Bithynia — and Gahv-
tia. Cilicia only remains. But at this tune, as he
shows, that province had been reduced by successive
diminutions, had been separated (Dion Cass. liv. 4)
from Cyprus, and — as is shown by the history of
the misconduct of Piso soon afterwards, who was
charged with having, as ex-governor of Syria, at-
tempted "repetere provinciam armis" (Tac. Arm.
iii. 12), because be had attacked Celenderis, a fort in
Cilicia (to. ii. 78-80) — attached to the province of
Syria. This Zumpt also confirms by the accounts
in Tautus (Ann. vi. 41, xii. 55) of the Uitse, a
seditious tribe of Cilicia Aspera, who on two occa-
sions were repressed by troops sent by the go r e s u rn s
of Syria.
Quirinus then appears to have been governor of
Syria at some time during this interval. But at
what time T We find him in the East (Tae. Ann.
iii. 48), as dattu rector C. Catari Armenian obti-
nenti; and this cannot have been during his well-
known governorship of Syria, which began in A. i>.
6 ; for Caius Caesar died in A. D. 4. Zumpt, by
arguments too long to be reproduced here, but very
striking and satisfactory, fixes the time of his first
governorship at from b. c. 4 to u. c. 1, when be
was succeeded by M. Lollius.
It is true this does not quite remove our diffi-
culty. But it brings it within such narrow limits,
that any alight error in calculation, or even the lat-
itude allowed by the words r/xEVn) tyivrro, might
well cover it.
In the passage of Tacitus referred to more than
once (Arm. iii. 48), we learn that in A. D. 21, Tibe-
rius asked of the Senate the honor of a public
funeral for Quirinus. The historian descriln,
however, his memory as not being popular fin
other reasons (see Ann. iii. 22), and because off
his "nordida et prnpotens senectus."
For the controversy respecting the census under
Quirinus, as it stood before Zumjt's discovery,
see Winer, vt tupra ; Greswell, vol i. Dmertation
xii.; Browne's Ordo Sachntm, Appendix, ii. 40
ff. ; and Wieseler, Chronologiiche Synoptt dtr view
Fmwietien, p. 109 ff. H. A.
* Was Cyrenius or Quiriniua — not Quirinus, as
many call him — governor or legaau Augtuii pr»
praiore in Syria more than ones? A. W. Zumpt,
in his Comment, epigraph, ii. 71-150 (Berlin, 18M)
has maintained this, and his conclusions have beta
aoeepted by many. Quiriniua, consul in the jaw
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CYRIA
It B. AbM V. ft, and afterwards at the head
of an army in Africa, — perhapa as prooonaul of the
province of Africa in 7 b. c. = 747 v. c. (oomp.
Florua, far. 12) — appear* in the East sometime be-
tween S B. C. = 752 u. c, and 2 A. D. Here be
won a triumph over a people in Cilicia Trachea,
waa appointed "rector" of C. Caesar, when he was
itent to Armenia, and viaited Tiberias during his
stay at Rhodes (Tac. Ann. iii. 48; oomp. Strabo,
iii. p. 854 a.). C. Cavar went to the East late in 2,
or early in 1 b. c, and Tiberias returned to Rome
in 2 A. D. As Quirinius needed an army in Cili-
cia, be must have been a governor of a province, or
a legate of the emperor's legate. Zumpt shows
that probably at this time Cilicia, although pop-
ularly called a province, was under the jurisdiction
of the legate in Syria, who had with him a large
army, while the other provincial governors around
( lilicia had no army. With Syria, then, Quirinius
ii at this time brought into connection, and, as
/.unjpt endeavors to make out on probable grounds,
in the capacity of governor of that province. This
could have happened only after the departure of
Uuintilius Varus from his Syrian administration.
Varus followed U. Sentius Saturoinus, is known by
coins to have been governor in 748-760 o. c. =6-
4 ». c, and left his post after the death of Herod
the Great in 4 b. c. (Tac. Hat. v. 9; Joseph. Ant.
xrii. 10). It happens that there is here a gap in
our list of governors of Syria until 4 a. D., when
L. Volusius Satuniinus, as appears from coins, held
the office. Quirinius is assigned by Zumpt on
probable grounds to the earlier part of this inter-
val — to the years between 4 and 1 B. c.
It is then far from being improl*lJe that this
Roman filled the office of governor of Syria twice —
once at this time, and once from 6 a. d. onward,
in the times of the " taxing " mentioned Acts v.
37. The btraypatjrf) in Luke ii. 2 might thus be
called " the Jim" in opposition to the second or
more noted one, which Luke had in bit* mind with-
out mentioning it. It may be added that a Latin
inscription speaks of some one as twice governor
of Syria under Augustus. The name is lost.
Mommsen refers it to our Quirinius, Zumpt to Sen-
ilis Saturninus, his second predecessor. But these
wmbinations fail to remove the difficulties which
Luke ii. 1-2 presents to us: they rather bring
Matthew and Luke into irreconcilable variance. For
our Lord was born some time before Herod's death,
and Quirinius cannot have commanded in Syria
antil some months after Herod's death.
Something, however, is gained from the known
fact that Quirinius was in the East and in active ser-
vice about the time of our Saviour's birth. 'Hytfv&r
of Syria he could not, it is certain, then have been.
But if employed there as a special commissioner, he
may well at that time have subdued the mountain-
eers of Cilicia, and superintended the census in
Syria. Popularly he might be called 4/yqutV,
while acting in such a capacity ; but the bwoyoatf)
itself was not like the one which the same Quir-
inius — sent there, we may suppose, on account of
lis previous experience — undertook in 6 A. i>.,
t hieh was a valuation of property in Judeea with a
slew to the taxation of the Jews, now no longer
ander a king ; while the prior one could not have
fooe beyond a numbering of the population.
T. D. W.
• CYRIA (Kopla: dcmtmi), supposed by some
IB he a proper name (2 John, ver. 1 ). See John,
Bmobd and Third Erurrucs ok. H.
GYRUS
CTYRTJ8 (BJtS, or vHXB, I e. Ores*: «
pot; probably from the root contained in the Fens
kohr, the sun; Sans, sura: so Plut Artax. c. 1
cf. Gesen. The*, s. v.), the founder of the Persia
empire (cf. Dan. vi. 28, x. 1, 13; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 22,
23), was, according to the common legend (Herod
i. 107; Xen. Cyivp. i. 2, 1), the son of Mandane,
the daughter of Astyages, the last king of Media,
and Cambyses, a Persian of the royal family of the
Achaemenidffi.o In consequence of a dream, As-
tyages, it is said, designed the death of his infant
grandson, but the child was spared by those whom
he charged with the commission of the crime
(Herod, i. 109 ff.), and Cyrus grew up in obscurity
under the name of Agradates (Strab. xr. p. 729).
His real parentage was discovered by the imperious
spirit which he displayed while yet a boy (Herod,
i. 114), and when he grew up to manhood his cour-
age and genius placed him at the head of the Per-
sians. The tyranny of Astyages had at that time
alienated a large faction of the Medes, and Cyrus
headed a revolt which ended in the defeat and cap-
ture of the Median king n. c. 559, near 1'asargadn
{Hurgh-Aub, Strab. xv. p. 730). After consolidat-
ing the empire which he thus gained, Cyrus entered
on that career of conquest which has made him the
hero of the East. In b. c. 546 (?) he defeated
Croesus, and the kingdom of Lydia was the prize
of his success. While his general Harpagus was
engaged in completing the reduction of Asia Minor,
Cyrus turned his arms against the Babylonians.
Babylon fell before his army, and the ancient do-
minions of Assyria were added to his empire (b. c.
538). The conquest of Babylon opened the way
for greater designs. It is probable that Cyrus
planned an invasion of Egypt ; and there are traces
of campaigns in Central Asia, in which be appears
to have attempted to extend his power to the Indus
(Ctes. Pen. cc 5 ff.). Afterwards he attacked the
Maasagetee, and according to Herodotus (i. 214; cf.
Joseph. Ant. xi. 2, 1) he fell in a battle against
them o. c. 529 (Clinton, F. //. ii. 301 ff.). His
tomb is still shown at I'asargadse (Ait. Exp. AL
vi. 2a), the scene of his first decisive victory (Raw-
linson, Herod, i. 351).
It is impossible to insist upon the details of the
outline thus sketched. In the time of Herodotus
Cyrus was already regarded as the national hero of
Persia, and his history had received various popular
embellishments (Herod, i. 95: cf. iii. 18, 160;
Xen. Cyrop. i. 2, 1). In the next century Xeno-
phon chose him as the hero of his romance, and
fact and fiction became thenceforth hopelessly con-
fused in classical writers. But in the absence of
authentic details of his actions, the empire which
he left is the best record of his power and plans.
Like an oriental Alexander be aimed at universal
dominion ; and the influence of Persia, like that of
Greece, survived the dynasty from which it sprung.
In every aspect the reign of Cyrus marks an epoch
in universal history. The fall of Sardis and Baby-
lon was the starting-point of European life; and it
is a singular coincidence that the beginning of
Grecian art and philosophy, and the foundation of
the Roman constitution synchronize with the tri-
umph of the Aryan race hi the East (of. Niebuhr
GescA. An. p. 232).
« In an u n e ri p Moo he Is des c r ib ed as "Bon of Oka
bysas, ttw powerful king" (OoL Bawtmsoa, on 7*wM
1,107k
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CYRUS
But while the position which Gyrus occupied
eith regard to the nations of the world ia striking y
significant, the personal relations to God's people,
with which he is invested in the Scriptures, are full
at a more peculiar interest-"
Hitherto the great kings, with whom the Jews
had been brought into contact, had been open op-
pressors or seductive allies; but Cyrus was a gen
erous liberator and a just guardian of their rights.
An inspired prophet (Is. xliv. 28) recognized in him
"a shepherd" of the Lord, an "anointed" king
(Is. xlv. 1; rPtPJpt Mr$titth: T p xpi<rr<p fiou:
Chrutu men) ; and the title seemed tn later writers
to invest him with the dignity of being in some
sense a type of Christ himself (Hieron. Coinm. in
I: xlv. 1). His successes are connected in the
prophecy with their religious issue; and if that ap-
pear to be a partial view of history which represents
the restoration of a poor remnant of captive Israel-
ites to their own land as the final cause of his no-
taries (Is. xliv. 28-xlv. 4), it may be answered that
CYRUS
52"
the permanent effects which Persia has w 'ought
upon the work) can be better traced through the
Jewish people than through any other channel.
The laws, the literature, the religion, the very ruins
of the material grandeur of Persia have lasted
away; and still it is possible to distinguish the ef-
fects which they produced in preparing the Jews
for the fulfillment of their last mission. In this
respect also the parallel, which has been already
hinted, holds good. Cyrus stands out clearly as
the representative of the East, as Alexander after-
wards of the West. The one led to the develop-
ment of the idea of order, and the other to that of
independence. Ecclesiastically the first crisis was
signalized by the consolidation of a Church; the
second by the distinction of sects. The one found
its outward embodiment in "the great Syna-
gogue ; " the other in the dynasty of the Asdm-
means.
The edict of Cyrus for the rebuilding of the
Temple (2 Chr. xxxvi. 2-2-23; Ext. i. 1-4, ill- 7,
iv. 3, v. 13, 17, vi. 3) was in fact the beginning
Tomb of Cyrus at Mmrgk-Ani, the esurient Pasergadss.
of Judaism ; and the great changes by which the
nation was transformed into a church are clearly
marked.
1. The lesson of the kingdom was completed by
the Captivity. The sway of a tempor.d prince was
at length felt to be at best only a faint image of
that Messianic kingdom to which the prophets
pointed. The royal power had led to apostasy in
Israel, and to idolatry in Judah; and men looked
for some other outward form in which the law
might be visibly realized. Dependence on Persia
excluded the hope of absolute political freedom and
offered a sure guarantee for the liberty of religious
'./ionization.
2. The Captivity which was the punishment of
Hulatrj was also the limit of that sin. Thenoe-
«rth the Jews apprehended fully the spiritual na-
« It seems unnecessary to enter Into the question
cf she Identity of tbo Gyrus of Scripture and profane
aktory, though the opinion of the Duke of Manches-
ter that the Cyrus of Hrrodot"* Is the Nebuchadnes-
ture of their faith, and held it fast through per-
secution. At the same time wider views were
opened to them of the unseen world. The powers
of good and evil were recognized in their action in
the material world, and in this way some prepara-
tion was made for the crowning doctrine of Chris-
tianity.
3. The organization of the outward Church was
connected with the purifying of doctrine, and
served as the form in which the truth might he
realized by the mass. Prayer — public and private
— assumed a new importance. The prophetic work
came to an end. The Scriptures were collected
The " law was fenced " by an oral tradition. Syu
agogues were erected, and schools formed. Scribes
shared th? respect of priests, if they did not super-
sede them in popular regard.
sar of the Bible has (bund advocates In Oermaajr
•Prawu., s. v. Ovnu In Henog's Entylcbp.). It is
impossible thai the gnat conqueror of Isaiah oaa bs
manly a satrap of Xerxes.
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DABAREH
4. Above ill, the bond by which "the people
tf God " was held together wis at length felt to
Be religious and not local, nor even primarily na-
tional. The Jews were incorporated in different
nations, and still looked to Jerusalem as the centre
of their faith. The boundaries of Canaan were
passed; and the beginnings of a Spiritual dispen-
sation were already made when the " Dispersion "
was established among the kingdoms of the earth
(comp. Niebuhr's Ouch. A$tun unrl Habtlt, p. 224
fT.j Ewald, Orteh. d. Voiles lintel, iv. 60 ff.;
Jost, Otseh. d. .Iwhnlhttmi, i. 13 ff.). [DlSPER-
MON OF TI1K JEWS.] B. F. W.
D.
DAB'AREH (H"?53 [posture] : AeBBd
Alex. i\tBpa0: Dabtrttk), Josh. xxi. 28. This
name is incorrectly spelt in the A. V., and should
be Dabkrath ; which see.
* The A. V. inherits the orthography from the
older English versions. The pronunciation of the
word without Metheg, as usually read in 1 Chr. vi.
67 (A. V. 72), would be Dovrath. H.
DABBA'SHETH (mrjn: BaiBipaBa:
Alex. AajBcurttai: Dtbbaseth), a town on the boun-
dary of Zebulun (Josh. xix. 11 only).
* The name is properly Dabbrsheth (rKP^J),
the vowel being changed as above by the pause. It
signifies a hump (Uesen., Fiirst) as of a camel
(comp. Is. xxx. 0), and points therefore to a hill or
town on a hill. Josephus says that Uamala was so
called for a similar reason (B. J. iv. 1, § 1). Hence
Knobel (J»tu<i, p. 458) conjectures among other
possibilities that Dabbaaheth may be the present
JebAthn, on one of the bills which skirt the plain
of Esdraelon (Hob. Bibl. Re: u. 344, 2d ed.) be-
tween Mrjtiiltl and Kaiunm. But the position
alone, without an affinity in the names, would not
bear out that conclusion. U.
DAB'ERATH (with the article in Josh.
"P^jn [the pasture., fern, of ">3^f, FUrst] :
la&'ipke [Vat. -Bh-] ; Alex. AaBpaB; In Chr. by
rouble copying, r\v A<0<pl [Vat. -pei] xal tt/»
AaBiip- D'ibertlh), i town on the boundary of
Zebulun (Josh. xix. 12) named as next to Chisloth-
Tabor. In the list of I^vitical cities, however, in
1 Chr. vi. 72, and in Josh. xxi. 28 (where the name
In the original is the same, though in the A. V.
■' Dabareh "), it is stated as belonging to Issachar.
[Daiiaiikii.] It is no doubt the Dabaritta (Aa-
Sapirruiv icti^r)) mentioned by Josephus (B. J. ii.
21, $ 3). 1'nder tlie name of Debirieh it still lies
at the western foot of Tabor ([Rob. BibL Ret.] ii.
150). A tradition mentioned by Van de Velde (ii.
J74) makes this the scene of the miracle on the
hmatic child perfoimed by our Lord after his de-
scent flow the Mount of Transfiguration (Matt.
xrii. 14). But this event probably took place far
way." G.
* For the scene of the Transfiguration, see
IIermok and Tabor. Daberath could belong to
DAOOK
Issachar and yet be on the border of Zebnhm, be
cause the two tribes had a conterminous boundary
Debirith lies in the way of the traveller in going
from Nazareth to Tabor. Like other Galilean vil-
lages, it illustrates still aucient Scripture customs.
The writer, passing there, observed booths made of
the branches of trees on the roofs of some of the
houses, occupied as- an apartment of the house. Al-
lusion is made to dwelling on th< house-top in some
such way as this in Prov. xxi. 9. In this place, says
Mr. liertlett (Footttept of our Lord tmd kit Apm-
tit; p. 199, 3d ed.\ " we established our bivouac at
night-fall upon the roof of a house, amidst heaps
of corn just gathered from the surrounding plain.' '
It is a custom that reaches back to the age of the
( 'anaanites. Kahab who dwelt at Jericho took the
two Hebrew spies and " brought them up to the
roof of the house and hid them with the stalks of
the flax which she had laid in order upon the roof
(Josh. ii. 6). The flat roof furnishes a convenient
place for storing such products, because, exposed
there to the sun, they ripen or become dry more
speedily, and are also more secure from pillage.
[Hu''sk.] One of the remoter branches of tin
Kishon has its source near Debirith (Rob. Phyt.
Geogr. p. 188). II.
DA'BRIA. one of the five swift scribes wLc
recorded the visions of Esdras (2 Esdr. xlv. 24
comp. 37, 42).
DACOTJI (Ao*oo0; Alex. Aoa-ovjBf; [Aid
AaitoPl-] Accuba), 1 Esdr. v. 28. [Akkdb.]
DAB-DOTS, or SADDETJS (1 Esdr. viii.
45, 46), a name which answers to the Greek AoS-
Soibr [Vat. AaaSoioj, AaJoioi], or AoaSoToi
[Alex.; Aid. Aatowbr, AoSSomt: Loddeia], which
is itself a corruption of Iddo (Ear. viii. 17), aris-
ing out of the preceding word 7S. [Iddo.]
B. F. W.
•DAGGER. [Arms, 1. 1.]
DA'GON (yCl}, A4vc"> a diminutive of 2%,
afith, used in a sense of endearment: cf. Gesso.
The: s. v.), apparently the masculine (1 Sam. v.
3, 4; Sanction, p. 28; Movers, Phbmt. 1. 144) cor-
relative of Atargatis [Ataroatis], was the na-
tional god of the Philistines. The most famous
temples of Dagon were at tiara (Judg. xvi. 21-30)
and Ashdod (1 Sam. v. 6, 6; 1 Chr. x. 10). The
latter temple was destroyed by Jonathan in the
Maccabican wars (1 Mace. x. 83, 84, xi. 4 ; Joseph.
Ant. xiii. 4, § 5). Traces of the worship of Da-
gon likewise appear in the names Caphar-Dagon
(near Jamnia), and Beth-
Dagon in Judah (Josh
xv. 41) and Asber (Josh
xix. 27). [Bkth-Da
ook.] Dagon was rep-
resented with the face
and hands of a man and
the tail of a fish (1
Sam. v. 4).
In the Rabylorlaii
mythology the name
VZHJK***" D *8 on » od » ko " COUr
"-- " «a>»), is applied to a
• *Hjontaon thinks that Dtb&rith or Dtbaruh may
serpHuate the name of the heroine Deborah ( Lane/
ttul Ax»V. h 150) ; but the site of Dsberatb and of
THtdrith being so evidently the same, It Is most nat-
Ira! to regard than as forms of the same name. " I
Pish -god.
bad.
(Layard.)
see no reason," says Dr. Van Dyck, one of the trans
lators of tho modem Amble Bible, "against consider
log JWinVrt — Daberath, In point of etymology at
well as position."
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DAMAN
safc-iike hung who "ran from the waters of
the Red Set (Berosns, in Niebuhr, (Setch. A*.
DAMAR1S
029
Fish-god. From Nimroud. (Lajard.)
niif, p. 477) as one of the great benefactors of
men." Niebuhr appears to identify this being with
the Phoenician god, but Kawlinson ( lltrodolut, i.
523 ft".) regards them as wholly distinct It may
have lieen from a confusion with the Babylonian
deity that the Phoenician Dagon has been compared
with z»i>j apiroios, the author of agriculture
(Philo Bybl. ap. fcuseb. Pivp. As. i. 10: Sanchou.
p. 82), as if the name were connected with ] '^,
corn (XWuy, I'hilo).
The fish-like form was a natural emblem of fruit
fulness, and as such was likely to be adopted by
sea f a rin g tribes in the representation of their gods.
Fish-god on ferns In British Museum. (I*yard.)
Various kinds of Ash were, as is * -Jl known, objects
of general worship among the Egyptians (Herod. ii>
T»; Strab. xvii. 812). B. F. W.
DAI'SAN [2 •}!.] (AauroV; Alex. A«ro»:
Daanm), 1 Eadr. t. 31. Kkzlsij by the com-
monly repeated change of R, "1, to D, "T.
DALA'IAH [3 syl.J (fP^ [Jehovah deUv-
34
en): AaAaata; [Alex. AaAaia:] Datum). Tim
sixth son of FJioenai, a descendant of the royal
family of Judah (1 Chr. in. 24).
DALMANUTHA (AaAuayovM). In Matt.
xt. 39 it is said that Jesus " came into the borders
of Magdala,'' while in Mark viii. 10 we read that
he "came into the regions (us riiiM of Dal-
manutha." From this we may conclude that Dal-
manutha was a town on the west side of the Sea
of Galilee, near Magdala. The latter stood close
upon the shore, at the southern end of the little
plain of Gennesaret [Haw>ala.] Immediately
south of it a precipitous hill juts out into the sea.
Beyond this, about a mile from Magdala, a narrow
glen breaks down from the west. At its mouth
are some cultivated fields and gardens, amid which,
just by the beach, are several copious fountains,
surrounded by heavy ancient walls, and the ruins
of a village. The place is called Ain-eUBdridth,
" the cold Fountain." Here in all probability is
the site of the long lost Dalmanutha. J. L. P.
• Mr. Tristram (Lnnd of I trad, p. 429, 2d
ed.) would also identify Dalmanutha with 'Ain-tU
B&ridth. Dr. Thomson (hind and Book, ii. 60)
slightly favors the idea that Dalmanutha may be
the present Dalkamia or DtUmamin on the Jarmjl
which flows into the Jordan a little south of the
lake of Galilee. But the manifest parallelism be-
tween Mark viii. 10 and Matt. xv. 39 (where there
can be no doubt about the position of Magdala) re-
quires that it should be found on the west side of
the lake and not on the east. It may be that
Mark, with his characteristic precision (Westcott,
Introduction to the Study of the Gospel*, p. 3(16,
Amer. ed.), mentions the more exact place, and
Matthew the one near which the Saviour disem-
barked. The two points on the coast are so near
each other that it would be perfectly natural for
the writers to adopt this twofold designation
Whether the Evangelists agree or differ in cases
like this the critics of Ilaur'a school find fault with
them; if they agree they merely copy from each
other, and if, as here, Matthew writes Magdala but
Mark Dalmanutha, it is because Mark wished to
show his independence. H
DALMATIA (AoA^ot(o), a mountainous
district on the eastern coast of the Adriatic Sea,
extending from the river Naro in the S. to the Sa
vus in the N. It formed a portion of the Koman
province of Illyricum, subsequently to Tiberins's
expedition, A. D. 9. St Paul sent Titus there (2
Tun. iv. 10); he himself had preached the Gospel
in its immediate neighborhood (Horn. xt. 19), for
the boundaries of illyricum and Dalmatia were not
well defined, and the two names were, at the time
St Paul wrote, almost identical. [Ii.i.ritiruM.]
W. L. B.
DALTPHON QS3^? [prob. Fenian]: Asa
<p£r, some MSS. [FA*]' K tu aUKipay. Dd/ilim),
the second of the ten sons of Haman ; killed by the
Jews on the 13th of Adar (Esth. ix. 7).
DAM'ARIS (Ad>api») [a hdftr], an Athen-
ian wor-an converted to Christianity by St Paul's
preaching (Acts xvii. 34). Chrysostom (de Sacer-
dotio, iv 7) and others held her to have been thr
wife of Dionysius the Areopagite, but apparently
for no other reason than that she is mentioned to-
gether with him in this passage. Grotlus and
Hemsterhuis think the name should be Aa/aaAit.
which is frequently found as a woman's name; hut
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DAMASCENES
she permutation of \ and p was nut uncommon
both in pronunciation and writing. We have Kpi-
0ai>ot end K \l$aros, Seqxikoi and 0ioKipot,
0o6ko\os and aiyiKoptit, from the obsolete koov
or «<f\a, euro, cob (Lobeck on Phrynichus, p. 652).
li. A.
• If Damans had been the wife of Dionysius,
the would properly have been called % yuwi) alrroD
(Acta v. 1) or at least f, ywl, (AcU xxiv. 24).
She must have had some personal or social distinc-
tion, to cause her to be thus singled out by name
from the others. II.
* DAMASCENES' (Aa/uurmji-oi : Itomu-
asm), inhabitants of Damascus (2 Cor. xi. 32). It
repeats iy Aeuuuncaf just before, but is not alto-
gether pleonastic. The city which the Ethnarch
guarded was that of the Damascenes, while he him-
self was an Arabian. H.
DAMA8CUS (P^OT [also jfy&H,
DAMASCUS
2 K. xvi. 10, and Pt?9"H hi ] and acta*.; a»
tivily, indutti-y, as being a seat of traffic, Get.) .
Aafuurxis ■ Damnum) is one of the most ancient,
and has at all times been one of the most impor-
tant, of the cities of Syria. It is situated in a
plain of vast size and of extreme fertility, which
lies east of the great chain of Anti-I Jbanus, on the
edge of the desert. This fertile plain, which is
nearly circular, and about 30 miles in diameter, is
due to the river Baradu, which is probably th*
" Abana " of Scripture." This streans rising Lig!i
up on the western flank of Anti-I jhai us, forees hi
way through the chain, running for some film
among the mountains, till suddenly il bursts
through a narrow cleft upon the open country east
of the bills, and diffuses fertility far and wide
[Abana.] "From the edge of the mountain
range,' - says a modern traveller, "you look d.wn
on the plain of Damascus. It is here seen in iti
widest and fullest perfection, with the ruiblr exjls
I of the whole secret of its great and enduring
jharm, that which it must have had when it was
she solitary seat of civilization in Syria, and which
it will have as long as the world lasts. The river
is visible at the bottom, with its green banks, rusti-
ng through the cleft; it burst* forth, and as if in
i moment scatters over the plain, through a circle
of 30 miles, the same verdure which had hitherto
>een confined to its single channel. . . . Kar and
wide in front extends the level plain, its horizon
are, its lines of surrounding bills bare, all bare far
sway on the road to I'almyra and Bagdad. In the
judst of this plain lies at your feet the vast lake or
.aland of deep verdure, walnuts and apricots waving
above, com and grass below ; and in the midst of
this mass of foliage rises, striking out its white
I of streets hither and thither, and its white
• * That* la a river of eonsidrrabh she a law hours
<• th* north of JCMduuk us still called Ammana. Sea
minaret* above the trees which embosom them, the
city of Damascus. On the right towers the snowy
height of Ilermon, overlooking the whole scene.
Close behind are the sterile limestone mountains —
so that you stand literally between the living and
the dead " (Stanley, S. if P., p. 410). Another
writer mentions among the produce of the plain in
question " walnuts, pomegranates, figs, plums, apri-
cots, citrons, pears, and apples " (Addison's Dam.
and Palmyra, ii. <J2). Olive-trees are also a prin-
cipal feature of the scene. Ik-miles the main
stream of the Bannhi, which runs directly through
the town, supplying its public cisterns, baths, and
fountains, a number of branches are given off to
the right and to the left, which irrigate the mead-
ows and com fields, turning what would ot)i<
be a desert into a garden. The various
2 K. v. 12 (Keri' This river of courrc is a
one from the Barmla. i). V. A. V.
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DAMASCUS
rsci-t* but greatly weakened in volume, at a little
distance beyond the town; and the Barada flows on
towards the east in a single channel fur about 15
miles, when it separates, and pour* its waters into
two small and shallow lakes, which lie upon the
verge of the desert. Two other streams, the Wiuly
iltlboa upon the north, and the Au> >j upon the
south, which flows direct from Herniou, increase
the fertility of the Damascene plain, and contend
for the honor of representing the " Pharpar " of
Scripture. [Phabpah.]
According to Joaephus (Ant. i. 6) Damascus was
founded by Us, the son of Aram, and grandson of
Sheux It it first mentioned in Scripture in con-
nection with Abraham, whose steward was a native
of the place (Gen. xv. 2). We may gather from
the name of this person, as well as from the state-
ment of Joaephus, which connects the city with the
Aramaean*, that it was a Semitic settlement. Ac-
cording to a tradition preserved in the native
writer, Nicolaus, Abraham stayed for some time at
Damascus, after leaving Charrau and before enter-
ing the promised land, and during his stay was
king of the place. "Abraham's niune was," he
says, " even in his own day familiar in the mouths
of the Damascenes, and a village was shown where
he dwelt, which was called after him " (Fr. p. 30).
This last circumstance would seem however to con-
flict with tile notion of Abraham having been king,
since in that case he would nave dwelt in the capi-
tal. Nothing more is ruown of Damascus until
the time of David, when " the Syrians of Damas-
cus came to succor Hadadezer, king of Zobah,"
with whom David was at war (2 Sam. viii. 5; 1
Chr. xviii. 6). On this occasion David " slew of
the Syrians 22,000 men;" and in consequence of
this victory became completely master of the whole
territory, whicl he garrisoned with Israelites.
'* David put garrisons in Syria of Damascus; and
the Syrians became servants to David, and brought
gifts" (2 Sam. viii. 6). Nicolaus of Damascus
said that the name of the king who reigned at this
time was Hadad ; and he a cribes to him a domin-
ion, not only over Damascus, but over " all Syria
except Phoenicia" (Fr. p. 31). He noticed his
nllack upon David ; and related that many battles
were fought between them, the last, wherein he
suffered defeat, being " u/xm the. Kit/ihr.ita." Ac-
cording to this writer Hadad the First was suc-
ceeded by a son who took the same name, as did
his descendants for ten generations. But this is
irrec mcilable with Scripture. It appears that in
the reign of Solomon, a certain Kezon, who had
been a subject of Hadadezer, king of Zobah, and
had escaped when David conquered Zobah, made
himself master of Damascus and established his
own rule there (1 K. xi. 23-25). He was " an ad-
versary to Israel all the days of Solomon
and be abhorred Israel, and reigned over Syria."
Afterwards the family of Hadad appears to have
recovered the throne, and a Benhadad, who is prob-
tbly Hadad III. of Nicolaus, a grandson of the an-
agonist of David, is found in league with Baasha,
ting of Israel, against Asa (1 K. xv. 19; 2 Chr.
ivi. 3), and afterwards in league with Asa against
Baasha (1 K. xv. 20). He made a wccessful in-
•-aaion of the Israelite territory in the reign of that
ting' and in the reign of Oiuri he no; only cap-
tared a number of Israelite cities which he added
to bis own dominions, but even seems to have ex-
ercised a special of lordship over Samaria itself, in
which he acquired loe right of " making himself
DAMASCUS
681
streets " (1 K. xx. 34; comp. Nie. Dam. Fr. p. 81.
ad Jin.). He was succeeded by his son, Hadad
IV. (the Benhadad II. of Scripture, and the Ben-
idri of the Assyrian inscriptions), who came at the
head of thirty-two subject kings against Ahab, and
laid siege to Samaria (1 K. xx. 1). The attack
was unsuccessful; and was followed by wars, in
which victory declared itself unmistakably on the
side of the Israelites ; and at last Benhadad was
taken prisoner, and forced to submit to a treaty
whereby he gave up all that his father had gained,
and submitted in his turn to the suzerainty '4
Ahab (U>. xx. 13-34). The terms of the treaty
were perhaps not observed. At any rate three
years afterward war broke out afresh, through the
claim of Ahab to the city of Kamoth-GileaJ. (to.
xxii. 1-4). The defeat and death of Ahab at that
place (il>. 15-37) seems to have enabled the Syrians
of Damascus to resume the offensive. Their bands
ravaged the lands of Israel during the reign of Je-
horani; and they even undertook at this time a
second siege of Samaria, which was frustrated
miraculously (2 K. vi. 24, vii. 6, 7). After this,
we do not bear of any more attempts against the
Israelite capital. The cuneiform inscriptions show
that toward the close of his reign Benhadad was
exposed to the assaults of a great conqueror, who
was bent on extending the dominion of Assyria
over Syria and i'alestiue. Three several attacks
appear to have been made by this prince upon Ben-
hadad, who, though lie had the support of the
Phoenicians, the tlitt'tes, and the Hauwthites, was
unable to offer any effectual opposition to the As-
syrian arms. His troops were worsted in several
engagements, and in one of them be lust as many
as 20,000 men. It may have been these circum-
stances which encouraged Hazael. tnu servant of
Benhadad, to murder him, and seize the throne,
which Eliaha had declared would certainly one day
be his (2 K. viii. 15). He may have thought that
the Syrians would willingly acquiesce in the re-
moval of a ruler under whom they had suffered sc
many disasters. The change of rulers was not at
first productive of any advantage to the Syrians.
Shortly after the accession of Hazael (about n. c.
881), be was in his turn attacked by the Assyrian*
who defeated him with great loss amid the fast-
nesses of Anti-I.ibanus. However, in his other wars
he was more fortunate. He repulsed an attack on
Kamoth- Uilead, made by Ahaziah king of Judah
and Jehoram king of Israel in conjunction (2 K
vni. 28, 211); ravaged the whole Israelite territory
east of Jordan (it>. x. 82, 33); besieged and took
Oath (ib. xii. 17 ; comp. Am. vi. 2) ; threatened Je-
rusalem, which only escaped by paying a lieavy
ransom (2 K. xii. 18) ; and established a species of
suzerainty over Israel, which he maintained to the
day of his death, and handed down to Benhadad,
his son (2 K. xiii. 3-7, and 22). This prince in
the earlier part of his reign had the same good for-
tune as his father. Like him, he "oppressed Is
rael," and added various cities of the Israelites to
his own dominion (2 K. xiii. 25); but at last a de-
liverer appeared (verse 5), and Joash, the son of
Jehoahaz, " beat Hazael thrice, and recovered the
cities of Israel " (verse 25). In the next reign still
further advantages were gained by the Israelites.
Jeroboam II. (about b. c. 836) is said to have
"recovered Damascus" (ii. xiv. 28), and though
this may not mean that lie captured the city, it at
least implies that he obtained a certain influence
over U. The Mention of this circumstance is fol-
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DAMASCUS
lowed I y a long pause, during which we hear noth-
iug of the Syrians, and moat therefore conclude
that their relations with the Israelites continued
peaceable. Waen they reappear nearly a century
later (about B. a 742) it is as allies of Israel
against Judah (2 K. zv. 37). We may suspect
that the chief cause of the union now established
between two powers which had been so long hostile,
was the necessity of combining to resist the Assyr-
ians, who at the time were steadily pursuing a pol-
icy of encroachment in this quarter. Scripture
mentions the invasions of Pul (2 K. xv. 19 ; 1 Chr.
r. 2ti), and Tiglath-Pileser (2 K. xv. 23; 1 Chr. v.
26); and there is reason to believe that almost
every Assyrian monarch of the period made war in
this direction. It seems to hare been during a
pause in the struggle that Resin king of Damascus
and Pekah king of Israel resolved conjointly to at-
tack Jerusalem, intending to depose Ahaz and set
up as king a creature of their own (Is. vii. 1-6 ; 2
K. xvi. 5). Ahaz may have been already suspected
of a friendly feeling towards Assyria, or the object
may simply have been to consolidate a power capa-
ble of effectually opposing the arms of that country.
In either case the attempt signally failed, and only
brought about more rapidly the evil against which
the two kings wished to guard. Jerusalem success-
fully maintained itself against the combined attack;
but Elath, which had been formerly built by Aza-
riah, king of Judah, in territory regarded as Syrian
(2 K. xiv. 22), having been taken and retained by
Rezin (ib. xvi. 6), Ahaz was induced to throw him-
self into the arms of Tiglath-Pileser, to ask aid
from him, and to accept voluntarily the position of
an Asssyrian feudatory (ib. xvi. 7, 8). The aid
sought was given, with the important result that
Keziu was slain, the kingdom of Damascus brought
to an end, and the city itself destroyed, the inhab-
itants being carried captive into Assyria (ib. verse
9 ; cump. Is. vii. 8 and Am. i. 6).
It was long before Damascus recovered from this
serious blow. As Isaiah and Amos bad prophesied
in the day of her prosperity, that Damascus should
be " taken away from being a city and lie a ruinous
heap " (Is. xvii. 1 ), that " a fire should be sent
into the house of Hazael, which should devour the
palaces of Benhadad " (Am. i. 4); so Jeremiah,
writing about n. c. 600, declares "Damascus t»
mixed fetbte and turneth herself to flee, and fear
bath seized on her ; anguish and sorrows have
4ken her, as a woman in travail. How is the city
i praise not left, the city of my joy? " (Jer. xlix.
24-5). We do not know at what time Damascus
was rebuilt; but Strabo says that it was the most
famous place in Syria during the Persian period
(xvi. 2, § 19); and we find that before the battle
of Issus it was selected by Darius as the city to
which h« should send for better security the greater
part of his treasures and valuables (Arr. Exp. AL
ii. 11). Shortly after the battle of Issus it was
taken by Parmenio (ibid.); and from this time it
continued to be a place of some importance mider
the Greeks; becoming however decidedly second to
Antioch, which was raised up as a rival to it by
tne Seleucidn. From the monarchs of this house
t passed to the Romans, who became masters of it
a the war between Pompey and Mithridates (Mot.
C'ltoiyn. i. 14; comp. .Joseph. Ant. JtuL xiv. 2,
{3; aud App. HtU. if Mr. p. 244). At the time
of the Gospel history, and of the Apostle Paul, H
•orated a |>art of the kingdom of Aretas (2 Cor.
il. 82), an Arabian prince, who, like the princes of
DAMASCUS
the house of Herod, held his king Ion. under the
Romans (Joseph. AM. Jud. xvi. 11, § 9). A littU
later it was reckoned to Decapohs (Plin. H. N. v
16), after which it became a part of the province
known as Phoenicia Libanesia (Hierocl. Syneod. p.
717). It grew in magnificence under the Greek
emperors, and when taken by the Mohammedan
Arabs in A. d. 634, was one of the first cities of the
eastern world. It is not necessary to trace its sub-
sequent glories under the Caliphs, the Saracens, and
the Turks. It may however he noticed that there
has scarcely been an interruption to its prosperity,
and that it is still a city of 160,000 inhabitants.
Damascus has always been a great centre fo>
trade. The difficulties and dangers of the moon
tain passes to the west of Anti-Iibanus made the
line of traffic between Egypt and Upper Syria fol-
low the circuitous route by Damascus rather than
the direct one through CoJe-Syria, while the trade
of Tyre with Assyria and the East generally, passed
naturally through Damascus on its way to Palmyra
and the Euphrates. Ezekiel, speaking of Tyre,
says, " Damascus was thy merchant in the multi-
tude of the wares of thy making, for the multitude
of all richa ; in the wine of Helbon, and white
wool." It would appear from this that Damascus
took manufactured goods from the Phoenicians, and
supplied them in exchange with wool and 'wine.
The former would be produced in abundance in
Coele-Syria and the valleys of the Anti-Iibanus
range, while the latter seems to have been grown
in the vicinity of Helbon, a village still famous for
the produce of its vines, 10 or 12 miles from Da-
mascus to the northwest (Gtograph. Jour, vol
xxvi. p. 44). But the passage trade of Damascus
has probably been at all times more important than
its direct commerce. Its merchants must have
profited largely by the caravans which continually
passed through it on their way to distant oountries.
It is uncertain whether in early times it had any
important manufactures of its own. According
to some expositors, the passage in Amos in. 12,
which we translate "i.: Damascus on a couch"
(ttny ptjpSna 1 )), means really » on the damatk
couch," which would indicate that the Syrian city
had become famous for a textile fabric as early as
the eighth century b. c. There is no doubt that
such a fabric gave rise to our own word, which has
its counterpart in Arabic as well as in most of the
languages of modern Europe; but it is questiona-
ble whether either this, or tl>e peculiar method of
working in steel, which ha* impressed itself in a
similar way upon the speech of the world, was in-
rented by the Damascenes before the Mohammedan
era. In ancient times they were probably rather a
consuming than a producing people, as the passage
in Ezekiel clearly indicates.
Certain localities in Damascus are shown as thi
site of those Scriptural events which especially in-
terest us in its history. A " long, wide thorough-
fare " — leading direct from one of the gates to the
Castle or palace of the Pasha — is " called by the
guides * Straight' " (Acts ix. 11); but the natives
know it among themselves as " the Street of Ba-
zaars " (Stanley, p. 412). The house of Juda*
is shown, but it is not in the street " Straight "
(Pococke, ii. 119). That of Ananias is also pointed
out. The scene of the conversion is confidently
said to be "an open green spot, surrounded bj
trees," and used ss the Christian burial-ground
but this spot is on the eastern aide of tb» cHy
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DAMN
whereas St Paul mas' have approached from the
•oath or west. Again it appears to be certain that
" four distinct spots hare been pointed out at dif-
ferent tiroes " (Stanley, p. 412) as the place where
tlie ' great light suddenly sbined from heaven "
(Acts ix. 3); so that little confidence can be placed
In any of them. The point of the walls at which
St. Paul was let down by a basket (Acts ix. 26;
t Cor. xi. 33) Is also shown; and, as this locality
is free from objection, it may be accepted, if we
think that the tradition, which has been so faith-
less or so uncertain in other cases, has any value
here.
In the vicinity of Damascus certain places are
shown, traditionally connected with the prophet
Klisha; but tliese local legends are necessarily even
mors doubtful than those which have reference to
the comparatively recent age of the Apostles.
(See Stanley's Sinai and Palestine ; MaundreU's
Journey to Dimrucut ; Addison's Damascus and
PaUiyra ; Pococka's Travels ; and especially Por-
ter's / its Years in Damascus, and bis account of
the country round Damascus in the Ueoyraphical
Journal, vol. xxvi.) a O. R.
» DAMN, DAMNATION. These terms,
when the common English version was made, were
not restricted to their present meaning, but were
used also in their primitive sense of condemn and
etwlemnuiun (comp. Pope's "damn with feint
praise "). This, often with the associated idea of
punishment, is all that the Greek words which they
represent properly signify. Dimn is the rendering
of naTwtpirti, Mark xvi. 16 ; Rom. xiv. 33, '* he
that doubteth is damned (condemned) if he eat; "
and Kplm, 2 These, ii. 12. Dimnattim is the ren-
dering of Kpifia, literally "judgment," Matt, xxiii.
14; Mark xii. 40; Luke xx. 47; Rom. iii. 8, xiii.
2, "they that resist shall receive to themselves
drimntUum " (punishment); 1 Cor. xi. 23, "be that
eateth and drinketh unworthily eateth and drinketh
damnation (condemnation, judgment) to himself; "
1 Tim. v. 12; — Kpfffit, Matt xxiii. 33; Mark iii.
29; John v. 29; — Korcrffin), "condemnation,"
•> punishment," Wisd. xii. 27 ; and ouraiAsia,
" destruction," 2 Pet ii. 3. A.
DAN. X. (TJ : AoV; Joseph. AdV, 9«oVpi-
ro» in runt stxottr nark r))r 'SU. yKArrati:
Dan). The fifth son of Jacob, and the first of
Uilhah, Rachel's maid (Gen. xxx. 6). The origin
of the name is given in the exclamation of Rachel
— "•God hath judged me O??^ dananni) . . .
and given me a son,' therefore she called his name
Dan," i. t. "judge." In the blessing of Jacob
(Gen. xlix. 16) this play on the name is repeated
— " Dan shall' judge (,* '\, yadin) his people."
DAN
588
a • It Is understood that Mr. Rogers, the English
°onsni at Damascus, has in preparation an elaborate
work on the manners and customs of the Synaos,
atrnuar to that of Mr. Lane on Ejrvpt. 11.
b Oeeenius has pointed out a slight difference be-
tween the two derivations ; the erb being active la
lbs latter and passive in the former ;7Vj. 833).
rhls in quite In keeplog with the uo-wrtaioty which
ftttenda many of these ancient parunnuMsdc ieriva-
ttons (rompan Asel, Bcnjamc*, and other*).
c The frequent variations In the LXX. fbrbra abso-
lute reliance on these numbers ; and. In addition, ft
■Mold not be overlooked that the census in Nan. I.
s of Cghtfaf men, that cf xxvl. of the « ehildrsa of
Dan was own brother tc Naphtali; and as Ike son
of Rachel's maid, in a closer relation with Rachel's
sons, Joseph and Benjamin, than with the othet
members of the family. It may be noticed that
there is a close affinity between his name and that
of Dinah, the only daughter of Jacob whose nam*
is preserved.
The records of Dan are uuusu illy meagre. Of
the patriarch himself no |iersonal history is, unfor-
tunately, preserved. Only one son is attributed to
him (Gen. xlvi. 23); but it may be observed that
" Hushim " is a plural form, as if the name, not
of an individual, but of a family; and it is remark-
able — whether as indicating that some of the de-
scendant* of Dan are omitted in these lists, or from
other causes — that when the people were numbered
in the wilderness of Sinai, this was, with the excep-
tion of Judah, the most numerous of all the tribes,
containing 62,700 men able to serve. The position
of Dan during the march through tbe desert was
on tbe north side of the tabernacle (Num. ii. 25'.
Here, with his brother Naphtali. and Asher, the
son of Zilpah, before him, was his station, the hind-
most of the long procession (ii. 31, x. 25). The
names of the " captain " (K*B^) of the tribe at
this time, and of the " ruler " (the Hebrew word is
the same as before), who was one of the spies (xiii.
12), are preserved. So also is the name of one who
played a prominent part at that time, " Aholiab the
son of Ahisamach, of the tribe of Dan," associated
with Beaded in the design and construction of the
fittings of the tabernacle (Ex. xxxi. 6, Ac. ). The
numliers of this tribe were not subject to the vio-
lent fluctuations which increased or diminished
some of its brethren (comp. the figures given in
Num. i. and xxvi. ), and it arrived at the threshold
of the Promised I juid, and passed the ordeal of the
rites of Baal-peor (Num. xxv.) with an increase of
1700 on the earlier census. Tbe remaining notices
of the tribe before the passage of the Jordan are
unimportant. It furnished a " prince " (.\W,«< ss
before) to the apportionment of the laud; and it
was appointed to stand on Mount Kbal. still in
company with Naphtali (but opposite to the other
related tribes), at the ceremony of blessing and
cursing (Deut xxvii. 13). After this nothing is
heard of Dan till the specification of tbe inherit-
ance allotted to him (Josh. xix. 48). He was the
last of the tribes to receive his porti hi, and that
portion, according to the record of Joshua — strange
as it appears in the face of tbe numbers just quoted
— was the smallest of tbe twelve.' But notwith-
standing its smallness it bad eminent natural ad-
vantages. On the north and east it was completely
embraced by its two brother-tribes Ephraim and
Benjamin, while on the south-east and routh it
joined Judah, and was thus surrounded by the
Reuben," *c, and therefore probably without thai
llmftatton.
</ This one word Is rendered in the A. V. by
" prince,' " ruler," " captain," " chief,'' and " gov
e The enumeration of the tribes In this record Is lu
the erder of their topographical position, from 3. to N.
It is remarkable that Dan Is named after Naphtali and
Ash< , as If already associated with tbe northern posi-
tion afterwards occupied by the dtv Dan. This Is else
the ease lu Judg. 1. 84, and 1 Chr. xU. 66. The write.
Is not aware that any explanation has 1 sen oflenrl of
this apparent anomaly.
I
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584
dajt
three luost powerful states of the whole confederacy.
Of the ton in enumerated as forming " the ' border '
3! its inheritance," the moat easterly which can
dow be identified are Ajalon, Zorah (Zareah), and
Ir-Sbemeah (or Heth-sbemesh; which see). These
phots are on the slopes of the lower ranges of hills
by which the highlands of Benjamin and Judah
descend to the broad maritime plain, that plain
which on the S. bore the distinctive name of " the
Shefelah," and more to the N., of "Sharon."
From Japho — afterwards Joppa, and now Yifa —
on the north, to Ekron and Gathrimmon on the
south — a length of at least 14 miles — that noble
tract, one of the most fertile in the whole of Pales-
tine, was allotted to this tribe, by Joaephus {AM.
T. 1, § 2-2, and 3, § 1) this is extended to Ashdod
on the south, and Dor, at the foot of Camiel, on
the north, so as to embrace the whole, or nearly
the whole, of the great plain. But this rich dis-
trict, the corn-field and the garden of the whole
south of Palestine (Stanley, S. ami P. 258), which
was the richest prize of Phoenician conquest many
centuries later," and which eteu in the now degen-
srate state of the country is enormously productive,
was too valuable to be given up without a struggle
by its original possessore. The Amorites accord-
ingly " forced the children of Dan into the moun-
tain, for they would not suffer them to come down
into the valley" (Judg. i. 34) — forced them up
from the corn-fields of the plain, with their deep
black soil, to the villages whose ruins still crown
the hills that skirt the lowland. True, the help
of the great tribe so closely connected with Dan
was not wanting at thia juncture, and •• the hand
of the children of Joseph," t. e. Ephraim, " pre-
vailed againat the Amorites " for the time. Hut
the same thing soon occurred again, and in the
glimpse with which we are afterwards favored into
the interior of the tribe, in the history of its great
hero, the Philistines have taken the place of the
Amorites, and with the same result. Although
Samson " conies down " to the " vineyards of Tlm-
nath" and the valley of Sorek, yet it is from
Mahaneh-I >an — the fortified camp of Dan, between
Zorah and KshtaoL behind Kirjath-jearim — that
he descends, and it is to that natural fastness, the
residence of his father, that be "goes up" again
after bis encounters, and that he is at last borne
to his family sepulchre, the burying-pfoce of Mancah
(Jndg. xiv. 1, 5, 19, xiii. 26, xvi. 4; comp. xviii.
19, xvi. 81).
These considerations enable ua to understand
bow it happened that long after the partition of the
land " all the inheritance of the Danitea had not
fallen to them ar.iong the tribes of Israel " (Judg.
a Sue tbe Inscription of king Ksmunasar, as inter-
preted by Stanley (5. If P. pp. 278, 268).
6 • The "all " in this passage (A. V.) has nothing
answering to It in the Hebrew, aod hides from the
reader a peculiarity of the text. The Hebrew writer
states that the Danttes had not yet received an im
heritaoce among the tribes of Israel. What is m •
■nay be that they had not received any territory ade-
suate to tbe wants of an overgrown population in their
original settlement, or, more probably, had received
■one whirh they could securely occupy as a permanent
scetessfon on account of the superior power of the
Philistines (see Bertbeau, Riehitr urn/ Rut*, p. 196).
Oassel suggests that the Danites may have complained
ss these terms of their having no inheritance as an
arose for their rapacity, when the com plaint was not
rm iu tut (KkM-r mui KMtk, r . 160). H.
DAK
xviii. 1).» They perhaps furnish a reason for tstt
absence of Dan from the great gathering of the
tribes against Sisera" (Judg. r. 17). They ahc
explain the warlike and independent character of
tbe tribe betokened in tbe name of their head-
quarters, ss just quoted — Hahaneh-Dan, '• the
camp, or host, of Dan" — in the fact specially
insisted on and reiterated (xviii. 11, 16, 17) of the
complete equipment of their 600 warriors'' "ap-
pointed with weapons of war," — and the lawless
freebooting style of their behavior to Micah. There
is something very characteristic in the whole of
that most fresh and interesting story preserved to
us in Judg. xviii. — a narrative without a parallel
for the vivid glance it affords into the maimers of
that distant time — characteristic of boldness and
sagacity, with a vein of grim sardonic humor, but
undeformed by any unnecessary bloodshed.
In the "security" and "quiet" (Judg. xviii.
7, 10) of their rich northern posmssion the Danitea
enjoyed tbe leisure and repose which had been
denied them in their original seat- But of tbe fate
of the city to which they gave " the name of their
father " (Josh. xix. 47), we know scarcely anything.
Tbe strong religious feeling which made the Danitea
so anxious to ask counsel of God from Micah's
Icvite at the commencement of their expedition
(Judg. xviii. 6), and afterwards take him away with
them to be " a priest unto a tribe and a family in
Israel," may have pointed out their settlement to
the notice of Jeroboam as a fit place for his north-
ern sanctuary. But beyond tbe exceedingly obscure
notice in Judg. xviii. 30, we have no information «
on thia subject. From 2 Chr. ii. 14 it would
appear that tbe Danitea had not kept their purity
of lineage, but had intermarried with the Phoeni-
cians of the country. (See an elaboration of this
in Blunt, Coincidence*, Pt. II. St.)
In the time of David Dan still kept its place
among the tribes (1 Chr. xii. 36). Asher is omit-
ted, but the " prince of the tribe of Dan " is men-
tioned in the list of 1 Chr. xxvii. 22. But from
this time forward the name as applied to the tribe
vanishes; it is kept alive only by the northern city.
In the genealogies of 1 Chr. ii. to xii. Dan is omit-
ted entirely, which is remarkable when the great
fame of Samson and the warlike character of the
tx. : l<e are considered, and can only be accounted fbt
by supposing that its genealogies had perished. It
is perhaps allowable to suppose that little care would
be taken to preserve the records of a tribe which
had left its original seat near the head-quarters of
the nation, and given its name to a distant city
notorious only as tbe seat of a rival and a forbidden
worship. Lastly, Dan is omitted from tbe list of
c Kwald ascribes it to their being engaged in com-
merce (Dithter, 1. 180). This may have been the ease
with Asher, but can hardly, for the reasons s Ivanosd
above, have been so with Dan. The " ships " of Deb-
orah's sou* are probably only a bold figure, in allu-
sion to Joppa.
d The complete appointment of these waniors Is
perhaps a more certain sign of tbe tribe being prac-
ticed in war, when we recollect that it was the Phitts-
tioe policy to deprive of their arms those whom they
had conquered (comp. 1 Sam. rill. 19-21, and perhaps
also Samson's rude weapon, the jaw-oooej.
« For " the captivity of the land," V^K. wwasa
proposes to read ''of the ark," )V"lK : that is, till ts»
time of Samuel a Sam. tv. 11), ©see*, Ii. pt. 1 •
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VAS
Juw who were sealed by the Angel in toe vision
•f St. John (Kev. vii. 6-7).
The mention of this tribe in the " blessings " of
J«oob and Moses must not be overlooked, but it la
IMBcult to extract any satisfactory meaning from
taera. Herder's interpretation as given by Prof.
Stanley will fitly close this notice.
" It is douUfiil whether the delineation of Dan
in Jacob's blaming relates to the original settlement
'in the western outskirts of Judah, or to the north-
ern outpost. Herder's -explanation will apply
almost equally to both. • Dan,' the judge, ' shall
judge uir people; ' he, the son of the concubine, no
less than tV e sons of l-eah ; he, the frontier tribe, no
less thai, those in the places of honor, shall be ' as
one of the tribes of Israel.' ' Dan shall be a serpent
by the way, an adder in the path,' that is of the
invading enemy by the north or by the west, ' that
biteth the heels of the horse,' the indigenous serpent
biting the foreign horse unknown to Israelite war-
rare, ' so that his rider shall fall backwards.' And
his aar-cry as from the frontier fortresses shall be
■ For Thy salvation, l/>rd, I have waited ! ' " In
the blessing of Modes the southern Dan is lost sight
of. The northern Dan alone appears, with the
same characteristics though under a different image ;
• a lion's whelp ' in the far north, as Judah in the
far south : ' lie Khali leap from liashan ' — from the
slopes of Hennon, where he is couched watching
for his prey."
2- 07 : Aa1»; Joseph. to AdW: Oan.) The
well-known city, so familiar as the most northern
landmark of Palestine, in the common expression
' from Dan even to lteershel«." The name of the
place was originally Laish or Leshkm (Josh. xix.
47). Its inhabitants lived " after the manner of
the Zidoniana," i. e. engaged in commerce, and
without defense. But it is nowhere said that they
were Phoenicians, though it may perhaps be inferred
from the parentage of Huram — his mother "of
the daughters of Dan,' ' his rather " a man of Tyre "
(8 Chr. ii. 14). Uving thus "quiet and secure,"
they fell an emy prey to the active and practiced
freebooters of the Danites. They conferred upon
then new acquisition the name of their own tribe,
" afl'r the name of their father who was born unto
Israel" (Judg. xviii. 29; Josh. xix. 47), and Laish
became Dan.
The locality of the town la specified with some
minuteness. It was "far from Zidon," and "in
the valley (pjJJ, Emtk) that is by ty Beth-
rehob," but as this latter place has not been identi-
fied with certainty, the position of Dan must be
ascertained by other means.
The graven image which the wandering Danitee
bad stolen from Aticah they set up in their new
home, and a line of priests was established, which,
though belonging to the tribe of l-evi and even
descended from Moses,* was not of the family of
Aaron, and therefore not belonging to the regular
priesthood. To the form of this image and the
nature of the idolatry we have no clew, nor to the
DAN
586
« According to Jewish trauitlon. Jacob's blearing
>n Dai. is a prophetic allusion to Samson, the great
'Judge" of the tribe; and toe ejaculation with whioh
t closes was that actually uttered by Sanisoc when
kougut into the temple at Oasa. (See the Targum
■a. Jonatnau on Of o. xllx. 16, 17 , ar.1 lbs quotations
■n KaliMb's Onutit ad loc.) Modern critics likewise
■w an allusion to Samson in the terms of the blessing,
relation, if any, which existed between it and Uh
calf-worship afterwards instituted there by Jeroboam
(1 K. xii. 39, 30). The latter is alluded to by Amos
(viii. 14) in a passage which possibly preserves a
formula of invocation or adjuration in use among
the worshippers; but the passage is very obscure.
After the establishment of the Danites at Dan it
became the acknowledged extremity of the country,
and the formula "from Dan even to Beersheba"
is frequent throughout the historical books (Judg.
xx. 1; 1 Sam. ill. 90; 9 Sam. Hi. 10, xvii. 11,
xxiv. 3, 15; 1 K. iv. 35). In the later records the
form is reversed, and becomes " from Beersheba
even to Dan " (1 Chr. xxi. 2; 2 Chr. xxx. 6).
Dan was, with other northern cities, laid waste
by Benhadad (1 K. xv. 30; 2 Chr. xvi. 4), and this
is the last mention of the place.
Various considerations would incline to the sus-
picion that Dan was a holy place of note from a far
earlier date than its conquest by the Danites. These
are: (1.) the extreme reluctance of the Orientals
— apparent in numerous cases in the Bible — to
initiate a sanctuary, or to adopt for worship any
place which had not enjoyed a reputation for holi-
ness from pre-historic times. (2.) The correspond-
ence of Dan with Beersheba in connection with
the life of Abraham — the origin of Beersheba also
being, as has been noticed, enveloped in some
diversity of statement. (3.) More particularly its
incidental mention in the very clear and circum-
stantial narrative of Gen. xiv. 14, as if well known
even at that very early period. Its mention in
Deut. xxxiv. 1 is also before the events related in
Judg. xviii., though still many centuries later than
the time of Abraham. But the subject is verj
difficult, and we can hardly hope to arrive at more
than conjecture upon it.
With regard to Gen. xiv. 14 three explanations
suggest themselves. 1. That another place of the
same name is intended. (Sec Kalisch, ad he. for
an ingenious suggestion of Ihuvjaan; another b
disposed of by Prof. Stanley, & <f P. p. 400.)
Against this may be put the belief of Josephs*
(comp. AnL i. 10, $ 1, with v. 3, § 1) and of
Jerome ( OnonuuL Laisa, comp. with QmaL llebr.
in Gentnm, xiv. 14), who both unhesitatingly
identify the Dan of the Danites, near Paneas, with
the Dan of Abraham. 2. That it is a prophetic
anticipation by the sacred historian of a name which
was not to exist till centuries later, just as Samson
haa been held to be alluded to in the blessing of
Dan by Jacob. 3. That the passage originally
contained an older name, as Laish; and that when
that was superseded by Dan, the new name was
inserted in the MSS. This last is Ewald's (Ouch.
i. 73), and of the three is the most feasible, espe-
cially when we consider the characteristic, genuine
air of the story in Judges, which fixes the origin
of the name so circumstantially. Josephus (Am.
v. 8, § 1 ) sposks positively of the situation of laish
as " not far 'rem Mount Libanus and the springs
of the lesser Jordan, near (kotcO the great plain
of the city of Sidon " (compare also Ant. viii. 8, §
which they presume on that account to have been
•mitten after the days of the Judges (Enid, a—eh. i.
92). Jerome's observations (Qw. in Om.) op ">ls pas-
sage are very interesting.
* Mo*»« is doubtless the genuine reading of Um
nut, wuch, by the insertion of an N, was ebangeri
by the Jews into Manasssh, as It stands In the A. *
of Judg. xviii. 80. IMaiuubo, 6.J
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DAK
4); and this, u just raid, be identifies with the
Dan in Gen. xiv. 14 (Ant. L 10, § 1). In con-
■onanoe with this are the notices of St Jerome,
who derives the word '• Jordan " from the names
of its two sources. Dan, the westernmost and the
jmaller of the two, he places at four miles from
I'aneas on the road to Tyre. In perfect agreement
with this is the position of Tell el-k&di, a mound
from the foot of which gushes out " one of the
largest fountains in the world," the main source of
the Jordan (Rob. iii. 390-393; Stanley, 394, 395).
Che Tell itself, rising from the plain by somewhat
steep terraces, has its long, level top strewed with
ruins, and is very probably the site of the town and
citadel of Dan. The spring is called el LeJdan,
possibly a corruption of Dan (Rob. iii. 892), and
the stream from the spring Nahr ed-Dhan (Wilson,
ii. 173), while the name, Tell el-Kadi, " the Judge's
mound," agrees in signification with the ancient
name." Doth Dr. Robinson and Prof. Stanley give
the exact agreement of the spot with the require-
ments of the story in Judg. zviii. — "a good land
and a huge, where there is no want of anything
that is on the earth " (Rob. iii. 396 ; Stanley, as
above). <J.
* Delitrach accounts for the name of Dan in
Gen. xiv. 14, by his theory that the Pentateuch
was completed by son:e of the companions and sur-
vivors of Moses. Murphy (Commentary on 6'en-
mis, p. 286, Amer. ed.) argues from the mode of
designation here employed that Dan was the origi-
nal name, current in Abraham's time. He sup-
poses that the recollection of its ancient name and
story attracted the Danites, and that after taking
and destroying the city, they displaced the inter-
mediate name, l-eshem (according to Josh. xix. 47),
by the original designation. Hut the conjecture
not only lacks foundation, but seems in conflict
with the narrative, which refers the origin of the
name to " the name of their father " Dan (Josh.
six. 47; Judg. xviii. 29). Ewald's suggestion (No.
3 above) is strongly countenanced by the character
of the narrative and the circumstances of the case.
The air of extreme antiquity which invests Gen.
xiv. has been recognized even by such questioners
as Ewald, Tuch, and Knobel; Ewald ascribing it
to patriarchal times, and Tuch to a period prior to
the Israelitish invasion, except for this one name.
Kven the general phraseology of the chapter is pe-
culiar. But the names of places have this peculiar-
ity, that several of them were obsolete at the time
of the conquest of Canaan, and are interpreted by
other names appended; thus, Bela which is Zoar;
Kn-mishpat which is Kadesh ; the vale of Siddim
which is the Salt Sea. In one or two other cases
ie have an old name without the more modern ap-
•wnded, as though the later were not yet established
dt originated; thus, ilazazon-tamar, which after-
wards became En-gcdi (2 Chr. xx. 2), and El Pa-
ran, the older name, as Keil and Knobel argue, for
Klath.
Now in the midst of these ancient appellations
wcure one place not designated by its older name,
'jut by a tide which, a few years after the time of
« This agreement In meauing of the modem name
with the ancient » so rare, that little dependence can
M placed on It. Indeed, Stanley (S. <f P. p. 394, note)
las shown grounds for at least questioning it. The
modern names, when representatives of the ancient,
(•nerauy agree In sound though often disagreeing In
unuung.
DANCB
Moses, compteteiy displaced and eclipsed the onsai
name. When, however, we bear in mind the en-
tire obscurity of the place under its former appella-
tion, the speedy change, the renown of its later
name, and the circumstances under which it was
given, it can be no matter of surprise that a later
hand, instead of adding the explanatory phrase
" which is Dan " or leaving the old and unknowi
name I-esbem, should directly substitute the one
for the other. The solution seems equally obvious
and simple, and the transaction itself almost un-
avoidable.
Keil, however, still insists with Kalisch and eth-
ers on the first of the above solutions, namely, that
it was another Dan, the Dan-Jaan of 2 Sam. xriv.
6, and belonging to Gilead (Deut. xxxiv. 1). They
say that Ijush-Dan did not lie on either of the two
roads leading from the rale of Siddim or of the
Jordan to Damascus ; whereas this Dan, supposed
to be " in northern Perm to the southwest of Da-
mascus" (Keil), "between Gilead and Sidon "
(Kalisch), would be perfectly appropriate to the
passage.'* The argument involves too many as-
sumptions to Ik of much weight. Yet on the other
hand it must be admitted that we cannot deny the
existence of another Dan without supposing an in-
correct reading in 2 Sam. xriv. 6 (the interchange
of ] for "1); a supposition countenanced by the
Vulgate, though not so clearly by the Septuagint.
S. C. B.
3. (VJ: om. in LXX. [in most MSS.; Comp.
tk.it/; Aid. Ae*dV:] Dan). Apparently the name
of a city, associated with Jason as one of the
places in Southern Arabia from which the Phoeni-
cians obtained wrought iron, cassia, and calamus
(Ez. xxvii. 19). Ewald conjectures that it is the
same as the Keturahite Dedan in (Jen. xxv. 3, but
his conjecture is without support, though it is
adopted by Fiirst (IJanriw.). Others refer it to
the tribe of Dan, for the Danites were skillful work-
men, and both Aholiab (Ex. xxxv. 34) and Huram
(2 Chr. ii. 13) belonged to this tribe. But for
this view also there appears to lie as little founda-
tion, if we consider the connection in which the
name occurs. W. A. W.
DANCE. As emotions of joy and sorrow
universally express themselves in movements and
gestures of the body, efforts have been made among
all nations, but especially among those of the south
and east, in proportion as they seem to be more
demonstrative, to reduce to measure and to strength-
en by unison the more pleasurable — those of joy.
The dance is spoken of in Holy Scripture univer-
sally as symbolical of some rejoicir.g, :ind is olten
coupled for the sake of contrast with mourning, at
in Eccl. iii. 4, " a time to mourn and a time to
dance" (comp. Pa. xxx. 11; Matt. xi. 17). In the
earlier period it is found combined with some song
or refniin (Ex. xv. 20, xxxii. 18, 19; 1 Sam. xxi.
11); and with the f]Fl, or tambourine (A. V.
" timbrel " ), more especially in those impulsive out-
bursts of popular feeling which cannot find sufB-
s * A still mora recent writer, Quarry ( Genesis ana
its Authorship, p. 472. Lond. 1866), deems it after all
tenable position that the Dan of Abraham (Geo. xi»
14) was a different one from that of the later Hebrew
history. Zeller (Zeller's AM. WSrUrli. p. 216) piupossi
the aune view. H.
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DANCE
jteut /mi in voice or in gesture singly." Nor is
there soy more strongly popular element traceable
Li the religion of the ancient Jews than the oppor-
tunity so given to a prophet or prophetess to kin-
dle enthusiasm for Jehovah on momentous crista*
of national joy, and thus root the theocracy in their
leepest feelings, more especially in those of the
women, ther wives most easily stirred, and most
capable of en iting others. The dance was regarded
even by the Romans as the worship of tit body,
and thus had a place amongst sacred things : " Sane
ut in religionibus sal tare tur." says Servius ad Virg.
BucoL v. 73, " haw ratio est, quod nullam majores
nostri partem 6 corporis esse voluerunt, quae non
sentiret religionem." A similar sentiment is con-
veyed in Ps. xxxv. 10 : " /Ml my bones shall say,
Lord, who is like unto thee ? " So the " tongue "
is the best member among many, the " glory " (Pi.
lvii. 8) of the whole frame of flesh, every part of
which is to have a share in the praises of God.
Similarly among the Greeks is ascribed by AUien-
tcus to Socrates the following fragment —
ot Si x^potc itaAA«rro CVovc r^umnv opurroi
iv roAc^y*
who also praises among styles of dancing to tiryt-
rit icol &SpvSt s (Athen. xiv. p. 627 ; comp. Arr.
Alex. iv. 11).
Dancing formed a part of the religious ceremo-
nies of the Egyptians, and was also common in
private entertainment*. Many representations of
dances both of men and women are found in the
Egyptian paintings. The " feast unto the Lord,"
which Moses proposed to Pharaoh to hold, was
really a dance (211; see below).
Plato certainly (Ley. vii. ti) reckons dancing
ItpXV'tt) *» P art of gymnastics (yviunurrueti)-
So far was the feeling of the purest period of an-
tiquity from attaching the notion of effeminacy to
dancing, that the ideas of this and of warlike exer-
cise are mutually interwoven, and their terms al-
most correspond as synonyms (Horn. II xvt. 617;
»mp. Creuzer, Symb. ii. 367, iv. 474; and see
specially Lucian de Salt., pauim). Women, how-
ever, among the Hebrews made the dance their
especial means of expressing their feelings; and
when their husbands or friends returned from a
battle on behalf of life and home, felt that they too
ought to have some share in the event, and found
that share in the dance of triumph welcoming them
back. The "eating and drinking and dancing"
of the Amalekites is recorded, as is the people's
"rising up to play" (PITS, including a revelling
lance), with a tacit censure; the one seems to mark
the lower civilization of the Amalekites, the other
the looseness of conduct into which idolatry led the
Israelites (Ex. xxxii. 6; 1 Cor. x. 7; 1 Sam. xxx.
16). So among the Bedouins, native dances of
men are mentioned (Lynch, Ihad Sea, p. 295;
Stanley, pp. 66, 466), and are probably an ancient
custom. The Hebrews, however, save in such roo-
nents of temptation, seem to have left dancing to
the women. But more especially oa such occasions
of triumph, any woman whose nearness of kin to
the champion of the moment gave her a public
■ Th* proper word lor this combination ts pnip
?*«. xvL26; 1 8am xvtil. 6; 2 8am. rl. 6, «f; 1
Sir. xlil. 8, xv. 29; Jei. xxx. 19), chough It also In-
starts* n»twr sense*.
DANOB 68?
character among her own sex, seems to have fdt
that it was her part to lead such a demonstration
of triumph, or of welcome ; so Miriam (Ex. xv. 20)
and so Jephthoh's daughter (Judg. xi. 34), and
similarly there no doubt was, though none is men-
tioned, a chorus and dance of women led by Debo-
rah, as the song vf the men by Barak (comp. Judg.
v. 1 with Ex. xv. 1, 20). Similarly, too, Judith
(xv. 12, 13) leads her own song and dance of tri-
umph over Holofemes. There was no sjch leader
Egyptian danees. (Wilkinson.)
of the choir mentioned in the case of David and
Saul. Hence whereas Miriam " answered " the
entire chorus in Ex. xv. 21, the women in the htt
ter can "answered one another as they played"
(1 Sam. xriii. 7), that "answer" embodying the
sentiment of the occasion, and forming the burden
of the song. The " coming out " of the womeu to
do this (Judg. xi. 34; 1 Sam. xviii. 6; comp
" went out," Ex. xv. 30) is also a feature worthy
of note, and implies the object of meeting, attend-
ing upon, and conducting home. So Jephthah's
daughter met her father, the " women of all the
cities" came to meet and celebrate Saul and
David, and their host, but Miriam in the same
way "goes out" before " Jehovah" the "man of
w»» " whose presence seems implied. This marks
I Among Roman* of a late period the sentiment
had expired. ■• Memo fere salts* sobrius, nisi fort* In-
sanit" (Ok), pro Mm. p. 14). •"•rhaps, however, th*
standard of m..-als would ratner lead ns to expect
*- fc *t drunkenness was common than that danrfn g was
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DAN OK
*W peculiarity of David's conduct, whan, on th» re-
tarn of the Ark of God from iU long sojourn
among strangers and borderer*, be (2 Sam. vi. 5-
. 22) was himself chortym ; and here too the women,
with their timbrels" (see especially v. S, 19, 20,
22), took an important share. This bet brings
out more markedly the feelings of Saul's daughter
Michal, keeping aloof from the occasion, and " look-
ing through a window " at the scene. She should,
in accordance with the examples of Miriam, Ac.,
have herself led the female choir, and so come out
to meet toe Ark, and her lord. She stays with
the "household" (rer. 20), and "comes out to
meet" him with reproaches, perhaps feeling that
bis seal was a rebuke to her apathy. It was before
" the handmaids," 1. e. in leading that choir which
she should have led, that be bad " uncovered "
himself: an unkingly exposure as she thought it,
which tlie dance rendered necessary* — the wear-
ing merely the ephod or linen tunic. The occasion
was meant to be popularly viewed in connection
with David's sulyugation of various enemies and
secession to the throne of Israel (see 1 Cbr. xii.
23-xiii. 8); be accordingly thinks only of the honor
of God who bad so advanced him, and in that for-
gets self (comp. Miiller, <h bnxiii*. ml. Arc Ugo-
lini, xxxii.). From the mention of "damsels,"
"timbrels,'' and "dances" (1's. lxviii. 25, exlix.
3, cL 4 ), as elements of religious worship, it may
perhaps be inferred that David's feeling led him to
incorporate in its rites that popular mode of festive
celebration. This does not seem to hare survived
him, for as Saalsehiiti remarks (ArehaoL dtr Iltbr.
vol. i. p. 2U9), in the mention of religious revivals
under Hezekiah and Josiah, no notice of them oc-
curs; and this, although the " words," the "writ-
ing," and the "commandment of David " on such
subjects, are distinctly alluded to (2 Chr. xxix. 30,
xxxv. 4, 15). It is possible that the banishing
of this popular element, which found its rent no
doubt in the idolatrous rites of Ileal and Astarte
(as it certainly did in those of the golden calf, Ex.
xxxii. 10), made those efforts take a less firm hold
on the people than they might have done; and that
Javid's more comprehensive scheme might have
retained some ties of feeling which were thus lost-
Cm the other hand was doubtless the peril of the
nose morality which commonly attended festive
dances at heathen shrines. Certainly in later Ju-
daism the dance was included among some relig-
ious festivities, e. g. the feast of Tabernacles (Mish-
na, Suceak, v. 3, 4), where, however, the performers
were men. This was probably a mere following
the example of David in the letter. Also in tbe
sarlier period of the Judges tbe dances of tbe vir-
tual in Sbiloh (Judg. xxi. 19-23) were certainly
part of a religious festivity. It seems also from this
hut instance clear, and from tbe others probable,
that such dances were performed by maidens apart
from men, which give* an additional point to the
reprtnch of Michal. What the fashion or figure
if tba dance was is a doubtful question; nor is it
t'kely to have lacked such variety as would adapt it
La tbe various occasions of it* use. Tbe word 3JTT
means to move in a ring, or round; whence in Ps.
« The f\F\ was clearly the women's Instrument.
let tbe allotment of the other different instruments to
swn In 1 Cbr. xv. 16-21, and xvi. 6, 42 ; comp. also the
^cgHn rnobj? oi Pa. ixvut. 25.
4 Vassal commentators bare bean at pains to point
DANOB
iHi. 4 we fmd XfTt ^DPI, meaning a fcattnj
crowd, apparently as dancing in a ring. So vYl,
whence V\7\ ly, means to turn. In modern
Oriental dances a woman leads off the dance, the
others then follow her with exact imitation of bet
artistic and graceful attitudes. A parallelism of
movement is also incident to it (Saalachiitz, to. p.
301). Possibly Miriam so fed her countrywomen.
Tbe same writer thinks that in Cant. vi. 13, tbe
"""to O^CPSC fi?nP (A. V. "company of
two armies ") imply two rows of dancing girls, sad
that the address in the singular number, " return,
return," and again in vii. 1 applies to the move-
ments of tbe individual performer in a land of
amttt-dnue. Tbe interpretation, however, djes
not remove the obscurities of tbe passage.
Dancing also bad its place among merely fextive
amusements apart from any religious character (Jer
xxxi. 4, 13; I -am. v. 15; Mark vi. 22; Luke xv.
25). The accomplishments exhibited by llerodias's
daughter seem, however, to allow that Dean Trench's
remark on the last-named passage that the dancers
were of course nut the guests but hired performers
is hardly to be received with strictness ; although
the tendency of luxury in tbe East has no doubt
been to reduce the estimation in which the pastime,
as shared in, is there held. Children, of course,
always did and always will dance (Job xxi. 11;
Matt. xi. 17; Luke vii. 32). Whilst in thar
" dancing dervishes " the Turks seem to h*ve
adopted into their system tbe enthusiastic raptures,
at once martial and sacred, which (e. y. in tbe
Koman Sulii) seem indigenous in many southern
and eastern races from the earliest times. For
further remarks Spencer, de SnltuL rtt. Iltbr., may
be consulted (Cgolini, xxi.); and, for the Greek
and Koman dances, see Did. of Am. art. Satiotiu.
H. H.
DANCE. By this word is rendered in the
A. V. the Hebrew term Miidul, VtIO, a musical
instrument of percussion, supposed to bare been
used by the Hebrews at an early period of their
history. Some modem lexicographers, who regard
MaehU as synonymous with R-ih'tl, Tlp^l (Eocl.
iii. 4), restrict its meaning to the exercise or amuse-
ment of dancing. Hut according to many scholars,
it also signifies a musical instrument used for ac-
companying the dance, and which the Hebrews
therefore called by tbe same name as the dance itself.
The Septuagiut generally renders mnciii goper,
" dancing: " occasionally, however, it gives a dif-
ferent meaning, as in I's. xxx. 11 (Hen. Bible, ver.
12), where it is translated xapd\ "joy." and ir.
Jer. xxxi. 4 and 14, where it is rendered o-vnrywv*},
" assembly." The Semitic versions of the O. T.
almost invariably interpret the word a* a musical
instrument.
On the joyous occasion wber the Israelites escape
from their Egyptian pursuers, and reach tbe Ara-
bian snore of the lied Sea in safety, Miriam is
represented as going forth striking tbe r D, and
out that it was not the act of dancrax. '"** tbe Areas
arrested of upper robes which was the subject of re
mark. But clearly the " dancing with all his tnfcrht >
could hardly be done in the dignified costume of regr
alty : every Hebrew would see that the «
tbe other. Comp. Kx. xxxU. 6, 25.
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DANCE
bllcwed by her sisters in faith, wh) join in " with
tinikrek and dances " (Ex. xv. SO). Here the aanae
of the passage seems to be, agreeably to the Auth.
Vets., that the Hebrew women came forth to dsnoe,
and to accompany their dance by a performance
ou timbrels; and this is the view adopted by the
majority of the Latin and English commentators,
l'srkhurst and Adam Clarke do not share this
opinion. According to the former, macMl is
"some fiatular wind-instrument of music, with
boles, as a flute, pipe, or fife, from ?n, to make a
hole or opening; " and the latter says, " 1 know
no place in the Bible where maehdl and machnLuh
mean dance of any kind ; they constantly signify
some kind of pipe." The TargumisU very fre-
quently render maehdl as a musical instrument.
In Ex. xv. 20, Onkelos gives for machalath the
Aramaic word f^SSn, which is precisely the same
employed by him in Gen. xxxi. 27 for cinnh- (A.
V. " harp "). The Arabic version has for nuichol
»•' » >
in most places JluO, pL iJyJUO, translated by
Freytag, in his Arabic Lexicon, " a drum with either
one or two faces; " and the word mvPTOSI
(Judg. xl. 34, A. V. "and with dances") is ren-
dered by I Lit, "songs." Gesenius, Kiirst, and
otbcrH, adopt for the most part the Septuagint
rendering ; but Rosenmuller, in his commentary
on Ex- xv. 80, observes that, on comparing the
passages in Judg. xl. 34, 1 Sam. xviii. 6, and
Jer. xxxi. 4, and assigning a rational exegesis to
their contexts, mnchil must mean in these instances
some musical instrument, probably of the flute
kind, and principally played on by women.
In the grand Hallelujah Psalm (cl.) which closes
that magnificent collection, the sacred poet exhorts
mankind to praise Jehovah in His sanctuary with
all kinds of music; and amongst the instruments
mentioned at the 3d, 4th, and 5th verses is found
machtil, which cannot here be consistently rendered
in the sense of dancing. Joel Brill, whose second
preface 0T3U7 PlDTpn) to Mendelssohn's
Psalms contains the best treatise extant on the
musical instruments mentioned in the Hebrew
Bible, remarks: " It is evident from the passage,
' Praise Him with the tof and the machol ' that
Machol must mean here some musical instrument,,
and this is the opinion of the majority of scholars."
Mendelssohn derives maehdl from vYTTt, " hol-
low," on account of its shape; and the author of
ShUlt Haggibborim denominates it DIIDD^D,
which be probably intends for xiBipa.
Tho musical instrument used as an accompani-
ment to dancing is generally believed to have been
oade of metal, open like a ring: it had many
DAITIBL
589
■ This data has given rise to many objections, be-
uuee the fourth year of JehoUklm la identifled with
rhe jut: of Nsbuchadn&nar (Jer. xxv. 1). Various
uluttons have been proposed (cf. Keil, Bint. } 188, 2) ;
tut the text of Daniel Itself suggests the true explana-
tion. The Mtond year of Nebuchadnesau-'s reign (it
I* tills mfter the completion of the three yuan' train-
%j of Daniel whkh commenced with his captivity
■ 1,5); and this Is a clear indication that toe sxpe-
ition laentioBed in 1 1, was undertaken Id the last
tsar of the ntgn of Nabotnlassar, while as yet Nebn-
siloII bells attached to its border, ami was played
at weddings and mer-
ry-makings by wom-
en, who accompanied
it with the voice. Ac-
cording to the author
of Shilte Huyyibbu-
rim, the wacltdl had
HnltUng metal plates
fastened on wires, at
Musical Instruments. Dance, intervals, within the
(Mendelssohn.) drd, that formed the
instrument, like the modern tambourine; according
to others, a similar instrument, also formed of a
circular piece of metal ov wood, but furnished with
a handle, which the performer might so manage \»
to set in motion several rings strung on a netal
bar, passing from one side of the instrument to the
other, the waving of which produced a loud, merry
sound.
Some modern critics consider machalath the
same with machiL Geeenius, however, translates
the latter "dancing," whilst the former he renders
" a stringed instrument," from the root H/il.
Ethiopie "JAP, "to sing." D. W. M.
DANTEIj ( l 5M i «n [judge of God, his repre-
sentative as such, or God (El) i* judge}, Dan. i.
6, 7, 8, 4c; Ezr. viii. 8; Neh. x. 6; 1 Chr. iii. 1 ;
and bhO^f, Ex. xiv. 14, 30; xxviii. 3), the name
of three (or four) persons in the Old Testament.
L The second son of David (AeutrMA; [Aid.]
Alex. AaAovm; [Comp. Aayii\- Daniel]), "bom
unto him in Hebron," " of Abigail the Carmelites* "
(1 Chr. iii- 1). In the parallel passage, 2 Sam. iii.
3, be is called Chileab (3H^?, L e. like hit
father ( ? ) : AoAouio). For the Jewish explanation
of the origin of the two names see Patrick ; Bochart,
Hieromic. ii. 55, p. 663.
2. [Afu>t»>: Daniel] The fourth of "the
greater prophets" (cf. Matt. xxiv. 15, xootytrrni).
Nothing is known of the parentage or family of
Daniel. He appears, however, to have been of royal
or noble descent (Dan. i. 3; cf. Joseph. Ant. x. 10,
§ 1), and to have possessed considerable personal
endowments (Dan. i. 4). He was taken to Habyloi.
in " the third year of Jehoiakim (b. c. 6041," and
trained for the king's service with his three com-
panions, like Joseph in earlier times, he gained
the favor of his guardian, and was divinely sup-
ported in his resolve to abstain from the " king's
meat" for fear of defilement (Dan. I. 8-16). At
the close of his three years' discipline (Dan. i. 5,
18), Daniel had an opportunity of exercising hi*
peculiar gift (Dan. i. 17) of interpreting dreams,
on the occasion of Nebuchadneazar's decree against
the Magi (Dan. ii. 14 ff. ). In consequence of his
success he was made " ruler of the whole province
of Babylon," and " chief of the governors over all
obadnessar was not property king. But some furthss
difficulties remain, which appear, however, to havs
been satisfactorily removed by Niebuhr ( Qtuh. Auur's,
p. 86 ff.) The date In Jer. xlvi. 2, Is not that of the
battle of Uarchemlsh, but of the warning of the
prophet; and the threats and promises In Jer. xxv.
an consistent with the notion of a previous subjection
of Jerusalem to Nebuchadnessar, which may have bora
accomplished without rsststanos (cf. Mebuhr, a. a. O
IT JOSff.).
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540
DANIEL
the win men of Babylon " (ii. 48). He afterwards
Interpreted the second dream of Nebuchadnezzar
(hr. 8-37), and the handwriting on the wall which
disturbed the feast of Belshazzar (v. 10-28), though
he no longer held hi* official position among the
magi (Dau. v. 7, 8, 12), and probably lived at Suaa
(Dan. riii. 2; cf. Joseph. Aid. i. 11, $ 7; Bochart,
Geogr. Sacr. iii. 14). At the accession of Darius
[Darius] he was made first of the " three presi-
dents " of the empire (cf. 1 Egdr. iii. 9). and was
delivered from the lions' den, into which he had
been cast for his faithfulness to the rites of his
faith (id. 10-23; cf. Bel £ Dr. 29-43). At the
accession of Cyrus he still retained his prosperity
(vi. 28; cf. i. 31; Bel & Dr. 2); though he does
not appear to have remained at Babylon (cf. Dan
i. 21), and in "the third year of Cyrus" (u. c.
534) he saw his last recorded vision on the l«nka
of the Tigris (x. 1,4). According to the Moham-
medan tradition Daniel returned to Judtea, held
the government of Syria, and finally died at Sua*
(KosenmuUer, SchoL p. 5, n.), where his tomb is
•till shown, and is visited by crowds of pilgrims.
In the prophecies of Ezekiel mention is made of
Daniel as a pattern of righteousness (xiv. 14, 20)
and wisdom (xxviii. 3) ; and since Daniel was still
young at that time (c. B. c. 688-584), some have
thought that another prophet of the name must
have lived at some earlier time (Bleek), perhaps
during the captivity of Nineveh (Ewald, Die
Pro/jit ten, ii. 560), whose fame was transferred to
his later namesake. HiUig imagines ( Vorbtmertc
§ 3) that the Daniel of Ezekiel was purely a myth-
ical personage, whose prototype is to be sought
in Melchizedek, and that the character was bor-
rowed by the author of the book of Daniel as suited
to bis design. These suppositions are favored by
no internal probability, and are unsupported by any
direct evidence. The order of the names " Noah,
Daniel, and Job" (Ez. xiv. 14) seems to suggest
the idea that they represent the first and last his-
toric types of righteousness before the law and
under it, combined with the ideal type (cf. Delitzsch,
p. 271). On the other hand the narrative in Dan.
i. 11, implies that Daniel was conspicuously distin-
guished for purity and knowledge at a very early
ige (cf. Hist. Sus. 45), and he may have been
tearly forty years old at the time of Eeekiel's
prophecy.
Allusion has been made already to the com-
parison which may be instituted between Daniel
and Joseph, who stand at the beginning and the
tloae of the divine history of the Jews, as represen-
atives of the true God in heathen courts (Auberlen,
OarJtl, pp. 32, 33). In this respect the position of
Daniel must have exercised a powerful influence
jpon the form of the revelations conveyed through
aim. And is turn the authority which he enjoyed
renders the course of the exile and the return
dearly intelligible. By station, by education, and
ly character, be was peculiarly fitted to fulfill the
frork assigned to him. He was not only a resident
4i a foreign land, like Jeremiah or Ezekiel, but the
minister of a foreign empire, and of successive
dynasties (Dan. ii. 48, vi. 28). His political ex-
perience would naturally qualify him to give dis-
tinct expression to the characteristics of nations in
themselves, and not only in their relation to God's
reople- His intellectual advantages were as re-
narkable as his civil dignity. Like the great law-
giver who was " trained in all the wisdom of the
Kgypt'ana," the great seer was trained in the secrets
DANIEL, THE BOOK OJ
of Chakuean wisdom, and placed at the head of till
school of the Magi (Dan. ii. 48). He was thus
enabled to preserve whatever was true in the tradi-
tional teaching of the East, and to cast his revela-
tions into a form suited to their special character
But though engaged in the service of a heathen
prince and fi»mili«r with Oriental learning, Daniel
was from the first distinguished by his strict ob-
servance of the Mosaic law (i. 8-16; cf. vi. 10, 11).
In this way the third outward condition for bis
work was satisfied, and at the close of the exile
he offered a pattern of holiness for the instruction
of the Dispersion of after times. (Cf. Auberlen,
D mUl, 24, Ac.)
The exact meaning of the name is disputed. The
full form (TH'yj) is probably more correct, and
in this the god appears to be not merely formative,
but a pronominal suffix (as Tl^blTr*, l 7gl , "pS>
io that the sense will be God it my Judge (C. B.
Michaelis ap. Kosenmiiller, SckoL $ 1). Others
interpret the word tlie Judge of God, and the use
of a god formative is justified by the parallel of
Melchizedek, Ac. (Hitzig, § 2). This interpretation
is favored by the Chaldaam name, Belteshazzar
(-1?N!Tlp , ?g, L 7, i. e. the prmce of Bel: Theod.
LXX. BaArdVap : i'ulg. Baltaasar), which was
given to Daniel at Babylon (Dan. 1. 7), and con-
tains a clear reference to his former name. Hitzig'i
interpretation (" Pais tschacara = ErnShrer Had
Verzehrer ") has nothing to recommend it. Such
changes have been common at all times; and for
the simple assumption of a foreign name compare
Gen. xU. 45; Err. I. 11, v. 14 (Sheshbazzar).
Various apocryphal fragments attributed to
Daniel are collected by Fabricius ( Cod. Pieud. V.
T. i. 1124), but it is surprising that his fame in
later times seems to have been obscured (Hettinger.
Ilitt. Uiient. p. 92). Cf. Epiph. Vit. Dan. ii. p.-
243, ed. I'etav.: ViL Don. ap. Fabric; Joseph.
Ant. x. 11.
3. A descendant of Ithamar, who returned with
Ezra to Judtea in the time of " Artaxerxes."
[Aktaxkkxks.] (Err. viii. 2.1
4. A priest who sealed the covenant drawn up
by Nehemiah B. c. 446 (Neh. x. 6). He is prob-
ably the same as (8); and is confounded with the
prophet in tht apocryphal addenda to Daniel: Dan.
xiv. 1 (LXX., not TheodoU). B. F. W.
DANIEL, THE BOOK OF, is the earliest
example of apocalyptic literature, and in a great
degree the model, according to which all lata
apocalypses were constructed. In this aspect it
stands at the head of a series of writings in which
the deepest thoughts of the Jewish people found
expression after the close of the prophetic era. The
book of Enoch [Ekoch], the Jewish Sibylline*, and
the fourth book of Ezra [2 Esdhas], carry out
with varied success and in different directions, the
srreat outlines of universal history which it con-
tains; and the " Revelation " of Daniel received at
last its just completion in the Revelation of St
John. Without an inspired type it is difficult U
conceive bow the later writings could have oeen
framed; and whatever judgment be formed as to
the composition of the book, there can be no doubt
that it exercised a greater influence upon the early
Christian Church than ai.y other writing of the
Old Testament, while in the Gospels it is specially
distinguished by the emphatic quotation of tht
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DANIEL, THE BOOK OF
uoti (Matt xxlv. 13, to fnflbr *'* AawJ(A ruS
wpojrfirov. . . i ayayiytbfficair rotlrm. . .)•
1. In studying the book of Daniel it U of the
utmost importance to recognize its tpocnlyptic
character. It is at once an end and a beginning,
the last form of prophecy and the first " philosophy
of history." The nation is widened into the world :
the restored kingdom of Jndah into a universal
kingdom of God. To the old prophets Daniel
stands, in some sense, as a commentator (Dan. ix.
2-l»): to succeeding generations, as the herald of
immediate deliverance. The form, the style, and
the point of sight of prophecy, are relinquish**!
upon the verge of a new period in the existence of
liod's people, and fresh instruction is given to them
«uited to their new fortunes. The change is not
abrupt and absolute, but yet it is distinctly felt.
The eye and not the ear is the organ of the Seer:
visions and not words are revealed to him. His
utterance is clothed in a complete and artificial
shape, illustrated by symbolic imagery and |>ointed
by a specific purpose. The divine counsels are
niade known to him by the ministry of angels (vii.
1H, viii. 16, ix. 21), and not by "the Word of the
l/>rd." The seer takes his stand in the future
rather than in the present, while the prophet seized
on the elements of good and evil which he saw
working around him and traced them to their final
Unite. The one looked forward from the present
to the great "age to come;" the other looked
backward from " the last days " to the trials in
which be is still placed. In prophecy the form and
'.he essence, the human and divine were inseparably
interwoven; in revelation the two elements can be
contemplated apart, each in its greatest vigor, —
the most consummate art, and the most striking
predictions. The Babylonian exile supplied the
outward training and the inward necessity for this
last form of divine teaching; and the prophetic
visions of Ezekiel form the connecting link between
the characteristic types of revelation and prophecy.
(Of. Lucke, Vtnuch, i. 17 ff; Hiteig, IMmtl,
Vorbtm. § 9; Hilgenfeld, Die j id. Apok., 1 ff.).
[Daniel.]
2. The language of the book, no less than its
general form, belongs to an era of transition. Like
the book of Ezra, Daniel is composed part!) hi the
vernacular Aramaic (Chaldee), and partly in the
•acred Hebrew. The introduction (i.-ii. 4 a)
is written in Hebrew. On the occasion of the
" Syriac " (iTD^N, ovpurri, tyriace, i. e. Ara-
bic) answer of the C'haldoans, the language
. langes to Aramaic, and this is retained till the
•Jose of the seventh chapter (ii. 4 o-vil.). The
personal introduction of Daniel as the writer of the
text (viii. 1) is marked by the resumption of the
Hebrew, which continues to the close of the book
(viii.-xii.). The character of the Hebrew bears
the closest affinity to that of Ezekiel and Habakkuk,
or in other words to those prophets who lived
nearest to the assumed age of Daniel ; but it is less
marked by peculiar forms and corruptions than that
of Ezekiel. The Aramaic, like that of Ezra, is also
tf an earlier form (cf. Maurer, Own, in Dan. p.
87) than exists in any other Chaldaic document, but
as the Targuma — the next most ancient specimens
*/ the language — were not commixed to wir'ng
ill about the Christian era, this fact cannot be
Josisted on as a pro"f of remote antiquity. It is,
wwever, worthy of notice that J. D Michadis
UBrroed, on pnrely linguistic grounds, that toe
DAKIEL, THE BOOK OF bil
■ book was no late compilation though he qnestionei
the authenticity of some part of it (c. ill.— wit. ,
cf. KeU, Uhr. d. EinL § 135, n. 4). In addition
to these two great elements — Aramaic and He-
brew — the book of Daniel contains traces of other
languages which indicate the peculiar position of
the writer. The use of Greek technical terms t -f.
§ 10) marks a period when commerce had already
united Persia and Greece; and the occurrence of
peculiar words which admit of an explanation by
reference to Aryan and not to Semitic roots (De-
litzsch, p. 274) is almost inexplicable on the sup-
position that the prophecies are a Palestinian forgery
of the Maccabttan age.
3. The book is generally divided into two nearly
equal parts. The first of these (i.-vi.) contain
chiefly historical incidents, while the second (vii.-
xii.) is entirely apocalyptic. This division is fur-
ther supported by the fact that the details of the
two sections are arranged in order of time, and that
the commencement of the second section falls earlier
than the close of the first, as if the writer himself
wished to mark the division of subject. But on
the other hand this division takes no account of the
difference of language, nor of the change of person
at the beginning of ch. viii. And though the first
section is mainly historical, yet the vision of ch.- vii.
finds its true foundation and counterpart in ch. ii.
from these circumstances it seems better to divide
the book (Auberlen, p. 36 AT.) into three parte.
The first chapter forms an introduction. The next
six chapters (ii.-vii.) give a general view of the
progressive history of the powers of the world, and
of the principles of the divine government as seen
in events of the life of Daniel. The remainder of
the book (viii.-xii.) traces in minuter detail the
fortunes of the people of God, as typical of the
fortunes of the ( 'burch in all ages. The second
section is distinguished by a remarkable symmetry.
It opens with a view of the great kingdoms of the
earth revealed to a heathen sovereign, to whom
they appeared in their outward unity and splendor,
and yet devoid of any true life (a metal colossus);
it closes with a view of the same powers as seen by
a prophet of God, to whom they were displayed in
their distinct characters, as instinct with life, though
of a lower nature, and displaying it with a terrible
energy of action (ffnpla, four beasts). The image
under which the manifestation of God's kingdom
is foreshown corresponds exactly with this twofold
exhibition of the worldly powers. " A stone cut
without hands," " becoming a great mountain and
filling the whole earth " (Dan. ii. 34, 35) — a rock
and not a metal — is contrasted with the finite
proportions of a statue moulded by nun's art, as
" the Son of man," the representative of humanity,
is the true liord of that lower creation (Gen. i. 80)
which symbolizes the spirit of mere earthly domin
ions (Dan. vii. 13, 14). The intermediate chapters
(iii.-vi.) exhibit a similar correspondence, while
setting forth the action of God among men. The
deliverance of the friends of Daniel from the pun-
ishment to which they were condemned for refusing
to perform an idolatrous act at the command of
Nebuchadnezzar (ch. iii.), answers to the deliver-
ance of Daniel from that to which he was exposed
by continuing to serve his God in spite of the edict
of Darius (ch. vi.); and in the same wry the degra-
dation, the repentance, and the restoration of
Nebuchadnezzar (ch. iv.) forms a striking contra*!
to 'he sacrilegious pride and death of BeUhaazai
(en. v. 22-4. ). Tne arrangement of I h* last I
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542 DANIEL, THE BOOK OF
(»H.-ifl.) U not equally distinct, though it oners
braces of a similar disposition. The description of
the progress of the Grecian power in eh. via. is
farther developed in the but vision (x.-xii.), while
the last chapter appears to carry on the revelation
to the first coming of Messiah in answer to the
prayer of Daniel.
4. The position which the book of Daniel occu-
pies in the Hebrew Canon seems at first sight
remarkable. It is placed among the Holy writings
(Kttimm, irytAypoQa) between Esther and Ears,
or immediately liefore Esther (cf. Hody, De Bibl
lest p. 614, 645), and not among the prophets.
Diis collocation, however, is a natural consequence
if the right apprehension of the different functions
if the prophet and seer. It is not, indeed, certain
it what time the triple division of the Scriptures
which is preserved in the Hebrew Bibles was first
made: but the characteristics of the classes show
that it was not baaed on the supposed outward
authority, but on the inward composition of the
tool's [Canon]. Daniel, as the truth has been
well stated, had the spirit but not the work of •
prophet ; and as his work was a new one, so was it
carried out in a style of which the Old Testan:«it
offers no other example. His Apocalypse is ss dis-
tinct from the prophetic writing* as the Apocalypse
of St. John from the apostolic epistles. The
heathen court is to the one seer what the kde of
Patmos is to the other, a place of exile and isola-
tion, where he stands alone with his God, and is
not like the prophet active in the midst of a strug-
gling nation (Auberlen, p. 34)."
6. The unity of the book in its present form,
notwithstanding the difference of language, is gen-
erally acknowledged (De Wette, Ariel! § 866; Hit-
rig, J 4).* Still there is a remarkable difference in
its internal character. In the first serai chapters
Daniel is spoken of hutoricnlly (i. 8-21, ii. 14-49,
iv. 8-27. v. 13-29, vi. 2-28, vii. 1, 2): in the last
five be appears penonaUy as the writer (vii. 16-28,
viii. 1-ix. 22, x. 1-19, xii. 6). This peculiarity,
however, is not without some precedents in the
writings of the earlier prophets (r. </. Is. vii. 3, xx.
2), and the seventh chapter prepare* the way for
the change ; for while Daniel is there spoken of in
the third person (vii. 1, 2), the substance of the
chapter is given in his words, in the first person
(vii. 2, 15, 28). The cause of the difference of
person is commonly supposed to lie in the nature
of the case. The prophet narrates symbolic and
representative event* historically, for the event is
Its own witness : but revelations and visions need
the personal attestation of those to whom tbey are
wmmunicated. It is, however, more probable that
the peculiarity arose from the manner in which the
book assumed its final shape (§ 11 ).
H. Allusion has been made already to the influ-
ence which the book exercised upon the Christian
Church Apart from the general type of apoca-
lyptic composition which the apostolic writers
derived from Daniel (2 Tbess. ii. ; Kev. patrim <
of. Matt, xxvi. 64, xxi. 44?), the New Testament
Incidentally acknowledges each of the characteristic
dements of the book, its miracles (Hebr. xl. 33,
a The Jewish doctors of later times were divided as
K> the degree of the inspiration of Daniel. Abarbanel
^aintalmid against Maimonides that he wss endowed
vim the Highest prophetic power (Fabric. CM. ftrudrp.
r. 7 I W7, n ».
DANIEL, THE BOOK OF
84), its predictions (Matt xxiv. 16), and its dootrini
of angels (Luke i. 10, 26). At a still earlier thus
the same influence may be traced in the Apocrypha.
The book of Baruch [Baruch] exhibits so many
coincidences with Daniel, that by some the two
books have been assigned to the same author (cf.
Fritxsche, Handb. m d. Apot. i. 173); and the first
book of Maccabees represents Mattathiaa quoting
the marvelous deliverances recorded in Daniel,
together with those of earlier times (1 Mace. ii. 6»,
60), and elsewhere exhibits an acquaintance with
the Greek version of the book (1 Mace. i. 64 = Dan.
ix. 27). The allusion to the guardian angels of
nations, which is introduced into the Alexandrine
translation of the Pentateuch (Deut. xxxii. 8;
LXX.), and recurs in the Wisdom of Sirach
(Ecclus. xvii. 17), may have been derived from
Dan. x. 21, xii. 1, though this is uncertain, as the
doctrine probably formed part of the common belief.
According to .loeephus (Aid. xi. 8, § 4) the proph-
ecies of Daniel gained for the Jews the favor of
Alexander [Alexander the Great] ; and what-
ever credit may be given to the details of his nar-
rative, ft at least shows the unquestioning belief in
the prophetic worth of the book which existed
among the Jews in his time.
7. The testimony of the Synagogue and the
Church gave a clear expression to the judgment
implied by the early and authoritative use of the
book, and pronounced it to oontain authentic proph-
ecies of Daniel, without contradiction, with one
exception, till modern times. Porphyry alone (f e.
306 A. i>. ) assailed the book, and devoted the 19th
of bis fifteen Discourses against Christians (A0701
nark Xpumaytiv) to a refutation of its chums to
be considered a prophecy. " The history," he said,
" is true up to the date of Antiochus Epiphanea,
and false afterwards; therefore the book was written
in his time " (Hieron. Praf. r* Dm.). The argu-
ment of Porphyry is an exact anticipation of the
position of many modern critics, and involves a
twofold assumption, that the whole book ought to
contain predictions of the same character, and that
definite predictions are impossible. Externally the
book is as well attested as any book of Scripture,
and there is nothing to show that Porphyry urged
any historical objections against it; but it brings
the belief in miracle and prediction, in the divine
power and foreknowledge as active among men, to
a startling test, and according to the character of
this belief in the individual must be his judgment
upon tiie book.
8. The history of the assaults upon the prophetic
worth of Daniel in modern times is full of interest.
In the first instance doubts were raised as to the
authorship of the opening chapters, i.-vii. (Spinosa,
Newton), which are perfectly compatible with the
fullest recognition of their canonicity. Then the
variations in the LXX. suggested the belief that
cc. iii.-vi. were a later interpolation (J. D.
Micliaelis). As a next step the last six chapters
only were retained as a genuine book of Scripture
(Ekhhorn, 1st and 2d edits.); and at last the
whole book was rejected as the work of an im-
postor, who lived in the time of Antiochus Epiph-
• Hchhorn attributed ch. U -vi., vU.-xu., to oV
feraot authors ; and Bertholdt su pp osed ths» sees
Motion wsa the work of a distinct writer, though Da
admitted that each successive writer was scqnstntsd
wftn the composition of his predecessors, 1 iinjislwla)
In this way the unity of the book (BmL).
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DANIEL, THE BOOK OF
inn (Corrodi, 17S3. Hifadg fixes the date more
exactly bom 17U B. c. to the spring of 164 b. C).
This but opinion has found, especially in Germany,
• very vide acceptance, and Lucke ventures to pro-
nounce it " a certain result of historical criticism."
!>. the real grounds on which most modern
critics rely in rejecting the book, are the " fabulous-
im of its narratives " and " the minuteness of its
prophetic history." " The contents of the book,"
it is said, " are irrational and impossible " (Hitaig,
§ 5). It is obvious that it is impossible to answer
such a statement without entering into general
views of the Providential government of the work).
It is admitted that the contents of the book are
exceptional and surprising; but revelation is itself
* miracle, however it be given, and essentially as
inconceivable as any miracle. There are times,
perhaps, when it is required that extraordinary
signs should arrest the attention of men and fix
their minds upon that Divine Presence which is
ever working around them. Prodigies may become
a guide to nature. Special circumstances may
determine, and, according to the Bible, do determine,
the peculiar form which the miraculous working of
(jod will assume at a particular time; so that the
•mestion is, whether there is any discernible rela-
tion between the outward wonders and the moral
condition of an epoch. Nor is it impossible to
apply this remark to the case of Daniel. The
position which he occupied [Damkl] was as ex-
ceptional as the book which bears his name. He
survived the exile and the disappointment which
attended the first hopes of the .lews. l"he glories
which had been connected with the return in the
foreshortened vision of earlier prophets were now
felt to be Jar ott', and a more special revi latkm may
have been necessary as a preparation for a period
of silence and conflict." The very character of the
Babylonian exile seems to have called for some
signal exhibition of divine power. As the first
exodus was distinguished by great marvels, it might
appear natural that the second should be also (cf.
Mic. vii. 16; Deliteseh, p. 873, Ac.)- National
miracles, so to speak, formed the beginning of the
theocracy: personal miracles, the beginning of the
church. To speak of an "aimless and lavish dis-
play of wonders " is to disregard the representative
significance of the different acts, and the relation
which they bore to the future fortunes of the people.
A new era was inaugurated by fresh signs. The
Jews, now that they are left among the nations of
the world, looked for some sure token that God
was able to deliver them and work out His own
purposes. The persecution of Antioohus completed
the teaching of Daniel; and the people no longer
sought without, that which at length they had
found within. They had withstood the assault of
one typical enemy, and now they were prepared to
meet alL The close of special predictions coin-
cided with the consolidation of the national faith.
[A.vnocHus IV. Kpifh.]
10. The general objections against the " legend-
ary " miracles and specific predictions of Daniet are
nsrengtheued by other objections in detail, wnich
cannot, however, be regarded in themseh-es as of
tny considerable weight. Some of these have been
already answered incidentally. Some still require i
> short notice, though it is evident that they an
DANIEL, THE BOOK OJP uii
often afterthoughts, the results and not the i
of the rejection of the book. Not only, it is said,
is the book placed among the Hagiographa, but
Daniel is onutted in the hit of prophets given in
the Wisdom of Slraeh; the language is corrupted
by an intermixture of Greek words ; the details are
essentially unhistorical ; the doctrinal and moral
teaching betrays a late date.
In reply to these remarks, H may lie urged, that
if the book of Daniel was already placed among the
Hagiographa at the time when the Wisdom of
Siraeh was written, the omission of the name of
Daniel (Ecclus. xlix.) is most natural, and that
under any circumstances the omission is not more
remarkable than that of Ezra and the twelve leaser
prophets, for xlix. 10 is probably an interpolation
intended to supply a supposed defect. Nor is the
mention of Greek musical instruments (Hi. 5, 7, 10,
trvp(pvvia; ]^PI?P9 > ifwA'ri)oioi'), for these words
only can be shown to be derived from the Greek
(l)e Wette, EinL p. 256 b.), surprising at a time
when the intercourse of the Efcst and West was
already considerable, and when a brother of Alcana
(c. 600-600 B. c.) had gained distinction "at the
farthest end of the world, aiding the Babylonians "
(Brandis, in Delitzsch, p. 274; Ale. Frag. 33,
Bergk.). Yet further the scene and characters of
the book are OriatitU. The colossal image !D*J?.
iii. 1, not necessarily a human figure; the term is
applied familiarly to the cross ; Buxtf. Lex. Bahi.
$. r.), the fiery furnace, the martyr-like boldness
of the three confessors (iii. 16), the decree of Darius
(vi. 7), the lions' den (vi. 7, 19, Dij), the demand
of Nebuchadnezzar (ii. 6), his obeisance before
Daniel (ii. 46), bis sudden fall (iv. 33; cf. Euseb.
Prop. Kv. ix. 41; Jos. c. Ap. i. 20), are not only
consistent with the nature of Eastern life, but in
many instances directly confirmed by other evidence
(cf. Dakikl n. and Dahius the Mkdk for the
difficulties of i. 1, ii. 1, v. 31). In doctrine, again,
the book is closely connected with the writings of
the Exile, and forms a last step in the development
of the ideas of Messiah (vii. 13, Ac.), of the resur-
rection (xii. 2, 3), of the ministry of angels (viii.
16, xii. 1, Ac.), of personal devotion (vi. 10, 11, i.
8), which formed the basis of later speculations,
but received no essential addition in the interval
before the coming of our Lord.
Generally it may be said that while the book
presents in many respects a startling and excep-
tional character, yet it is far more difficult to
explain its composition in the Maccabann period
than to connect the peculiarities which it exhibits
with the exigencies of the Return. It appears as •
key to the later history and struggles of the Jews,
and not as a result from them. The peculi uitias
of language, the acquaintance with Eastern man-
ners and history, which is seen more dearly as our
knowledge widens, the reception into the canon, the
phenomena of the Alexandrine version, all point in
the same direction ; and a sounder system of Inter-
pretation, combined with a more worthy view of
the divine government of men and nations, will
probably do much to remove those undefined doubts
> The sptcial prophecies of Balaam (Num. xxtv. 24) parallel to those of Daniel, both from thstr
and ualah (xllv., xlv.) centra In Daoie (cf. Dan. at j larlry, and from the position which the prophet
W.; •• Um r-vUcUons of Balaim o*r » nmaxkaUa | pled (cf. DsUnach, p. 3731.
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544 DANIEL, THE BOOK OF
u to he inspired character of the Revelation which
naturally arise at first in the minds of thoughtful
students.
11. But while all historical evidence supports
the canonidty of the book of Daniel, it does not
follow that the recognition of the unity and author-
ity of the book is necessarily connected with the
belief Ibat the whole is to be assigned to the author-
ship of Daniel. According to the Jewish tradition
(Bava Bitthra, f. 146) "the books of Ezekiel, the
twelve minor prophets, Daniel, and Esther were
Krittet, (i. e. drawn up in their present form) by the
men of the great synagogue," and in the case of
Daniel the tradition is supported by strong internal
evidence. The manner in whicb Daniel is spoken
af (i. 17, 19, 20, v. 11, 12; the title in ix. 23, xii.
if diffcreu t) suggests the notion of another writer;
and if Daniel wrote the passages in question, they
cannot be satisfactorily explained by 1 Cor. xv. 10 ;
% Cor. a. 6, 6, xii. 2 (Keil, § 136), or b\ the con-
sciousness of the typical position which he occupied
(Auberlen, p. 37). The substantial authorship of
a book of Scripture does not involve the subor-
dinate work of arrangement and revision ; and it is
scarcely conceivable that a writer would purposely
write one book in two languages, though there may
have been an obvious reason why be should treat
in separate records of events of general history in
the vernacular dialect, and of the special fortunes
of God's people in Hebrew. At the return we may
suppose that these records of Daniel were brought
into one whole, with the addition of an introduction
and a fuller narrative,'' when the other sacred writ-
ings received their final revision. The visions them-
selves would be necessarily preserved in their orig-
inal form, and thus the later chapters (vii.-xii.)
exhibit no traces of any subsequent recension, with
the exception, perhaps, of two introductory verses,
rii. 1, x. 1.
12. The interpretation of Daniel has hitherto
proved an inexliaustible field for the ingenuity of
commentators, and the certain results are com-
paratively few. According to the traditional new,
which appears aa early as the fourth book of Ezra
(2 Esdras] and the epistle of Barnabas (c. 4), the
four empires described in cc. ii. vii. are the Baby-
lonian, the Medo-lVrsuw, the Greek, and the
Roman. With nearly equal consent it has been
supposed that there is a change of subject in the
eleventh chapter (xi. 31 ft".), by which the seer
passes from the persecutions of Antiorhua to the
times of Antichrist. A careful comparison of the
language of the prophecy with the history of the
Syrian kings must, however, convince every candid I
student of the text that the latter hypothesis is !
wholly unfounded and arbitrary. The whole of the '
eleventh chapter forms a history of the struggles of
the Jewish church with the Greek powers up to
the death of its great adversary (xi. 45). This con-
flict, indeed, has a typical import, and foreshows
in its characteristic outlines the abiding and final
conflict of the people of tied and the powers of evil,
w that the true work of the interpreter must he
to determine historically the nature of each event
signalized in the prophetic picture, that he may
di»w from the past the lesson of the future. The
traditional interpreutioa of " the four empires"
(rams to spring from the same error as the other.
DANIEL, THE BOOK OF
though it still finds numerous advocates (Hofmanc
Auberlen, Keil, Havernick, Hengstenberg, and most
English commentators). It originated at a time
when the triumphant advent of Messiah waa the
object of immediate expectation, and the Roman
empire appeared to be the last in the series of
earthly kingdom*. The long interval of conflict
which has followed the first Advent formed no place
in the anticipations of the first Christians, and in
succeeding ages the Roman period has been unnat-
urally prolonged to meet the requirements of a
theory which took its rise in a state of thought
which experience has proved false. It is a still
more fatal objection to this interpretation that it
destroys the great idea of a cyclic development of
history which lies at the basis of all prophecy.
Great periods (aiiyti) appear to be marked out in
the fortunes of mankind which answer to another,
so that that divine utterance which receives it* first
fulfillment in one period, receives a further and more
complete fulfillment in the corresponding part of
some later period. Thus the first cowing of Christ
formed the close of the last age, as lib second
coming will form the close of the present one. The
one event is the type and, as it were, the spring
of the other. This is acknowledged with regard to
the other prophecies, and yet the same truth is not
applied to the revelations of Daniel, which appear
then first to gain their full significance when the;,
are seen to contain an outline of all history in the
history of the nations which ruled the world before
Christ's coming. Tbe first Advent is as much a
fulfillment of the visions of Daniel as of those of
the other prophets. The four empires precede the
coming of Messiah and pass away before him. At
the same time their spirit survives (cf. vii. 12), and
the forms of national existence which were devel-
oped on the plains of Mesopotamia again reproduce
themselves in later history. According to this view
the empires of Daniel can be no other than those
of tbe Babylonians, Medes. Persians, and Greeks,
who all placed tbe centre of their power at Babylon,
and appear to nave exhibited on one stage the great
types of national life. The Roman power was at
its height when Christ came, but the Egyptian
kingdom, the last relic of the enqs're of Alexander,
had just been destroyed, and thus the •• stone cut
without hands struck tbe feet of the image," and
Christianity destroyed for ever the real supremacy
of heathen dominion. Hut this first fulfillment of
the vision was only inchoative, and the eonessxnes
of the four empires must besought in post-Christian
history. The corresponding symbolism of Babylon
and Rome is striking at first sight, and other
parallels may be drawn. The Bysantine empire,
for instance, " inferior " to tbe Roman (Dan. ii.
30) may be compared with that of tbe Medea. The
Teutonic races with their divided empire recall the
image of Persia (vii. 6). Nor is it difficult to see
in tbe crowing might of tbe northern powers, a
future kinrdoni whicb may rival in terrible energy
tbe conquests of Alexander Without insisting an
such details as these, which still require careful
examination. K appears that the true mterpretation
of Ihuiiel is to be soucht in the recognition of the
principle which they involve. In this way tbe
book remains a " prophecy," while it is also >
>• revelation ; " and its most special prediction*
acquire an abiding significance. 1
of Nebneh adu esj a r (e. tv.) i
s us sa t clear traces of the mtarnaring of
■mtarv W«h to* original an*.
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DANIEL
U Then U no Chaldee translation of Daniel,
and the deficiency is generally accounted for, as in
the parallel case of Ezra, by the danger which
would have existed in such a case of confusing the
original text with the paraphrase j but on the other
hand the whole book has been published in He-
brew. The Greek version has undergone singular
changes. At an early time the LXX. version was
supplanted in the Greek Bibles by that of Tbeodo-
tion, and in the time of Jerome the version of
Tbeodotion was generally " read by the Churches "
(c. Hmfin. ii. 33; Praf. in Comm. " Illud quoque
loctorem admoneo, Danielem non juxta LXX. inter-
pretos sod juxta . . . Theodotionem ecclesias leg-
ere " . . ■)• This change, for which Jerome was
unable to account (" hoc cur accident nescio," Prof.
in Vert. Dan.), may have been made in conse-
quence of the objections which were urged against
the corrupt LXX. text in controversy with Jews
and heathen. The LXX. version was certainly
very unfaithful (Hieron. L a); and the influence
of Origen, who preferred the translation of Theo-
dotion (Hieron. in Dan. iv. 6), was probably effect-
ual in bringing about the substitution (cf. Credner,
Beitr. ii. 356 ff.). In the course of time, however,
the version of Tbeodotion was interpolated from
the LXX., so that it is now impossible to recover
the original text. [Dakiki, Apocryphal ad-
ditions to.] Meanwhile the original LXX.
translation passed entirely out of use, and it was
supposed to have been lost till the last century,
when it was published at Rome from a Codex Cki-
sianus (Daniel iecundwn LXX. .... Ronue,
1773, ed. P. de Magistris), together with that of
Tbeodotion, and several illustrative essays. It has
since been published several times (ed. Hichaelis,
Gotting. 1774; ed. Segaar, 1775; Hahn, 1845), and
lastly by Tischendorf in the second edition of his
Septuagint. Another recension of the text is con-
tained in the Syro-Hexaplaric version at Milan (ed.
Bugatus, 1788), but a critical comparison of the
several recensions is still required.
14. The commentaries on Daniel are very numer-
ous. The Hebrew commentaries of R. Saadijah
Haggaon (t 942), Rasbi (t c. 1105), and Aben Ezra
(t c. 1167), are printed in the great Rabbinic Bibles
of Bomberg and Basle. That of Abarbanel (t c.
1507) has been printed separately several times
(AauUhxl. 1647, 4to); and others are quoted by
Rosenmiiller, Scholia, pp. 39, 40. Among the pa-
tristic commentaries the most important are those
of Jerome (vol. v. ed. Migue), who noticed espe-
cially the objections of Porphyry, Theodoret (U.
1053 ff. ed. Schulze), and Ephrem Syrus ( Op. Syr.
ii., Ronue, 1740). Considerable fragments remain
of the commentaries of Hippolytua (collected in
Migne'a edition, Paris, 1857), and Polychronius
(Mai, Script Vet. Nov. ColL vol. i.); and Mai has
published (I c.) a catena on Daniel, containing
fragiaenU of Apollinarius, Athanasius, Basil, Euse-
biits, aud many others. The chief reformers, Lu-
ther (Auttegung d. Propk. Dan. 1530-1546; Op.
Germ, vi. ed. Welch), CEcolampadius (In Dm.
Shri ilmi, Basil. 1530), Melanchthon (Comm. in
ndT. 15, compared with 1 Msec. 1. 64. The same
truth is also Implied in the Interpretation of " the
seventy sevens," as springing out of the " seventy '
(years) of Jeremiah. On thin there are some good
remarks In Browne's Onto SreUyrum, though his in-
terpretation of the four empires as signifying the
Babylonian, Oredan. Roman, and some future empire
(pa. 675 ff.), seems very unnatural. The whr-e 'ires
35
DANIEL 546
Dan. propk. Vitemb. 1543), and Calvin (Protect,
in Dan., Geneva;, 1563, Ac.; in French, 1566; la
English, 1852-3),* wrote on Daniel; and Koommul-
ler enumerates nearly fifty other special commenta-
tors, and his list now requires considerable addi-
tions. The combination of the Revelations of Dan-
iel and St. John (Sir I. Newton, Observations upon
the Prophedet, Ac., Lond. 1733; M. F. Roos, Awd.
d. Weissag. Dan. u. s. w. Leipz. 1771) opened the
way to a truer understanding of Daniel; but the
edition of Bertholdt (Daniel, aus dem Hebr.-Aram.
neu uberteUt imd erklart, u. s. w. Erlangen, 1806-
8), in spite of all its grave faults, marks the begin-
ning of a new era in the study of the book. Ber-
tholdt was decidedly unfavorable to its authen
ticity ; and he was followed on the same side by
von Leugerke (Dae Buck Dun. rerd. u. ausgeL
Kiinigsb. 1836), Maurer (Cmnm. Gramm. Crit. ii.
Lips. 1838), and Hitzig (Kuregef. Exeg. Hondo.
[x.] Leipz. 1850), whose commentary is among the
worst specimens of supercilious criticism which his
school has produced. On the other side the com-
mentary of Havernick (Comm. ii6. d. B. Dan.
Harab. 1832) is the most complete, though it leaves
much to be desired. Auberlen (Der Propk. Dam.
u, d Offenbarung Joh. u. s. w., 2te Ami. Basel,
1857, translated into English from the 1st cd. by
A. Saphir, 1856) has thrown considerable light up-
on the general construction and relations of the
book. Of. Hofraann, Weittag. «. Erfullung, t.
276 ff. The question of the authenticity of the
book is discussed in most of the later commenta-
ries; and specially by Hengstenberg (Die Authentic
d. Dan. . . . erwiesen, 1831, translated by E. B.
Pratten, Edinb.), Havernick (Neue krit. Unter-
mch. Hamb. 1838), Delitzsch (Herzog's Real-En-
cykl. s. v. 1854), Keil (Lehrb. d. Einl. in d. A. T.
Krankf. 1853), Davidson (Introduction to the O. T.
it. Lond. 1856), who maintain the affirmative; and
by Bleek (Berl. Theolog. Zeittchr. iii. 1822), Ber-
tholdt (EinleiL Erlang. 1814), Liicke (Vermeh
einer tnlUtand. Einl. u. s. w. 2te Aufl. Botai, 1862),
De Wette (EinleiL 7te Aufl. Berl. 1852), who deny
its authenticity. Cf. Ewald, Die Propk. d. Alt.
Bund. ii. 559 ff. Among English works may be
mentioned the Essays of T. K. Birks, The four
propkttic Empires, Ac, 1844, and The two lata
Vitions of Danitl, Ac., 1846; of K. B. Elliott, flo-
ra Apoodypti&e, 1844 ; of S. P. Tregelles, Remarks
on the propkelic Vitions of Daniel, 1852; and the
Commentary of Stuart (Boston, 1850).
B. F. W.
* Among the more recent works on the Book of
Daniel the following may be mentioned : — ReicheL
Die 70 Juhrettoochen, Dan. ix. 24-27, in the Theal.
Stud. u. KriL 1868, pp. 735-752; Bleek, Die met
tian. Weistagmgen im Buche Daniel, in theJakrb
f. deutsche TkeoL 1860, v. 45-101, and Einl. in
das Alts Test Berl. 1860, pp. 577-611; Zundal.
KriL Untersuchungen Ubtr die Ahfattungseeit d
Bucket Daniel, Basel, 1861, maintaining the gen-
uineness of the book ; Niebuhr, M. von, fJerh. As
tar's u. Babett, p. 99 ff., vindicating the authenticity
of its historical traditions ; Walter, J. C., Genuine-
of his argument (after Ben Esra and' Malt land) lies in
the proof that the Roman was not the fourth empire.
a The version bears in the tetreplar text the singu-
lar title to Elf iyfmnot AovitJA. 1*V is the tens
which Daniel applies to the angels, "watchers " (Da*
iv. 18, 17, m Cf. Daniel etc. LXX. 125 IT
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646
DANIEL, APOCRYPHAL ADDITIONS TO
■ess of Me Book of Daniel, Lood. 1862; Boyle, |
W. R. A, Inspiration of the Book of Daniel, etc.
Lood. 1863; Baxmann, Ueber Kit Buck Daniel,
in tbe TheoL Stud. u. Krit 1863, pp. 453-332,
reviewing Zunde) ; Hilgenfeld, Die Prophetm Ajro
k. Daniel u. ihre neuesten Bearbeitungen, Halle,
1863; eorap. his Jwtbche Apokotuptik, pp. 19-50;
Davidson, Introd. to die 0. T. iii. 158-231 (Lood.
1863) ; The Book of Daniel at viewed by Bippoly-
tus, Porphyry, and others, an art. in tbe Joum. of
Sac Lit. for Jan. 1864; Fuller, J. M., Authenticity
of the Buok of Daniel, Camb. (Eng.) 1864; Posey, |
E. B., Dmielthe Prophet: Nine Lectures . . . . '
with Copious Notes, " a contribution," be telb us,
" against tbe tide of scepticism which the publica-
tion of tbe ' Essays and Reviews ' let loose ; " Tre-
gettes, Remarks on the Prophetic iisiuns in Daniel,
and a Defence of the Authenticity of the Book, 5th
ed., Lord. 1864; Desprec, P. S., Daniel: or. The
Apocalypse of the O. T. ; with an Introd. by Bow-
land William*, !>ond. 1864; Perowne, J. J. 8., Dr.
Pusey on Daniel the Prophet, in tbe Contemp. Re-
new for Jan. 1866 ; Bosanqnet, Messiah the Prince,
or the Inspiration of the Prophecies of Daniel,
Load. 1866. See also Rawlinson's Historical Ev-
idences (Bampton Lectures), Led. V.
In this country, besides tbe elaborate commen-
tary of Prof. Stuart, we have: Chase, Iran, Re-
marks on the Book of Daniel, in tbe Christian Re-
view for March, 1842, reprinted separately, Boston,
1844; Fohom, N. S., Crit and Hist Interp. of the
Book of Daniel, Boston, 1842; The Prophecies of
Daniel, an art. in the New Engtander for April,
1843; I Woes, Notes, Critical, Illustrative, and
Practical, on the Book of Daniel, New York, 1853,
considered one of tbe best of his commentaries;
Palfrey, Lectures on the Jewish Scriptures and An-
tiquities, it. 389-455 (Boat. 1852); Herman, H.
M., The Genuineness' of Daniel, in tbe Meth.
Quar. Rev. tor Oct 1854; Noyes, G. R., New
TransL of the Hebrew Prophets, toL ii., 3d ed.,
Boston, 1866. The American scholars named
above (except Barnes) differ from the majority of
Kuglish commentators in finding no place for the
Koman empire or the Pope in their exposition of
the visions of Daniel.
Among tbe writers here i if o i cd to, the follow-
ing impugn tbe genuineness of tbe book: Bleek.
Haxmann, Davidson (in opposition to his earlier
view), Hilgenfeld, llespret, Rowland Williams, Pal-
frey, Noyes. So Milman, Hist of the Jews, i.
457, note, new Amer. edition. A
DANIEL, APOCRYPHAL ADDI-
TIONS TO. Tbe Greek translations of Daniel,
like that of Kstber, contain several pieces which are
not found in tbe original text. Tbe most impor-
tant of these additions are contained in tbe Apoc-
rypha of tbe English Bible under tbe titles of The
Song of the three Holy Children, The History of
Susanna, and The History of ... Bel and the
Dragon.
1. («.) Tbe first of these pieces is incorporated
into the narrative of DanieL After tbe three con-
fessors were thrown into tbe furnace (Dan. iii. 23),
Aarias is r e presen ted praying to God for defiv-
eranee (Song of Three Chililren, 3-22); and in
inswer tbe angel of the Lord shields them from tbe
Ire which consumes their enemies (23-27 ), wbere-
mpon » tbe three, as out of one mouth," raise a tri-
tmphant song (29-68), of which a chief part (35-
Ml has been used as a hymn (BtntdsaU) in the
Christian Church since the 4th century (fcpts)
Apol ii. 35; ef. ConciL Tolet ir. Cast. 14) Lib
several similar fragments, the chief parts of this
composition are given at tbe end of tbe Psalter in
tbe Alexandrine MS. as separate psalms, under tbe
titles '• Tbe prayer of Azarias " and " Tbe hymn
of our Fathers ; " and a similar arrangement occurs
in other Greek and Latin Psalters.
(A.) The two other pieces appear more distinctly
as appendices, and offer no semblance of forming
part of the original text. The History of Susanna
(or The Judgment of Daniel) is generally found tt
tbe beginning of tbe book (Gr. MSS. Vet 1M.):
though it alio occurs after the 12th chapter ( (nig.
ed. CompL). The History of Bel and the Dragon
is placed at the end of tbe book; and in tbe LXX
version it bears a special heading as "part oftht
prophecy of Habakkuk" (in npo+nrtlas 'Aufia-
kou/i vloi Introi in tt}» d>v\fi' Aevt).
2. The additions are found in both the Greek
texts — the LXX. and Tbeodotion, in tbe Old
Latin sod Vulgate, and in tbe existing Syriac and
Arabic versions. On tbe other hand there is no
evidence that they ever formed part of tbe Hebrew
text, and they were originally wanting in the Syriac
(Polychronius, ap. Mai, Script Vett Nov. Cott. i.
113, says of tbe hymn expressly oh rcrrcu cV to«
IBpaimoTs 4 ir rots ovpuucoii BiBxiots). From
the LXX. and Vulgate the fragments psssed into
common use, and they are commonly quoted bv
Greek and Latin fathers as parts of Daniel (Clem.
Alex. Let proph. i. ; Orig. Ep. ad Afric ; Ter-
tull. de Pudic. 17, etc.), but rejected by those who
adhered to tbe Hebrew canon. Jerome in particu-
lar called attention to their absence from the He-
brew Bible (Prof, in Dan.), and instead of any
commentary of bis own adds shortly Origen's re-
marks " on tbe fables of Bel and Susanna " ( Comm.
in Dan. xiii. 1). In a similar manner be notices
shortly tbe Song of the Three Children. " lest be
should stem to have overlooked it" (Comm. m
Dan. iii. 23).
3. Various conjectures have been made as to the
origin of the additions. It has been supposed that
they were derived from Aramaic originals (Wette,
Herbst's Lint, ii. 3, Kap. 8, gives the arguments at
length), but the intricate evidence is wholly insuffi-
cient to establish tbe point. Tbe character of the
additions themselves indicates rather tbe hand of
an Alexandrine writer; and it is not unlikely that
tbe translator of Daniel wrought up traditions
which were already currei.t, and appended them to
his work (cf. Fritzsche, Eieg. Hnmlb. xu den Apok.
i. 121). Tbe abruptness of the narrative in Dan
id furnished an occasion for the introduction of the
prayer and hymn ; and tbe story of tbe l>ragar
seems like a strange exaggeration of tbe record of
tbe deliverance of Daniel (Dan. vi.), which may
naturally have formed the basis of different legends
Nor is it difficult to see in tbe History of Susanna
a pointed allusion to the name of tbe prophet,
though the narrative may not be wholly fiotniuu,
4. The LXX. appears to be the original source
from which all tbe existing recensions of tbe frag-
ments were derived (cf. Hody, de Bibt teal, p
583). Tbeodotion seems to have done little mote
than transcribe the LXX. text with improvements
in style and language, which are mnsiiMrihly
greater in the appended narratives than in the
Song incorporated into tbe canonical text. Thus
while the History of Susanna and Bel and the
Dragon contain large additions which i
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DANITES
i the story (e. g. But Sue. w. 15-18; 30,
)l; 84-87; 46, 47; 49, 50; Bel and Drag. w. 1,
5-18; Eiefah. pp. 431 ff.), .the text of the Song ii
little more than a repetition of that of the LXX.
(ct De Magistris, Darnel, At, pp. 934 ff.; Eichh.
EM. in d. Apok. SckrifL p. 423 £). The Poly-
gtott-S yriac, Arabic, and Latin versions ate derived
from Tbeodotion; and the Hexaplar-Syriao from
the LXX. (Eichh. p. 430, Ac.).
5. The storiei of Bel and Susanna received va-
rious embellishments in later times, which throw
tome light upon the manner in which they were
originally composed (cf. Orig. Ep. ad Afric §§ 7,
8; llochart, Hiena. iii. 3; Eichhom, p. 446, Ac.);
- just as the change which Tbeodotion introduced
Into the narrative of BeL to give some consistency
to the facts, illustrates the rationalizing process
through which tbe legends passed (cf. Delitzsch.
D* Habacoci vita et aUile, 1844). It is thus use-
leas to institute any inquiry into the historic foun-
dation which lies below the popular traditions; for
though the stories cannot be regarded as mere
rabies, it is evident that a moral purpose determined
the shape which they assumed. A later age found
in them traces of a deeper wisdom, and to Chris-
tian commentators Susanna appeared as a type of
the true Church tempted to infidelity by Jewish
and Pagan adversaries, and lifting up her voice to
God in the midst of persecution (Hippol. In Su-
$mn. p. 689 ff. ed. Migue). a F. W.
* On these apocryphal additions to Daniel, see,
in addition to the works referred to above, David-
son's lntrod. to the 0. T., 1863, iii. 337 ff.; Ewald,
Getek. d. Volkee hratl, 3« Aufl. iv. 635 ff.; Gins-
burg's art. in the 3d ed. of Kitto's CycL of Bib.
Lit.; Aruald's Comm. on the Apoc. Booh; and
Fritzsche, Exeg. Handb. at den Apoltr. dee A. T.
I 111 ff. A.
DANITES, THE 03^1: i AoW [Vat.
•»si], Air, 6 Air, oi AarTrat [Vat. -wi-1; Alex,
o Aav, oi Aarrrai: Dm), lie descendants of
Dan, and members of bis tribe (Judg. xiii. 3, xviii.
1, 11; 1 Chr. rii. 35).
DAN-JA'AN (]?n? : AoriSsw [Vat.
«t~] «al OvSdV; Alex. Aariapar «<u IovSsv;
[Aid. Aaritir; Comp. AdV:] Dan tyhtitria), a
place named only in 2 Sam. xxiv. 6 as one of the
points visited by Joab in taking the census of the
people. It occurs between Gilead and Zidon, and
therefore may have been somewhere in the direction
uf Dan (Laiah), at the sources of the Jordan. The
reading of the Alex. LXX. and of the Vulg. was
evidently *^SI 77> Oan-jaar, the nearest transla-
tion of which is " Dan in the wood." This read-
ing Is approved by Gesenius, and agrees with tbe
eiiarscter of the country about Tel el KdiH. Flint
(rfiuuhoSrierbuch, p. 303) compares Dan-jaan with
Baal-jaan, a Phoenician divinity whose name is
found on coins. Thenius suggests that Jaan was
origi uBy Laish, the 7 having fallen away, and ]5
baring been substituted for W (Exeg. Handb. on
Sim. p. 967).° There seems no reason for doubt-
ing that the well-known Dan is intended. We
Was no record of any other Dan in the north, and
«ven if ttus were not tbe case, Dan, at tbe accepted
DAPHNE
647
« Not a bad specimen of the wild and graturtwis
tacfssQons which sometimes occur even in these sea-
wall* oarsful Manuals.
northern limit of the nation, was too important
place to escape mention in such a list as that ir
the text. Dr. Schultz, the late Prussian Consul at
Jerusalem, discovered an ancient site called Daman
or Dant/al, in tbe mountains above Khan-en-Na-
kura, south of Tyre, which he proposes to identify
with Dan-jaan (Van de Velde, Memoir, p. 306},
but this requires confirmation. G.
DANTTAH (nS3 [depreukm, low ground,
Gee., Furst] : terra- Donna), a city in the moun-
tains of Judah (Josh. it. 49), and, from its men-
tion with Debir and Socoh, probably south or
southwest of Hebron. No trace of its name hai
been discovered. G.
DAPxTNE (Ad>r»: {Daphne]), a celebrated
grove and sanctuary of Apollo, near Antioch in
Syria [Antioch]. Its establishment, like that of
the city, was due to Seleucus Nicator. Tbj dis-
tance between the two places was about 5 miles,
and in history they are associated most intimately
together. Just as Antioch was frequently called
'A. M A&brp, and i, xobs Aifrtiv, so conversely
we find Daphne entitled A. t) rpbt 'Arru>x*lar
(Joseph. B. J. i. 13, § 5). The situation was of
extreme natural beauty, with perennial fountains
and abundant wood. Seleucus localized here, and
appropriated to himself and his family the fables
of Apollo and tbe river Peneus and the nymph
Daphne. Here he erected a magnificent temple and
colossal statue of the god. The succeeding Seleu-
cid monarch*, especially Antiochus Epiphanes, em-
bellished the place still further. Among othei
honors, it possessed the privileges of an asylum
It is in this character that the place is mentioned
2 Mace. iv. 33. In the reign of Antiochui Epipb-
anes (b. c. 171) the aged and patriotic uigh-prie»i
Onias, having rebuked Menelaus for liu sacrilege ut
Jerusalem, took refuge at Daphne; wheuce he was
treacherously brought out, at the instance of Men-
elaus, and murdered by Andronicus, who was gov-
ernor of Antioch during the king's absence on a
campaign. Josephus does not give this account of
the death of Onias (Ant. xli. 5, § 1). When
Syria became Roman, Daphne continued to be fa-
mous as a place of pilgrimage and vice. " Daph-
nici morel " was a proverb (see Gibbon's 23d chap-
ter). The beginning of the decay of Daphne must
be dated from the time of Julian, when Christianity
in the Empire began to triumph over Heathenism.
The site has been well identified by l'ococke and
other travellers at BeU-eUMaa, "the House of tlie
Water," on the left bank of tbe Oroutes, to the
S. W. of Antioch, and on higher ground ; where
tbe fountains and the wild fragrant vegetation are
in harmony with all that we read of the natural
characteristics of Apollo's sanctuary. J. S. H.
* Besides the famous description in Gibbon's
23d chapter, referred to above, an account of
Daphne and its worship will be found in K. O.
Midler's dissertations De Antupatntibui Antioch-
enit (dotting. 1839), p. 41 ff. A remarkable Greek
inscription of the date 18} R. c, relating to tbe
worship of Apollo and Artemis at Daphne, was dis-
covered in 1858, in a garden on tbe ancient site of
the place, by tiie Rev. Homer B. Morgan, an Amer-
ican missionary in Syria, and published, with a
translation, by Prof. James lladley in the Journal
of the American Oriental Society, vi. 550-556,
comp. vii. p. xlh. The inscriptior stone itself h
now in tbe library of Yale CV'lege New Haven.
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548 DABA
DATIA O^l [contracted for the word be-
low]: AapdS; [Vat.] Alex. Acuta; Comp. A«-
.«J7: Sjt. Peril. *»»*: Arab. eiJoJt> :
Asm), 1 Chr. ii. 6. [Dabda.] **
DAJRTOA ("ST)! [*•»< »f wisdom; petti.
Morn, thistle, aee Ketr. in Gee. «. r.] : AcutdAa;
Alex, ror Sapaa; [AM. with 17 MSS. rbr Aa/>-
Scf; Comp. to* AotpoWi] Joseph. Adpoovof :
Oorda), a aon of Mahol, one of four men of great
feme for their wisdom, but who were excelled by Sol-
omon (1 K. i>. 31). Ethan, the first of the four, U
called " the Ecracbite; " bat it in uncertain whether
the designation extendi to the others. [Ethan.]
In 1 Chr. ii. 6, however, the aune four names occur
again as " sons of Zerach," of the great family of
Puarez in the tribe of Judah, with the slight dif-
ference that Darda appears as Dara. The identity
of these persons with those in 1 K. iv. has been
greatly debated (see the arguments on both sides
in Burrington, i. 206-8); but there cannot be
much reasonable doubt that they are the same.
1. A great number of Hebrew MSS. read Darda
in Chr. (Davidson, Hebr. Text, p. 210), in which
they are followed by the Targum and the Syriac
and Arabic versions. [Dara.]
2. The son of Zerach would be without diffi-
culty called in Hebrew the Ezrachite, the change
depending merely on the position of a rowel point.
[Ezrahite.] And further, the change is actually
made by the Targum Jonathan, which in Kings
has u son of Zerach."
3. The word " son " is used in Hebrew so often
to denote a descendant beyond the first generation,
that no stress can be laid on the " son of Mahol,"
as compared with " son of Zerach." For instance,
of the five " sons of Judah " in 1 Chr. iv. 1, the
first was really Judab's son, the second his grand-
son, the third his great-grandson, and the fourth
and fifth still later descendants. Besides there is
great plausibility in the conjecture that " Br nr
Mahol" means " sons of the choir; " in which case
the men in question were the famous musicians, two
of whom are named in the titles to Psalms btxxviii.
and lxxxix. [Mahol.] Ii.
DABIO (,TBS73, PSTjiti only in pi.;
Tabu. 7131? : xp" 00 ''' '• '"hd**, drachma ; Ezr.
U. 69, rill. 27; Neh. vii. 70, 71, 72; 1 Chr. xxix.
7), a gold coin current in Palestine in the period
after the return from Babylon. That the Hebrew
word is, in the Bible, the name of a coin and not
<f a weight appears from its similarity to the Greek
ippellation of the only piece to which it could refer,
(lie mentions in Ezr. and Neh. show that the coin
*as current in Palestine under Cyrus and Arta-
xerxes Longimanus. At these times there was no
large issue of gold money except by the Persian
kings, who struck the coin known to the Greeks as
the irrar^ip AapsiKor , or Aoot uttt. The Darics
which have been discovered are thick pieces of pure
gold, of archaic style, bearing on the obverse the
figure of a king with bow and Javelin, or bow and
dagger, and on the reverse an irregular incuse
iquare. Their full weight i* about 128 grains troy,
V a li'tle less than that of an Attic stater, and is
most orobablv that of an early didrachm of the
?hosaician talent They mi st have been the com-
saon gold nieces of the Persian empire. The oldest
that we have seen cannot be referred to an earlier
DARITJ8
period than aliont the time of Cyras, fumbyses, at
DaniM Hvstaspis, and it is more prohai.le that they
are not anterior to the reign of Xerxes, or ever,
that of Artaxerxes I-ongimanus. There are, bow-
ever, gold pieces of about the same weight, but of
an older style, found about Sardis, which cannot be
doubted to be either of Croesus or of an earner
l.ydian long, in the former case the Kpuurtwt
(orarijpsj) of the Greeks. It is therefore prob-
able, as these followed a Persian standard, hat
Darics were struck under Cyras or his nearer suc-
cessors. The origin of this coin is attributed by
the Greeks to a Darius, supposed by the modems
to be either Darius the Mede, or Darius Hyetasfis.
That the Greeks derived their distinctive 'appella-
tion of the coin from this proper name cannot be
doubted ; but the difference of the Hebrew forma
of the former from that of the latter tTTTJ,
renders this a questionable derivation. Geaenlua
suggests the ancient Persian word Dara (Handle.
s. v.), "king;" but (in his 77ie». s. v.) inclines to
connect the Hebrew names of the coin and that of
Darius. In favor of the derivation from Dara, it
must be noted that the figure borne by these coins
is not that of any one king, but of the king of
Persia in an abstract sense, and that oil the same
principle the coins would rather be called regal coins
than Darics. The silver Darics mentioned by Plu-
tarch ( tii*. p. 10) are probably the Persian silva
pieces similar in types to the gold Darics, but
weighing a drachm and a third of the same stan-
dard. See Mo.net and Vict, of AM. art Daricut
R S. P.
Dark. Obv. : Kmg of Persia to tha right, kneeling,
bearing bow and Javelin. Rev. : Irregular Incus*
squaK.
DAWUS (ttfrn?: Darayawush, Tarty,.
wins, in Inscr. : Aapun, I.XX. ; Atu>rf)vns, Strab.
xvi. p. 785; Acuucuot, ties.), the name of several
kings of Media and Persia. Herodotus (vi. 98)
says that the name is equivalent to tp^dns ((tpytiy
the reUraitur ; and this is probably correct from
the analogy of the Persian darttth, " restraint : "
Sanskr. dhdrt, " firmly holding " (Gesen. Thet. s.
v.). Hesyehius gives a double derivation : Aeyxib*
Orb Htpaiiv ippArifior vwb Si Optryat*' <n**p.
Others nave regarded the word as another form of
the modern Persian dara, darab, "a king;" but
this sense of dara is not Justified by usage, and it
is rather the epithet of a king (the holder, re-
strainer, as above) than the title itself (Gee, It.).
Three kings bearing this name are mentioned : s
theO. T.
1. Dabius the Miens O'PP'!? f, Dan- xl> 1;
Chald. rtMTp \ n. 1), "the son of Ahasuerus
of the seed of the Medes " (ix. 1), who succeeded to
(baf2) "» Babylonian kingdom on the death of
Behhazzar, being then sixty-two years old (Daa
v. 31 (LXX. 'A/m^tptliK ix. 1). Only one year
of his reign is mentioned (Dan. ix. 1, xl. 1); but
that was of great importance for the Jews. Daniel
was advanced by the king to the highest dignit;
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DARIUS
;D»n vl I (f.)i probably in consequence of hit
fanner servkes (cf. Dan. v. 17); and after hit
miraculous deliverance, Darius issuad a decree en-
joining throughout his dominions "reverence for
the God of Daniel " (Dan. vi. 25 ff.)
The extreme obscurity of the Babylonian annals
has given occasion to three different hypotheses as
to the name under which Darius the Mede is known
in history. The first of these, which identifies him
with Darius Hystaspis, rests on no plausible evi-
dence, and may be dismissed at once (I^engerke,
An. p. 319 ff.). The second, which was adopted
by Josephus (Art. x. 11, § 4), and has been sup-
ported by many recent critics (Bertholdt; Von
Lengerke; Havernick; Hengstenberg ; Auberlen,
Darnel mid d Offenbaruny, p. 16 ff.) is more
deserving of notice. According to this he was
(Cyamrcs II.) "the son and successor of Asty-
«ges " (Joseph. L c. ^r 'farrvdyous vUt, 'rrtoov
Si trafh rotf "EAAtjcru" cVcoAuro tvoua), who is
sominonly regarded as the last king of Media. It
is supposed that the reign of this Cyaxares has
been neglected by historians from the fact that
through his indolence and luxury he yielded the
real exercise of power to his nephew Cyrus, who
married bis daughter, and so after his death re-
ceived the crown by direct succession (Xen. Cyrop.
i. 5, § 3, iv. 5, § 8, viii. 5, 5 19). But it appears to
be a fatal objection to this hypothesis that the only
direct evidence for the existence of a second Cy-
axares is that of Xenophon's romance (cf. Niebuhr,
Gesch. Ass. «. Bab. p. 61). The title Cyrus
[filius] Cyaxaris, which has been quoted from an
inscription (Auberlen, Danitl u. d. Offenbaruny,
p. 18), is either a false reading or certainly a false
translation (Niebuhr, Gesch. Ass. u. Bub. 214, n.
4) ; and the passage of iEschylus (Per: 766 f.)
is inconsistent with the character assigned to Cy-
axares II. On the other hand, Herodotus expressly
states that "Astyages" was the last king of the
Mede*, that he was conquered by Cyrus, and that
he died without leaving any male issue (Herod, i.
73, 103, 127 IE) ; and Cyrus appears as the imme-
liate successor of "Astyages" in the Chronicle
of Eusebius (Chiron, ad 01. 54: Syncell. p. 188;
cf. Bel and Dragon, i.). A third identification
(Winer, RealatrL s. v.; Niebuhr, Gesch. Ass. u.
Bab. pp. 45, 92) remains, by which Darius is rep-
resented as the personal name of " Astyages," the
last king of the Medes, and this appears to satisfy
all the conditions of the problem. The name " As-
tyages " was national and not personal [Asty auks],
and Ahasuerus (Achatliverosh) represents the name
{ffwatlc'hskatra) Cyaxares, borne by the father of
"Astyages" (T:b. xiv. 15). The description of
the unnamed king ii. iEschylus <* (L c. ) as one whose
"feelings were guided by wisdom" (oWm yhp
•trov Bv/ihr aia»oo~rpi<povv), is applicable to the
Darius of Scripture and the Astyages of Herodotus.
And as far as the name itself is concerned, there are
traces of the existence of an older king Darius be-
fore the time of Darius Hystaspis (Schoi. ad Arist.
Eccles. 598 AcujjikoI — owe &wb Aaptlov i ov
iiplov irarpis, &AA* 4e>* iripou ru>bs iraAeuoW-
oov fkuriktoss uvofideOrtffaf. cf. Suidas s. v. A«-
psiinfs)- If, as seems most probable, Darius (As-
tyages) occupied the throne of Babylon as supreme
sovereign with Nerigalsarassar as vassal-prince, after
<• It i« most worthy of notice that JSsoi-viat cnar-
sntsrlSM Cyaxares (I ) as Mqeot . . . 4 rsmrhs ineiiur
iiyaToi, while Sir H Rawmuon (Notes m the History
DABIU3 641
the murder of Evil-merodaoh (Belshanar) B. c
559, one year only remains for this Median suprem-
acy before the victory of Cyrus B. c. 658, in exact
accordance with the notices in Daniel (Niebuhr
L c), and the apparent incompleteness of the polit-
ical arrangements which Darius "purposed" to
make (Dan. vi. 3, JVC'S). For the short dura-
tion of his supreme power may have caused his
division of the empire (Dan. vi. 1 ff.) — a work
oongenial to his character — to fall into abeyance,
so that it was not carried out till the time of his
namesake Darius Hystaspis: a supposition at least
as probable as that there is any confusion of the
two monarchs in the book of Daniel.
The chronological difficulties which have been
raised (Kawlinson, Herodotus, i. 418) against the
identification of Darius' with Astyages on the as-
sumption that the events in Dan. v. relate to the
taking of Babylon by Cyras (b. c. 538), in which
case he would have ascended the throne at seven
years of age, are entirely set aside by the view of
Marcus Niebuhr, which has been adopted above;
and this coincidence serves to oonfirm the general
truth of the hypothesis.
2. Darius the sou of Htstaspes (Vashtaspa),
the fifth in descent from Achemenes, the founder
of the Perso- Aryan dynasty, was, according to ths
popular legend (Herod, i. 209, 210), already marked
out for empire during the reign of Cyrus. Upon
the usurpation of the Magian Smerdis [Ar-
taxkkxes], he conspired with six other Persian
chiefs to overthrow the impostor, and on the suc-
cess of the plot was placed upon the throne b. c.
521. He devoted himself to the internal organiza-
tion of his kingdom, which had been impeded by
the wars of Cyrus and Cambyses, and the confusion
of the reign of Smerdis. His designs of foreign
conquest were interrupted by a revolt of the Baby-
lonians, under a pretender who bore the royal name
of Nabukudrassar (Niebuhr, Gesch. Ass. u. Bab.
p. 94), which was at length put down, and punished
with great severity (e. B. c. 516). After the sub-
jugation of Babylon Darius turned his arms against
Scythia, Libya (Herod, iv. 145 IT.), and India
(Herod, iv. 44). Thrace and Macedonia acknowl-
edged his supremacy, and some of the islands of
the /KgMui were added to bis dominion in Asia
Minor and the seaboard of Thrace (s. c. 618-505).
Shortly afterwards he came into collision with
Greece, and the defeat of Marathon (n. c. 490)
only roused him to prepare vigorously for that
decisive struggle with the West which was now
inevitable. His plans were again thwarted by re-
bellion. Domestic quarrels (Herod, vii. 2) fol-
lowed on the rising in Egypt, and he died, B. o.
485, before his preparations were completed (Heiod
vii. 4).
With regard to the Jews, Darius Hystaspis pur
sued the same policy as Cyrus, and restored to
them the privileges which they had lost. For the
usurpation of Smerdis involved a religious ss well
as a political revolution, and the restorer of ths
Magian faith willingly listened to the enemies of a
people who had welcomed Cyrus as their deliverer
(Ezr. iv. 17 ff.). But in the second year of Darius,
b. c. 620, as soon as his power had assumed some
solidity, Haggai (Hag. 1. 1, U. 1, 10) and Zeohariah
of Babylonia, p. 80, n.) shows that ths foundation at
ths Median empire was really das to Hvwakkshat*
(Cyaxares), In spit* of lbs history of Herodotus
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560 DARKNESS
saeouraged their countrymen to untune the went
of restoration (Err. v. 1 ff.), and when their pro-
nedings came to the king's knowledge he confirmed
the decree of Cyrus by a new edict, and the temple
was finished in four years (b. c 516, Ezr. vi. IS),
though it was apparently used before that time
(Zech. vii. 2, 3).
3. Darius the Persia* (Neb., xii. 22, 1
"•DTSn) may be identified with Darius It. No-
th'us (Ochus), king of Persia b. c. 424-3—405-4,
if the whole passage in question was written by Ne-
hemiah. If, however, the register was continued to
a later time, as is not improbable, the occurrence
of the name Jaddus (tt. 11, 22), wbo was high-
priest at the time of the invasion of Alexander
[Alexander], points to Darius III. Codomanus,
the antagonist of Alexander and last king of Per-
sia, B. c. 336-330 (1 Mace. i. 1). Cf. Jahn, Arch-
OoL ii. 1, 272 ft*.; KeU, Ukrb. d. EM. § 152, 7,
who defends at length the integrity of the passage.
[Nkiikmiaii.] B. V. W.
4. (AcukTos; [Sin.] Alex. Acuios : Ariut).
Anus, king of the Lacedemonians (I Mace. xii. 7).
[Arbus.]
DARKNESS CH-?!"", fern, form n^pr - ,
and with much variation in the vowel points: ckA-
ro>), is spoken of as encompassing the actual pres-
ence of God, as that out of which He speaks, the
envelope, as it were, of Divine glory (Ex. xx. 21;
1 K. viii. 12). The cloud symbol of Uis guidance
offered an aspect of darkness to the enemy as of
light to the people of Israel. In the description
of His coming to judgment, darkness overspreading
nature and blotting the sun, Ac, is constantly
included (Is. xiii. 9, 10; Joel ii. 81, Hi. 15; Matt,
xxiv. 29; Mark xiii. 24; Luke xxi. 25; Rev. vi.
U).
Thu plague of darkness in Egypt has been as-
cribed by various neologistic commentators to non-
miraculous agency, but no sufficient account of its
intense degree, long duration, and limited area,
as proceeding from any physical cause, has been
given. The darkness M waaar tV yrir of Matt,
xxvii. 45 attending the crucifixion has been similarly
attributed to an eclipse. Phlegon of Tralles indeed
mentions au eclipse of intense darkness, and which
began at noon, combined, be says, in Bithynia, with
an earthquake, which in the unoertain state of our
chronology (see Clinton's Fatti Romani, Olymp.
202) more or less nearly synchronizes with the
event. Nor was the account one without reception
in the early church. See the testimonies to that
effect collected by Whiston ( Te$timony of Phlegon
•/indicated, Loud. 1732). Origen, however, ad loc.
(Latin commentary on St. Matt.) denies the possi-
bility of such a cause, arguing that by the fixed
Paschal reckoning the moon must have been about
full, and denying that Luke xxiii. 45 by the words
iaKoria^n 6 *Aioj means to allege that fact as the
■anas. The genuineness of this commentary has
oeen impeached, nor is its tenor consistent with
Origen adv. Celt, p. 80; but the argument, unless
jo such an assumption as that mentioned below,
teems decisive, and has ever since been adhered to.
He limits raatw tV yr)* to Judaea. Dean Alford
[ait loc ), though without stating his reason, prefers
he wider interpretation of all the earth's surface
m which it would naturally have been day. That
fbltgoii'a darkness, perceived so intense in Tralles
sal Bithynia, was felt in Judaaa is highly probable:
DATHEMA
and the Evangelist's testimony to similar pbenotsj
em of a coincident darkness and earthquake, takes
in connection with the near agreement of time
gives a probability to the supposition that the for-
mer speaks of the same circumstances as the latter
Wieseler (Citron. Syrup, p. 388), however, and Ds
Wette (Comm. on Matt.) consider the year of
Phlegon's eclipse an impossible one for the cruci-
fixion, and reject that explanation of the darkness.
The argument from the duration (3 hours) is alec
of great force; for an eclipse seldom lasts in great
intensity more than 6 minutes. On the other hand,
Seyflarth (Chronolog. Sncr. pp. 58, 59) mmint»in«
that the Jewish calendar, owing to their following
the sun, had become so far out that the moon might
possibly have been at new. and thus, admitting the
year as a possible epoch, revives the argument for
the eclipse as the cause. He, however, views this
rather as a natural basis than as a full account of
the darkness, which in its degree at Jerusalem was
still preternatural (ib. p. 138). The pamphlet of
Whiston above quoted, and two by Dr. Sykes,
Dittcrtation on the Ectipte mentioned by Phlegon,
and Defence of same, Lond. 1733 and 1734, may
be consulted as regards the statement of Phlegon.
Darkness is also, as in the expression, " land of
darkness," used for the state of the dead (Job x.
21, 22) ; and frequently figuratively, for ignorance
and unbelief, as the privation of spiritual light
(John i. 5: iii. 19). H. H.
DARTCON ()T|T]*J [bearer, Fiirst]: A«r
k&v, AopKvr; [Alex, in Ezr. AtfMwr:] Dercon).
Children [sons] of Darken were among the "ser-
vants of Solomon," who returned from Babylon
with Zerubbabel (Exr. ii. 56; Neh. vii. 58). [Lo-
zox.]
• DARLING, twice in the A. V., Ps. xxii. 80,
and xxxv. 17, and used there of life as something in-
expressibly dear and precious to men (like Homer's
<t>t*.ot> »%, and Plato's rifLurrdrn sc. ifrxH)- " My
only one " would be more correct for T*HJ, the
original word, applied properly (masc or fern.) to
something which exists singly and cannot be replaced
if lost, as au only son (Gen. xxii. 2) or daughter
(Jud. xi. 34). In the Psalms, as above, the Sept.
has tV /toroy«rq pov, and the Vulg. " unicam
meam." H.
• DART. [Arms.]
DATES, margin of 2 Chr. xxxi. 5 only.
[Palm Tree.]
DATHAN (jrVJ [pert, fonlamu, cuna.rnat
with fountains] : Aa0aV: Dalian), a Keubenils
chieftain, son of Eliab, who joined the conspiracy
of Korah the Levite (Num. xvL 1, [12, 24, 25, 27,]
xxvi. 9; Deut xi. 6; Ps. evi. 17; [Ecclus. xh.
18]). R. W. B.
DATHTSMA (Auu~ciia; Alex, and Josephtn.
A.iBffux\ other MSS. Aoyuffa; [Sin. AaeYupa:]
Dathema), a fortress (to oyvpo^ui; Joseph. <tuot*-
pior) in which the Jews of Uilead took refuge from
the heathen (1 Mace v. 9). Here they wtre re-
lieved by Judas and Jonathan (24). Tbey mirehed
from Ilozora to Dathema (28, 29) and left it fin
Maspba (Mizpeh) (35). The reading of the Pe-
shito, Rntnthn, points to Ramoth-Gilead, which cat
hardly fail to be the correct identification. Ewass
however (iv. 359, note) would correct this to Dam
tha, which be compares with Dkatni, a paws t»
ported by Burckhardt. O-
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DAUOHTEB
DAUGHTER (BaA, TO, contr. from ."V $,
ha. of ]3 : Bvyarbp: JiBa). 1. The word in used
In Scripture not ouly for daughter, but for grand-
daughter or other female descendant, much in the
seme way and like extent with ]?, eon (Gen. zxir.
43, xxxi. 43). [See Children; Education
Womeh.]
2. In a kindred sense the female inhabitant* of
a place, a country, or the females of a particular
race, are catted daughter! (Gen. vi. 2, xxvii. 46,
ixviii. 6, xxxvi. 2; Num. xxv. 1; Deut xxiii. 17;
la. iii. 1U; Jer. zlri. 11, xlix. 2, 3, 4; Luke xxiii.
28).
3. Women in general (Prov. xxxi. 29).
4. Those addicted to particular forms of idola-
trous worship (1 Sam. i. 16; Mai. ii. 11).
5. The same notion of descent explains the
phrase "daughters of music," i. «. singing birds
(Keel. xii. 4), and the use of the word for branches
if a tree (Gen. xlix. 22), the pupil of the eye,
Kipn (I Jim. ii. 18; Ps. xvii. 8), and the expression
" daughter of 90 years," to denote the age of Sarah
(Gen. xvii. 17).
6. It is also used of cities in general, agreeably
to their very common personification as belonging
to the female sex (Is. x. 32, xxiii. 12, xxxvii. 22,
xlvii. 1, Ui. 2; Jer. ri. 2, 26, ix. 1, xxxi. 4, xlvi. 11,
24, xlriii. 18, Ii. 33; Nah. iii. 4, 7; Zech. ix. 9;
Ez. xri. 3, 44, 48, xxiii. 4).
7. But more specifically of dependent towns or
hamlets, while to the principal city the correlative
"mother" is applied (Num. xxi. 25; Josh. xvii.
11, 16; Judg. i. 27; 1 Chr. vii. 28; 2 Sam. xx.
19).
llazerim is the word most commonly employed
for the " villages " lying round, and dependent on,
a "city" (*/r: "fS). But in one place Bath is
used as if for something intermediate, in the case
of the Philistine cities Ekron, Asbdod, and Gaza
(Josh. xv. 45-7) — "her daughter-towns and her
villages." Without this distinction from Hiuerim,
the word is also employed for Philistine towns in
1 Chr. xviii. 1 — Gath; 2 Chr. xxviii. 18 — Sho-
eho, Timnath, and Gimzo. In Neh. xi. 25-31, the
two terms are employed alternately, and to ill ap-
pearance quite indiscriminately. [Village.]
U. W. t.
UeWID (TY-T, Tfl [beloved]:" LXX. Ao-
vtt; [Vat Aaw'18:] N.T. [Elz.] AaBlt [Griesb.
AaufI; Lachm. Tiach. Treg.] Aav<(8), the son of
Jesse, is the best known to us of any of the char-
acters in the O. T. In him, as in the case of St.
Paul In the N. T., we have the advantage of com-
paring a detailed narrative of his ufe with undoubted
works of bis own composition, and the combined
remit is a knowledge of his personal character, such
<* we probably possess of no historical personage
sefore the Chiistian era, with the exception of
1,'ioaro, and perhaps of Caesar.
T!» authorities for the life of David may be
divided intc six classes : —
o The shorter form Is used in the earlier books ;
ind e ed, everywhere except in 1 K. Ui. 14, and in Chr.,
•te., Neh., Oant., Ho*., Am., Bs. xxxiv. 23, and Zetb.,
ts which the longer form Is found. The Arabio form
DAVID 661
I. The original Hebrew authorities : —
1. The Davidic portion of the Psalms,* in-
cluding such fragments as are preserved U.
us from other sources, namely, 2 Sam. i.
19-27, iii. 33, 34, xxii. 1-51, xxiii. 1-7.
[Psalms.]
2. The "Chronicles" or "State-papers" of
David (1 Chr. xxvii. 24), and the original
biographies of David by Samuel, Gad, and
Nathan (1 Chr. xxix. 29). These are lost,
but portions of them no doubt are pre-
served in
3. The narrative of 1 Sam. xvi. to 1 K. ii.
10; with the supplementary notices con-
tained in 1 Chr. xi. 1 to xxix. 30.
II. The two slight notices in the heathen his-
torians, Nicolaus of Damascus in his Univertal
Hittory (Joseph. Ant vii. 5, § 2), and Eupolemus
in his Hittory of the Kings ofJudah (Eus. Prop
Et. ix. 30).
HI. David's apocryphal writings, contained in
Fabricius, Codex pteudepigruphm V. Teti. pp. 906-
1006. (1.) Ps. cli., on his victory over Goliath.
(2.) Colloquies with God, on madness, on his temp-
tation, and on the building of the Temple. (3.)
A charm against fire. Of these the first alone
deserves any attention.
I V. The Jewish traditions, which may be divided
into three classes: —
1. The additions to the Biblical narrative con-
tained in Josephua, Ant. vi. 8-vii. 15.
2. The Hebrew traditions preserved in Je-
rome's Quaatione* Heoraica m Librot Re-
gum tt Paralipomenon (vol. iii., Venice
ed.).
3. The Rabbinical traditions reported in Bas-
nage, HitL da Juifs, lib. v. c. 2; Calmet's
Dictionary, art. Ditid.
V. The Mussulman traditions, chiefly remarka-
ble for their extravagance, are contained in the Ko-
ran, ii. 250-252, xxxviii. 20-24, xxi. 79-82, xxii.
15, and explained in Lane's Selections from tie
Kwan, p. 228-242; or amplified in Weil's Legend*.
Eng. Tr. p. 152-170.
VI. In modern times his life has been ofter.
treated, both in separate treatises and in histories
of Israel. Winer's article on David refers to mon
ographs on almost every point in his life. In Eng-
lUh, the best known is Dr. Chandler's Lift, writ-
ten in the last century; in French, De Choisi's,
and that in Bayle'a Dictionary. The most recent,
and probably the best treatment is that in Ewald •
Gttchichte da VuOea ftrael, Ui. 71-257.
His life may be divided into three portions, mon
or less corresponding to the three old lost biogra -
phies by Samuel, Gad, and Nathan : I. His youth
before his introduction to the court of Saul II.
His relations with Saul. III. His reign.
I. The early Ufe of Dmid contains in man)
important respects the antecedents of his futurt
career.
1. Unlike most of the characters of the Script-
ures his family are well known to us by name
and are pot without bearing on his subsequent ca-
reer. Thej -nay best be seen in the form of a gen.
ealogy.
* thsoame,
In cooiwwr use, Is t>«f*}, Daood.
t> In quoting the Psalms in connection with to*
hlsPTT, we have been guided partly by the titles (as
expressing the Jewish traditions), partly by the Inter
nal evidence, as verified by the iudtmrot of Hearse
scholars
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662
DAVID
DAVID
Salmon
or Salman
(Ruth Ir. SI i
1 Chr. u. U)
fllnialash- Naomi (Ruth LI)
Boas b Rath — Mahlon ChluoD — ' Orpah
I (Ruth iv. U)
Obed (Ruth ilv. 17)
» xrU. Iff; Nahaah — unknown — Jeete
I I
Zaruiah
(1 Chr.
h. IS)
I
Jom
athan(l
Chr. xxvii. 82)
Abigail -
AHaLd
Jether — Ira?J Ellab Abinadab
(Jerome, Ellhn
(Ju. Heb. (1 Chr.
on 1 Chr. xx»U. 18)
xL«0) 1
6 Chr. (Jerome.
U17)
Shammah Nethaneel Baddai Osem (owe 11410
Shimma (Bael, (Aaam. la not
Shlmeah Joe. AM. Joe. AM. (Iran
(2 8am. vi.8.1. tL8.1> unite.
Joeb Aaahel Aniaal Abi>iall — Rehoboam
I (2 Chr. xl. 19)
Zabadlah
(1 Chr. xxvii. 7)
III. 21)
JL
Rel, Ewald)
Jonathan
(2 Sam. xxl. Hi
1 Chr. xxvil. 82)
(Nathan r J
Jer. </u. Heb.
on 1 Sam. xvt 12)
Jonadab
(2 Sam.
xlU.3)
Joelr?
Jerome,
<r*. Ikb.
on 1 Chr.
xl.88)*
Ellhu,
Syr. awl
Arab.
1 Chr. U. U)
It thus appears that David was the youngest eon,
probably the youngest child, of a family of ten.
His mother's name is unknown. His father, Jesse,
was of a great age when David was still young
(1 Sam. xvii. 12). His parents both lived till
after his final rupture with Saul (1 Sam. xxli. 3).
Through them David inherited several points which
he never lost, (a.) His connection with Moab
through his great-grandmother Kuth. This he
kept up when he escaped to Moab and entrusted
his aged parents to the care of the king (1 Sam.
xxii. 8), and it may not have been without its use
in keeping open a wider view in his mind and his-
tory than if he had been of purely Jewish descent.
Such is probably the design of the express mention
of Ruth in the genealogy In Matt. i. 5.
(6.) His birthplace, Bkthleiiem. His recol-
lection of the well of Bethlehem is one of the most
touching incidents of his later life (1 Cbr. xi. 17).
From tho territory of Bethlehem, as from his own
patrimony, he gave a property as a reward to
rhimham, son of Barzillai (2 Sam. xii. 37, 38;
Jer. xli. 17); and it is this connection of David
with Bethlehem that brought the place again in
later times into universal fame, when Joseph went
op to Bethlehem, " because he was of the house
and lineage of David " (Luke ii. 4).
(c.) His general connection with the tribe of
Judah. In none of the tribes does the tribal feel-
ing appear to have been stronger ; and it must be
borne in mind throughout the story both of his
security amongst the hills of Judah during his
Right from Saul, and of the early period of bis reign
at Hebron, as well as of the jealousy of the tribe at
having lost their exclusive possession of him, which
broke out in the revolt of Absalom.
(d.) His relations to Zeruiah and Abigail.
Though called in 1 Chr. ii. 16, sisters of David,
they are not expressly called the daughters of
'ess : and Abigail, in 2 Sam. xvii. 25, is called
the daughter of Nahash. Is it too much to sup-
pose that David's mother had been the wife or con-
cubine ° of Nahash, and then married by Jesse ?
This would agree with the difference of age between
David and his Bisters, and also (if Nahash was the
same as the king of Ammon) with the kindnesses
which David received first from Nahash (2 Sam.
a lbs later rabbis represent him as bom In adul-
jfcfj. This is probably a coarse Inference from Ps. II.
* ; but it may possibly have reference to a tradition of
Jss above. On the other hand, In the earl*er rabbis
a* have an attempt at "Immaculate conception."
x. 2), and then from Sbobi, son of Nahash (xrIL
27).
2. As the youngest of the family he may possi-
bly have received from his parents the name, which
first ap|iears in him, of Daeid, the belated, the dar-
ling. But, perhaps for this same reason, he was
never intimate with his brethren. The eldest
brother, who alone is mentioned in connection wit!
him, and who was afterwards made by him head of
the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. xxvii. 18), treated him
scornfully and imperiously (1 Sam. xvii. 28), at
the eldest brothers of large families are apt to do ;
his command was regarded in the family as law
(xx. 29); and the father looked upon the youngest
son as hardly one of the family at all (xvi. 11), and
as a mere attendant on the rest (xvii. 17). The
familiarity which he lost with his brothers, be
gained with his nephews. The three sons of his
sister Zeruiah, and the one son of his sister Abigail,
seemingly from the fact that their mothers were
the eldest of the whole family, were probably of the
same age as David himself, and they accordingly
were to htm — especially the three sons of Zeruiah
— throughout life in the relation usually occupied
by brothers and cousins. In them we see the
rougher qualities of the family, which David shared
with them, whilst he was distinguished from them
by qualities of his own, peculiar to himself. The
two sons of bis brother Shimeah are both connected
with his after history, and both celebrated for the
gift of sagacity in which David himself excelled.
(hie was Jonadab, the friend and adviser of his eld-
est son Amnon (2 Sam. xiii. 3). The other was
Jonathan (2 Sam. xxi. 21), who afterwards became
the counsellor of David himself (1 Chr. xxvii. 32).
It is a conjecture or tradition of the Jews preserved
by Jerome ( Qu. fleb. on 1 Sam. xvii. 12) that this
was no other than NaOian the prophet, who, being
adopted into Jesse's family, makes up the eighth
son, not named in 1 Chr. ii. 13-15. But this is
hardly probable.
The first time that David appears in history at
once admits us to the whole family circle. Then
was a practice once a year at Bethlehem, probably
at the first new moon of the year, of holding a sac-
rificial feast, at which Jebse, as the chief proprietor
of the place, would preside (1 Sam. xx. 6), with the
elders of the town. At this or suth like feast (xvi.
They make Nahash — "the serpent" — to be another
name of Jesse, because he had no sin except that
which he contracted from the origins) serptnt ; ana
thus David Inherited none. (Jerotre, Qu. JrjVe. a
Sam. xvU. 26.)
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DAVID
1) sudderjlj appeared the great prophet Samuel,
iriring a heifer before him, and having in hie hand
a horn of the oonaecrated oil " of the Tabernacle.
The elders of the little town were terrified at this
apparition, but were reassured by the august visitor,
and invited by him to the ceremony of sacrificing
the heifer. The heifer was killed. The party
were waiting to begin the feast. Samuel stood
with his horn to pour forth the oil, as if for an in-
vitation to begin (coinp. ix. 22). He was restrained
by divine intimation as son after son passed by.
Kliab, the eldest, by " his height " and " his coun-
tenance," seemed the natural counterpart of Saul,
whose rival, unknown to them, the prophet came
to select But the day was gone when kings were
chosen because they were head and shoulders taller
than the rest. " Samuel said unto Jesse, Are
these all thy children '/ And be said. There re-
maineth yet the youngest, and behold he keepeth
the sheep."
This is our first and most characteristic intro-
duction to the future king. The boy was brought
in. We are enabled to fix his appearance at once
in our minds. He was of short stature, thus con-
trasting with his tall brother Eliab, with hit rival
Saul, and with bis gigantic enemy of Oath. He
had red* or auburn hair, such as is not unfre-
quently seen in his countrymen of the East at the
present day. In later life he wore a beard. c His
bright eyes d are especially mentioned (ivi. 12), and
generally he was remarkable for the grace of his
figure and countenance (*' fair of eyes," " comely,"
"goodly," xvi. 12, 18, xvii. 42), well made, and of
immense strength and agility. His swiftness and
activity made him (like his nephew Asahel) like a
wild gazelle, his feet like hart*' feet, and his arms
strong enough to break a bow of steel (Ps. xriii.
33, 34). He was pursuing the occupation allotted
in Eastern countries usually to the slaves, the
females, or the despised of the family (comp. the
ease of Moses, of Jacob, of Zipporab, and Kacbel,
and in later times, of Mohammed ; Sprenger, p. 8).
The pastures of Bethlehem are famous throughout
the sacred history. The Tower of Shepherds (Gen.
xxxv. 21), the shepherds abiding with their flocks
by night (Luke ii.), were both there. He usually
carried a switch or wand" in his hand (1 Sam.
xvii. 40), such as would be used for his dogs (xvii.
43), and a scrip or wallet round his neck, to carry
anything that was needed for h ; . shepherd's life
(xvii. 40). Such was the outer ale of David when
(as the later Psalmists described his call) he was
"taken from the sheepfolds, from following the
swes great with young, to feed Israel according to
the integrity of his heart, and to guide them by
the skillfulness of his hands " (Ps. lirviii. 70-72).
The recollection f of the sudden and great elevation
DAVID
558
« « The oU;" so Joseph. Ant. vi. 8, J 1.
» 1 Sam. xvi. 12, xvll. 42. Buddy =» red-tuured ;
■ntpiinn, L2UL ; rvfia, Tulg. : the same word as for
Esau, Gin. xxt. 25. The rabbis (probably from this)
svy that he was like Esau. Joseph us (Am. vi. 8. J 1 )
Hikes It his tawny complexion ((artbt rav xple-
See at the end or the article.]
'- 1 Sam. xxi. 18.
if "Itaros, quick;" yopyot vis 4+e« (Joseph. Aif
Ml).
• The same word ss Is used In Geo. xxx. 87 , Jer 1.
J; Bos. it. 12.
/ It Is assises to specuhtt* on the extent to which
<*» mission was kr iwn to himself or to othrn. Jxe-
from this humble station is deeply Impressed ou his
after life. '• The man who was raised up on high "
(2 Sam xxiii. 1) — "I have exalted one chosen out
of the people" (Ps. lxxxix. 19) — "I took that
from the sheepcote " (2 Sam. vii. 8).
3. But there was another preparation still more
needed for his office, which possibly had made him
already known to Samuel, and which at any rate is
his next introduction to the history. When the
body-guard of Saul were discussing with their mas-
ter where the best minstrel could be found to chase
away his madness by music, one of the young men
in the guard suggested David. SauL with the ab-
solute control inherent in the idea of an Oriental
king, instantly sent for him, and in the successful
effort of David's harp we have the first glimpse into
that genius for music and poetry which was after-
wards consecrated in the Psalms. It is impossible
not to connect the early display of this gift with
the schools of the prophets, who exercised their vo-
cation with tabret, psaltery, pipe, and harp (1 Sam.
x. 5), in the pastures (Nauih ; comp. Ps. xxiii. 2),
to which he afterwards returned as to his natural
home (1 Sam. xix. 18).»
Whether any of the existing Psalms can be
referred to this epoch of David's life is uncertain.
The 23d, from its subject of the shepherd, and from
its extreme simplicity (though placed by Ewald
somewhat later), may well have been suggested by
this time. The 8th, 19th, and 29th," which are
universally recognized as David's, describe the phe-
nomena of nature, and as such may more naturally
be referred to this tranquil period of his life than
to any other. The imagery of danger from wild
beasts, lions, wild bulls, Ac. (Ps. vii. 2, xxii. 20,
21), must be reminiscences of this time. And
now, at any rate, he must have first acquired the
art which gave him one of his chief claims to men-
tion in after times — " the sweet singer of Israel "
(2 Sam. xxiii. 1), " the inventor of instruments of
music" (Am. vi. 5); "with bis whole heart he
sung songs and loved him that made him " (Ec-
clus. xlvii. 8). '
4. One incident alone of his solitary shepherd
life has come down to us — his conflict with the
lion and the bear in defense of his father's flock*
(1 Sam. xvii. 34, 36). But it did not stand alone.
He was already known to Saul's guards for hi*
martial exploits, probably against the Philistines
(xvi. 18), and when he suddenly appeared in the
camp, his elder brother immediately guessed that
he had left the sheep in his ardor to see the battle
(xvii. 28). To this new aspect of his character we
are next introduced.
There is no perfectly satisfactory means of recon-
ciling the apparently contradictory accounts in 1
Sam. xvi. 14-23, and xvii. 12-31, 55-68. The first
phus (Ani. vi. 8, J 1) says that Samuel whispered It
into bis ear.
s Tho Mussulman traditions represent him as skilled
In making haircloth and sackcloth — tbe usual occu.
nations of the prophets. See the notes to Retbubku,
p. 293 a.
* The Mussulman traditions describe him as under-
standing the language of birds (Koran, xxi. 9, xxii. 16).
i In Mussulman traditions, as Abraham is called
" the Friend," and Mohammed " the Apostle," so Da-
vid Is " the Pmphu of God." In Weil's UgnuU, p.
1ST, A i str ting Oriental description of bis powen
as a psalmist : " He could imitate the thunders of
heaven, the roar of the lion, Um notes of th> olghtl"
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564 DAVID
that David was made known to Saul and
his armor-bearer in consequence of the
charm of hia music in assuaging the king's melan-
choly. The second implies that David was still a
shepherd with his father's flocks, and unknown to
Saul. The Vatican MS. of the LXX., followed by
Kennicott (who argues the question at length, Dit-
lertatim on Hebrew Ttxt, 418-432, 664-558),
rejects the narrative in 1 Sam. ivii. 12-81, 66-68,
as spurious. But the internal evidence from its
graphic touches is much in its favor, and it must at
least be accepted as an ancient tradition of David's
life. Horsley, but with no external authority, trans-
poses 1 Sam. xvi. 14-23. Another explanation
supposes that Saul had forgotten him. But this
only solves half the difficulty, and is evidently not
the intention of the narrative. It may therefore
be accepted as an independent statement of David's
first appearance, modified by the counter-statement
already noticed."
The scene of the battle is at Ephes-DAMMD),
in the frontier-hills of Judah, called probably from
this or similar encounters " the bound of blood."
Saul's army is encamped on one side of the ravine,
the Philistines on the other, the water-course of
Idah or " the Terebinth " runs between them. 6 A
Philistine of gigantic stature, and clothed in com-
|ilete armor, insults the comparatively defenseless
Israelites, amongst whom the king alone appears to
be well armed (xvii. 38 ; comp. xiii. 20). No one
can be found to take up the challenge. At this
juncture David appears in the camp, sent by his
father with ten loaves and ten slices of milk-cheese
to his three eldest brothers, fresh from the sheep-
folds. Just as he comes to the circle of wagons
which formed, as in Arab settlements, a rude forti-
fication round the Israelite camp (xvii. 20), he
hears the well known shout of the Israelite war cry
(comp. Num. xxiii. 21). The martial spirit of the
!>oy is stirred at the sound ; he leaves his provisions
with the baggage-master, and darts to join his
brothers (like one of the royal messengers ') into
the midst of the lines.'' Then he hears the chal-
lenge, now made for the fortieth time — sees the
dismay of his countrymen — hears the reward pro-
posed by the king — goes with the impetuosity of
a • On the question of the consistency of the dif-
ferent passages referred to In this paragraph, see addi-
tion at the end of the article. H.
b Variations in the common account are suggested
by two other passages. 1. In 2 8am. xxi. 19, It is
stated that " Goliath or Oath, the staff of whose spear
vas like a weaver's beam," was killed (not by David,
rat) by Elhanan of Bethlehem. This, combined with
Je fact that the Philistine whom David slew Is usually
tuneless, has suggested to Ewald (II. 28, 611) the In-
{anions conjecture that the name of Goliath (which is
mly gi«en twice to David's enemy, 1 Sam. xvii 4,
xxi. 9) was borrowed from the conflict of the leal
Goliath with Elhanan, whose Bethlehemlte origin has
led to the confusion. Jerome (Qu. Heb. ad loc.) makes
Suanan the same as David. 2. In 1 Chr. xi. 12,
•lessor (or more probably Shammah, 2 8am. xxtil. 11)
Is (aid to have fought with David at Ephen-dawmim
afninst the Philistines. It is of course possible that
the same scene may have witnessed two encounters
between Israel and the Philistines ; but It may also
Indicate that David's that acquaintance with Eleaiar,
afterwards one of his chief captains, was made on this
memorable occasion.
* The conjecture of Ewald is wholly unnecessary.
the Philistine whom David slew is as expressly called
3oUsth (see above) as the Philistine whom Rhanan
Hew, and, as toe writer of the book of Samuel Olstln-
DAVTD
youth from soldier to soldier talking of the mfcjl
in spite of his brother's rebuke — he is introduced
to Saul — undertakes the combat His victory ova
the gigantic Philistine is rendered more conspicuoui
by his own diminutive stature, and by the simple
weapons with which it was accomplished — not the
armor of Saul, which he naturally found too large
but the shepherd's sling, which he always carried
with him, and the five polished pebbles which he
picked up as he went from the water-course of the
valley, and put in hia shepherd's wallet.* Two
trophies long remained of the battle — one, the
huge sword of the Philistine, which was hung up
behind the ephod in the Tabernacle at Nob (1 Sam.
xxi. 9); the other, the head, which he bore away
himself; and which was either laid up at Nob, or
subsequently at Jerusalem. [Nob.] Ps. cxliv.,
though by its contents of a much later date, is by
the title in the LXX. "against Goliath." But
there is also a psalm, preserved in the LXX. at the
end of the Psalter, and which, though probably
mere adaptation from the history, well sums u|
this early period of his life: " This is the psalm of
David's own writing (?) (Itiiypa^xts us Aavil'
and outside the number, when he fought the single
combat with Goliath." " I was small amongst my
brethren, and the youngest in my father's house.
I was feeding my fathers sheep. My hands made
a harp, and my fingers fitted a psaltery. And who
shall tell it to my Lord? He is the Lord, He
heareth. He sent his messenger (angel?) and took
me from my father's flocks, and anointed me with
the oil of His anointing. My brethren were beauti-
ful and tall, but the Lord was not well pleased with
them. I went out to meet the Philistine, and he
cursed me by hia idols. But I drew his own sword
and beheaded him, and took away the reproach
from the children of Israel."/
II. Relations with Saul — We now enter on a
new aspect of David's life. The victory over Goliath
had been a turning-point of his career. Saul
inquired his parentage, and took him finally to his
court. Jonathan was inspired by the romantic
friendship which bound the two youths together to
the end of their lives. The triumphant songs " of
the Israelitish women announced that they felt that
gulshes the tune and place of David's victory from the
time and place of Whanan's victory (which was after
David became king and at Oob), be must have had in
view different PLlllstines who bore this name. If they
were brothers (comp. 2 8am. xxi. 22), the second of
them may have assumed the other's name after his
death, and if they were not, the Hebrews might nat
urally enough speak of them by the name name,u*ed is
a sort of representative sense (Goliath «• giant, hero).
" The brother of" in A. V., 2 Sam. xxi. 19, Is Italicised,
but very possibly states what was true of the two
champions referred to. For other suggestions, see
Wordsworth, Books of Samuel, p. 122.
It is Justly remarked above that Ephe»danunim (or
Pafrdammlm. a shorter form, 1 Cor. xi. 18) within the
valley of Elah (which see), may have been the scene
of more than one conflict. It was near the frontier
of the hostile races, and fighting between them must
often have taken place there. H.
e The same word is used as In 1 Sam. xxli. IT.
d As In 1 Sam. iv 16, 2 Sam. xvlll. 22.
e For the Mussulman legend, see Weil's Ltftnds
p. 168.
/ Of these and of like songs, Bunsen (BAttwerk
Pref. p. cl.) Interprets the expression in 2 Sam. sxtfc
1, not « the sweet singer of Israel," but " the f "
of the songs of Israel."
o See Vabrlcius. Ovf. prndtpigr. f. T. I. 906
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DAVID
la Um brad bad now (mind a deliverer mightier
(rem than Saul. And in those nogs, and in the
feme which David thus acquired, waa laid the foun-
iationof that unhappy Jealousy of Saul towards him
which, mingling with the king's constitutional mal-
ady, poisoned his whole future relations to David.
Three new qualities now began to develop them-
selves in David's character. The first was his
prudence. It had been already glanced at on the
first mention of him to Saul (1 Sam. xvi. 18),
'• prudent in matters." But it was the marked
feature of the beginning of his public career. Thrice
aver it is emphatically said, " he behaved himself
wisely," and evidently with the impression that it
was the wisdom called forth by the necessities of
his delicate and difficult situation. It was that
peculiar Jewish caution which has been compared
to the sagacity of a hunted animal, such as is
remarked in Jacob, and afterwards in the perse-
cuted Israelites of the Middle Ages. One instance
of it appears immediately, in his answer to the trap
laid for him by Saul's servants, "Seemeth it to
you a light thing to be the king's son-in-law, seeing
that 1 am a poor man and lightly esteemed ? "
(zviii. 83). Secondly, we now see his magnanimous
forbearance called forth, in the first instance, to-
wards Saul, but displaying itself (with a few pain-
ful exceptions) in the rest of his life. He is the
first example of the virtue of chivalry. Thirdly,
his hairbreadth escapes, continued through so many
years, impress e d upon him a sense of dependence
on the Divine help, clearly derived from this epoch.
His usual oath or asseveration in later times was,
" As the lord liveth who hath redeemed my soul
out of adversity" (3 Sam. iv. 9; 1 K. i. 29); and
the Psalms are filled with imagery taken even
literally from shelter against pursuers, slipping
down precipices (Ps. xviii. 36), hiding-places in
rocks and caves, leafy ooverta (xxxJ. 30), strong
fastnesses (xviii. 3).
This course of life subdivides itself into four
portions: —
1. His life at the court of Saul till his final
escape (1 Sam. xviii. 3-xix. 18). His office is not
exactly defined. But it would seem that, having
been first armor-bearer (xvi. 81, xviii. 3), then made
captain over a thousand — the subdivision of a
tribe — (xviii. 13), he finally, on his marriage with
MiehaL the king's second daughter, was raised to
the high office of captain of the king's body-guard,"
second only, if not equal, to Abner, the captain of
the host, and Jonathan, the heir apparent. These
three formed the usual companions of the king at
his meals (xx. 25). David was now chiefly known
for his successful exploits against the Philistines,
by one of which he won his wife, and drove back
the Philistine power with a blow from which it
only rallied at the disastrous close of Saul's reign. 11
He also still performed from time to time the office
a 1 8am. xx. 35, xxU. 14, as explained by swald,
V. to-
ll The story of hte wooing Meiab, and of bar mar-
riage with Adrlal (1 Sam. xvilt 17-19). Is omitted in
LXX. and Joseph. (Ant. vi. 10, S 1; Then Is the
same obliteration of her name In the existing Text of
t 8am. xxt. 8.
c The flnt of then (1 8am. xvttl. 9-11) Is omitted
m the Vatican MS. of the LXX. and Joseph {AM. vi.
19, J U
d Fee the Mussulman legend, see Well • Ltginds,
> 1M.
« The al l — lo os to his danger (ran- the Benjamin
DAVID 65£
of minstrel But the successive snares laid by Seal
to entrap him, and the open violence into which
the king's madness twice broke out, c at last con-
vinced him that his life was no longer safe. He
had two faithful allies, however, in the court — the
son of Saul, his friend Jonathan — the daughter of
Saul, his wife Miehal. Warned by the one, and
assisted by the other, he escaped by night,"' and
was from thenceforward a fugitive. Jonathan he
never saw again except by stealth. Miehal was
given in marriage to another (Phaltiel), and he
saw her no more till long after her father's death
[Michal]. To this escape the traditional title
assigns Ps. lix. Internal evidence (according to
Ewud) gives Ps. vi." and vii. to this period. Ir
the former he is first beginning to contemplate the
necessity of flight; in the latter he is moved by
the plots of a person not named in the history
(perhaps those alluded to in 1 Chr. xii. 17) — ac-
cording to the title of the psalm, Cush, a Benjamiie,
and therefore of Saul's tribe.
8. His escape (1 Sam. xix. 18-xxi. 15). — (a.)
He first fled to Nsioth (or the pastures) of Kamah,
to Samuel. This is the first recorded occasion of
his meeting with Samuel since the original inter-
view during his boyhood at Bethlehem. It might
almost seem as if he had intended to devote him-
self with his musical and poetical gifts to the pro-
phetical office, and give up the cares and dangers
of public life. But he had a higher destiny stilL
Up to this time both the king and himself had
thought that a reunion was possible (see xx. 5, 26).
But the madness of Saul now became more settled
and ferocious in character; and David's danger
proportionably greater. The secret interview with
Jonathan, of which the recollection was probably
handed down through Jonathan's descendants when
they came to David's court, confirmed the alarm
already excited by Saul's endeavor to seize him at
Kamah, and he now determined to leave his coun-
try, and take refuge, like Coriolanus, or Themis-
tocles in like circumstances, in the court of his
enemy. Before this last resolve, he visited Nob,
the seat of the tabernacle, partly to obtain a final
interview with the High-priest (1 Sam. xxii. 9, 15V
partly to obtain food and weapons. On the pre-
text of a secret mission/ from Saul, be gained an
answer from the oracle, some of the consecrated
loaves, and the consecrated sword of Goliath.
" There is none like that: give it me." The inci-
dent was of double importance in David's career,
hirst, it established a connection between him and
the only survivor from the massacre in which
David's visit involved the bouse of Ahimelech
Secondly, from Ahimelech 's surrender of the con-
secrated bread to David's hunger our Lord drew
the inference of the superiority of the moid to the
ceremonial law, which is the only allusion made to
David's life in the N. Tj> (Matt. xii. 3; Mark U.
archers (Ps. xi. 2), to his flight like a bird to ttu
mountains (xl. 1, camp. 1 Sam. xxvi. 20), and probably
to the neighborhood of the Dead Sea (xl. 6), rather
point to the time when he was at nu-gsdt.
/ The statement rf his pretended mission is dtt-
JeremV given In the Hebrew and In the LXX. It
must be observed that the young men spoken of
as his companions wars Imaginary. He waa quite)
v I is a characteristic Jewish comment (as (ttettn-
gedshed from the l esson drawn by Christ) that lb)
bread was usekes to bun (Jerome, <^i. Htb. in lor.).
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566
DAVID
K. I-ake vi. 3, 4). It is also commemorated by
the traditional title of Ps. lii.
(4.) His stay at the court of Achibr was short.
Discovered possibly by ■' the sword of Goliath," his
presence revived the national enmity of the Philis-
tines against their former conqueror; and he only
escaped by feigning madness," violent gestures,
playing on the gates of the city, or on a drum or
cymbal, letting his beard grow, and foaming at the
mouth (1 Sam. ui 13, LXX.). The 56th and
34th psalms are both referred by their titles to this
event, and the titles state (what does not appear in
the narrative) that he had been seized as a prisoner
by the Philistines, sod that he was, in consequence
of this stratagem, set free by Acbisb, or (as he is
twice called) Abimelech.
3. His life as an independent outlaw (xxii. 1-
xxvi. 25. (a.) His first retreat was the cave of
Adullam, probably the large cavern (the only very
large one in Palestine), not far from Bethlehem,
now called Khureitdn (see Bonar's Ismd of Promise,
p. 344). From its vicinity to Bethlehem, he was
Joined there by his whole family, now feeling them-
selves insecure from Saul's fury (xxii. 1). This
was probably the foundation of bis intimate con-
nection with his nephews, the sons of Zeruiah.
Of these, Abishai, with two other companions,
was uuongst the earliest (1 Chr. xi. 15, 20: 1 Sam.
xxvi. o; i Sam. xxiii. 13, 18). Beside these,
were outlaws and debtors from every part, including
doubtless some of the original Canaanites — of
whom the name of one at least has been preserved,
Ahimelech the Hittite (1 Sam. xxvi. 6).*
(6.) His next move was to a stronghold, either
the mountain, afterwards called Herodium, close to
Adullam, or the fastness called by Josephus (B.J.
vii. 8, J 3) Miuada, the Grecized form of the
Hebrew word Mnlztd (1 Sam. xxii. 4, 5; 1 Chr.
xii. 16), in the neighborhood of En-gedi. Whilst
there, he bad deposited his aged parent*, for the
sake of greater security, beyond the Jordan, with
their ancestral kinsman of Moab (to. 3). The
neighboring king, Nahash of Amnion, also treated
him kindly (2 Sam. x. 2). Here another com-
panion appears for the first time, a schoolfellow, if
we may use the word, from the schools of Samuel,
the prophet Gad, his subsequent biographer (1 Sam.
xxii. 5) ; and whilst be was there, occurred the
chivalrous exploit of the three heroes just mentioned
to procure water from the well of Bethlehem, and
David's chivalrous answer, like that of Alexander
in the desert of GedrosU (1 Chr. xi. 16-19: 2 Sam.
xxiii. 14-17). He was joined here by two separate
bands. One a little body of eleven fierce Gadite <"
mountaineers, who swam the Jordan in flood-time
to reach him (1 Chr. xii. 8). Another was a detach-
ment of mm from Judah and Benjamin under his
nephew Aniaaai, who henceforth attached himself
hi David's fortunes (1 Cbr. xii. 16-18).
(e.) At the warning of Gad, he fled next to the
forest of Bartth (somewhere in the hills of Judah
1 at its exact site unknown), and then again fell in
with the Philistines, and again, apparently advised
by Gad (xxiii. 4) made a descent on their foraging
parties, and relieved Keilah (also unknown), in
• This Is the subject of one of David's apocry-
phal colloquies (Fabrkius, Cod. pttudepigr. V. T. p.
1002).
» 8U>beebal, who kills the giant at Gob (i Sam. xxi.
V*t, is said by Josephus to hsvs been a Hittite.
«' dad. as Jerome's Jewish commentators observe
DAVID
which he took up his abode. Whilst there, an
for the first time in a fortified town of his owe
(xxiii. 7), he was joined by a new and most im-
portant ally — Abiathar, the last survivor of the
house of Ithamar, who came with the High-priest'i
Ephod, and henceforth gave the oracles, which
David had hitherto received from Gad (xxiii. 6, 9,
xxii. 23). By this time, the 400 who had joined
him at Adullam (xxii. 2) had swelled to GOO (xxiii.
13).
(<£) The situation of David was now changed
by the appearance of Saul himself on the scene.
Apparently the danger was too great for the little
army to keep together. They escaped from Keilah,
and dispersed, " whithersoever they could go/'
amongst the fastnesses of Judah. Henceforth it
becomes difficult to follow his movements with
exactness, partly from ignorance of the localities,
partly because the same event seems to be twice
narrated (1 Sam. xxiii. 19-24, xxvi. 1-4, and
perhaps 1 Sam. xxiv. 1-22, xxvi. 5-25). But thus
much we discern. He is in the wilderness of iSp*.
Once (or twice) the Ziphites betray his movements
to Saul. From thence Saul literally hunts him
like a partridge, the treacherous Ziphites beating
the bushes before him, and 3000 men stationed to
catch even the print of his footsteps on the hills
(1 Sam. xxiii. 14, 22 (Heb.J, 24 (l„\X.), xxiv. 11,
xxvi. 2, 20). David finds himself driven to the
extreme south of Judah, in the wilderness of Maon.
On two, if not three occasions, the pursuer and
pursued catch sight of each other. Of the first of
these escapes, the memory was long preserved in
the name of the " Cliff of Divisions," givu. tc toe
cliff down one side of which David climbed, whilst
Saul was surrounding the hill on the other side
(xxiii. 25-29), and was suddenly called away by a
panic of a Philistine invasion. On another occasion,
David took refuge in a cave " by the spring of the
wild goats " (Engedi) immediately above the Dead
Sea (1 Sam. xxiv. 1, 2). The rocks were covered
with the pursuers. Saul entered, as is the custom
in Oriental countries, for a natural necessity. The
followers of David, seated in the dark recesses of
the cave, seeing, yet not seen, suggest to him the
chance thus thrown in their way. David, with a
characteristic mixture of humor and generosity,
descends and silently cuts off the skirt of the long
robe, spread, as is usual in the East on such occa-
sions, before and behind the person so occupied —
and then ensued the pathetic scene of remonstrance
and forgiveness (xxiv. 8-22 ). rt The third (if it can
be distinguished from the one just given) was in
the wilderness further south. There was a regular
camp, formed with its usual fortification of wagon
and baggage. Into this inclosure David penetrated
by night, and carried off the cruse of water and
the well known royal spear of Saul, which had
twice so nearly transfixed him to the wall in former
days (xxvi. 7, 11, 22). [Arms, Chemilh.] To*
same scene is repeated as at Engedi — and this ii
the last interview between Saul and David (xxvi
25). He had already parted with Jonathan in Um
forest of Ziph (xxiii. 18).
To this period are annexed by then- traditional
(V». Htb. in loc.), appears suddenly, without man
dueuoo, like Eujah. Is it poariMs that ho, like KBjab
may have been from beyond the Jordan, and com
ss his name implies, with the eleven Sadists?
4 Tor the Mussulman legend, ass WeB, p. 166.
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DAVID 667
able for the fin* time to requite the friendly inhab-
itant* of the scene of hia wandering! (1 Sam. m,
28-31). A more bating memorial waa the law
which traced ita origin to the arrangement made
by him, formerly in the attack on Nabai, but now
again, more completely, for the equal division of
the plunder amongst the two-thirds who followed
to the field, and one-third who remained to guard
the baggage (1 Sam. xxx. 26, xxv. 18). Two days
after this victory a Bedouin arrived from the North
with the fatal news of the defeat of Gilboa. 11m
reception of the tidings of the death of hia rival
and of his friend, the solemn mourning, the vent
of his indignation against the bearer of the message,
the pathetic lamentation that followed, well dost
the second period of David's life (2 Sam. i. 1-87)
III. David's reign.
(I.) As king of Judah at Hebron, 7 J years (2
Sam. ii. 11; 2 Sam. ii. 1-v. 5).
Hebron was selected, doubtless, as the ancient
sacred city of the tribe of Judah, the burial place
of the patriarchs and the inheritance of (^aleb.
Here David was first formally anointed king — by
whom is not stated — but the expression seems to
limit the inauguration to the tribe of Judah, and
therefore to exclude any intervention of Abiathar
(Si Sam. ii. 4). To Judah hia dominion was
nominally confined. But probably for the first five
yean of the time the dominion of the house of Saul,
whose seat was now at Mahanaim, did not extend
to the west of the Jordan; and consequently David
would be the only Israelite potentate amongst tht
western tribes. Gradually his power increased, and
during the two years which followed the elevation
of Ighbosbeth, a series of skirmishes took place
between the two lringHnm« First came a success-
ful inroad into the territory of Ishbosheth (2 Sam.
ii. 28). Next occurred the defection of Abner (2
Sam. iii. 12), and the surrender of Michal, who
was now separated from her second husband to
return to her first (2 Sam. iii. 16). Then rapidly
followed, though without David's consent, the suc-
cessive murders of Abxkk and of Uiibosiiktii
(2 Sam. iii. 30, iv. 6). The throne, so long waiting
for him, m now vacant, and the united voice of
the whole people at once called hiiu to occupy it.
A solemn league waa made between him and his
people (2 Sam. v. 3). For the third time David
was anointed king, and a festival of three days
celebrated the joyful event (1 Cor. xii. 39). His
little band had now swelled into " a great host,
like the host of God " (1 Chr. xii. 22). The com-
niand of it, which had formerly rested on David
alone, be now devolved on his nephew Joab (2 Sam.
ii. 28). It was formed by contingents from every
tribe of Israel. Two are specially mentioned as
bringing a weight of authority above the others
The sons of lasachar had " understanding of the
times to know what Israel ought to do," and with
the adjacent tribes contributed to the common toast
the peculiar products of their rich territory (1 Cbr.
xii. 32, 40). The Levitical tribe, formerly repre-
sented in David's following only by the solitary
fugitive Abiatnar, now came in strength, repre-
sented by the head of the rival branch of Eleazar,
the High-arieet, the aged Jehoiada and hia youth.
> Jowph. Am. vt. 18, $ 8, calls it Abtuar. j ' But the value of this Is materially damafad ay
• AcnirdlDg to the Jewish tradition (Jerome, Q* ' the TerlaUoos In the UCX. to " 4 months," ens'
(fa>. oo 2 8am. vltt. 10), he was Ih. r-w of the former j Joseph. AM. ft. 18, to " 4 months and 20 day* r
bis mother's name Mitath. i
DAVID
Psalms Hv. (" When the Ziphim came and
aud, Doth not David hide himself with us? "); lvii.
(" When be fled from Saul in the cave," though
this may refer also to Adullam); lxiii. (" When be
waa in the wilderness of Judah," or Idumsea,
UCX.); cxlii. (" A prayer when he was in the
cave"). It is probably these psalms which made
the Psalter so dear to Alfred and to Wallace during
their like wanderings.
Whilst he was in the wild e r n ess of Haon occurred
David's adventure with Nabal, instructive as
showing his mode of carrying on the freebooter's
life, and his marriage with Abigail. Hia marriage
with Abinoam from Jesreel," also in the same
neighborhood (Josh. xv. 56), seems to have taken
place a abort time before (1 Sam. xzv. 43, xxvii.
8; 2 Sam. iii. 2).
4. His service under Achiah b (1 Sam. xxvii. 1-
9 Sam. i. 27). — Wearied with his wandering life
he at last crosses the Philistine frontier, not as
before in the capacity of a fugitive, but the chief
of a powerful band — his 600 men now grown into
an organized force, with their wives and families
around them (xxvii. 3-4). After tie manner of
Eastern potentates, Acblah gave him, for his sup-
port, a city — Ziklag on the frontier of Philiatia —
and it was long remembered that to this curious
arrangement the kings of Judah owed this appanage
of their dynasty (xxvii. 6). There we meet with
the first note of time in David's life. He wot
ttttUd there for a year' and four mmOu (xxvii.
7), and his increasing importance is indicated by
the fact that a body of Benjamite archers and
slingers, twenty-two of whom are specially named,
joined him from the very tribe of hia rival (1 Chr.
xii. 1-7). Possibly during this stay be may have
acquired the knowledge of military organization, in
which the Philistines surpassed tie Israelites, and
in which he surpassed all the preceding rulers of
Israel.
He deceived Achiah into confidence by attacking
the old nomadic inhabitants of the desert frontier,
ind representing the plunder to be of portions of
me southern tribes or the nomadic allied tribes of
Israel. But this confidence was not shared by the
Philistine nobles ; and accordingly David was sent
sack by Achish from the last victorious campaign
against Saul. In this manner David escaped the
difficulty of being present at the battle of (iilboa,
but found that during his absence the Bedouin
Amalekites, whom be had plundered during the
previous year, had made a descent upon Ziklag,
burnt it to the ground, and carried off the wives
and children of the new settlement. A wild scene
of frantic grief and recrimination ensued between
David and his followers. It was calmed by an
oracle of assurance from Abiathar. It happened
that an important accession had just been made to
his force. On his march with the Philistines north-
ward to (iilboa, he had been joined by some chiefs
of the Mauagsito*. through whoae territory be was
passing. Urgent as must have been the need for
them at borne, yet David's fascination carried them
3ff, and they now assUted him against the plun-
derers (1 Chr. xii. 19-21). They overtook the
jivaders in the desert, aud recovered the spoil.
These were the gifts with which David waa now
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568
DAVID
hi and warlike kinsman Zadok (1 Chr. ni. 27, 88,
txrii.fi).
The only psalm directly referred to thia epoch is
*ne 37th (by its title in the LXX. Tlpo tow xpia-
Kjtnu — " before the anointing " «. t . at Hebron).
Underneath this show of outward prosperity,
(wo cankers, incident to the royal state which
David now assumed, had first made themselves
apparent at Hebron, which darkened all the rest
of his career. The first was the formation of a
harem, according to the usage of Oriental kings.
To the two wives of his wandering life, he had now
added four, and including Michal, five (2 Sam. ii.
I, Hi. 8-6, IS). The second was the increasing
r of bis M"— "«" and chief officers, which the
[ strove to restrain within the limits of right,
and thus of all the incidents of this part of his
career the most plaintive and characteristic is his
lamentation over his powerleasness to prevent the
murder of Abner (2 Sam. iii. 31-86).
(II.) feign over all Israel 33 years (2 Sam. v.
6, to 1 K. ii. 11).
(1.) The Foundation of Jerusalem. — It must
have been with no ordinary interest that the sur-
rounding nations watched for the prey on which
the Lion of Judah, now about to issue from his
native bur, and establish himself in a new home,
would make his first spring. One fastness alone
in the centre of the land had hitherto defied the
arms of Israel. On this, with a singular prescience,
David fixed as his future capital By one sudden
assault Jebus was taken, and became henceforth
known by the names (whether borne by it before
or not we cannot tell) of Jerusalem and Zion. Of
all the cities of Palestine great in former ages,
Jerusalem alone has vindicated by its long perma-
nence the choice of its founder. The importance
of the capture was marked at the time. Tbe re-
ward bestowed on the successful scaler of the pre-
cipice, was the highest place in the army. Joab
benceforward became captain of the host (1 Chr.
xL 6). Tbe royal residence was instantly fixed
there — fortifications were added by the king and
by Joab — and it was known by the special name
of the "city of David" (1 Chr. xi. 7; 8 Sam. v.
»).
The neighboring nations were partly enraged
and partly awestruck. The Philistines " made two
ineffectual attacks on tbe new king (2 Sam. v. 17-
20 ),» and a retribution on their former victories
took place by tbe capture and conflagration of then-
own idols (1 Chr. xiv. 12). Tyre, now for tbe first
time appearing in the sacred history, allied herself
with Israel; and Hiram' sent cedarwood for the
buildings of the new capital (2 Sam. v. 11), espe-
cially for the palace of David himself (2 Sam. vii.
9). Unhallowed and profane as the city had been
before, it was at once elevated to a sanctity which
It has nsver lost, above any of the ancient sanc-
tuaries of the bind. Tbe ark was now removed
bom ita obscurity at Kirjath-jearim with marked
• The importance «f tbe victory Is Indicated by the
probable) allusion to It In Is. xxvllL 21.
» In 1 Chr. xiv. 8, the inooherant words of 2 Sam.
r. 17, " David went down Into the hold." an omitted.
c Eupolemus (Km. Prop. Be. lx. 80) mentions an
expedition against Hiram kin* of Tyre and Sldon,
and a totter to Vafres king of Kgypt to make an *1-
* 1 Chr. xvL 1, says " they offered ; " 2 Bam. vi.
II, "he ottered." Both say "he blessed." The
UKX , by a slight veriattco of the text, reads both In
DAVID
solemnity. A temporary halt (owing to ten i
of Uzzah) detained it at Obed-edom's house, ate
which it again moved forward with great state as
Jerusalem. An assembly of tbe nation was con-
vened, and (according to 1 Chr. xiii. 2, xv. 2-87 >
especially of the Levites. The musical arts is
which David himself excelled were now developed
on a great scale (1 Chr xv. 16-22; 2 Sam. vi. 6)
Zadok and Abiathar, the re p r e sen tatives of the two
Aaronie families, were both present (1 Chr. xv. 11
Chenaniah presided over the music (1 Chr. xv. 28
27). Obed-edom followed bis sacred charge (1
Chr. xv. 18, 21, 24). The prophet Nathan appears
for the first time as the controlling adviser of the
future (2 Sam. vii. 3). A sacrifice was offered as
soon as a successful start was made (1 Chr. xv. J6;
2 Sam. vi. 13). David himself was dressed in the
white linen dress of the priestly order, without his
royal robes, and played on stringed instruments (1
Chr. xv. 27; 2 Sam. vi. 14, 20). As in the pro-
phetic schools where be bad himself been brought
up (1 Sam. x. b\ and as still in the impressive cere-
monial of some Eastern Dervishes, and of Seville
cathedral (probably derived from tbe East), a wild
dance was part of the religious solemnity. Into this
David threw himself with unreserved enthusiasm,
and thus conveyed the symbol of the presence of Je-
hovah into tbe ancient heathen fortress. Intheasma
spirit of uniting the sacerdotal with the royal func-
tions, be offered sacrifices on a large scale, and
himself gave tbe benediction to the people (2 Sam.
vi. 17, 18; 1 Chr. xvi. 2). d Tbe scene of this in-
auguration was on the hill which from David's
habitation was specially known as the "City of
David." As if to mark tbe new era be bad not
brought the ancient tabernacle from Gibeon, but
had erected a new tent or tabernacle (1 Chr. xv. 1)
for tbe reception of tbe ark. It was the first be-
ginning of the great design, of which we will speak
presently, afterwards carried out by bis son, of
erecting a permanent temple or palace for the ark,
corresponding to the state in which be himself wsa
to dwell It was tbe greatest day of David's life.
One incident only tarnished its splendor — the re-
proach of Michal, his wife, as he was finally enter-
ing his own palace, to carry to his own household
tbe benediction which be bad already pronounced
on his people. [Michal.] His act of severity
towards her was an additional mark of the stress
which he himself laid on tbe solemnity (2 Sam. vi.
20-23; 1 Chr. xv. 89).
No less than eleven psalms, either in their tra-
ditional titles, or in the irresistible evidence of
their contents, bear traces of this great festival.
The 29th psalm (by its title in tbe LXX.) is said
to be on the " Going forth of the tabernacle.'' •
The 30th (by its title), the 16th and 101st by then-
contents, express tbe feelings of David on his occu-
pation of his new home. The 68th, at least in
part, and the 24th/ seem to have been actually
composed for tbe entrance of the ark into the
2 8am. vi. 14 and 2 Chr. XXX 21, R instruments o»
praise," for " all his might."
€ As " the tabernacle " was never moved from Gib-
son in David's time, "the ark " la probably meant I
is the pealm which describes a thunder-storm. Is II
possible to connect this with the event described in I
8am. vi. 6? A similar allusion may be found hi Pa
Ixvtn 7, 88. (See Chandler, ii. 211.)
/ In tbe LXX title said to be "on tbe Sabbath
day."
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DAVID
indent gmUa of the heathen fortress - and the latt
words of the second of then two psalms » ma; be
regarded ai the inauguration of the new name by
which God henceforth is called, The Lord of hosts.
"Who is this king of glory?" "The Lord of
hosts, He is the king of glory" (Ps. xxiv. 10;
eomp. 3 Sam. vl. 2). Fragments of poetry worked
up into psalms (xcvi. 9-13,* cr., eVi. 1, 47, 48),
occur in 1 Chr. xvi. 8-86, as having been delivered
by David "into the hands of Asaph and his
brother " after the close of the festival, and the
two mysterious terms in the titles of Ps. vi. and
xhri. (Sheminith and Alaraoth) appear in the lists
of those mentioned on this occasion in 1 Chr. xv.
90, 91. The 132d is, by its contents, if not by its
authorship, thrown back to this time. The whole
progress of the removal of the ark is traced in
David's vein.
(9.) Foundation of the Court and Empire of
Ivacl, 9 Sam. viii. to xii. — The erection of the
new capital at Jerusalem introduces us to a new
era in David's life and in the history of the mon-
archy. Up to this time he had been a king, such
as Saul had been before him, or as the kings of the
neighboring tribes, each ruling over his territory,
unconcerned with any foreign relations except so far
as was necessary to defend his own nation. But
David, and through him the Israelitish monarchy,
now took a wider range. He became a king on the
scale of the great Oriental sovereigns of Egypt and
Persia, with a regular administration and organiza-
tion of court and camp ; and he also founded an
imperial dominion which for the first time realized
the prophetic description of the bounds of the cho-
sen people (Gen. xv. 18-21). The internal organ-
ization now established lasted till the final overthrow
of the monarchy. The empire was of much shorter
duration, continuing only through the reigns of
David and his successor Solomon. But, for the
period of its existence, it lent a peculiar character
to the sacred history. For once, the kings of Israel
were on a level with the great potentates of the
world. David was an imperial conqueror, if not
of the same magnitude, jet of the same kind, as
Kameses or Cyrus, — "I have made thee a great
name like unto the name of the great men that are
in the earth " (9 Sam. rii. 9). " Thou hast shed
blood abundantly, and hast made great wars " (1
Chr. xxii. 8). And as, on the one hand, the exter-
nal relations of life, and the great incidents of war
and conquest receive an elevation by their contact
with the religious history, so the religious history
swells into larger and broader dimensions from its
contact with the course of the outer world. The
enlargement of territory, the amplification of power
and state, leads to a corresponding enlargement
and amplification of ideas, of imagery, of sympa
thies; and thus (humanly speaking) the magnifi-
cent forebodings of a wider dispensation in the
prophetic writings first became possible through
the court and empire of David.
(a.) In the internal organization }f the kingdom
the firet new element that has to be considered is
the royal family, the dynasty, of which David was
DAVID
559
<• Kwald, HI. 164. For an elaborate adaptation of
■he 68th Psalm to this event, see ChandtajJ, U. 64.
*■ In the at'e oi the LXX. said to be David's
' when the hour* was built after the captivity." It
.< possible that bj "the captivity " may be macnt the
nittvKy of the ark in Philistta, as In Jodg. xvUI. 80.
« Compare the legends in Well's Ugtnd*, p. 165,
•ad Urn's StUctiom ftom the Koran, p. 229. Thus
the founder, a position which entitled him to the
name of " Patriarch " (Acts ii. 29) and (ultimately)
of the ancestor of the Messiah.
Of these, Absalom and Adoiujah both inherited
their father's beauty (2 Sam. xiv. 25; 1 K. i. 6);
but Solomon alone possessed any of his higher qual-
ities. It wss from a union of the children of Sol-
omon and Absalom that the royal line was carried
on (1 K. xv. 2). The princes were under the charge
of jehiel (1 Chr. xxvii. 32), perhaps the Levite (1
Chr. xv. 21 ; 2 Chr. xx. 14), with the exception of
Solomon, who (according at least to one rendering)
was under the charge of Nathan (9 Sam. xii. 25).
David's strong parental affection for all of them is
very remarkable (2 Sam. xiii. 81, 88, 86, xiv. 83,
xviii. 5, 83, xix. 4; 1 K. i. 6).
(4.) The military organization, which was la
fact inherited from Saul, but greatly developed by
David, was as follows :
(1.) « The Host," i. e. the whole available mil-
itary force of Israel, consisting of all males, capable
of bearing arms, and summoned only for war. This
had always existed from the time of the first settle-
ment in Canaan, and had been commanded by the
chief or the judge who presided over Israel for the
time. Under Saul, we first find the recognized
post of a captain or commander-in-chief — in the
person of Abner; and under David this post was
given, as a reward for the assault on Jerusalem, to
his nephew Joab (1 Chr. xi. 6, xxvii. 34), who con-
ducted the army to battle in the absence of the
king (2 Sam. xii. 28). There were 12 divisions of
24,000 each, who were held to be in duty month
by month ; and over each of them presided an of-
ficer, selected for this purpose from the other mil-
itary bodies formed by David (1 Chr. xxvii. 1-15).
The army was still distinguished from those of
surrounding nations by its primitive aspect of a
force of infantry without cavalry. The only innova-
tions as yet allowed were, the introduction of a very
limited number of chariots (3 Sam. viii. 4) and of
mules for the princes and officers instead of the
asses (2 Sam. xiii. 99, xviii. 9). According to a
Mussulman tradition (Koran, xxi. 80), David in-
vented chain armor." The usual weapons were still
spears and shields, as appears from the Psalms.
For the general question of the numbers and equip-
ment of the army, see Arms and Aiiht.
(9.) The Body-guard. This also had existed in
the court of Saul, and David himself had probably
been its commanding officer (1 Sam. xxii. 14;
Ewald). But it now assumed a peculiar organiza-
tion. They were at least in name foreigners, as
having been drawn from the Philistines, probably
during David's residence at the court of Gath.
They are usually called from this circumranos
" Cherethites and Pelethites," but had also <* a oody
especially from Gath « amongst them, of whom the
name of one, Ittai, is preserved, as a faithful serv
ant of David (2 Sam. xv. 19). The captain of the
force was, however, not only not a foreigner, but an
Israelite of the highest distinction and purest de-
scent, who first appears in this capacity, but who
outlived David, and became the chief support of
a good coat of mall Is often called by the Arab*
" Daoodet," i. t. Davldean.
"' A tradition in Jerome (Qa. Heb. on 1 Chr. xviii
17) speaks of their being In the place of the seventy
judges appointed by Hoses.
e But here the reading Is doubtful (Iwald, H. t"
note.)
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560 DAVID
(I ) Wins or tbi Vinmm
a Sun. xxrli. S, 1 Chr. Ul. 1)
Ahinoemor tanl - Abigail of Camel
I I
or JehleU r Chilean or Daniel
... On. //<*. (1 Chr. III. 1.
Chr!xxvil.Kl> Jo.. Au. tU. 1, 4)
(Jer. Qu. //<*.
N. B. — There were, Decides. 10 concubines
(S 8em. T. IS, xr. 16), whoee children (1 Chr.
IL V) are not named.
DAVID
(H.) Wms ix Bun.
(t Sun. Ul. Mi 1 Chr. UL 1-1)
Jfgg. - IU««tft - Ab«at - «p. - Mhg
Absalom Tuner AdonUah Shephatlah Ithrsua
Stone who
died (18am.
sJv.aT,
xtULU)
Tmmar — Bsaosoaai
(2 8am.
XlV.ST.
Jo., ^.t
tU-M)
(HI.) Wrm « JE
(I Sam. t. lS-le, IChr. Ul.J-8.xlT.4-7)
>phog Japhia
fi) Bethehebe
(I Chr. Ul. J)
Balhahna
I
BBalalet
7,
I
1 &$
EUenuarf UpLalel Nofah N*j
Eliahama [Elpelet, (1 Chi; 111.7)
Chr. 1 Chr.
xlv.fl
eilad
a., child
(J Sam. iU. 15)
Baallada
(1 Chr.
xJv.T)
(3 Chr. xi. aT)
Shammna
Bhlmea
(IChr. 111. a)
ffeuum Jodkttek
Solomon
(1 Sam. zU. «0
» Rbhoboam ■> Tmmar (or
I Maaeafc)
OK. xr. i,
Asm am
the vhrone of bis son, namely, Benaiah, son of the
chief priest Jehoiada, representative of the eldest
branch of Aaron's house (2 Sam. riil. 18, xr. 18,
n. 83; 1 K. i. 38, 44).
(3.) The most peculiar military institution in
David's army was that which arose out of the pe-
culiar circumstances of his early life. As the
nucleus of the Russian army is the Preobajinsky
regiment formed by Peter the Great out of the
companions who gathered round him in the suburb
of that name in Moscow, so the nucleus of what
afterwards became the only standing army in Da-
vid's forces was the band of 600 men who had
gathered round him in his wanderings. The num-
ber of 600 was still preserved, with the name of
Gibborim, "heroes" or "mighty men." It be-
came yet further subdivided « into 3 large bands of
900 each, and small bands of 20 each. The small
bands were commanded by 30 officers, one for each
band, who together formed " the thirty," and the
3 large bands by 8 officers, who together formed
" the three," and the whole by one chief, " the cap-
tain of the mighty men" (2 Sam. xxiii. 8-39; 1
3ir. xi. 9-47). This commander of the whole
Ibrce was Abishai, David's nephew (1 Chr. xi. 20;
and corop. 2 Sam. xvi. 9). "The three" were
J ash xwam (1 Chr. xi. 11) or Adino (3 Sam. xxiii.
a Taken In war 'Jerome, Qm. Ikb. ad % Sam. xiU. 87).
o Iglab alone is ceiled "David's wile" In the
anameration 2 Sam. Ui. 6. Tbe tradition in Jerome
(On. ttt. ad loc.) says that aha ni ftuchal ; and (ti.
ad 2 Sam. vt. 28) that she died in giving birth to Ith-
ranm.
< The LXX. in 2 Sam. v. 16, after having given
rabstantkUly the same Ust as the present Uebrow but,
sweats the list, with strange variations, as follows :
Strmn*. leftQDath, XalAam, Omlamaan, bbnm, Tht-eene,
Kh*t<iVir, Naged, Naphtk. 1 ana than, Leaanmve, Baal-
BBBUh, Elil+aalk.
■» Jossphua (Ami. vU. 8, f 3) gives the following Ust,
8), Heaxar (1 Chr. xi. 12; 2 Sam. xxiii. 9), Sham-
mah (2 Sam. xxui. 11)./ Of "the thirty," sonx
few only are known to fame elsewhere. AsaheJ,
David's nephew (1 Chr. xi. 26; 2 Sam. ii. 18);
Elhanan, the victor of at least one Goliath (1 Chr.
xi. 26; 2 Sam. xxi. 19); Joel, the brother or son
(LXX.) of Nathan (1 Chr. xi. 38); Naharai, the
armor-bearer of Joab (1 Chr. xi. 39 ; 2 Sam. xxiii.
37); Eliam," the son of Ahithophel (2 Sam. xxiii.
34); Ira, one of David's priests (1 Chr. xi. 40; 2
Sam. xxui. 38, xx. 26); Uriah the Hittite (1 Chr.
xi. 41; 2 Sam. xxiii. 39, xi. 3).
(c) Side by side with this military organization
were established social and moral institutions.
Some were entirely for pastoral, agricultural, and
financial purposes (1 Chr. xxvii. 25-31), others for
judicial (1 Cbr. xxvL 29-32). Some few are
named as constituting what would now be called
the court or council of the king; the councillors,
Ahithophel of Gilo, and Jonathan the king's
nephew, (1 Chr. xxvii. 32, 33); the otaipanion or
"friewd," Hushai (1 Cbr. xxvii. 33; 2 Sam. xr.
37, xvi. 19); the scribe, Sheva, or Seraiah, and at
one time Jonathan (2 Sam. xx. 25: 1 Chr. xxvii.
32); Jeboshaphat, tbe recorder or historian* (S
Sain. xx. 24), and Adoram the tax collector, both
of whom survived him (2 Sam. xx. 24; 1 K. xii.
of which only four name* are Identic*). Ha
that tbe two last were sons of the concubines : Am-
nos. Emnnj, Bban, JvaMoa, Sottmum, /roar, nVez,
Phalnn, Ennaphcn, IenaS, BipltaU.
• See Ewald, Ui. 178.
/ Tbe LXX. (cf. 2 Sam. xx«l. 8) make than: 1. la.
bosath theCanaanibi; 2. Adino the Assorts ; 8. Bea>
sar, son of Dodo.
D Perhaps the father of Bathsheba, whose am imp
with Uriah would thaw be accounted for. (Bm Brant
Orinridmcn, II. x.)
I » A» In the court of Persia (Herod, vt 100, ft. tt
vln. 100).
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DAVID
18, iv. 3, 6). Eaon tribe had its own head (1 Cbr.
xxvii. 16-33). Of these the most remarkable were
EUhu, David'e brother (probably Eliab), prince of
Jndah (ver. 18), and Jaasiel, the son of Abner, of
Benjamin (rer. 31).
But the more peculiar of David's institutions
were those directly bearing on religion. Two
prophets appear as the lung's oonstant advisers.
Of these, Gad, who seems to hare been the elder,
had been David's companion in exile; and from
his being called " the seer." belongs probably to
the earliest form of the prophetic schools. Nathan,
win appears for the first time after the establish-
ment of the kingdom at Jerusalem (3 Sam. vii. 2),
b distinguished both by his title of "prophet,"
and by the nature of the prophecies which he utters
(3 Sam. vii. 6-17, xii. 1-14), as of the purest type
of prophetic dispensation, and as the hope of the
new generation," which he supports in the person
of Solomon (1 K. i.). Two high-priests also ap-
pear — representatives of the two rival houses of
Aaron (1 Chr. xxiv. 3); here again, as in the case
of the two prophets, one, Abiathar, 6 who attended
him at Jerusalem, companion of his exile, and con-
nected with the old time of the judges (1 Chr.
xxvii. 34), joining him after the death of Saul, and
becoming afterwards the support of his son, the
other Zadok, who ministered at Gibeon (1 Chr. xvi.
39 ), and who was made the bead of the Aaronic fam-
ily (xxvii. 17). Besides these four great religious
functionaries there were two classes of subordinates
— prophets, specially instructed in singing and
music, under Asaph, Heman, the grandson of
Samuel, and Jeduthun (1 Chr. xxv. 1-31) — Le-
vites, or attendants on the sanctuary, who again
were subdivided into the guardians of the gates and
guardians of the treasures (1 Chr. xxvi. 1-38)
which had been accumulated, since the reestablish-
ment of the nation, by Samuel, Saul, Abner, Joab,
and David himself (1 Chr. xxvi. 36-28).
The collection of those various ministers and
representatives of worship round the capital must
have given a new aspect to the history in David's
time, such as it had not borne under the discon-
nected period of the Judges. But the main pecu-
liarity of the whole must have been, that it so well
harmonized with the character of him who was its
centre. As his early martial life still placed him
at the head of the military organization which had
sprung up around him, so his early education and
his natural disposition placed him at the head of
his own religious institutions. Himself a prophet,
a psalmist, he was one in heart with those whose
advice be sought, and whose arts be fostered. And,
more remarkably still, though not himself a priest,
le yet assumed almost all the functions usually
•scribed to the priestly office. He wore, as we have
Ken, the priestly dress, offered the sacrifices, gave
(he priestly benediction (2 Sam. vi. 14, 17, 18);
" 2 8am. xii. 25, Is by some Interpreters rendered,
"He put him (Solomon) under the hand of Nathan ; "
■ bus making Nathan Solomon's preceptor. (See
Chandler, II. 272.)
s Compare Blunt, n. xv.
«■ 4 i«(wvt vy y*w (Joseph. Ant. vii 12, 5 4).
<* By the reduction of Oath, 1 Chr. xvill. 1.
« The punishment of the Moabttae Is too obscurely
worded to be explained at length. A Jewish tradition
(which shows that there was a sense cf Its being ex-
eearivc) maintained that It was in eooptqueooe of the
Koabltes having murdered David's parents, when eon-
Idsd to *em, 1 Sam. xxti. 8 (Chandler, U. 188),
DAVID 501
and, as If to include his whole court within the
same sacerdotal sanctity, llenaiah the captain of his
guard was a priest " by descent (1 Chr. xxvii. 5),
and joined in the sacred miuJo (1 Chr. xvi. 8);
David himself and '■ the captains of the host " ar-
ranged the prophetical duties (1 Chr. xxv. 1); and
his sons are actually called " priests " (2 Sam. viii.
18; 1 Chr. xviii. 17, translated "chief," and
auAdpx<u, "chief rulers "), as well as Ira, of Man-
asseh (2 Sam. xx. 36, translated "chief ruler,"
but LXX. Itptis). Such a union was never seen
before or since in the Jewish history. Even Solo-
mon fell below it in some important points. But
from this time the idea took possession of the Jew-
ish mind and was never lost. What the heathen
historian Justin antedates, by referring it back to
Aaron, is a just description of the effect of the
reign of David: — "Sacerdos mox rex creatur;
semperque exinde hie mos apud Judasos fuit ut eos-
dem reges et sacerdotes haberent; quorum justitia
religione permixta, incredibile quantum coaluere "
(Justin, xxxvi. 2).
(d.) From the internal state of David's kingdom,
we pass to its external relations. These will be
found at length under the various countries to
which they relate. It will be here only necessary
to briefly indicate the enlargement of bis domin-
ions. Within 10 years from the capture of Jeru-
salem, he had reduced to a state of permanent sub-
jection the Philistines rf on the west (2 Sam. viii.
1); the Hoabitks* on the east (2 Sam. viii. 3),
by the exploits of Benaiah (3 Sam. xxiii. 30); the
Syrians on the northeast as far as the Euphrates/
(2 Sam. viii. 3); the Ehomitkjj* (3 Sam. viii.
14), on the south; and finally the Ammonites,*
who had broken their ancient alliance, and made
one grand resistance to the advance of his empire
(2 Sam. x. 1-19, xii. 26-31). These three last
wars were entangled ' with each other. The last
and crowning point was the siege of Kabbah. The
ark went with the host (2 Sam. xi. 11). David
himself was present at the capture of the city (9
Sam. xii. 29). The savage treatment of the in-
habitants — the only instance as far as appears of
cruel severity against his enemies — is perhaps to
be explained by the formidable nature of their re-
sistance — as the like stain on the generosity of the
Black Prince in the massacre of Limoges. The
royal crown, or " crown of Milcom," was placed on
David's head (2 Sam. xii. 30), and, according to
Josephus (Ant. vii. 5) was always worn by him
afterwards. The Hebrew tradition (Jerome, Qv.
ffti. nd 1 Chr. xx. 2) represents it as having been
the diadem of the Ammonite god Milcom or Mo-
loch; and that Ittai the Gittite (doing what no
Israelite could have done, for fear of pollution) tore
it from the idol's head, and brought it to David.
The general peace which followed was commem-
orated in the name of "the Peaceful" (Solomon),
given to the son born to him at this crisis.*
To these wars in general may be ascribed Ps.
/ Described briefly In a fragment of Nlcolaus of
Damascus, In Joseph. Am. vii. 0, t 2, and Eupolemus,
In Km. Prop. Br. tx. 80.
» To these Bupolemus adds the Nabataam and Neb-
• Fo> the details of the punishment, see Babiam.
Chandler (II. 287, 288) Interprets it of bard servitude ;
Bwald (tit. aim, of actual torture and slaughter.
< The story appears to be told twice over (2 Sam.
vnl. 8-14, x. 1 -xL 1, xH. 36-81).
* The go' leu shields taken In the Syrian wan ts
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562
DAVID
a., aa Illustrating I oth the sacerdotal character of
David, and alio his mode of going forth to battle.
To the Edomite war, both by its title and contents
nnat be ascribed Ps. Ix. 6-12 (cviii. 7-13), describ-
ing the assault on Petra. Pa. lxviii. ma; probably
hare received additional touches, aa it was sung on
the return of the ark from the siege of Kabbah."
Ps. xviii.* (repeated in 2 Sam. xxii. ) is ascribed by
its title, and appears from some expressions to
belong to the day " When the Lord had delivered
him out of the hand of all his enemies," as well as
•■out of the hand of Saul" (2 Sam. xxii. 1; Pa.
xriii. 1). That "da; " may be either at this time
it at the end of his life. Ps. xx. (Syr. Vers. ) and
txi. relate to the general union of religious and of
military excellences displayed at this time of his
career. (Ps. xxi. 3, " Thou settest a crown of pure
gold upon his head," not improbably refers to the
golden crown of Amnion, 2 Sam. xii. 30.)
(3.) In describing the incidents of the life of
David after bis accession to the throne of Israel,
moat of the details will be best found under the
names to which they refer. Here it will be need-
ful only to give a brief thread, enlarging on those
points in which David's individual character is
brought out.
Three great calamities may be selected as mark-
ing the beginning, middle, and close, of David's
otherwise prosperous reign; which appears to be
intimated in the question of Gad, 2 Sam. xxiv. 13,
" a three c years' famine, a three months' flight, or
a three days' pestilence." d
(«.) Of these, the first (the three years' famine)
introduces us to the last notices of David's rela-
tions « with the house of Saul. There has often
arisen a painful suspicion in later times, as there
seems to have been at the time (xvi. 7), that the
oracle which gave as the cause of the famine Saul's
massacre of the (iibeonites, may have been con-
nected with the desire to extinguish the last remains
of the fallen dynasty. But such an explanation is
not needed. The massacre was probably the most
recent national crime that had left any deep im-
pression ; and the whole tenor of David's conduct
towards Saul's family is of an opposite kind. It
was then that he took the opportunity of removing
the bodies of Saul and Jonathan to their own
ancestral sepulchre at Zelab (2 Sam. xxi. 14); and
it was then, or shortly before, that be gate a per-
manent home and restored all the property of the
family to Mephiboabetb, the only surviving son of
Jonathan (2 Sam. ix. 1-13, xxi. 7). The seven
who perished were, two sons of Saul by Kizpah,
and five grandsons — sons of Merab/ and Adriel
(2 Sam. xxi. 8).
aialned long afterwards as trophies in the temple at
Jerusalem (2 8am. vlll. 7 ; Cant Iv. 4). [Asms, SuUi,
p. 182.] The bran was used for the braaan basins and
pillars (2 Sam. vlll. 8 ; LXX.).
a See Hengsteoberg on Ps. lxvlll.
b The Imagery of the thunderstorm, Ps. xrHI. 7-14.
aaay possibly allude to the events either of 2 Bam. v.
Jn-M (Chandler, li. 211), or of 2 Bam. tI. 8.
e so LXX. and 1 Cur. xxi. 12, Instead of seven.
d Kwald, III. 207.
« That this Incident took place early In the reign,
appears (1) from the freshness of the allusion to Saul's
set (2 Sam. xxi. 1-8) ; (2) from the allusions to the
Hiaiaai is of Saul's sons In xut. 28 ; (8) from the ap-
parent connection of the story with eh. Ix.
/ The menilou of adilel necessitates the reading of
DAVID
(A.) The second group of incUaiti contains law
tragedy of David's life, winch grew in all Us nana
out of the polygamy, with its evil consequences,
into which be had plunged on becoming king
Underneath the splendor of his last glorious cam-
paign against the Ammonites, was a dark story,
known probably at that time only to a very few,
and even in later times • kept as much as possible
out of the view of the people, but now recognised
as one of the most instructive portions of his career
— the double crime of adultery with Bathaheba,
and of the virtual murder of Uriah. The crimes *
are undoubtedly those of a common Oriental despot
But the rebuke of Nathan ; the sudden revival ot
the king's conscience; his grief for the sickness of
the child ; the gathering of his uncles and elder
brothers around him; his return of hope and peace;
are characteristic of David, and of David only.
And if we add to these the two psalms, the aid
and the 61st, of which the first by its acknowledged
internal evidence, the 2d by its title ' also claim to
belong to this crisis of David's life, we shall feel
that the instruction drawn from the sin has more
than compensated to us at least for the scandal
occasioned by it.
But, though the "free spirit " and " clean heart"
of David returned, and though the birth of Solomon
was aa auspicious as if nothing had occurred to
trouble the victorious festival which succeeded it;
the clouds from this time gathered over David's
fortunes, and henceforward " the sword never de-
parted from bis bouse " (2 Sam. xii. 10). The
outrage on his daughter Tamar; the murder of his
eldest son Aiunon ; and then the revolt of his best
beloved Absalom, brought on the crisis, which once
more sent him forth a wanderer, aa in the days
when he fled from Saul ; and this, the heaviest trial
of his life, was aggravated by the impetuosity of
Joab, now perhaps from his complicity in David's
crime more unmanageable 1 ' than ever. The rebell-
ion was fostered apparently by the growing jealousy
of the tribe of Judith at seeing their king absorbed
into the whole nation ; and if, as appears from ' 2
Sam. xi. 8, xxiii. 34, Ahithopbel was the grand-
father of Bathsheba, its main supporter was one
whom David had provoked by his own Crimea. For
its general course, the reader is referred to the
names just mentioned. But two or three of ha
scenes relate so touchingly and peculiarly to David,
that this is the place for dwelling upon then"..
The first is the most detailed description of any
single day that we find in the Jewish history.
It was apparently early on the morning of the
day after he had received the news of the rebellion
at Hebron that the king left the city of Jerusalem
on foot. He was accompanied by a vast concourse;
in the midst of which he and his body-guard wen
a It la omitted in the Chronicles.
A This Is the subject or one of the sparry] bsl col-
loquies of David (Fabric. Cod. puntdrpigr. V. T. I.
1000). The story Is also told In the Koran (xxxrUL
20-24). and wild legends are formed out of It (Weil's
Legrnds, p. 168-160, 170).
i Kwald places It after the Captivity. Pram the
two last verses (U. 18, 19) this would be the almost
certain conclusion. But Is It not allowable to suppose
these verses to be an adaptation of the psalm to thai
later tuna?
* Bee Brant's CoinMrnttt, II. xl. mr a theory pa*
haps too muoh elaborated, yet not without some asssa
(tattoo.
■ Blunt n. x. : Jerome, Q*. Hat. on 2 8aaa. a. 1
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DAVID
eontpieuou*. The; started from a uoum on the
mtakirta of the city (2 Sam. xv. 17, I.XX.), and
svery stage of the mournful procession was marked
by aome incident which called forth a proof of the
deep and lasting affection which the king's peculiar
character had the power of inspiring in all who
knew him. The first distinct hah was by a solitary
olive-tree (2 Sum. xv. 18, LXX.), that marked the
road to the wilderness of the Jordan. Amongst
bis guard of Philistines and his faithful company
of 600" he observed Ittai of Gath, and with the
true nobleness of his character entreated the Philis-
tine chief not to peril his own or his countrymen's
Uvea in the service of a fallen and a stranger sov-
ereign. But Ittai declared his resolution (with a
fervor which almost inevitably recalls a like profes-
sion made almost on the same spot to the great
descendant of David centuries afterwards) to follow
him in life and in death. They all pasaed over the
ravine of the Kedron; and here, when it became
apparent that the king was really bent on departure,
" the whole land wept with a loud voice " — the
mountain and the valley resounded with the wail
of the people. At this point they were overtaken
by the two priests, Zadok and Abiathar, bringing
the ark from its place on the sacred hill to accom-
pany David on his flight — Abiathar, the elder,
going forward up the mountain, as the multitude
defiled past him. Again, with a spirit worthy of
the king, who was prophet as well as priest, David
turned them back. He had no superstitious belief
in the ark as a charm ; he had too much reverence
for it to risk it in his personal peril. And now the
whole crowd turned up the mountain pathway ; all
wailing, all with their heads muffled as they went;
the king only distinguished from the rest by his
unsandalled feet. At the top of the mountain,
consecrated by an altar of worship, they were met
by Husbai the Archite, " the friend," as he was
officially called, of the king. The priestly garment,
which he wore 6 after the fashion, as it would seem,
of David's chief officers, was torn, and his head
was smeared with dust, in the bitterness of hi*
grief. In him David saw his first gleam of hope.
A moment before, the tidings had come of the
treason of Ahithopbel; and to frustrate his designs
llushai was sent back, just in time to meet Absalom
arriving from Hebron. It was noon when David
passed over the mountain top, and now, as Jerusalem
was left behind, and the new soene opened before
him, two new characters appeared, both in con-
nection with the hostile tribe of Benjamin, whose
territory they were entering. One was Ziba, ser-
vant of Mephibosheth, taking advantage of the civil
war to make his own fortunes. At Bahurim, also
evidently on the downward pass, came forth one of
Its inhabitants, Shimel, in whose furious curses
broke out the long suppressed hatred of the fallen
family of SaoJ, as well perhaps as the popular feel-
ig against the murderer c of Uriah. With charac-
teristic replies to both, the king descended to the
'ordan valley (2 Sam. xvi. 14; and comp. xvii. 22;
Jos. /lit*, vii. 9, § 4) and there rested after the
long and eventful day at the ford or bridge' (Abara)
DAVID
568
According to ths reading
« Iwald. 111. 177. note,
a. Oibborim for OUtim,
a 2 Sam. xv. 82. Culuntth: tot xiiim: A. V.
'•oat"
c Blunt, II. x.
* Comp. 2 8am. xv. V, xix. 18 (b-th Chettb ; the
tarl has Araboth, I. .. tb* « plains " or " deserts 1.
of the river. At midnight they were ai nued by
the arrival of the two sons of the high-priests, and
by break of dawn they had reached the opposite
aide in safety.
To the dawn of that morning ta to lie ascribed
Pa. iii., and (according to Ewald, though this seems
less certain) to the previous evening, Pa. iv. Pa.
cxliii. by its title in the LXX., " When his son
was pursuing him," belongs to this time. Also by
long popular belief the trans-Jordanic exile of Pa.
xlii. has been supposed to be David, and the com-
plaints of Pa. Iv., lxix , and cix., to be levelled
against Ahithopbel.
The history of the remaining period' of the
rebellion is compressed into a brief summary. Ma-
banaim waa the capital of David's exile, as it had
been of the exiled bouse of Saul (2 Sam. xvii. 24,
comp. ii. 8, 12). Three great chiefs of that pastoral
district are specially mentioned as supporting hiin ;
one, of great age, not before named, UareiUai the
Uileadite: the two others, bound to him by former
ties, Shobi, the son of David's ancient friend Na-
bash, probably put by David in his brother's place
(xii. 30, x. 2); and Machir, the son of Ammiel,
the former protector of the child of David's friend
Jonathan (2 Sam. xvii. 27, ix. 4). His forces were
arranged under the three great military officers who
remained faithful to his fortunes — joali, captain
of the host ; Abishai, captain of " the mighty men ; "
and Ittai, who seems to have taken the place of
Benaiah (had he wavered in his allegiance, or was
be appointed afterwards?), as captain of the guard
(2 Sam. xviii. 2). On Absalom's side, was David's
nephew, Amssa (ft. xvii. 25). The warlike spirit
of the old king and of bis faithful followers at this
extremity of their fortunes is well depicted by
llushai, " chafed in their minds, as a bear robbed
of her whelps in the ' field ' (or a fierce wild boat
in tlie Jordan valley, LXX.); " the king himself
as of old, " lodging not with the people," but " hid
in some pit or some other place " (2 Sam. xvii. 8,
9). The final battle was fought in the " forest of
Ephraim," which terminated in the accident lead-
ing to the death/ of Absalom. At this point the
narrative resumes its minute detail. As if to mark
the greatness of the calamity, every particular of
its first reception is recorded. David waa waiting
the event of the battle in the gateway of Malum aim.
Two messengers, each endeavoring to outstrip the
other, were seen running breathless from the field.
The first who arrived was Ahimaas, the son of
Zadok, already employed as a messenger on the
first day of the king's flight He had been en-
treated by Joab not to make himself the bearer of
tidings so mournful; and it would seem that when
he came to the point his heart failed, and he apoke
only of the great confusion in which be had left the
army. At this moment the other messenger bunt
in — a stranger, perhaps an Ethiopian « — and
abruptly revealed the fatal newa (2 Sam. xviii. 19-
32). [Custu.] The passionate burst of grief which
followed, is one of the best proofs of the deep affec-
tion of David's character. lie wrapt himself up
in his sorrow; and even at the very moment of hit
« If Bwald'a Interpretation of 2 Sam. xxlv. 18 bt
oorrect, It was 8 months. The Jewish tradition (to
Jerome. Qh. Htb. on 2 Sam. Iv. 4) makes It 6.
/ Tor the Mussulman legend, sea Well, p. 161.
J « Cuahl" — or Hebrew ka-(*uUu, with the i
It la doubtful whether It la a proper name
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564
DAVID
triumph, be could not forget the hand that had
slain hi* ion. He made a solemn vow to supersede
Joab lir Amass, and In this was laid the bating
breach between himself and his powerful nephew,
which neither the one nor the other ever forgave
(2 Sam. xix. IS).
The return was marked at every stage by rejoic-
ing and amnesty, — Shimei forgiven, Mephibo-
ibeth" partially reinstated, Barziuai rewarded by
the gifts, long remembered, to his son Chimhah
(2 Sam. xix. 16-40; 1 K. ii. 7). Judah was first
reconciled. The embers of the insurrection still
smouldering (2 Sam. xix. 41-43) in David's hered-
itary enemies of the tribe of Benjamin were tram-
pled out by the mixture of boldness and sagacity
in Joab, now, after the murder of Aniaea, once
more in his old position. And David again reigned
In undisturbed peace at Jerusalem (2 Sam. xx.
l-22).»
(c.) The closing period of David's life, with the
exception of one great calamity, may be considered
a* a gradual preparation for the reign of his suc-
cessor. This calamity was the three days' pesti-
lence which visited Jerusalem at the warning of the
prophet Gad. The occasion which led to this
warning was the census of the people taken by Joab
at the king's orders (2 Sam. xxiv. 1-9 ; 1 Chr. xxi.
1-7, xxvii. 23, 24); an attempt not unnaturally
suggested by the increase of his power, but imply-
ing a confidence and pride alien to the spirit incul-
cated on the kings of the chosen people [see Num-
bers]. Josh's repugnance to the measure was
such that be refused altogether to number Levi and
Benjamin (1 Chr. xxi. 6). The king also scrupled
to number those who were under 20 years of age
(1 Chr. xxvii. 23), and the final result never was
recorded in the " Chronicles of King David " (1
Chr. xxvii. 24). The plague, however, and its ces-
sation were commemorated down to the latest times
of the Jewish nation. 1'oesikly Ps. xxx. and xd.
had reference (whether David's or not) to this time.
But a more certain memorial was preserved on the
sact spot which witnessed the close of the pesti-
lence, or, as it was called, like the Black Death of
1348, " The Death." Outside the walls of Jerusa-
lem, Araunah or Oman, a wealthy Jebusite — per-
haps even the ancient king of Jebus (2 Sam. xxiv.
13 ) c — possessed a threshing-floor; there he and
lis sons were engaged in threshing the com gath-
ered in from the harvest (1 Chr. xxi. 20). At this
<pot an awful vision appeared, such ss is described
m the later days of Jerusalem, of the Angel of the
Lord stretching out a drawn sword between earth
«nd sky over the devoted city. 1 ' The scene or such
a The Injustice dona to Mepbibosbeth by this divis-
ion of his property was believed lo later tradition* to
Us the sin which drew down the division of David's
kingdom (Jerome, (/k. H'b. on 2 9am. xix.). The
question Is argued at length by Selden, De Succestione,
i. 26, pp. 67, 68. (Chandler, U. 876.)
b To many English readers, the events and names
of this period have acquired a double interest from the
Dower and skill with which Dry den has made the story
of " Absalom and Achltophel " the basis of his political
puem on the Court of King Charles II.
c In the original the expression is much stronger
than in the A. V. — " Araunah, the king." [See
AXAtnua.]
d Tills apparition Is also described in a fragment
sf the heathen historian Eupolemus (Bus. Prtrp. Et\
tx 30), but is confuted with the warning of Nathan
against building the Temple. " An angel pointed out
DAVID
an apparition at such a moment was at newt
marked out for a sanctuary. David demanded,
and Araunah willingly granted, the site; the altar
was erected on the rock of the threshing-floor; the
place was called by the name of " Moriak " (9 Chr.
iii. 1); and for the first tune a ooly place,' sancti-
fied by a vision of the Divine presence, was recog-
nised in Jerusalem. It was this spot which after-
wards became the altar of the Temple, and there-
fore the centre of the national worship, with but
slight interruption, for mora than 1000 years, sud
it is even contended that the same spot is the rock,
still regarded with almost idolatrous veneration, in
the centre of the Mussulman " Dome of the Rock "
(see Professor Willis in Williams's Holy City, ii.).
The selection of the site of this altar probably
revived the schemes of 'he king for the building of
a permanent edifice »o receive the ark, which still
remained inside Ms own palace In its temporary
tent. Such schemes, we are told, he had enter-
tained after the capture of Jerusalem, or at the end
of his wars. Two reasons were given for their de-
lay. One, that the ancient nomadic form/ of wor-
ship was not yet to be abandoned (2 Sam. vii. 6):
the other, that David's wan » unfitted him to be
the founder of a seat of peaceful worship (1 Chr.
xxii. 8). But a solemn assurance was given that
his dynasty should continue " for ever " to continue
the work (2 Sam. vii. 18; 1 Chr. xxii. 9, 10).
Such a founder, and the ancestor of such a dynasty,
was Solomon to be, and to him therefore the
stores * and the plans of the future Temple (accord-
ing to 1 Chr. xxii. 2-19, xxviii. 1-xxix. 19) were
committed.
A formidable conspiracy to interrupt the succes
■ion broke out in the last days of David's reign [see
Adoxijah], which detached from his person two
of his court, who from personal offense or adherence
to the ancient family bad been alienated from him
— Joab and Abiathar. But Zadok, Nathan, Be-
naiah, Shimei, and Kei ■ remaining firm, the plot
was stifled, and Solomon's inauguration took place
under his father's auspices * (1 K. i. 1-63).
The Psalms which relate to this period are, by
title, Ps. xcii. ; by internal evidence, Ps. ii.
By this time David's infirmities had grown upon
him. The warmth of his exhausted frame was at-
tempted to be restored by the introduction of a
young Shunamnute, of the name of Ablshag, men-
tioned apparently for the sake of an incident which
grew up in connection with her out of the later
events (1 K. i. 1, ii. 17). His last song is pre-
served — a striking union of the ideal of a just
ruler which he had placed before him, and of the
the place where the altar was to be, but forbade hfas
to build the Temple, ss being stained with blood, and
having fought many wars. His name was xXims*
1*811."
« In 1 Chr. xxi. 26, a firs from heaven descends to
sanctify the altar. This is not mentioned In 2 Sam.
xxiv.
/ This is the subject of one of the apocryphal col-
loquies (Fabric. Cod. pmltpicr. V. T. i. 1004).
o In this respect David still belonged lo the older
generation of heroes. (See Jerome, Qu. Htb. ad loe..
* Eupolemus (Ens. Pnrp. Ev. Ix. 80) makes David
send Beets for these stores to Bath and to Ophtr.
' Jerome (Q». H'b. sd loo.) renders Bel = Ira, no
Improbably. Ewald's conjecture (iii. 266, note) Is BsW
he Is Identical with Baddai.
* Eupoiemns (Ens. Pnrp. Br. Ir SO) adds, "as ike
presence of the high-priest Hi."
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DAVID
nfficulties which be bad felt in realizing it (S Sam.
txiii. 1-7). His last words, as recorded, to his
luocessor, are general exhortations to his duty,
wmbined with warnings against Joab and Shimei,
aid charges to remember the children of Barzillai
(3 K. ii. l-9>.
He died, according to Josephns (Ant. riii. 15,
§ 2), at the age of 70, and " was buried in the city
of David." ■ After the return from the Captivity,
" the sepulchres of Darid " were still pointed out
"between Siloah and the house of the 'mighty
men,' " or "the guardhouse" (Neh. iii. 16). His
tomb, which becMne the general sepulchre of the
kings of Judah, was pointed out in the latest times
of the Jewish people. " His sepulchre is with us
unto this day," says St. Peter at Pentecost (Acta
ii. 29); and Josephus (Ant. vii. 15, § 8; ziii. 8,
$ 4; xvi. 7, § 1) states that, Solomon having buried
a vast treasure in the tomb, one of its chambers
was broken open by Hyroanus, and another by
Herod the Great. It is said to have fallen into
ruin in the time of Hadrian (Dion Cassius, lxix.
14). In Jerome's time a tomb, so called, was the
object of pilgrimage (Kp. ad ifarcelL 17 (46)), but
apparently in the neighborhood of Bethlehem. The
edifice shown as such from the Crusades to the
present day is on the southern hill of modern Jeru-
salem commonly called Mount Zion, under the so-
called " Ccenaculum." For the description of it
see Barclay's City of the Great King, p. 209. For
the traditions concerning it see Williams's Holy
City, ii. 509-513. The so-called « Tombs of the
Kings " have of late been claimed as the royal sep-
ulchre by De Saulcy (ii. 162-215), who brought to
the Louvre (where it may be seen) what he believed
to be the lid of David's sarcophagus. But these
tombs are outside the walk, and therefore cannot
lie identified with the tomb of David, which was
emphatically within the walls (see Robinson, ill.
252, note).
The character of David has been so naturally
brought out in the incidents of his life that it need
not be here described in detail. In the complexity
of its elements,* passion, tenderness, generosity,
fierceness — the soldier, the shepherd, the poet, the
itatesman, the priest, the prophet, the king — the
romantic friend, the chivalrous leader, the devoted
father — there is no character of the 0. T. at all to
be compared to it. Jacob comes nearest in the
-ariet? of elements included within it But David's
haracter stands at a higher point of the sacred
istorj> and represents the Jewish people just at the
bioment of their transition from the lofty virtues
of the older system to the fuller civilization and
cultivation of the later. In this manner he becomes
naturally, if one may so say, the likeness or por-
trait of the last and grandest development of the
natioi and of the monarchy in the person and the
period of the Messiah. In a sense more than figa-
rative, he is the type and prophecy of Jesus Christ.
Christ is not called the son of Abraham, or of Ja-
« k striking legtnd of. his death Is preserved In
Well's Legends, pp. 169, 170; a very absurd one, In
Basnage, Hist, da Jui/s, bk. v. eh. 2.
o This variety of elements is strikingly expressed
to " the Song of David," a poem written by the unfor*
*unate Christopher Smart In charcoal on the walls of
Sktl cell. In the Intervals of madoeM.
° It may be remarked that the name never appears
w given to any one else in the Jewish history, as If,
Jk« " Peter " in the Papacy, It was too sacred to be
appropriated.
DAVID 666
cob, or of Moses, but he was truly " the son of
David."
To his own people his was the name most dearly
cherished after their first ancestor Abraham.
" The city of David," " the house of David," " the
throne of David," " the seed of David," " the oath
sworn unto David " (the pledge of the continuance
of his dynasty), are expressions which pervade the
whole of the Old Testament and all the figurative
language of the New, and they serve to mark the
lasting significance of his appearance in history , c
His Psalms (whether those actually written by
himself be many or few) have been the source of
consolation and instruction beyond any other part
of the Hebrew Scriptures. In them appear quali-
ties of mind and religious perceptions not before ex-
pressed in the sacred writings, but eminently char-
acteristic of David, — the love of nature, the sense
of sin, and the tender, ardent trust in, and com-
munion with, God. No other part of the Old Tes-
tament comes so near to the spirit of the New.
The Psalms are the Only expressions of devotion
which have been equally used through the whole
Christian Church — Abyssinian, Greek, Latin, Pu-
ritan, Anglican.
The difficulties which attend on his character are
valuable as proofs of the impartiality of Scripture
in recording them, and as indications of the union
of natural power and weakness which his character
included. The Rabbis in former times, and critics
(like Bayle) d in later times, have seized on its dark
features and exaggerated them to the utmost. And
it has been often asked, both by the scoffers and
the serious, how the man after God's ' own heart
could have murdered Uriah, and seduced Bathsbeba,
and tortured the Ammonites to death ? An ex-
tract from one who is not a too-indulgent critic of
sacred characters expresses at onoe the common
sense and the religious lesson of the whole matter.
" Who is called ' the man after God's own heart ' ?
David, the Hebrew king, had fallen into sins
enough — blackest crimes — there was no want of
sin. And therefore the unbelievers sneer, and ask
Is this your man according to (jod'a heart?'
The sneer, I must say, seems to me but a shallow
one. What are faults, what are the outward de-
tails of a life, if the inner secret of it, the remorse,
temptations, the often baffled, never-ended struggle
of it be forgotte ? . . . David's life and history,
as written for us in those I'nalma of his, I consider
to be the truest emblem ever given us of a man's
moral progress and warfare here below. All earnest
souk will ever discern in it the faithful struggle of
an earnest human soul towards what is good and
best. Struggle often baffled — sore baffled — driven
as into entire wreck : yet a struggle never ended,
ever with tears, repentance, true unconquerable pur-
pose begun anew" (Caiiyle'e JItroet and Hero
Worship, p. 72). A. P. S.
• The conciliation of 1 Sam. xvi. 14-23 with
xvii. 12-31, 65-58 (see 1. 4 of the article above)
<l For some just remarks, in answer to Bayle, on the
necessity of taking into account the circumstances of
Dkvid's age and country, see Dean Miimnn'j Hist, of
•t- Jews, i. Mi.
e This expression has beeo perhaps too much made
of. It occurs only once In the Scriptures (1 Sam. xlli
14, quoted again in Acts xill. 22), where It merely In
dlcauw a man whom God will approve, in distinction
fron. Saul who was rejected. A much stronger and
morv peculiar commendation of David is that contained
in 1 K. xv. X-5. and implied In Pa. lxxxtx. 29-28
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M>«
DAVID
has given rue to various explanations. It must be
acknowledged that there are some difficulties here.
Winer (though without amenHng to them all u
equally well founded) enumeratoi them in hit Bibl
Beahe. i. 259 ff., and Week also in nil Ai»i m <4u
A. TuL p. 336 ff., with the admission at the same
time that they have been urged too for. The
reader may be disappointed if no notice should be
taken of them here, or of the considerations which
hare been offered to account for the apparent dis-
agreement It should be stated that the better
critical judgment of scholars (sa De Wette, Ewald,
Week, KcU) is that the Hebrew text of the pas-
sages under remark has not been corrupted or inter-
polated, but that the two sections (from whatever
source originally derived) form an integral part of
the work as it came from the hand of the writer or
compiler.
One of the principal difficulties in the relation
of the two portions to each other, is that, in the
first of them, David is said to have been a musician
and an armor-bearer at the court of Saul (1 Sam.
xvi. 19 tf.); and, in the second, that be appears to
be introduced to the king, at the time of the battle
with Goliath, as a stranger of whom Saul had no
previous knowledge (1 Sam. xvii. 31 ff.). It deserves
to be said, in reply to this representation, that David
may not have been permanently connected with
Saul in his capacity as harpist, but was only sum-
moned to him as the intermittent malady of Saul
required, and then, after exerting his skill for its
removal, returned to the care of his Bocks. (See
Chandler's Life of Dtmd, p. 48.) It is expressly
stated, at all events, that even after the outbreak
of the war with the Philistines he was in the habit
of passing to and fro between the camp and his
other's home at Bethlehem (1 Sam. xvii. 17, 18).
It is true, he was appointed at the same time one
of Saul's armor-bearers as well as his musician;
but this office, at least in times of peace, was one
of honor rather than of active service, and would
not require that be should be constantly about the
person of the king. This was the less necessary,
because the number of such servitors was so great.
Joab, David's chief commander at a later date, is
said to have had ten armor-bearers, and Saul in his
higher station must have had many more. Under
the* circumstances, Said's first acquaintance with
David may have been often interrupted and hence
comparatively slight; so that when they met again,
possibly after an interval of some consideral>le dura-
tion, amid the distraction and tumult of a war
which was engrossing every energy of the king's
mind, it is not incredible that Saul at first sight
may not have recognized the shepherd toy whom
he bad occasionally seen ; ° while as to Daiid him-
self it is not to be supposed that be would put
forward any obtrusive chum to the king's recogni-
tion on the ground of his former services.
Again, it is objected that Saul's inquiry of Abner,
saptain of the boat (1 Sam. xvii. 55), after David's
tlavini; of Goliath, " Whose son is this youth," is
extraordinary, if David had really stood in the rela
tion to Saul which the previous account has men-
tioned. But as Kurtz remarks (Herzog's Rtnl-
AVyt\ Ui. 300), the import of the question may
* a The physical devel o p m e n t is much mora rapid
a the But than amoorst us. and a young praam there
awn roans oat cf the knowledge of (base from whom
V ■ separated. For tome very interesting remarks
«a thai tola*, see Themaona Lax* amd B—t, «. OS.
DAVID
have been not so much who ii David's father as It
his name merely, as what is David's ancestry, kit
parentage and rank in life. Saul may ha\« beta
indifferent respecting the family of his harp-playat
and armor -bearer; but after the victory, when the
successful champion, according to the terms which
Saul himself had proposed, was about to become
bis son-in-law (1 Sam. xvii. 25), it was obviously
a matter of great interest to him to obtain mom
particular information respecting hit both and con-
nections.
It it affirmed also that the account of David at
the time of his first introduction to Saul (1 Sam.
xvi. 18), as " a mighty valiant man, and a man
of war," it out of place there, because he had not
yet displayed the military qualities which those
words ascribe to him. TTiis description, as Winer
admits (Rcata. i. 960), may be merely proleptic,
inserted by the historian not of course aa repre-
senting what David was at that tune, but what be
was known to be in history to readers of the story.
Keil and Delitzsch prefer to say, that hit conflicts
with the Bon and the bear (1 Sam. xvii. 34, 8ft)
had already furnished such proofs of heroism, that
none who knew him could fail to discern in him
the future warrior (Booh of Samuel, p. 171,
Clark's Library). Stanley (see I. 4 above) thinks
that David may already have fought against the
Philistines, and was known to some of Saul's guards
for his military exploits. But this supposition im-
plies in effect that the two parti of the narrative
are inconsistent with each other; for David's awk-
wardness in the use of weapons when he assumed
the championship against Goliath (1 Sam. xvii.
38 ff.) shows that be was then inexperienced in
war.
Another allegation b that the statement in 1
Sam. xvii. 54, that " David took the bead of the
Philistine and brought it to Jerusalem," must cer-
tainly be an anachronistic addition to the history,
because Jerusalem was not then in possession of
the Hebrews, but wst captured by David (or Joab)
at a later period (1 Chr. xi. 4 ff.). But the
statement in that psaaage really is that David took
at that time not Jerusalem itself, but the fortress
of Jerusalem, the citadel on Mount Zion (called
after him the city of David), which had not before
been wrested from the ancient inhabitants (Josh,
xv. 63). As to Jerusalem itself, i. e. the other hills
and the suburbs which the city comprised, we read
that it had been in the hands of the Hebrews from
the time of their first arrival on the west of the Jor-
dan, in the days of Joshua (Judg. L 8, 21). David
at first deposited the armor of Goliath in hit own
tent or bouse st Bethlehem (1 Sam. xvii. 54); bat
it was in the natural course of things that such a
trophy after a time would be placed in some mom
public custody. No one can seriously think that
this statement conflicts with 1 Sun. xxi. 9, Ikon
which it appears that the sword of Goliath was
found in the sanctuary at Nob at the time of
David's interview with the priest Ahimeksch. Not
is such a return of David to Bethlehem, to leave
there the spoils of war or to visit hit friends, inouo-
sbtentwith 1 Sam. xviii. 2, where it is said that Saul
did not permit him any more " to go to hit father's
Joeephna (Ant. vi. 9, § 1) says mat even a few yean
elapsed between Devkrs having the court of Saul, saw
their meeting again In the csaut frost watch Dan)
-eotlartB toighlOtUsta. ■
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DAVID
house." The meaning in that passage is that
David waa henceforth to attach himself to Saul at
one of hia persona! retinue, and not again, aa he
had formerly done, resume his occupation as a
shepherd.
Dean Stanley has three Lectures on David in
his History of the Jewish Church (ii. 49-166). He
has presented there essentially the same bets and
aspects of character that are brought before us in
this preceding sketch : but with the advantage of
soaking the picture more living and real by being
put in the frame-work of the history and finished
with minuter touches. Of David's personal appear-
wce in his boyhood, )e retains in his Lectures the
description previously given in the Dictionary (p.
VS8). Against one of the traits in this figure
Dietrich urges an objection from an unexpected
pouter. He understands (Ges. Htb. und Chald.
Uandw. p. 16, 6te Ann.) that what the A. V. ren-
>iera " a pillow of goat's hair," wbicb Hichal placed
In David's bed (1 Sam. jtU. 13), was in reality a
texture of goat's hair, a sort of wig which she put
around the head of the teraphim or image so as to
make it appear like David's hair, and thus deceive
Saul's messengers. On that view of the case, he
says, the stratagem presupposes that David's hair
was black, that lieing the usual color ct goat's hair
in Palestine. FUrst also (i. 26) refers "SIOTH
not to the hair, but to the countenance of David.
Bunsen (Bibehoerk, ii. Iter TheU, p. 122) says:
" rothtcangig, wrtl. rithlich. An die Haare ist
dabei wol rdcht zu deuken." Its being used of
Esau, Gen. xxv. 25, is not decisive, for being generic
(=" redd ish "), i t admits of that application or the
one claimed here. The older translators often ren-
der mechanically (hence perhaps rvipdiens, Sept. ;
and rufut, Vulg.). It was because David appeared
■o boyish (ruddy and fair), that Goliath looked on
him with contempt (1 Sam. xvi. 12, xvii. 42). It
does not appear why he should be thought less a
warrior for being red-haired.
In regard to the variations which appear in the
node of relating David's history, Kurtz has well
itated and answered the current objections in his
irticle on David in Herzog's Real-Kncyk. iii. 298-
307. He does not consider them to be of any
great moment. See also Hiivernick's KM. m das
A. Test. ii. 136 ff. for the grounds of a similar
conclusion. Tholuck has given a good sketch of
David's outward life in its relation to his writings,
and has grouped together on that basis the princi-
pal psalms which he would refer to him as the
author ( Obertetzung u. Atulegung der Ptalmm, §
3). I'erowne's remarks here are valuable for the
light which they throw on the connection between
the Psalmist's inner and outward life as expressed
bi his poetry (Book of Pmlms, i. xviii.-xxiv.).
Chandla's Life of Darid (Oxford, 1863), though
antiquated in some respects, still remains one of our
best helps for the study of David's history. Herder
eommends it strongly (Studium der Theologie, 8ter
Brief). Kitto's Daily Bible Illustration furnish
•seful information on the leading incidents in the
■areer of the poet-king. There is a collection of
sermons, Dnnd, der Kthng, bv F. W Krum-
macher (1866), similar to those 3n Elijah and
Ettsha by the same author, which have obtained
■o much celebrity.
Ou the probable scene of DavVi encounter with
GoHath (Wady es-Sumpt = Valley of Ekh, 3)
southwest of Jerusalem), see Bob. BibL Ru.
DAY
667
ii. 360, 1st ed.j Thomson's Land and Book, ii.
863; Porter's Giant Cities, Ac., p. 223 ; Sepp'i
Jerusalem u. das heU. Land, i. 67; Tobler's Dritle
Wanderung, p. 122. H.
DAVID, 01TY OP. [Jerusalem.]
DAY ( Tom, DV, perhaps from WT, lalrm, to
be warm). The variable length of the natural day
(" ab exortu ad occasum solis," Censor, de Die flat.
p. 23) at different seasons led, in the very earliest
times, to the adoption of the civil day (or one rev-
olution of the sun) as a standard of time. The
commencement of the civil day varies in different
nations: the Babylonians (like the people of Nu-
remberg) reckoned it from sunrise to sunrise (Isidor
Orig. v. 30); the Umbrians from noon to noon;
the Romans from midnight to midnight (Plin. ii.
79); the Athenians and others from sunset to sun-
set (Macrob. Saturn. 1. 3; Gell. iii. 2).
The Hebrews naturally adopted the latter reckon-
ing (Lev. xxiii. 82, " from even to even shall ye
celebrate your sabbath") from Gen. i. 6, "the
evening and the morning were the first day " (a
passage which the Jews are said to have quoted to
Alexander the Great (Cent. Tamid, 66, 1; Reland,
Ant Hebr. iv. 1, § 16). Some (as in Godwyn's
Motet and Aaron) argue foolishly from Matt, xxviii.
1, that they began their civil day in the morning-
but the expression ixupao-Koio-n shows that the
natural day is there intended. Hence the expres-
sions " evening-morning " = day (Dan. viii. 1*;
LXX. nxMlpfpor; also 2 Cor. xi. 26), the Hindoo
ahoratra (Von Bohlen on Gen. i. 4), and mrxHr
Htpor (2 Cor. xi. 26). There was a similar custom
among the Athenians, Arabians, and ancient Teu-
tons (Tac. Germ, xi., u nec dierum numerum ut
apud nos, sed noctium computant . . . nox ducere
diem videtur"), and Celtic nations (Cos. de B. U.
vi. 18, "ut noctemdiessubsequatur"). This mode
of reckoning was widely spread. It is found in the
Roman law (Gaius, i. 112), in the Nibelungenlied,
in the 8alic law (inter decern noclet), in our own
terms " fort-ra'oAt," " tevea-nights " (see Orelli,
Ac in loc. Tac.), and even among the Siamese
("they reckon by nights," Bowring, i. 137) and
New Zealanders (Taylor's Te-Ika-Maui, p. 20).
No doubt this arose from the general notion " that
the first day in Eden was 36 hours long " (Light-
foot's Works, ii. 334, ed. Pitman; Hes. Theogon.
p. 123; Aristoph. Av. G03; Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt.
iv. 274). Kalisch plausibly refers it to the use of
lunar years (Gen. p. 67). Sometimes, however,
they reckoned from sunrise (rjfitpor^KTtov, comp.
Ps. i. 2; Lev. vU. 16).
* The Hebrew custom of reckoning the day from
evening to evening, arose from the use of the lunar-
calendar in regulating the feast-days, and other
days of religious observance. It was not " adopted
from Gen. i. 6," where the A. V. (the evening ana
the morning were the first day) misrepresents ths
sacred writer's meaning, assuming a construction
of the Hebrew which is grammatically impossible.
The true construction is: And there was evening
(the close of a period of light), and there wot
morning (the close of a period of darkness), on«
day. So De Wette: " Und to vird Abend una
ward Sforgen, Em Tag." So also Keii ; and he
adds. p. 18: "Hieraus folgt, dan die Sch<)pfungs-
tage nicht von Abend zu Abend, sondern . . .
von Morgen zu Morgen gezahlt sind." Dditzseh
(3d ed. p. 100): " Nachdem es mit der Schijpfung
des Lichts Tag geworden, wurde es Abend una
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568
DAY
•rarde wieder Morgen . . . Ein Tag." Lange:
" Und so ward es Abend und ward Morgen, dsr
erste Tag [Ein Tag hier fur der erste Tag]."
The day consisted, therefore, of a period of light
followed by a period of darkness, being reckoned
bom morning to morning. In later Hebrew usage
also, where simply the natural day is meant, as in
Lev. vii. 15, the terminating limit is the following
morning. See further in Herxog's A'ncyt., art.
Tag (iv. 410). T. J. C.
The Jews are supposed, like the modern Arabs,
to hare adopted from an early period minute speci-
fications of the parts of the natural day. Roughly
indeed they were content to divide it into " morn-
ing, evening, and noonday " (Ps. lv. 17); but when
they wished for greater accuracy they pointed to
six unequal parts, each of which was again subdi-
vided. Then are held to have been: —
I. AesAe/*, *IH$3 (from T\W%, "to blow")
and Shtichor, "intfr, or the dawn. After their ac-
quaintance with Persia they divided this into, (i)
the time when the eastern, and (4) when the west-
ern horizon was illuminated, like the Greek Leuco-
thea — Matuta — and Aurora ; or " the gray dawn "
(Milton), and the rosy dawn. Hence we find tbe dual
Shaharaim as a proper name (1 Chr. viii. 8). The
writers of the Jems. Talmud divide the dawn into
four parts, of which the (1.) was Aijeleth hasha-
ehnr, " the gazelle of the morning " [Aijeleth
Sharab], a name by which the Arabians call tbe
sun (comp. "eyelids of the dawn," Job iii. 9;
auipas flkiQapov, Soph. Anlig. 109). This was
the time when Christ arose (Mark xvi. 3; John xx.
1; Rev. xxii. 16; ^ irupmo-Koinrr), Matt, xxviii. 1).
Tlie other three divisions of the dawn were, (2.)
"when one can distinguish blue from white"
(«wf, own-fas trt otViji, John xx. 1 ; « obscurant
adhuc cceptae lucis," Tac. //. iv. 9). At this time
they began to recite the phylacteries. (3.) Cum
lucescit oriens (ooBpos jSafh/t, Luke). (4.) Orient*
sole (klav rout, IwaTtlXarros rov fiKtov, Mark
xvi. 2: Lightfoot, Nor. Nebr. ad Mare. xvi. 3).
II. Boker, *1j?.3, " sunrise." Some suppose that
the Jews, like other Oriental nations, commenced
their civil day at this time until tbe Exodus (Jen-
nings's Jewish Ant.).
III. Chom Haybm, Q'Wl Oft, "heat of the
day" (lut JieSejyidVfli) i) fodpa, LXX.), about 9
o'clock.
IV. TziJiaraim, D^"]rjX, "the two noons"
((Jen. xlU. 16; Deut. «viti. 29).
V. Ruach hnyom, OV'Jl TTO, " the cool (lit.
trtnd) of the day," before sunset (Gen. iii. 8) ; so
ratted by the Persians to this day (Chardin, Voy,
ir. 8; Jahn, Arch. BibL § 39).
VI. Ereb, 'yyf.i "evening." The phrase "be-
tween the two evenings" (Ex. xvi. 12, xxx. 8).
a * But this precision appears not merely by com-
wiring Matthew's tnpia with Mark's or* tov & iJAk*, but
•till more clearly by observing that Mark himself sub-
joins tills clause to mfiin in bis own text (i. 82). This
foible note of time Mark introduces as tacitly ex-
alalning why tbe people of Capernaum did not bring
Ihclr sick to Jesus before the sun went down : they
were restrained by their scruples about the Sabbath.
Thomson (/.an*/ ami Book, I. 426) represents this
tcrupulostty as still entertained by many ot the «
«n> Jew* with whom he has eome in contact : " A pro-
DAY
being tbe time marked for slaying the paschal bunt
and offering the evening sacrifice (Ex. xii. 6, xxix.
39), led to a dispute between the Karaites ass!
Samaritans on the one hand, and the Pharisees on
the other. The former took it to mean betweec
sunset and full darkness (Deut. xvi. 6); the Reb-
binist* explained it as the time between tbe begin-
ning (t«l\q srpedo, "little evening," Hab.) and
end of sunset (t. 4+(o, or real sunset: Joseph. B.
J. vi. 9, § 8; Gceen. s. v.; Jahn, Arch. BibL §
101; Bochart, Hieroz. i. 588).
Since the sabbaths were reckoned from sunset to
sunset (Lev. xxiii. 33), tbe Sabbatarian Pharisees,
in that spirit of scrupulous superstition which so
often called forth the rebukes of our Lord, were led
to settle the minute*/ rules for distinguishing tbe
actual imtant when the sabbath began (Hila, Matt.
viii. 16 = ore tSu 6 fiKiot, Mark)." They there-
fore called tbe time between the actual sunset and
the appearance of three stars (Maimon. in Shabb.
cap. 5, comp. Neb. iv. 31, 22), and the Talmudists
decided that " if on the evening of the sabbath a
man did any work after one star had appeared, he
was forgiven; if after the appearance of two, he
must offer a sacrifice for a doubtful transgression ;
if after three stars were visible, he must offer a sin-
offering: " tbe order being reverted for works done
on the evening after the actual sabbath (Lightfoot,
Hot. Hebr. ad Matt. viii. 16; Otho, Lex. Bab. s.
v. Sabbalhum).
Before the Captivity the Jews divided the night
into three watches (Ps. lxiil. 6, xc. 4), namely, the
first watch, lasting till midnight (Lam. U. 19, A.
Y. "the beginning of the watches") = ipxh
Micros; the "middle watch" (which proves the
statement), lasting till cock-crow (Judg. vii. 19) =
liiaov KwtToV; and the morning watch, lasting till
sunrise (Ex. xiv. 24) = e>^iAwc!) yit (Horn. IL
vii. 433). These divisions were probably connected
with the Levitical duties in the Temple service.
The Jews, however, say (in spite of their own def-
inition, "a watch is the third part of the night")
that they always had four night-watches (comp.
Neb. ix. 3), but that the fourth was counted as a
part of the morning (Buxtorf's Lex. Talm. s. v.
Carpzov. Appnr. Crit. p. 347 ; Reland, iv. 18).
In the N. T. we have allusions to four watches,
a division borrowed from the Greeks (Herod, ix.
51) and Romans (g)v/\<urfj, to rirapror ixipos Tflt
yvicr6t, Suid.). These were, (1 ) ty{, tyla, or tyfa
&oa, from twilight till » o'clock (Mark xi. 1);
John xx. 19); (2i uto-omnriov, midnight, from 9
till 12 o'clock (Mark xiit. 35): (3) dAcirToprnpuWa,
till 3 in the morning (Mark xiii. 35, &V. \ry. ; 8
Mace. v. 23); (4) s-perf, till daybreak, tbe same as
wpmta (£po>) (John xviii. 28; Joseph. Ant. v. 6, §
6, xviii. 9, J 6).
The word held to mean "hour" is first found
in Dan. iii. 6, 15, v. 5 (Shd'dk, H^tT, also "a
moment," iv. 19). Perhaps the Jews, like the
rum and most quarrelsome fellow once handed me his
watch to wind just after sunset on Friday evening. It
was now his Sabbath, and be could not work. Thus
they still tithe mint, and anise, and cummin, ana
teach for doctrines the commandment^ of men, max*
ing void the law of Oral by their traditions (Matt, xv
5). It was such perverse traditions as these that out
Lord rebuked when he declared that the Sabbath WW
made for man, not man for the Sabbath (Maik tf 27)
Sue other like examples on the same page. B.
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DAY'S JOURNEY
Sietks, learnt from the Babylonian* the division
of toe day into 12 part* (Herod. U. 109). In our
Lord's time the division was common (John xi. 9).
It » probable that Ahaz introduced the first sun-
dial from Babylon (&,po\6ytoy, I^TPS, Is.
xxxviii. 8; 2 K. xx. 11), as Anaximeues did the
first aKii&npor into Greece (Jahn, Arch. § 101).
Possibly the Jews at a later period adopted the
clepsydra (Joseph. Ant. xi. 6). The third, sixth,
•nd ninth hours were devoted to prayer (Dan. vi.
10; AcU ii. 15, iii. 1, <6c).
On the Jewish way of counting their week-days
from the sabbath, see Lightfbot's Wvrkt, ii. 334,
rd. Pitman. [Wkkk.]
The word " day " is used of a festal day (Hos.
vii. 5); a birthday (Job iii. 1); a day of rain (Hos.
i. 11; Job xviii. 20; comp. Utnpm, tempera rti-
publicm, Cic, and diet Canntnat) ; the judgment
day (Joel i. 15; 1 Thess. v. 2); the kingdom of
Christ (John viii. 56 ; Rom. xiii. 12) ; and in other
tenses which are mostly self-explaining. In 1 Cor.
iy. 3, irb iyvpaiwlvns 7)/uepa$ is rendered "by man's
jwlymenL" " Jerome, ad Alijnt. QuasL x. con-
siders this a CUicisiu (Bochart, Hieroz. ii. 471).
On the prophetic or year-day system (Lev. xxv. 3,
4; Num. xiv. 34; Ez. iv. 2-6, Ac.), see a treatise
in Elliott's /for. Apoc. iii. 154 ff. The expression
irwivtoy, rendered " daily " in Matt. vi. 11, is a
tbr. Key., and has been much disputed. It is un-
known to classical Greek (fours wswAaWttoi M
r&y EuayvfAioTeV, Orig. Oral, c 16). The
Tulg. has tupertubttanlvilcm, a rendering recom-
mended by Abelard to the nuns of the Paraclete.
TbeophyL explains it as 6 <V1 rp ovaia nal awr-
toVci t\\imv aiiTttpiHis, and he is followed by most
commentators (cfV Chrysost. Horn, in Or. Domm.
Said. & Etym. M. *. ».). Salmasius, Grotiua, Ac.,
srguing from the rendering inSp In the Nazarene
Gospel, translate it as though it were = fiji iirioi-
otjj finipas, or tls aBptov (Sixt. Senensis BibL
Sand. p. 444 a). But see the question examined
at full length (after Tholuck) in Alford's Grttk
Teit. ad loc. ;* Schleusner, Lex. s. v.; WeUtein,
.V. T. i. 461, 4c. See Chromoiogy.
F. W. F.
• DAY'S JOURNEY. Distance is often
reckoned in the Bible by this standard (see Gen.
xxxi. 23; Ex. iii. 18; Num. xi. 31; Deut. i. 2; 1
K. xix. 4; 2 K. iii. 9; Jonah iii. 3, 4: Luke ii. 44;
Acts i. 12). It is certainly conceivable that this
mode of reckoning, used vaguely at first, as being
dependent on circumstances that were liable to vary
*n the case of each particular journey, might at
length have become definite, so as to denote a cer-
tain distance traversable under conditions assumed
is always the same. Something like this was true
no doubt among the Greeks and Romans, who reck-
oned by days and at the same time by stadia or
DAYS JOURNEY
569
a • Strictly, by " human or man'* day " as opposeu
to Christ's day, or that of the flnal account : eomp.
U< to ver. 2. H.
* * The rrader will Sod a much fuller note than
Word's, on cmovo-iov In Matt. vi. 11, In Dr. Conant's
Vatt/vic, with a Rtvuttl Vftion, p. 80 (New York
i860). The conclusion is that "dally " of the A. V.
■ substantially correct and sanctioned by tt \ oe*t au-
thorities, ancient and modern. Dr. Schaff supports
the same vie* in his Lnnge's Matthew, p 1*- (fi<»w
Tort, 1S65). Vlfbrd makes rViovoior =" proper for
miles; so that, interchanging toe two mod<«, the]
meant often by a day's journey a fixed number of
stadia or miles, without taking into account the cir
cumstances which might control the distance act-
ually traversed in a given instance. This later and
more precise scale for measuring distances arose
gradually among them, and appears never to have
superseded altogether the more primitive method
Herodotus (as an example of this fluctuation) de-
scribes a day's journey at one time as 150 stadia or
about 19 Roman miles, and it another as 200 sta-
dia or nearly 25 such miles." For Information on
this subject see Forbiger's tttndb. der Alien Geogr.
i. 549 ff. Roman mile-stones are still found on dif-
ferent lines of travel in Palestine, e. g. two south of
Sidon, on the maritime road along the Mediterra-
nean (Rob. BibL Ret. iii. 415, 1st ed.), and one at
Beth-zur, between Bethlehem and Hebron (Stan-
ley's Notieet of certain Localities, <Sc, p. 169).
The proverbial expression in Matt. v. 41, '• And
whosoever shall compel thee to go a mile, go with
him twain," refers to a foreign custom made famil-
iar to the Jews in the days of their Roman subjec-
tion. Most of' the Roman roads with their mile
stones (via strata) have as late an origin as the time
of the Emperor Septimius Severus, A. D. 193-211.
Traces of them are found on the east of the Jordan
as well as the west.
But nothing strictly correspondent to the Greek
and Roman system of measurement (as far as such
a system existed among them) appears to have
been known among the Hebrews. It may be as-
sumed, as a general rule, that when the writers of
the Bible speak of a day's journey, they mean to
speak historically rather than geometrically, »'. e.
to mention the time actually employed in the jour-
ney rather than any certain distance assigned by
universal consent to a day's journey. Hence, to
know the actual distance in any instance, we must
know more or less of the circumstances under
which the travelling took place. As the modes
of travelling were so various, — as the people jour-
neyed on foot, or with horses and camels (though
if they went in caravans the difference then would
not be very great), with flocks or without them,
with women and children or without them, across
plains or mountains, and with stations for halting
at night along the route at irregular intervals, de-
termined by herbage, streams, fountains, and the
like, — it is evident that a fixed uniformity must
have been out of the question. It may be men-
tioned, as illustrating this uncertainty, that the
pilgrim caravans at the present day occupy two
days in going from Jerusalem to the Jordan, about
25 miles; and yet a mounted horseman can easily
accomplish the distance, rough as some parte of
the way are, in less than ban a day. Josephus
states repeatedly that it was a journey of throe days
from the Holy City to the Sea of Tiberias or Gali-
lee. Dragomen at the present time, partly because
e * The Same remark may be made of the Persian
parasang. "The truth Is," says RawUnson {Herod.
Hi. 280), " that the ancient parasang, like the modern
fanxkh, was originally a measure of tune (an hour),
not a measure of distance. In passing from the one
meaning to the other, it. came to mark a different
length in different places, according to the nature of
the country traversed. The modern far&akh varies
also, but not so much as the parasang, if we can trust
Strabo. It Is estimated at from 31 to 4 miles, or trees
a) to 86 stadia." B
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DAYS JOURNEY
they would adjust the time to the oonven'ence of
tourists, usually allot 4 days to the journey. The
English consul at Jerusalem (as happens to be
within the writer's knowledge) on one occasion of
special emergency rode on horseback from Jerusa-
lem to Nazareth in one day.
It is obvious that such " posting " (that of " a
runner" in Heb.) as that to which Job refers (ix.
25), mentioned by him as an emblem of speed along
with that of the "swift ships" (lit. "reed-skins")
and of " the eagle that hasteth to the prey." must
be very different from that of ordinary travellers.
[See Anoarkuo.] Keland, therefore, could well
say (Paltutina, p. 400) : " Iter unius diei, quod spa-
tium dietain vocant, certo interrallo definiri vix
liotest Clarum est, pro loeorum rations, et modo
iter faciendi, diveraa spatia uno die confici."
One consequence of a neglect to consider how
variously incidental causes may affect the length of
a day's journey in the East is that the statements
of the sacred writers may not only have been mis-
understood, but charged with inaccuracies and con-
tradictions for which the writers are not to be held
accountable. It is obvious, for example, that when
the journeyings of the Israelites in the desert are
mentioned by days, great latitude must be allowed
in judging of the distance, since the movements of
the vast concourse must often have been hastened
or retarded by circumstances of which no account
is given. The " eleven days' journey from Horeb,
by the way of Mount Seii unto Kadesh-bamea "
([Jeut i. 2), as the writer would merely insert
there a general notice of the distance, are to be
taken in all probability as the days of ordinary
travel with camels, and not such days as people
would need with flocks and herds. This specifica-
tion accords substantially with the report of modern
travellers (as Seetzen, Kussegger, Kobinson). See
Knobel, Extijti. Ilundb. ii. 208.
Yet it is not to be inferred that the " day's jour-
ney " allows no proximate scale of measurement in
this matter of distances. The itineraries of travel-
lers, ancient and modern, show that the usual rate
of the foot-journey (as it may be called, since those
who walk may easily keep pace with those who
ride) varies from 3 to 4 miles an hour, and as the
number of hours devoted to travelling rarely ex-
ceeds 6 or 8 hours per day, the distance of an ordi-
nary day's journey may be said to average about 25
ur 30 miles." When there is nothing in the known
or probable circumstances of the case to modify this
rule, we may safely follow it in judging of the dis-
tances represented by time in the Scriptures. Yet
here, too, at least in the case of caravans, some al-
lowance must be made for the shortness of the first
day's march. That is usually restricted to 2 or 3
hours, or even less, and these the hours near the
tlose cf the day ; and yet in estimating the time
'JiU short distance may be reckoned in 1 '.astern par-
ance as a whole day's journey. It is m counted,
.to doubt, in speaking of the day's journey (prob-
ably in this ease, if they went through Penes, 3 or
4 miles only out of Jerusalem ) which the parents
•f Jesus made before they discovered his absence
,'Luke ii. 44). See the addition under Bekroth
(Amer. ed.).
Some of the journeys mentioned in the Script-
Ires Confirm the general rule laid down above, and
« • Dr. Robinson puts down (as the rule for com-
muting his hours into miles) 1 hour with camels as M
1| muss, and with horses or mules = 8 miles (KM.
DAY'S JOUKNEY
others require some exceptional qualification, (Man
intimated in the narratives or justified by them.
Thus, Cornelius (Acts x. 1 ff.) sent messengers from
Cesarea to Joppa, distant about 40 Roman miles
(according to Keland's combination from the Jlintr.
Hierotolym. and the Jtmer. Aniomn.), to invite
Peter to come to him; they started "n the day of
the vision in the afternoon (vers. 7, 80), and arrived
at Joppa on the next day about noon (ver. 9); and
returning on the morrow, they reached Caeearea on
the day following, the fourth from the setting out
thence. They were unencumbered by any bag-
gage, had in the main a level road, aid could pro-
ceed rapidly. The return appears to have occupied
more time than the going to Joppa, which would
be a natural result in the latter part of a continu-
ous journey of some length. Again, we read in
Act* xxiii. 31 that the Roman chiliareh, I.tsum,
sent Paul under a military escort by night frou.
Jerusalem to Antipatris. This latter place was
about 38 miles from Jerusalem on the route to
Cffisarea. To perform the journey in that time
would require them to travel at the rate of about
4 miles an hour. As those who conducted Paul
had a good road (traces of the old Roman pave-
ment are still visible; see Kob. BibL Ret. iii. 79',
they could accomplish a forced march of that ex-
tent in nine hours. Strabo says that an army un-
der ordinary circumstances could march from 950
to 300 stadia in a day, i. e. an average of about 80
miles. See Korbiger'i Handb. der Alien Ueogr •
551.
The distances indicated by such reckoning some-
times agree remarkably with information derived
from other sources. Jonah (iii. 3) describes Nin-
eveh as " a city of three days' journey," t. t. in its
circumference: for it could have had no diameter
of that extent unless, contrary to all precedent, it
was built in a circle. The dimensions which Diod-
orus (ii. 7 ) assigns to Nineveh give it a circuit of
about 60 miles; and thus his statement accords
very closely with that of the prophet, who would
naturally have in view the foot-journey of about 25
miles. Further, Jonah's " day's journey " in the
city (about 25 miles) delivering his message as he
went from one end of it to the other (Jonah iii. 4),
would be the proportionate length of a street in a
city whose longer sides according to Diodorus were
150 furlongs, the shorter 00 furlongs. See Dr
Pusey's Commentary on Jonah, p. 253. Modern
investigations on the ground support the same con-
clusion (Layard's Nm. and Bat. p. 640). On the
other hand, Laban's overtaking Jacob in seven days
when the latter fled from Haran to Gilead, a dis-
tance of 300 miles, seems at first sight to be topo-
graphically impossible, and obliges us to resort to
suppositions for clearing up the difficulty which lie
entirely outside of the history (see Hahan, Amer.
ed.; BibL Sacra, xxiv. 176-179: and Kitto's Dail)
Bibl. llhuL i. 320, Porter's ed. 1866). The ques-
tion whether the Moriah of Abraham's sacrifice
(Gen. xxii. 2) was the mount of that name near
Jerusalem, or Gerizim near Sbecbem, depends in
part on bow we are to dispose of the patriarch's
journey of 3 days from Hebron to the place in-
tended (see the addition to Moriah, Amer. ed.).
The Israelites prayed Pharaoh (Ex. iii. 18) to
allow them " to go a three day's journey iiito tbt
Ra. 1. 15, 2d ed.). This estimate teems slightly Data
rather than abovs the general average. H.
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DAY'S JOURNEY
HJVVlnun in order to offer sacriricea to Jel.jvah.
Some have supposed that Horeb was the place
which the; had in view in making that request.
But Horeb is about ISO miles from Suez ; travellers
with camels occupy 7 days on the way (Rob. Biol.
He. i. 60). There is no reason for finding a topo-
graphical error in 1 Kings xix. 4 ff. It is not meant
there that EUjah spent 40 days in going from Beer-
theba to Horeb; but that in the strength of the
food miraculously provided for him he wandered 40
days and nights in the desert before he came to
that mount, as Israel, nourished with manna from
heaven, wandered 40 years before reaching the
promised land. The direct journey from Beer-
sheba to Horeb is one of 8 or 10 days only (see
Keil and Delitzsch, Bicker der Kbnige, p. 190).
The day's route of the confederate kings of Israel,
Judah, and Edom in their expedition against Moab
(2 K. iii. 9 ff.), though not entirely certain, is less
uncertain for its being said that they made a
"journey of 7 days " before reaching the border of
Moab (ver. 19). The opinion at least must be
set aside that they went through Arabia so as to
march against Moab from the south, as did the Is-
raelites under Moses. It would be impossible to
make that journey in 7 days. The note here in
Keil and Delitzsch, as above (p. 286), shows the
value of the modern researches on questions of this
nature. At the same time it may be hoped that
the proper surveys and observations are soon to be
made, which will remove the vagueness connected
with these calculations by time, and give us a fixed
scale of distances at least for the places on this side
of the Jordan.
The reader may consult on the topics of this ar-
ticle, Reland, Pakutinn, pp. 397, 434, 491; Pauly,
AW-incy*. vi. 854 ff, and v. 196 ff.; Greswell's
Ditsertiitiotu on the Harmony of the Gotpele, ii.
138-142, 219, iv. 525 ff.; Winer, Realm, ii. 561;
De Wette, Lehrb. der Hebr. Archdubyie, p. 390
(1864); and Leyrer, in Herzog's Real-Encyk. xv.
167-169. The last writer refers also to Bergier,
ffitt. de* grravlt Chemint de tEmp. rom., Brux-
«1L 1728, translated in Gnevii The*. Antt. Rom.
torn. x. ; and Pilargix, De lapid. Rom. juxta viae
potieu. H.
• DAY'S JOURNEY ON THE SAB-
BATH. [Sabbath Day's Jourmey.]
DAYSMAN, an old English term, meaning
wn/nre or arbitrator (Job ix. 33). _ It is derived
from dag, in the specific sense of a day fxedfor
a trial (comp. 1 Cor. iv. 3, where iyBpawtrr)
VH*pa — lit. man's day, and so given in Wycliffe's
translation — is rendered " man's jtulyment " in the
A. V.). Similar expressions occur in German (erne
Sadie tayen = to bring a matter before a court of
justice) and other Teutonic languages. The word
' daysman " is found in Spenser's Faerie Queene,
ii. c 8, in the Bible published in 1551 (1 Sam. ii.
25), and in other works of the same age.
W. L. B.
DEACON (Siixoros: diacomu). The office
described by this title appears in the N. T. as the
correlative of iwioicowos [Bishop]. The two are
mentioned together in PhiL i. 1 ; 1 Tim. iii. 2, 8.
The union of the two in the LXX. of Is. Ix. 17. '
•say have suggested both as fit titles for the officer* I
*f the Christian Church, or have led to the adop- 1
Hon of one after the other had been chosen on inde-
pendent grounds. The coincidence, at all events, j
oon attracted notice, and was appealed to by ,
DEACON 571
Clement of Rome (1 Cor. xlii.) as prophetic. Lib
most words of similar import, it appears to has
been first used in its generic sense, implying subor-
dinate .activity (1 Coi. iii. 5; 2 Cor. vi. 4), and
afterwards to have gained a more defined connota-
tion, as applied to a distinct body of men in the
Christian society.
The narrative of Acts vi. is oommonly referred
to as giving an account of the institution of this
office. The Apostles, in order to meet the com-
plaints of the Hellenistic Jews, that their widows
were neglected in the daily ministration (SuuroWa),
call on the body of believers to choose seven men
"full of the Holy Ghost and of wisdom," whom they
" may appoint over this business." The seven arc
accordingly appointed, and it is left to them "to
serve tables " — to attend to the distribution of the
aims of the Church, in money or in kind (Neander,
PJlanz. u. LaL L 51, ed. 1847), while the ministry
(SiajtoWa) of the word is reserved for the Apostles.
On this view of the narrative the seven were the
first deacons, and the name and the office were de-
rived by other Churches from that of Jerusalem.
At a later period, the desire to reproduce the apos-
tolic pattern led in many instances to a limitation
of the deacons in a given diocese to the original
number ( Cone. Neooau. c. 14).
It may be questioned, however, whether the
seven were not appointed to higher functions than
those of the deacons of the N. T. They are
spoken of not by that title but as "the seven"
(Acts xxi. 8). The gifts implied in the words '• full
of the Holy Ghost and of wisdom " are higher
than those required for the office of deacon in 1
Tim. iii. Two out of the seven do the work of
preachers and evangelists. It has been inferred
accordingly (Stanley, Apottolie Age, p. 62), that
we meet in this narrative with the record of a
special institution to meet a special emergency, and
that the seven were not deacons, in the later sense
of the term, but commissioners who were to super-
intend those that did the work of deacons. There
are indications, however, of the existence of another
body in the Church of Jerusalem whom we may
compare with the deacons of Phil. i. 1, and 1 Tim.
iii. 8. As the *p«T$irrepoi of AcU xiv. 23, xr.
6; 1 Pet. v. 1, were not merely men advanced in
years, so the rtcinepoi or ytayiaKoi of AcU v. 6,
10 were probably not merely young men, but per-
sons occupying a distinct position and exercising
distinct functions (cf. Mosheim de Reb. Christ, p.
118). The identity of Mckotoi and wpe<r$iripot
has been shown under Bishop; and it is natural
to infer from this that there was a similar relation
between the two titles of fiJucovot and vewrepoi.
The parallelism of 6 nArtpos and i tiaxoyir in
Luke xxii. 26, tends to the same conclusion.
Assuming on these data the identity of the two
names we have to ask —
(1.) To what previous organization, if any, the
order is traceable?
(2.) What were the qualifications and functions
of the men so designated ?
I. As the constitution of the Jewish synagogue
had its elders (D'OiTt) or pastors (^DJ"1Q), so
also it had iu subordinate officers (D s 3jn), the
Irwripircu of Luke iv. 20, whose work it was to give
the nader the rolls containing the lessons for the
day, to clean the synagogue, to open and close it
at the right times (Synagogue; and see Winer).
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DEACON
It wu natural that when the Galilean disciples
bond themselves at the head of congregation* of
their own, they should adopt this as well as other
parte of the arrangements with which the; were
familiar, and accordingly the rtdmpot of AcU v.
do what the (nrtipircu of the synagogue would have
done under like circumstances.
II. The moral qualifications described in 1 Tim.
Ui. as necessary for the office of a deacon are sub-
stantially the same as those of the bishop. The
deacons, however, were not required to be "given
to hospitality," nor to be "apt to teach." It was
enough for them to " hold the mystery of the faith
Ui a pure conscience." They were not to gain their
living by disreputable occupations (p)) ajaxpo-
mptiTt)- Cn offering themselves for their work
they were to be subject to a strict scrutiny (1 Tim.
UI. 10), and if this ended satisfactorily were to enter
on it. On the view that has been taken of the
events of Acts vi., there is no direct evidence in the
N. r. that they were appointed by the laying on of
hands, but it is at least probable that what was so
familiar as the outward sign of the bestowal of
spiritual gifts or functions would not have been
omitted hi this instance, and therefore that in this
respect the later practice of the Church was in
harmony with the earlier. What the functions of
the deacons were we are left to infer from that
later practice, from the analogy of the synagogue
and from the scanty notices of the N. T. From
these data we may think of the vt&rtpoi in the
Church of Jerusalem as preparing the rooms in
which the disciples met, taking part in the distribu-
tion of alms out of the common fund, at first with
no direct supervision, then under that of the Seven,
and afterwards under the elders, maintaining order
at the daily meetings of the disciples to break
bread, baptizing new converts, distributing the
bread and the wine of the Ixnii's Supper, which
the Apostle or his representative had blessed. In
the Asiatic and Greek churches, in which the sur-
render of property and consequent dependence of
large numbers on the common treasury had never
been carried to the same extent, this work would
be one of less difficulty than it was when " the
Grecians murmured against the Hebrews," and
hence probably it was that the appointment of the
Seven stands out as a solitary fact with nothing
answering to it in the later organization. What-
sver alma there were to be distributed would nat-
urally pass through their hands, and the other func-
tions continued probably as before. It does not
appear to have belonged to the office of a deacon
to teach publicly in the Church. The possession
i! any special xdp tafia would lead naturally to a
ligher work and office, but the idea that the disc-
mate was but a probation through which a man
aad to pass before he could be an elder or bishop
las foreign to the constitution of the Church of
die 1st century. Whatever countenance it may
receive from the common patristic intepretation of
1 Tim. Ui. 13 (cf. Estius and Hammond ad loc.),
there can be little doubt (as all the higher order of
expositors have felt, cf. Wiesinger and Ellicott ad
loc.) that when St. Paul speaks of the caAor &a6
uis, which is gained by those who " do the office
of a deacon well," he refers to the honor which be-
luiigs essentially to the lower work, not to that
which they were to find in promotion to » higher.
Traces of the primitive constitution and of the
permanence of the diaconate are found even in the
note developed tysteni of which we find the com-
DEACON
meucement in the Ignatian epistles. Original*
the deacons had been the helpers of the bishop,
elder of a Church of a given district. When tht
two names of the latter title were divided and the
bishop presided, whether as promt inter para, or
with a more absolute authority over many elders
the deacons appear to hare been dependent directly
on him and not on the presbyters, and as being
his ministers, the " eyes and ears of the bishop "
( Const ApotL ii. 44), were tempted to set them-
selves up against the elder*. Hence the necessity
of laws like those of Cone. Nic. c. 18; Cone.
Cartk. ir. c 87, enjoining greater humility, and
hence probably the strong language of Ignatius as
to the reverence due to deacons (Ep. ad Trail, c.
3; ad Smtfm. c. 8). E. H. P.
* We think it proper to add a few remark* to
this article, supplementary in part, and in part by
way of dissent.
(1.) The diaconate or office of help, like the
presbytero-episcopato, grew out of the apostonV
office, which at first embraced all the ministerial
functions and duties. Christ did not appoint,
either directly or by verbal command, bishops,
priests, and deacons, but he chose apostles and
endowed them with hit Spirit, under whose guid-
ance they divided their labor with proper regard to
times and seasons, and founded such institutions
in the Church as were useful and necessary. The
diaconate originated in the congregation of Jeru-
salem at the time and on the occasion recorded in
Acts vi. 1-7.
(2.) The Seren, of ford, elected on the occasion
referred to (Acta vi. 3, cf. xxi. 8), were not extra-
ordinary commissioners or superintendents of dea-
cons (Stanley, Plumptre), but deacons in the prim-
itive sense of the term ; for their office is exprestly
described as Siaxovia, help, and ttatcortir rpawi-
(ait, to terre, or umit upon, the tablet, i. e. to
distribute food to the widows and the poor (Acta vi.
1, 2). Exegetical tradition is almost unanimously
in favor of this view, and the latest and best com-
mentators sustain it (comp. Meyer, Alfbrd and
Lange-I>echler on Acta vi. 3). In the ancient
church the number seven was even considered bind
ing; and at Home, for example, as late as the third
century, there were only seven deacons, though the
number of presbyters amounted to forty. The
name teven is no argument against this view; for
the word dencont nowhere occurs in the Acta.
There is indeed some difference between the apostolic
deacons and the ecclesiastical deacons, a difference
which is acknowledged by Chrysostom, (Ecumeuius
and others (see Suicer's Thetaurut, s. v. SutVorot ) ;
but the latter were universally regarded as the legit-
imate successors of the for ner — sa much so as the
presbyters were the successors of the uptafilntpoi
— iwtoKowoi of the N. T., — notwithstanding the
changes in their duties and relations. " In these
early days," says Alford, on AcU vi. 3, "title*
sprung out of realities, and were not mere hierarch-
ical classifications." Hackett says, on Acts vi. 8
(p. 116, 2d ed.), "The general opinion at present
is, that this order arose from the institution of the
Seven, but by a gradual extension of the sphere of
duty at first assigned to them."
(3.) There is no evidence whatever for the as-
sumption (of Moshdm, Mack, Kuinoel, Ohhausen,
Meyer, Conybeare and Howson, Stanley, and tht
writer of the above article) that the "yotm$
(younger) men" mentioned in Acts v. (of mi-
rtpoi, ver. 6, and ol rcarfo-*ei, v*r. 10; comp. Lab
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DEACON
nii. 96, where i rnirepos is used as equivalent
to i Stweavmr) were identical with de icons and reg-
ularly appointed church officers whose official duty
required them to attend to the burial of the dead.
There is no trace in the N. T. of such an ecclesias-
tical class as ol rtArtpoi, in distinction from the
wpt<r$irt?oi (who first appear Acts xi. 30), and the
alternate use of ytaylaxot in ver. 10 of the same
persons is against it. Nor was the burial of the
dead ever regarded as a part of the deacon's duty,
but was left during the first three centuries to the
kindness of friends and neighbors, until a special
class of officers catted copiata (variously derived
from Kowi(tiy, qvutcere, or from KcnrcroV, pi mctus,
or from itowiiv, Idmrtre) among the Greeks, and
Jounrii,Jimn>rt$ among the Latins, were appointed
for this office, at least in large cities, as Constanti-
nople. In the case before us the removal and
burial of the bodies of Ananias and Sapphira was
in all probability a voluntary service, for which the
younger members of the congregation would nat-
urally offer themselves from a sense of propriety,
or in obedience to Jewish custom, or on a hint given
oy Peter. (So Neander, (Irtchichte dtr Pflin-
zung, i. 67; R. Kothe, Anf&nge der Chriell.
Kircht, p. 163 ff; and De Wette, Alford, Hackett,
Lechler in loc.)
(4.) The diaconate of the Apostolic Church can-
not be derived (m is done in the above article)
from the office of "ministers" or "servants"
(0\)*P. Inmpirtu, Luke iv. 30, erf. John vii. 32)
in the Jewish synagogue, whose business was simply
to open and close the synagogues, to keep them
clean, and to hand out the books to the reader.
The correspondence between the Christian irpta-
fUrtpoi and the Jewish zckfntm (0 N 3|7*) is no
reason why the diaconate should have had a Jewish
precedent. There were no officers in the syna-
go-^ue similar to the apostles, evangelists, and dea-
conesses.
(5.) The diaconate was instituted first for the
care of the poor and the sick. Those who held the
office were alias-distributors and nurses, the deacons
for the male portion of the congregation, the dea-
conesses for the female. But this care was spiritual
as well as temporal, and implied instruction and
consolation as well as bodily relief; for Christian
charity uses poverty and affliction as occasions for
leading the soul to the source of all comfort. Hence
Paul counts the helps and ministrations (oWi-
A.4<f>«?) among the spiritual gifts (1 Cor. ill. 28).
Hence the appointment of such men for the office of
deacons as were of strong faith and exemplary piety
(Acts vi. 3; 1 Tim. iii. 8 ft*.; comp. the naprvpov-
tivojs. Acta vi. 3, and aWyirXqroi, 1 Tim. iii.
3). In many cases, no doubt, already in the apos-
. lie a^e, the diaconate was the stepping-stone to
the higher office of the presbyterate which had the
charge of public instruction, church government,
and general pastoral care. Stephen preached and
prepared the way for Paul's ministry of the Gentiles,
and Pbilip, another of the seven deacons of Jeru-
salem, subsequently labored as an evangelist (Acts
xxi. 8). The patristic interpreters refer the passage
in 1 Tim iii. 13 to promotion from the office of
leaoon to that of presbyter. [Dv.anr.r.. Amer. ed.]
But #e should not confound the liberty of the
.postolic church with 'be fixed ecclesiastical order
if a later age. In the fullness of the Holy Spirit
■si ttadar tha guidance of inspired apostles, the
DEACONESS
573
Church of the first century stood above the need of
the mechanism of office, and Divine charity was
the leveller and equalizer of all class distinctions.
p. a.
DEACONESS (JidWor: w'aconusa, Tert.)
The word Siixovos b found iu Kom. xvi. I asso-
ciated with a female name, and this has led to the
conclusion that there existed in the apostolic age,
as there undoubtedly did a little later (Pliny, Kp.
ad Trig.), an order of women bearing that title,
and exercising in relation to their own sex functions
which were analogous to those of the deacons. Ou
this hypothesis it has been inferred that the women
mentioned in Kom. xvi. 6, 12, belonged to such an
order (Herzog, Re'U-hSncyU. s. v.). The rates
given as to the conduct of women in 1 Tim. iii. 11,
Tit. ii. 3, have in like manner been referred to
them (Chrysost, Theophyl., Hamm., Wiesinger,
ad foe. ), and they hate been identified even with
the " widows " of 1 Tim. v. 3-10 (Schaff, Apott
ATtrcAe, p. 3)0 [Amer. ed. in English p. 635 ff.]).
In some of these instances, however, it seems
hardly doubtful that writers have transferred to the
earliest age of the Church the organization of a
later. It was of course natural that the example
recorded in Luke viii. 2, 3, should be followed by
others, even when the Lord was no Ungtr with his
disciples. The new life which pervaded the whole
Christian society (Acts ii. 44, 45, iv. 31, 32) would
lead women as well as men to devote themselves to
labors of love. The strong feeling that the true
8pr)<TKila of Christians consisted in " visiting the
fatherless and the widow" would make this the
special duty of those who were best fitted to under-
take it The social relations of the sexes in the
cities of the empire (cf. Grot, on Kom. xvi. 1)
would make it fitting that the agency of women
should be employed largely in the direct personal
application of Christian truth (Tit. ii. 3, 4), pos-
sibly in the preparation of female catechumens.
Kven the later organization implies the previous
existence of the germs from which it was developed.
It may be questioned, however, whether the pas-
sages referred to imply a recognized body bearing a
distinct name. The "widows " of 1 Tim. v. 3-10
were clearly, so far as the rule of ver. 9 was acted
on, women who were no longer able to discbarge
the active duties of life, and were therefore main-
tained by the Church that they might pass their
remaining days in " prayers night and day." Tlie
conditions of v. 10 may, however, imply that those
only who had been previously active in ministering
to the brethren, who had in that sense been dea-
conesses, were entitled to such a maintenance. For
the fuller treatment of this subject, see Wipow.
On the existence of deaconesses in the apottoth
age, see Mosheim, <h Rtb. Christ, p. 118; Nean-
der, Pfianz. u. LtiL i. 265; Augusti, Handb. der
Chrul. A. chart. U. 3. E. H. P.
* Ziegler's De Diaeonu et DinamMt vttcrit
KccJetia (Wittenberga;, 1678), a monograph of
sterling value, shoukl not be left out of the list
here. The reader will find the argument for " dea-
conesses " in the primitive church well stated by
Dr. Schaff in his Hittory of the Apnttolie Ciiarck,
p. 635. He understands the controverted Kara-
KryJtrOf, 1 Tim. v. 9, of " election and ordina-
tion" to this particular office. Pressense' also
(Hittoire da (row premiere Siecle; ii. 234) holds
to the existence of this order of women in the first
Christian age, but places it not so much on tbs
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»T4
DEACONESS
grout, d of explicit Scripture proof, as that of gen-
eral fitness and probability. Huther's view is not
essentially different from this. Without supposing
that the widows in question were formally set apart
to an official work at this early period, he thinks
that their '• being put on the roll " (naraXiytofoi)
at those wholly supported by the Church would
naturally bring with it the result, as it did the ob-
ligation, of devoting themselves to such works of
benevolence as were suited to their age and sex.
(See in Meyei's COmm. iib. dm N. Tett. viii. 64.)
Out of this Awtix may have grown the female
fiaeonate of later times
Kev. J. S. Uowson, D. D., has written a valu-
ible treatise on this subject: Ihaconaset ; or,
The Official Ht%> of Women in Parochial Work
vi«J in Charitable Institutions (Lond. 1800). He
sneaks here in a more positive tone than in his
life and Epistles of St. Paul, of the validity of
the text* to which appeal is usually made in proof
at such ministrations in the apostolic church. He
pleads for the revival of the institution in Protes-
tant churches, and states the results of some at-
tempts for this purpose in England, France, and
Germany. See also bis remarks on this point in
his still later work: Scene* from the life of Su
Paul, and their Helioious Lessons (Lond. 1866).
For the later ecclesiastical opinions and usages
on this subject, the reader may see Woman' t Work
in tlie Church, by J. M. Ludlow (Lond. 1865).
The writer treats there less fully of the Scripture
argument, assuming rather than proving, that oV
aWorof applied to Phoebe (Kom. xvi. 1) can mean
only "deaconess." as the correlative of "deacon,"
and that -yvrujcas (1 Tim. iii. 11) must mean
"deaconesses," and that all other explanations are
impossible. Dissenting from most of those who
yet adopt his conclusion on the main question, he
denies that the "widows" (1 Tim. v. 9 ft) were
deaconesses at all, and thus relies almost wholly
upon the controverted yunautcts for his Scripture
proof of a primitive female diaconate. See also
Church Polity, by H. J. Ripley, D. D. (Boston,
1867). The author suggests that on whatever
ground the Scripture warrant for this office may
be put, its proper sphere of exercise is not to con-
flict with the Apostle's news of woman's position
In the church (1 Cor. xiv. 84, 36; 1 Tim. ii. IS).
It may not be known to all readers that the
earliest Congregational churches in England, in the
18th century, recognized fully this order of female
laborers as a part of their organization. Robert
Browne (1582) speaks of the deacon as "the re-
liever " and the deaconess as " the widow " (Han-
bury's Memorials) minting to Independent*, i. 21).
The Separate or Congregational church of Gains-
borough, England (1D89) — out of which came the
Scrooby church, the Leyden church, and the Ply-
nouth church — had "relievers" or "widows," who
nust lie '• widows of 60 years of age at least," whose
#ork it was "to minister to the sick," &c. (Hon-
our), i. 30, 31). Johnson and Ainsworth's Con-
gregational church in Amsterdam (1606) had "one
ancient widow for a deaconess." Though 60 years
aid when chosen, "she did frequently visit the sick
tnd weak: . . . and if they were poor, she would
rather relief of them that were able, or acquaint
he deacons ; and she was obeyed as an officer of
Christ" (Young's Chronicle*, p. 455, Boston,
1841 ). The Cambridge Platform (eh. vii. § 7) rec-
ognizes this office of deaconess. " The Lord hath
appointed ancient widows (where the; may he had)
DEAD, THE
to minister in the Church, in giving attendance It
the sick, and to give succor onto them, and others
in the like necessities." The Rev. Mr. Punchard,
well known for his studies in the early ecclesiastical
history of New England, has kindly pointed out to
the writer the foregoing references. H.
DEAD SEA. This name nowhere occurs in
the Bible, and appears not to have existed until the
2d century after Christ. It originated in an erro-
neous opinion, and there can be little doubt that
to the name is due in a great measure the mistaken
and misrepresentations which were for so long prev-
alent regarding this lake, and which have not in-
deed yet wholly ceased to exist.
In the O. T. the lake is called " the Salt Sea,"
and " the Sea of the Plain " (Arabah); and under
the former of these names it will be found described
[Sea, TnE Salt.] O
* The popular name of this remarkable sheet of
water is a natural and appropriate appellation,
although exaggerated stories have been current re-
specting its properties — among them the fable
that it exhales a noxious miasma. Reposing in its
deep chasm or caldron, without any current or out-
let; its heavy waters impregnated with mineral
salts, combined with asphaltum and sulphur, acrid
and nauseous to the taste, and fatal to animal and
vegetable life; no fin stirring its still depths, and
no flowers or foliage fringing its borders; its shores
and surrounding territory sterile, desolate and
dreary; the whole region lonely and stem, and
bearing marks of some dread convulsion of nature :
the cemetery of cities that once occupied a portion
of its site, and a perpetual memorial of the right-
eous judgments of God ; — by what more suitable
and expressive name can it be called, than that by
which it is now generally known, The Dead Sea?
s. w.
•DEAD, THE. By this term the A. V.
represents the Hebrew word O^SD"} (once trans-
lated, deceased, Is. xxvi. 14), as well as the word
DO to which it properly corresponds. It thus
confounds two words of very different import; and
what is greatly to be regretted, it eflaces, in tot
English version of the Hebrew Scriptures, a dis-
tinct and striking recognition of the separate exis-
tence of the soul, or spiritual part of man, after
the death of the body.
The dead (those who have ceased to live on earth,
and are therefore absolutely dead to all earthly re-
lations) are represented by DVH12, which, as gen-
eric, includes also the other term.
The other term translated dead, O^VST), means
disembodied spirits separated from the body at
death, and continuing to live in a separate existeiKU.
According to Fiirst (Heb. «. Chidil Handm. r?9""!,
II.), it is from a root meaning to be obscure, dark,
and was applied, by the same figure as the German
Schntten, to departed spirits, conceived as mere
shadowy forms. According to Gesenius, it means,
either the quiet, the silent, from their supposed stat*
of inactivity and repose, " ut incoue regni tenebrosi
et silentis " (comp. Is. xiv. 9), or the weak, tht
feeble, " debiles, Jiaccidi, . . . quod nianium n»
tune satis accommodatum est," b. xiv. 10 ( The*
iii. 1302).«
•Dstltaeeh, System itr BM. AyeaoJatM, n 4S»
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DEARTH
In either caw, it is well represented by the word
tsaele, by which the same object is designated in
English usage. The Hebrew word occurs in the
following passages, which show the importance of
the distinction overlooked in the A. V.
The shades tremble,
Beneath the waters and their Inhabitants.
Job xxvl. 6.
Wilt thou show wonders to the dead T
Will the shades arise and praise thee?
Pa. lxxxvlii. 10.
lor her horns Inclines to death,
And her wars to the shades.
Pror. U. 18.
And he knows not that the shades an there,
Her guests in the depths of the underworld !
Pror. lx. 18.
The boldness of this truthful re p r es en tation is
worthy of notice. " Her house " is called (ch. vii.
27) "ways to the underworld," and "her steps''
(it is said in ch. v. 5) " take hold on it; " so uear
to its abodes, that (by a bold figure) the shades of
the dead are there, and her guests are in the depths
of hell!
Other passages in which this word occurs are
Pror. xxi. 16 ; Is. xiv. 9, xxvi. 14, 19. See, iu the
art. Giants, the paragraph added at the close of
No. 3. T. J. C.
DEARTH. [Famish.]
DE'BIR, the name of three places of Palestine.
1. (13?, but in Judg. and Chr. "TO"} [hiuJer
pirt as of a temple, and hence the tinensary, Gen. ;
perh. pasture, r'iirst] : Aafflf, [Vat.] Alex. Ao-
fitip : Dabir), a town in the mountains of Judab
(Josh. xr. 49), one of a group of eleven cities to
the west of Hebron. In the narrative it is men-
tioned as being the next place which Joshua took
after Hebron (x. 38). It was the seat of a king
(x. 39, xti. 13), and was one of the towns of
the Anakim, from which they were utterly des-
troyed by Joshua (xi. 21). The earlier name of
Debir was Kikjath-sepher, "city of book"
(Josh. xv. 15; Judg. i. 11), and Kikjath-san-
nah, "city of palm" [or palm-branch or leaf]
(Josh. xv. 49). The records of its conquest vary,
though not very materially. In Josh. xv. 17 and
Judg. L 13 a detailed account is given of its cap-
hire by Othniel son of Kenaz, for love of Achsah
the daughter of Caleb, while in the general his-
tory of the conquest it is ascribed to the great
commander himself (Josh. x. 38, 39) [sinoe the
acts of the principal and the subordinate in such a
case may be ascribed to one or the other]. In the
but two passages the name is given in the Hebrew
text as Uebirah (iTja^). It was one of the cities
given with their " suburbs " (G71JO) to the priests
(Josh. xxi. 15; 1 Chr. vi. 58). Debir does not
appear to hare been known to Jerome, nor has it
been discovered with certainty in modern times.
About time miles to the \V. of Hebron is a deep
and sccl'ided valley called the Wady Nunkir, in-
rkned -jo the north by hills of which one bears a
foot-not* : « Der Name der Hadeebewohner O^NSI
tt# Bchlanen (von HJ") schlaff, matt ssln) stimmt su
Sen hntnerinchen Benennuugeu ot vafuirrfv die Kr-
Mhlaftten, optyvrA «apipa die Driupter ohne Kraft
!fi*>nc). itkuu, rttaaAo, und kommt such In der Inaehrlft
■ " il " " "
DEBORAH Mb
name certainly suggestive of Debir, — Dextr-bam.
(See the narrative of Rosen in the ZtUtck. d. D.
M. G. 185T, pp. 60-64.) The subject, and indeed
the whole topography of this district, requires fur-
ther examination : in the mean time it is perhapr
some confirmation of Dr. Rosen's suggestion that
a village or site on one of these bills was pointed
out to the writer as called Isa, the Arabic name fot
Joshua. Schwara (p. 86) speaks of a Wady Dibit
in this direction. Van de Velde {Memoir, p. 807)
finds Debir at DObek, six mile* S. W. of Hebron
where Stewart mentions a spring brought dowt
from a high to a low level by an aqueduct.
2. ("13^: M to TeVopTOK rij» (pdpayyn
'Ax«V : Oebera.) A place on the north bouudarj
of Jitdah, near the "Valley of Achor" (Josh, xv
7), and therefore somewhere in the complicatioi i
of hill and ravine behind Jericho. De Saulcy (ii.
139) attaches the name Thour-td-Dabour" to the
ruined khan on the right of the road from Jerusa-
lem to Jericho, at which travellers usually stop to
refresh [themselves], but this is not corroborated
by any other traveller. The name given to it by
the Arabs when the writer passed (1858) was Khan
ffatherurak. A Wady Dabor is marked In Van
de Velde's map as close to the S. of Neby M&sa,
at the N. W. corner of the Dead Sea.
3. The "border (Vl3?) of Debir" is named as
forming part of the boundary of Gad (Josh. xiii.
26), and as apparently not far from Mahanaim.
Keiand (p. 734) conjectures that the name may pos-
sibly be the same as Lodebar ("13T7), but no
identification has yet taken place (LXX. Aai/iaV,
[Vat.] Alei. Ao0<ip: Dabir). Lying in the grat-
ing country on the nigh downs east of Jordan, the
name may be derived from ~O^T, Dibar, the
same word which is the root of Midbar, the wilder-
ness or pasture (see Gee. p. 318). [Desert.]
G.
DE'BIR C"f*37: Aaffly, [Vat Aa&tw,]
Alex. Aa/9«p: Dabir), king of Eglon, a town in
the low country of Judah; one of the five kings
hanged by Joshua (Josh. x. 3, 23).
DEB'ORA (AsASaprf ; [Alex. Ae/jAa/w:
Vulg. omits]), a woman of Kaphtali. muther of
Tobiel, the father of Tobit (Tub. i. 8) The same
name as
DEBORAH (rnb'T [bet]: As/tyMa,
[Alex.) Atfi&apa: Dtbora). 1. The nurse of Re
bekah (Gen. xxxv. 8). Nurses held a high and
honorable place in ancient times, and especially in
the East (2 K. xi. 2; Horn. Od. i. 429; Virg. JBn.
vii. 2, " /Eneia nutrix; " Or. Met, xiv. 441). where
they were often the principal members of the fam-
ily (2 Chr. xxii. 11; Jahn, Arch. BibL § 166).
Deborah accompanied Rebekah from the boose of
Bethuel (Gen. xxiv. 59), and is only mentioned by
name on the occasion of her burial, under the oak-
tree 6 of Bethel, which was called in her bonoi
Alton- BacLitb (BdAaro; wsVffovt, LXX.). Such
spots were usually chosen for the purpose (Gen.
xxiii. 17, 18; 1 Sam. xxxl 13; 2 K. xxi. 18, Ac.).
a De Saulcy quotes the name In Joshua as " Da-
bor ; " but on what authority is not apparent. Oar*
taioly not that of the Hebrew or the Vulgate.
* • The A. T. omits the article, and thus obasnrst
the tact that the tree was well known for ages. B
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676 DEBORAH
Many have been puzzled at finding her in Jacob'g
family; ii is unlikely that she was sent to summon
Jacob from Harun (as Jarchi suggests), or that she
had returned during the lifetime of Kebekah, and
was now coming to visit her (as Abarbanel and
others say); but she may very well have returned
at Rebekah'a death, and that she urn dead is prob-
able from the omission of her name in Gen. xxxv.
37; and if, according to the Jewish legend, Jacob
first lieard of his mother's death at this spot, it will
be an additional reason for the name of the tr«e,
and may pot$ibly be implied in the expression
T?y3» comforted, A. V. "Mewed" (Gen. niv.
»; see' too Ewald, Getch. i. 390).
2. [At&0<ipa: Debbora.'] A prophetess who
Judged Israel (Judg. iv., v.). Her name, n^,
means "a bee" (or <rd>4(, "a wasp"), just as M«-
\tacra and Melitilla were proper names. This
name may imply nothing whatever, being a mere
appellative, derived like Kachel (a lamb), Tamar (a
palm), Ac., from natural objects; although she was
(as Corn, a Lapide quaintly puts it) tuis meUtn,
hottibw ncuieaia. Some, however, see in the name
an official title, implying her prophetic authority.
A bee was an Egyptian symbol of regal power (cf.
Call. Jm: 66. and t't. Mag. s. v. iooJ\v)\ and
among the Greeks the term was applied not only
to posts (more npu Mntina, Hot.), and to those
peculiarly chaste (as by the Neoplatonists), but es-
pecially to the priestesses of Delphi (xpv°~pb* pt-
Kltrtrdt AtA^ltos, Pind. P. iv. 106), Cybele,
and Artemis (Oeuzer, SymboKJc, iii. 354, Ac.), just
as laafo was to the priests (IJddell and Scott,
». r.). In both these senses the name suits her,
since she was essentially a vates or seer, combining
the functions of poetry and prophecy.
She lived under the palm-tree (" such tentt the
patriarchs loved," Coleridge) of Deborah, between
Kamah and Bethel in Mount Ephraim (Judg. iv. S),
which, as palm-trees were rare in Palestine, "is
mentioned as a well-known and solitary landmark,
and was probably the same spot as that called
(Judg. xx. 33) Baal-Tamar, or the sanctuary of
the palm " (Stanley, S. <f- P. p. 146). Von Boh
len (p. 334) thinks that this tree is identical with
Allon-Uachuth (Gen. xxxv. 8), the name and local-
ity l>eing nearly the same (Ewald, Gescti. i. 391,
405), although it is unhistorical to say that this
" may have suggested a name for the nurse " (Hiiv-
ernick's Inlrod. to Pent. p. 201; Kalisch, Gen. ad
loc.). Possibly it is again mentioned as "the oak
of Tabor," in 1 Sam. x. 3, where Thenius would
read rnSyj for TOT). At any rate it was a
well-known tree, and she may have chosen it from
its previous associations.
She was probably a woman of Ephraim, although
from the expression in Judg. v. 15, some suppose
lier to have belonged to Issachar (Ewald, Getck. ii.
489). Hie expression DTPS'? iHtt?'$ is much
disputed ; it is generally thought to mean " wife of
I *pid->th," as in A. V. ; but other versions render
it " uxor principis," or " Fcemina L&pidothana "
a • Casssl (Rkhicr una Kuih, p. 48) explains tappA-
doth (see above) of the fiery spirit, enthusiasm, and
ardor, which burned in her, and enabled her to set
>thers OD fire by the contagion of her own example.
The beautiful fountain at the base of the hill on which
MAton stands, the place of the famous Jewish ceme-
•,ery, *t» at 6 miles west of Saftd, Is known among the
DEBORAH
(" that great dame of Lapidoth," Tennyson), or
mutier iplendorum, i. e. one divinely illuminated,
since flTY'S/^ lightnings. But the most pro-
saic notion is that of the rabbis, who take it U
mean that the attended to the tabernacle lamps
from TB7, lapfIA, a lamp! The fern, termina-
tion is often found in men's names, as in Sbclo-
mith (1 Chr. xxiii. 9), Koheleth, Ac Lapidoth
*jv¥i was probably her husband, and not Barak, as
some say.
Sbe was not so much a judge (a title which be-
longs rather to Barak, Heb. xi. 32) as one gifted
with prophetic command (Judg. iv. 6, 14, v. 7),
and by virtue of her inspiration " a mother in Is-
rael." Her sex would give her additional weight,
as it did to V'eleda and Alaurinia among the Ger-
mans, from an instinctive belief in the divinity of
womanhood (Tac. Germ. c. 8). Compare the in-
stances of Miriam, Huldah, Anna, Noadiah (2 K.
xxii. 14; Neh. vi. 14).
Jabin's tyranny was peculiarly felt in the north-
em tribes, which were near his capital and under
her jurisdiction, namely, Zebulon, Naphtali, and Is-
sachar; hence, when she summoned Barak to the
deliverance, " it was on them that the brunt of the
battle fell ; but they were joined by the adjacent
central tribes, Ephraim, Manasseh, and Benjamin,
though not by those of the extreme west, south,
and east" (Stanley, p. 339). Under her directiev
Barak encamped on " the broad summit of Tabor '
(Joseph. B. J. ii. 20, § 6). When asked to jc-
company him, " she answered indignantly, Thou,
oh Barak, deliverest up meanly the authority which
God hath given tbee into the hands of a woman ;
neither do I reject it" (Joseph. Ant. v. 5, § 2).
The LXX. interpolate the words Sti owe oIJa tV
fifiipav eV J cvoSoi o Kvpms to* &yye\ov ucr'
Ipoi as a sort of excuse for Barak's request (iv. 8;
cf. 14, v. 23). When the small band of ill-armed
(Judg. v. 8) Israelites saw the dense iron chariots
of the enemy, " they were so frightened that they
wished to march off at once, had not Deborah de-
tained them, and commanded them to fight the
enemy that very day" (Joseph. I.e.). They did
so, but Deborah's prophecy was fulfilled (Judg. iv.
9), and the enemy's general perished among the
"oaks of the wanderers (Zaanaim)," in the tent
of the Bedouin Kenite's wife (Judg. iv. 21) in the
northern mountains. " And the land had rest forty
years" (Judg. v. 31). For the natural phenomena
which aided (Judg. v. 20, 21 ) the victory, and the
other details (for which we have ample authority in
the twofold narration in prose and poetry >, sec Ba-
rak, where we have also entered on tho difficult
question of the chronology (Ewald, (letch, ii. 489-
494).
Deborah'i title of "prophetess" (n^ , 35)
includes the notion of inspired poetry, as in Ex. xv.
20; and in this sense the glorious triumphal ode
(Judg. v.) well vindicates her claim to the cUlce.
On this ode much has been written, and there arc
separate treatises about it by Hollmann, KaUai.
Jews at present as Deborah's fountain. They have a
tradition that the heroine passed there with Barak on
his march to Tabor, and bathed in this fountain ec
the morning of the decisive battle See the writn
lltuttr. of Scripture, p. 243 (revised ed.) ; and Thorn
son's land and Book, 1. 424. B
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DEBTOR
*■* Koarick. ft is also explained by Ewald (die
Po *i- Bucher det Allen Bundet, i. 125), and Gum-
¥«ch (Alttestament. Stxdien, pp. 1-140)."
F. W. F.
DEBTOR. [Loan.]
DECAP'OLIS (AondroJUt, "the ten cit-
ies"). This name occurs only three timet in the
Scriptures, Matt. ir. 25; Mark v. 20, and ni. 31;
but it is frequently mentioned by Joeephus and
other ancient writers. Immediately after the con-
quest of Syria by the Romans (a. c. 65), ten cities
appear to have been rebuilt, partially colonised, and
endowed with peculiar privileges: the country
around them was hence called Decnpolu. The
limits cf tin territory were not very clearly defined ;
and prcl ably in the course of time other neighbor-
ing cities received similar privileges. This may
account for the fact that ancient geographers speak
so indefinitely of the province, and do not even
agree as to the names of the cities themselves.
Pliny (v. 18) admitting that " non omnea eadem
observant," enumerates them as follows: Scythopo-
lit. Hippo*, Oadara, Petto, Philadelphia, Genua,
Dion, Canatha, Damntcut, and Raphana. Ptol-
emy (v. 17) makes Cnpitotias one of the ton; and
an old Palmyrene inscription quoted by Reland
(Pal. p. 625) includes Abila, a town which, accord-
ing to Eusebius ( Onom. s. v. Abifa) was 12 Roman
miles east of Gadara. Josephus (B. J. iii. 9, § 7)
calls ScythopoUs the largest city of Decapolis, thus
manifestly excluding Damascus from the number.
All the cities of Decapolis, with the single excep-
tion of Scythopolis, lay on the east of the Jordan;
and both Eusebius and Jerome ( Onom. s. v. De-
cipoUt) say that the district was situated " beyond
the Jordan, around Hippos, Pella, and Gadara,"
that is, to the east and southeast of the Sea of
Galilee. With this also agrees the statement in
Mark v. 20, that the demoniac who was cured at
Gadara " began to publish in Decapolis how great
things Jesus had done to him." It would appear,
however, from Matt. iv. 25 and Mark vii. 31, that
Decapolis was a general appellation for a large dis-
trict extending along both sides of the Jordan.
Pliny (v. 18) says it reached from Damascus on the
north to Philadelphia on the south, and from Scy-
thopolis on the west to Canatha on the east — thus
making it no less than 100 miles long by 60 broad ;
and he adds, that between and around these cities
ve tetrarchles, each like a kingdom; such as Trach-
onilis, Paneas, Abila, Area, Ac.
This region, once so populous and prosperous,
from which multitudes flocked to hear the Saviour,
and through which multitudes followed his foot-
stops — is now almost without an inhabitant. Six
out of the ten cities are completely ruined and de-
lated. Scythopolis, Gadara, and Canatha have
still a lew families, living, more like wild beasts
than human beings, amid the crumbling ruins of
palaces, and in the cavernous recesses of old tombs.
Damascus alone continues to flourish, like an oasis
in a desert. J. L. P.
• DECEITFULLY, A. V. Job vi. 15 ft*.
•* Deceitful as a brook," appears to have been a
sort of proverb among the Semitic tribes. Thus,
Job in the above passage compares the conduct of
insincere, false-hearted friends to the streams of the
DECEITFULLY
577
<• • For th« toller literature of the Son*, ass Bass.
L H
37
uaKjaxxr uuux
desert Dr. Conant (Book of Job, p. 24)
lates the passage thus: —
"My brethren are deceitful, Ilka to* brook,
As the channel of brooks that pass away:
That become turbid, from ice ;
Toe snow hides Itself in them.
At the tun* they are poured off; they fall ;
When It Is hot they are consumed from their
place.
The caravans along their way turn aside ;
They go up Into the wastes, and perish.
The caravans of Tama looked ;
The companies of Sneba waited for them
They were ashamed that they had trusted ,
They came thither and ware confounded- "
The ground of the comparison here lies in the
uncertain character of the brooks or streams in the
East. A detailed example may best serve to illus-
trate the peculiarity referred to. On the 2d of
April the writer crossed the stone bridge to the
right of Ktdonieh, 1) hours to the northwest of
Jerusalem. The channel of the stream was then
entirely destitute of water. Richardson ( Travel*
along the Mediterranean, ii. 236) found there on
the 15th of April, of another year, " a small brook
trickling down the valley." Prokescb (Heine mi
htiliyt Land, p. 41), who was there at another
time, a few weeks later in the season, speaks of a
full rushing stream as dashing along the water-bed.
Otto von Richtor ( Wattfahrten im Morgenlande,
p. 16) who was there in August, says that it con-
tained then a little water. Again, Salzbacher (£r-
tmterungen am meiner PilgerretH, ii. 31), who
saw the brook near the end of June, says that it
was then entirely dry. The stream, therefore, is
evidently a very precarious one. It varies not only
in winter, but at the same season in different years.
It is a fair example of what is true of eastern
brooks in general. These water-courses, as they
may more properly be called, flow with water dur-
ing the rainy season ; but soon after that are liable
to be wholly dried up, or if they contain water still
later, contain it only for a longer or shorter time,
according to their situation and the severity of the
heat of particular years. Hence, the traveller in
quest of water must often be disappointed when he
comes to such streams. He may find them en-
tirely exhausted ; or, he may find the water gone at
the place where he approaches them, though it may
still linger in other places which elude his observa-
tion; he may perceive, from the moisture of the
ground, that the last drops have just disappeared,
and that he has arrived but a few hours too late
for the attainment of his object. Fainting with
thirst and after many a weary step out of his direct
course in pursuit of the cooling stream, the way-
farer reaches at length the place of hoped-for relief,
but only to be doomed to disappointment — the
deceitful brook has fled.
We meet with the same comparison somewhat
differently applied in Jer. xv. 18. The prophet's
sky had long been darkened with trouble and sor-
row; but the helper for whom be was waiting de-
layed to come. The more exact translation would
be: —
" Why Is my affliction perpetual
And my wound Incurable ?
It will not be healed.
Tboo art to me as a lying brook,
As waters which are not endming."
Thomson (Land and Book, ii. 231) hat soma
remarks no this cliaractoristic of the brook. II*
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678 DECISION, VALLEY OF
supposes, on account of the reference to Tema and
Sheba, that the streams which suggested Job's il-
lustration are thorn " which flowed down from the
high lands of Gilead and Baahan, and came to
nothing in the neighboring desert." H.
• DECISION, VALLEY OF.
HAPHAT.]
[Jehos-
DETJAN flT^ [dtprtuhm, low country,
Fiirst] : AaSdv; [Vat. in 1 Chr. louSaSaj-:] Da-
dan). 1. The name of a son of Kaamah, son of
Cush (Gen. x. 7; 1 Chr. i. 9, "the sons of Kaa-
mah, Sheba, and Dedan ").
2. [In Gen. A, JdV, Alex. Aaitttr; 1 Chr. and
E*. AaiiaV; Jer. xxv. 23, AeuSdV, FA. Attar;
xlix. 8, AculAp, Alex. FA. Aaibay: Dadan, De-
dan.] That of a son of Jokshan, son of Keturah
(Gen. xxv. 3, and " Jokshan begat Sheba and De-
dan. And the sons of Dedan were Asshurim, Le-
tushhn, and Uummim." Cf. 1 Chr. i. 83). The
usual opinion respecting these founders of tribes is
that the first settled among the sons of Cush,
wherever these latter mar be placed ; the second, on
the Syrian borders, about the territory of Edom.
But Gesenius and Winer hare suggested that the
name may apply to one tribe; and this may be
adojited as probable, on the supposition that the
descendants of the Keturahite Dedan intermarried
with those of the Cushite Dedan, whom the writer
places, presumptively, on the borders of the Persian
Gulf. [Arabia, <.'r»H, Kaamah, Ac.] The
theory of this mixed descent gains weight from the
fact that in each case the brother of Dedan is named
Sheba. It may be supposed that the Dedanites
were among the chief traders traversing the cara-
van-route from the head of the Persian Gulf to the
south of Palestine, bearing merchandise of India,
and possibly of Southern Arabia; and hence the
mixture of such a tribe with another of different
(and Keturahite) descent presents no impossibility.
The passages in the Bible in which Dedan is men-
tioned (besides the genealogies above referred to)
are contained in the prophecies of Isaiah, Jeremiah,
and Ezekiel, and are in every case obscure. The
Kdomite settlers seem to be referred to in Jer. xlix.
8, where Dedan is mentioned in the prophecy
against Edom ; again, in xxv. 23, with Tema and
Bur; in Er.. xxv. 13, with Teman, in the prophecy
against Edom ; and in Is. xxl. 13 (" The burden
upon Arabia. In the forest in Arabia shall ye
lodge, O ye travelling companies of Dedanim"),
with Tema and Kedar. This last passage is by
some understood to refer to caravans of the Cushite
Dedan ; and although it may only signify the wan-
dering propensities of a nomad tribe, such as the
Edomite portion of Dedan may have been, the
supposition that it means merchant-caravans is
strengthened by the remarkable words of Ksekiel
in the lamentation for Tyre. This chapter (xxvii.)
twice mentions Dedan ; first in ver. 16. where, after
enumerating among the traffickers with the mer-
chanKaty many Asiatic peoples, it is said, " The
children of Dedan were thy merchants, many isles
(D*H4) were the merchandise of thine hand: they
'irought thee for a present horns of ivory, and
ebony." Passing thence to Syria and western and
northern peoples, the prophet again (in ver. 20)
mentions Dedan in a manner which seems to point
to the wide-spread and possibly the mixed ancestry
of this tribe. V*. 15 may be presumed to allude
BsaeelaDy so the CushiU Dedan (cf. ch. xxxriii. 13,
DEDICATION, FEAST OF THE
where we find Dedan with Sheba and this merchants
of Tarshish ; apparently, from the context, the De
dan of ch. xxvii. 15); but the passage commencing
in v. 20 appears to include the settlers on the bor-
ders of Edom (i. e. the Keturahite Dedan). Thr
whole of the passage is as follows: " Dedan [was]
thy merchant in precious clothes for chariots.
Arabia, and all the princes of Kedar, they occupied
with thee in Iambs, and rams, and goats : in these
[were they] thy merchants. The merchants of
Slicba and Kaamah they [were] thy merchants :
they occupied in thy fairs with chief of sll spices,
and with all precious stones, and gold. ITarau, and
Canneh, and Eden, the merchants of Sheba, As
shur, [and] Chilmad, [were] thy merchants." (Ex
xxvii. 30-23.) We have here a Dedan connected
with Arabia (probably the northwestern part of
the peninsula) and Kedar, and also with the fathes
and brother of the Cushite Dedan (Kaamah and
Sheba), and these latter with Asiatic peoples com-
monly placed in the regions bordering the head of
the Persian Gulf. This Dedan moreover is a mer-
chant, not in pastoral produce, in sheep and goats,
but in " precious clothes," in contradistinction to
Arabia and Kedar, like the far-off eastern nations
who came with " spices and precious stones and
gold," "bine clothes and broidered work," and
" chest' of rich apparel."
The probable inferences from these mentions of
Dedan support the argument first stated, namely :
1. That Dedan son of Raamah settled on the shores
of the Persian Gulf, and his descendants became
caravan-merchants between that coast and Pales-
tine. 2. That Jokshan, or a son of Jokshan, by
intermarriage with the Cushite Dedan formed a
tribe of the same name, which appears to hare had
its chief settlement in the borders of Idunuea, and
perhaps to have led a pastoral life.
All traces of the name of Dedan, whether in Idu-
nuea or on the Persian Gulf, are lost in the works
of Arab geographers and historians. The Greek
and Roman geographers however throw some light
on the eastern settlement; and a native indication
of the name is presumed to exist in the island of
Dadan, on the borders of the gulf. The identifica-
tion must be taken in connection with the writer's
recovery of the name of Sheba, the other son of
Raamah, on the island of AwdL, near the Anibian
shore of the same gulf. This is discussed in the
art. Raamah. e. S. P.
DED'ANIM (tTOTT: AaM»: fleoVuwm),
Is. xxi. 13. [Dkdan.]
DEDICATION, FEAST OF THE (to.
iyxatyta, John x. 22: Encomia, Vulg.; 6 tyKai-
vurfibs tov BvctacTvpiav, 1 Mace. iv. 56 and 59
(the same term as is used in the IJCX. for the
dedication of the altar by Moans, Num. vii. 10):
o KoBaptvubs toG rood, 2 Maoc. x. 6: Mishna,
r?33ri, i. e. dedication : Joseph, p&ra, Ant. xii.
7, § 7), the festival instituted to commemorate th«
purging of the Temple and the rebuilding of the
altar after Judas Maccabeus bad driven out the
Syrians, b. c. 164. It is named only once in the
Canonical Scriptures, John x. 22. Its institution
is recorded 1 Mace. iv. 62-1 9. It commenced on
the 25th of Chialeu, the anuhersary of the pollu-
tion of the Temple by Antiockus Epiphanes, B. c
167. Like the great Mosaic feasts, it lasted sigh/
days, but it did not require attendance at Jems*
lem. It was sn occasion of much festivity. Tbs
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DEEP, THE
•Titer of 3 Mace, tells us that it was celebrated in
nearly the same manner m the Feast of Taberna-
cles, with the carrying of branches of trees, and
with much singing (x. 6, 7). Joeephus states that
the festival was called " Lights," and that be sup-
poses the name was given to it from the joy of the
nation at their unexpected liberty — tV iopr^v
Hyofity KOAovtTf? airily *»to, ix rov tap" i\-
wttos otpai Taint)* iiiur <pavjjyat tV ifytvalav
(Ant. xii. 7, § 7). The Mishna informs us that
no fast on account of any public calamity could be
commenced during this feast. In the Gemara a
story is related that when the Jews entered the
Temp''}, after driving out the Syrians, they found
there nly one bottle of oil which had not been pol-
luted, rad that this was miraculously increased, so
as to feed the lamps of the sanctuary for eight
days. Maimonides ascribes to this the custom of
the Jews illuminating each house with one candle
on the first day of the feast, two on the second day,
three on the third, and so on. Some had this
number of candles for each person in the house.
Neither the books of Maccabees, the Mishna, nor
Josephus mention this custom, and it would seem
to be of later origin, probably suggested by the
name which Josephus gives to the festival. In the
Temple at Jerusalem, the " Hallel " was sung every
day of the feast
In Ezra (vi. 16) the word H^rj, applied to
the dedication of the second Temple, on the third
of Adar, is rendered in the LXX. by iy/colrta, and
in the Vulg. by detUcatio. But the anniversary of
that day was not observed. The dedication of the
first Temple took place at the Feast of Tabernacles
(1 K. viii. 2; 2 Chr. v. 3). [Tabkrkaci.ks,
Feast op.]
See Lightfoot, Temple Service, sect v.; Bora
lleb. on John x. 22, and his Sermon on the same
text ; MisKna, vol. ii. p. 369, ed. Surenhus., and
Houtingius' note, 317 ; Kuinoel On John x. 22.
S. C.
• DEEP, THE (afiwraof- abyssus). The
term which the A. V. renders thus in Luke viii.
31 and Rom. x. 7, it renders " bottomless pit " in
Rev. ix. 1, 2, 11; xi. 7; xx. 1, 3. The translation
as thus varied (abyss would be better) is unfor-
tunate, as it not only conceals the link of unity
which binds together these passages (Rom. x. 7
partially excepted), but leads the reader to confound
it with " the deep " as meaning the tea (e. g
Luke v. 4; 2 Cor. xi. 25), and founded on a differ-
ent original word (eikaaaa)- " The deep " in
Luke viii. 31, into which the demons that possessed
the Gadarene maniacs besought Jesus not to cast
them, is evidently the place of punishment to which
they knew they were ultimately to be consigned;
fcr the being sent thither stands in that passage as
equivalent to suffering the torment before the time
spoken of in Matt. viU. 29, which they feared might
be at once inflicted on them. We may say further,
in view of the evident analogy between these pas-
sages and Jude ver. 6, that " abyss " is the place
ilao where other wicked spirits of the same class
ire already confined, awaiting the more oomplete
punishment which they are to suffer after the
judgment of the great day. "Abyss'' is not one of
Jht names actually applied to the state or place of
wicked men after death ; but we seem to be for-
bidden by such language ts that in Matt xxv. 41
►> infer that the condition of lost men and fallen
uajeb is to be essentially different when the last
DEGREE
579
stage of their destiny is reached. In Rom. x. 7
the abyss " and " heaven " are opposed to each
other as limits separated by the greatest conceivable
distance. The use of the term in the Apocalypse
partakes of the vagueness and poetic freedom of
that figurative book, but retains still the ground-
Idea of its more direct, literal application. The
"abyss " or " bottomless pit " is a place enveloped
in gloom and darkness whence arise clouds of smoke
which " darken the sun and the air " (ix. 2); from
which issue myriads of destructive locusts whose
king is Abaddon or Apollyon, who leads them forth
to ravage the earth and torment mankind (ix. 3 ff. ) ;
and into which at length this enemy of all good,
" the old serpent which is the Devil and Satan,"
is plunged and chained for a thousand years, and
where after a brief respite he is confined again
apparently forever (xx. 1 ff.).
In regard to the origin and force of this imager)',
which with some variations has given expression to
men's natural consciousness of a future retribution,
among so many different nations, see Prof. Stuart's
Comment, on the Apocalypse, i. 189, and Planner's
Systemi Theologia Uentiiu Puriorit, pp. 459-489.
For the usage of the Septuagint, see Bid's Thesaur.
Phil. p. 4. and for that of the Apocrypha, Wahl's
Chris Liororum Vet. Test. Apocryph. p. 8. We
are not to understand, of course, that "abyss" in
the N. T. is coextensive with Hades or the under-
world as the abode of the dead indiscriminately
but is the part of that wider realm assigned as their
special abode to the wicked. [Hadji*.] H.
DEER. [Faixow-Dekr.]
• DEGREE (flofWj: gradus). The original
word occurs in the N. T. only in 1 Tim. iil, 13 : " For
they that have used the office of a deacon well,
purchase to themselves a good degree, and great
boldness in the faith which is in Christ Jesus."
The " degree " or step referred to has been vari-
ously understood : (1.) Of ecclesiastical preferment,
e. g. from the diaconate to a higher office : so some
of the fathers, and lately Wordsworth ; but this, as
Alford and Ellicott admit, is untenable. It is not
likely that any such process of ecclesiastical prefer-
ment existed at this early period. (2.) A station
or standing-place in the sight of God, and with
reference to their own salvation (De Wette, Al-
ford, Ellicott). (8.) A place of honor in the
estimation of the Church (Luther, Calvin). (4 '
1'rogress in the faith.
The word etymologically signifies a tttp upward
or forward, and in the tropical sense in which it is
here used, expresses the general idea of advance-
ment The somewhat emphatic dative " for them-
selves," makes distinct the idea of personal ad-
vantage, as distinguished from service to othert,
indicated by the verb rendered in A. V., " used the
office of a deacon." The subjoined phrase, " bold-
ness (or better, joyous confidence: see De Wette
and Huther in ix.) in faith," shows that this advan-
tage is of a spiritual nature, and essentially sub-
jective. The "degree" or step referred to, then,
would seem most naturally to relate to progrese in
jtpiritwil lift. We may accordingly regard tb<
passage in 1 Tim. iii. 13 as a general proposition
in respect to the subjective spiritual benefit ob-
tained b" faithfully serving as deacons, the impor-
tance of which in turn becomes confirmatory of the
propriety of requiring the qualifications mentioned
in w. 3-12. The passage in 1 Tim. iii. 13 may
be rendered and explained, then, as follows: u Vm
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680 DEGREES, SHADOW OF
daft who well served as deacons " (the verb in the
■oritt simply indicate* the service viewed aa com-
pleted; there is nothing to mark a reference to the
day of judgment, ai AJfbrd would hare it) " obtain
for themselves a good dtgrtt" (furtherance in
spiritual attainments), "and much confidence"
(towards God) "in faith in Christ Jesus." Van
Oosterxee would unite with this the idea of future
blessedness. O. K. D.
• DEGREES, SHADOW OP [Aha/.;
Dial; Hkzkkiah.]
DEGREES, SONGS OF ("""TOP
HI vSDn), a title given to fifteen psalms, from
ax. to cixxiv. inclusive. Four of tbein are attrib-
uted to David, one is ascribed to the pen of Solo-
mon, and the other ten give no indication of their
author. Eicbborn supposes them all to be the
work of one and the same bard (EM. in dutA. T.),
and he also shares the opinion of Herder (deist
der ebroischen Poesie), who interprets the title
" Hymns for a journey." " The headings of the
psalms, however, are not to be relied on, as many
of these titles were superadded long after the authors
of the psalms had passed away. The words ' of
David,' or 'of Solomon,' do not of themselves
establish the fact that the psalm was written by
the person named, since the very same phraseology
would be employed to denote a hymn composed in
honor of David or of Solomon " ( Marks' s Sermons,
I 908-9). Beilermann (Metrik der lltbider) calls
these psalms " Trochaic songs."
With respect to the term JTibssn, A. V.
" degrees," a great diversity of opinion prevails
amongst Biblical critics. According to some it
refers to the melody to which the psalm was to be
chanted. Others, including Uesenius, derive the
word from the poetical composition of the rang, and
DEHAVTTES
is adopted by Rosenmiiller, Herder, Mend ram hr,
Joel Brill, aV. Ac. Luther translates the words
" Ein Lied im hcihern Cbor," thus connecting the
psalm with the manner- of its execution ; and
Michaehs compares JT 7EO with the Syriac
MTlbSV (Scab) which would likewise characterize
the metre or the melody. D. W. M.
* If rtibTZSn designates the psalms grouped
together under that title as those which the He-
brews sung when they went to Jerusalem to keep
the yearly feasts, the rendering should be " Goings-
up " or " Ascents " (conip. iruflalm as so often
said of journeys thither in the N. T). Hengsten-
berg's advocacy of this explanation (Die Pvdmen,
iv. 2te Abth. p. 6), has given to it more recently
still wider currency. Some of his arguments (wbiji
taken together have a cumulative force, though
singly less decisive) an the following: (1.) i"T?y
is the usual expression for these festival journey*
(Ex. xxxiv. 24; 1 Rings xii 37, 38; Ps. exxiL 4).
(3.) The article in nibj^n, by way of pre-
eminence, denotes the journeys, which can only be
those annual journeys prescribed by the law (comp
Ps. cxxii. 4). (3.) The oldest, in all probability, of
these pilgrim songs, namely : that which was com
posed by David soon after the consecration of Ziop
as the seat of the sanctuary and at the commence-
ment of the pilgrimages thither (Pa. cxxii.), con-
tains an explanation of the sense of fli v50 in the
occurrence of two correspondent expressions (sa hi
the case of the explanation of TStjTE, Pa. nxii.),
namely : " We will go to the bouse of the Lord "
in ver. 1, and "to which the tribe* go up" (*Vy)
in ver. 4. (4.) Some of these psalms, in accordance
ftwm the drcurratance that the concluding words | with the most manifest internal marks, hare been
used for this purpose, e. g. Ps. cm. 1 shows how
appropriate the psalm was aa designed to be sung
in view of the mountains of Jerusalem. (5.) Ac-
cording to this interpretation all the common pecu-
liarities of these psalms are accounted for, such a*
contents, rhnhmical structure, and local allusion*.
Hupfeld (Vie Psnlmen, ir. 252) favors this re-
vived opinion of many of the older critics. EwaU
exxir. I,2and3,4). Aben Exra quote* an ancient . ^ ,^ ^ ju^ ^ consider „,,,„ nTmnt
authority, which mauitjun* that the d, greet > allude . t^^ & pilgrimages to the Temple, composed
:>f the preceding sentence are often repeated at the
commencement of the next verse. Thus Psalm
exxi.: —
n 1 will lift up mine eyes unto the hills
From whence cometh my ketp.
My krlp cometh inn from Jehovah," fee.
And so in other passages (comp. exxi. 4, 5, and
during and after the time of the exile ( BAL Jalrt.
ri. 105, and fcVae*. Isr. iv. 115). Perowne (Soot
of Psalms : Introduction, p. xcvL, Load. 1865) grre*
the preference to this explanation. IL
DEHA-VITES (rWT? :
to the fifteen steps which, in the temple of Jem
•stem, led from the court of the women to that of
the men, and on each of which steps one of the
fifteen songs of degrees was chanted. Adam Clarke
( Comment, on Ps. ax.) refers to * similar opinion
u found in the Apocryphal Gospel of tie birth of ] DEHA'VTTES (rVVTR : £*»*£•<: A*«n) an
Mary : " Her parents brought her to the temple, I mentioned but once in Scripture (Ear. ir. »). Tfcry
and set her upon one of the step*. Now there are ; were among the colonists planted m Samatht by
fifteen steps about the temple, by which they go n* Assyrian monarch KiwrtavWon, after the ooaa-
up to it. according to the fifteen Psalms of De- - pinion 'of the Captivity of Israel. Fran their
greet." I name, taken in conjunction with the fact that they
The most generally accredited opinion, however, ,„ coupled with the Susenchite* iSrawanian*, or
ii that nVyO is etyrnologically connected with . l"»P»e <* *«•»> •»*• *>* Handle* tHyruwana,
• i natives of the same country 1. H is fairly coneb sded
n^y "to go up," or to trawl to Jerusalem : that that they are the Dal or Dahi, SMtwoed by Herod-
wtoe of these hymn* were preserved from a period | otos (i. 12) i among the nomadie tribes of Persia.
interior to the Babylonish Captivity: that others ' This people appears to have been widely dMu a t d,
"•ere composed in the same spirit by those who being found sa Daba? (Adai) both in taw o***Mr)
wturned to Palestine, on the conquest of Babiton east of the Caspian (Strab. xi 8, § 8: Arriaa
->) Cyras, and that a few refer even to a later date. ' Kxped. At iii. 11, Ac.), and in the vioadty wf tk*
Wat **>• all incorporated into one collection, be- Sea of Aiof Strab. xi. », § 8): and agent a* Di
swats tkwy had "» and the same object. Thia view (turn. Thwryd. U. 96), Dal (Aim. Strao.),«r D*#
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DBKAB
Aastoi. Strab. D. Cass. Ac.) upon the Danube,
tney were in Aryan race, and are regarded by some
M having their lineal descendant* in the modern
Danes (see Grimm's Getckichtt d. deuttch. Sprache,
i. 102-3). The Septuagint form of the name —
Daasus, may compare with the Davu* ( = AdToi)
of Latin comedy. G. K.
DE'KAR. TheeonofDeker, i. e. Ben-Dkkkk
(™l|/;| )3 : vibs Aeuidp : Bmdecar), was Solo-
mon's commissariat officer in the western part of
the hill-country of Judah and Benjamin, Shaalbim
and Bethshcmesh (1 K. iv. 9).
DELA'IAH [3 syl.] QfT^H end '^ 1 ? , |=
<- Jehovah's freedman " — comp. lewtKiottpos Kv-
piou, 1 Cur. vii. 22; also the Phoenician name
A«Aoia<rrdpToj, quoted from Menander by Jose-
phus, Cont. A/t. i. 18, and the modern name God-
frey = Gottesfrey [?]; LXX. AaAettt, AoAofoj:
D<ilaiau, D ttaiti), the name of several persons.
1. Dei.uaiiu ('ASaXXal ! [Alex. AoAoia :
Dalaian] ) ; a priest in the time of David, leader of
the twenty-third course of priests (1 Chr. uiv. 18).
2. Dilaiaii [AaAafa; Vat. in Est. Aayea,
in Neb. AaAca: DaitUa]. "Children of Delaiah"
were among the people of uncertain pedigree who
returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Err. ii.
60 ; Neh. vii 62). In 1 Esdr. the name is
Ladan.
3. Uelaiah [AoAoia; Vat AaA<a: Dalaia] ;
son of Mehetabeel and father of Shemaiab (Neh.
vi. 10).
4. Dblaiahu (ooWa; and rooWas ; [ver. 12,
Alex. Aa\tas, FA. AaAuu; ver. 26, Comp. Aid.
KA. 4 AaAaiaj: Djlaiai]; son of Shemaiah, one
of the "princes" (D v "lij7) about the court of
Jehoiakim (Jer. xxxvi. 13, 95).
The name also occurs in the A. V. as Dalaiaii.
DKLIXAH (H^Vj [pimng with dtnre] :
AoAiea; [Vat. in ver. 13, AoAtioa:] Joseph.
AoA(Aij : Dalila), a woman who dwelt in the
valley of Sorek, beloved by Samson (Judg. ivi.
4-18). Her connection with Samson forms the
third and last of those amatory adventures which
in his history are so inextricably blended with the
araft and prowess of a judge in Israel. She was
bribed by the " lords of the Philistines " to win
from Samson the secret of his strength, and the
means of overcoming it. [Samson.]
It is not stated, either in Judges or in Josephus,
whether she was an Israelite or a Philistine. Nor
can this question be determined by reference to the
geography of Sorek ; since in the time of the
Judges the frontier was shifting and indefinite.
[Sohek.J The following considerations, however,
supuly presumptive evidence that she was a Phil-
istine:—
1. Her occupation, which seems to have been
that of a oourtesan of the higher class, a kind of
political Hetaera. The hetreric and political view
af her position is more decided in Josephus than
in Judges. He calls her yuvii irtuptiouiini, and
tssociaies her influence over Samson with wi-ot
tnd auvowrla (Ant. v. 8, § 11). He also states
uore clearly her relation as a political agent to the
'lords of the Philistines " (TR: Joseph, o!
DEM AS
581
a » Lake's name Is eonplad wish that of Damas In
Jo< l< It, and Phtlem. ver. 24. It Is hardly nsoss-
sur to remind the reader wat Keble has founded one
wposoratrsr, to« ipx ovffl naAajsruw i LXX
lipxorrtt- Satrapa; olrov Koumvi magistrate!
politician lords, Milton, Sams. Ag. 860, 1196)
employing under their directions " liers in wait "
(2n'Mn : to tntpov- iruridiu ; of. Josh. viii. 14;
[Joseph.] trrparurriv). On the other hand, Chry-
sostom and many of the Fathers have maintained
that Delilah was married to Samson (so Milton,
227), a natural but uncritical attempt to save the
morality of the Jewish champion. See Judg. ivi.
9, 18, as showing an exclusive command of her
establishment inconsistent with the idea of matri-
monial connection (Patrick, ail luc). There seems
to be little doubt that she was a courtesan ; and her
employment as a political emissary, together with
the larye sum which was offered for her services
(1100 pieces of silver from each lord = 5500 shekels;
cf. Judg. iii. 3), and the tact which is attributed
to her in Judges, but more especially in Josephus,
indicates a position not likely to be occupied by
any Israelitish woman at that period of national
depression.
2. The general tendency of the Scripture narra-
tive: the sexual temptation represented as acting
upon the Israelites from without (Num. xxv. 1, 6,
xxxi. 15, 16).
3. The special case of Samson (Judg. xlv. 1,
xvi. 1).
In Milton Delilah appears at a Philistine, and
justifies herself to Samson on the ground of patri-
otism (Sam. Ag. 860, 980). T. E. B.
DELUGE. [Noah.]
DEXUS (AjjAoj ), mentioned in 1 Mace, xv
23, is the smallest of the islands called Cyelades in
the ^Ggiean Sea. It was one of the chief seats of
the worship of Apollo, and was celebrated as the
birth-place of this god and of his sister Artemis
(Diana). We learn from Josephus (AnL xiv. 10,
§ 8) that Jews resided in this island, which may
be accounted for by the fact, that after the fall of
Corinth (b. c. 146) it became the centre of an
extensive commerce. The sanctity of the spot and
its consequent security, its festival which was a kind
of fair, the excellence of its harbor, and its con-
venient situation on the highway from Italy and
Greece to Asia, made it a favorite resort of mer-
chants. So extensive was the commerce carried on
in the island, that 10,000 slaves are said to hare
changed hands there in one day (Stnb. xlv. p.
668). Delus is at present uninhabited, except by
a few shepherds. (For details, tee Diet, of Or. <t
Rom. Geogr. a. v.)
DE'MAS (Ar#xo$), most probably a contraction
from An/i^roMH, or perhaps from Aiifiapxoi, "
companion of St. Paul (called by him his cvyipyis
in Phileiu. 24; see also CoL iv. 14) during his first
imprisonment at Rome. At a later period (2 Tun.
iv. 10) we find him mentioned as having deserted
the Apostle through love of this present world, and
gone to Thessalonica. This departure has been
magnified by tradition into an apostasy from Chris-
tianity (so Epipban. Bam*. Ii. 6, ... mil
AtutoV, col 'tfiuyirnr, roht iryawtvwras rev
IvravQa oiawa, ml KcrroActywrai rkr itb» rrjt
aAj)flt(oj), which it by no means implied in the
passage. H. A.
of his grandest hymns on this association of 'he twe
men with Raul's earner captivity and to* ■abaa>|aras
apostasy of Donas ( Oriuian rear: St. AssM. ft.
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582
DEMETRIUS
DEMETRIUS (Annfrpios), a maker of
silver shrines of Artemis it Ephesus (Acta xii. 24).
These xaol iprjvpot were small models of the great
temple of the Kphesian Artemis, with her statue,
which it was customary to carry on journeys, and
place on houses, as charms. Demetrius and his
fellow craftsmen, in fear for their trade, raised a
tumult against St. Paul and his missionary com -
|nnious. U. A.
* The speech of Demetrius, by which he so much
excited the Ephesian shrine-makers and through
them the populace at large, was singularly adroit.
He took care, in the first place, to show his fellow-
crafUmen how the growth of this new sect affected
their own personal interests (tix. 25), and then, in
order to throw over this motive a better guise, ap-
pealed to their zeal for religion (vv. 26, 27). Bnt
the speaker relied mainly, as Calvin thinks, on the
selfishness of his auditors : " Kes ipsa clamat non
tarn pro axis ipsos quam pro focis pugnare, ut
scilicet culinam habeant bene calentem " (In Acta
Apott. xix. 23). The attempt to identify this
Demetrius with the one next named on the sup-
position that he may have become a believer, is
unwarranted by Scripture or history. H.
• DEMETRIUS (Aiu4rpioi) another per-
son of this name, whom the Apostle mentions in
3 John, ver. 12, as the model of a Christian, to
whom the truth itself, so faithfully exemplified by
him, bore witness. This is the only notice of him.
The relation between him and John is uncertain.
He may have been the bearer of the letter to Gains
(ver. 1), and one of the missionaries (vv. 5, 6)
whom the Apostle exhorts Gaius to forward on
their journey. There is no contemporary history
to illustrate the epistle, and these points are neces-
sarily obscure. H.
DEMETRIUS I. (Aiut^rpioi), surnamed
" The Saviour " (SerHip, "> recognition of his ser-
vices to the Babylonians), king of Syria, was the
son of Seleucus Philopator, and grandson of An-
tiocbus the Great. While still a boy he was sent
by his father as a hostage to Rome (u. c. 175) in
exchange for his uncle Antiochus Epiphanea. From
his position he was unable to offer any opposition
to the usurpation of the Syrian throne by Antiochus
IV.; but on the death of that monarch (b. c. 164)
he claimed his liberty and the recognition of bis
claim by the Roman senate in preference to that
of his cousin Antiochus V. His petition was re-
fused from selfish policy (Polyb. xxxi. 12); and by
the advice and assistance of Polybius, whose friend-
ship he had gained at Rome (Polyb. xxxi. 19;
lust, xxxiv. 3), he left Italy secretly, and landed
witl a small force at Tripoli* in Phoenicia (2 Mace,
liv. 1; 1 Mace. vii. 1; Joseph. Ant. xii. 10, 1).
The Syrian* soon declared in his favor (b. c. 162),
.uid Antiochus and his protector Lysias were put to
death (1 Mace. vii. 2, 3 ; 2 Mace. xiv. 2). Having
thus gained possession of the kingdom, Demetrius
tuoceeded in securing the favor of the Romans
(Polyb. xxxii. 4), and he turned his attention to
the internal organisation of his dominions. The
'incizing party were still powerful at Jerusalem,
and he supported them by arms. In the first cain-
oaign hi* general Baochides established Alcimus in
the high-priesthood (1 Mace. vii. 5-20); but the
•mccese was not permanent. Alcimus was forced
<i take refuge a second time at the court of Deme-
srhxs, and Nioanor, who was commissioned to re-
ma him, was defeated In two successive engage-
DEMETRIUS
menu by Judas Maccabeus (1 Mace. vii. 81, 31
43-5), and fell on the field. Two other campaigns
were undertaken against the Jews by Bacchidea
(b. c. 161; 158); but in the mean time Judas had
completed a treaty with the Romans shortly before
his death (b. c. 161), who forbade Demetrius to
oppress the Jews (1 Mace. viii. 31). Not long after
wards Demetrius further incurred the displeasure
of the Romans by the expulsion of Ariaratbea from
Cappadocia (Polyb. xxxii. 20; Just xxxv. 1); and
he alienated the affection of his own subjects by his
private excesses (Just, i e. ; cf. Polyb. xxxiii. 14).
When his power was thus shaken (b. c. 152),
Alexander Balas was brought forward, with the
consent of the Roman senate, as a claimant to tut
throne, with the powerful support of Ptolemy
Phikunetor, Attalus, and Ariarathes. Demetrius
vainly endeavored to secure the services of Jona-
than, who had succeeded his brother Judas as
leader of the Jews, and now, from the recollection
of bis wrongs, warmly favored the cause of Alex-
ander (1 Mace. x. 1-6). The rivals met in a deci-
sive engagement (b. c. 150), and Demetrius, after
displaying the greatest personal bravery, was de-
feated and slain (1 Mace. x. 48-50; Joseph. Ant.
xiii. 2, § 4; Polyb. iii. 5). In addition to the very
interesting fragments of Polybius the following
references may be consulted : Just xxxiv. 3, xxxv.
1; App. Syr. 46, 47, 67. B. F. W.
Tetradnchm (Attic talent) of Demetrius I.
Obv. Head of Demetrius to the right. Rev. BASIAEOX
AHMHTPIoY SOTHPoS; In field monogram and
MI; in exergue ABP (161 of Era Seleuc ). Seated
female figure to the left with sceptre and ottnncopia.
DEMETRIUS II. (Aiw4t/»os), "The Vic-
torious " (NutdVop), was the elder son of Deme-
trius Soter. He was sent by his father, together
with his brother Antiochus, with a large treasure,
to Cnidus (Just xxxv. 2), when Alexander Baku
laid claim to the throne of Syria. When he was
grown up, the weakness and vices of Alexandet
furnished him with an opportunity of recovering
his father's dominions. Accompanied by a force
of Cretan mercenaries (Just. I. c. ; cf. 1 Mace. x.
67), he made a descent on Syria (b. c. 148), and
was received with general favor (1 Mace. x. 67 ff.).
Jonathan, however, still supported the cause of
Alexander, and defeated Apolioniuj, whom Deme-
trius had appointed governor of Code-Syria (1
Mace. x. 74-82). In spite of these hostilities
Jonathan succeeded in gaining the favor of Deme
triua when he was established in the kingdom (1
Mace. xi. 23-27 ), and obtained from him an advan-
tageous commutation of the royal dues, at d othei
concessions (1 Mace. xi. 32-37). In refnrn for
these favors the Jews rendered important wrviees
to Demetrius when Tryphon first claimed tl e king-
dom for Antiochus VI., the son of Aleta ider (1
Mace. xi. 42); but afterwards, being otfenda by bla
faithless ingratitude (1 Maoc xi 63), they e •owed
the cause of the young pretender. In the ox «fvy»
which followed, Jonathan defeated the fo w of
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DEMON
>»v**rit«s ( B . c. 114; 1 Maec. xli. 38); but the
■•■chary to which Jonathan fell a victim (n. c.
143) again altered the policy of the Jews. Simon,
the successor of Jonathan, obtained very favorable
terms from Demetrius (b. c. 142); but shortly
afterwards Demetrius was himself taken prisoner
(B. c. 138) by Arsaces VI. (Mithridates), whose
dominions he had invaded (1 Mace. ziv. 1-3; Just,
ixxvi.). Mithridates treated his captive honorably,
and gave him his daughter in marriage (App. Syr.
G7 ) ; and after his death, though Demetrius made
several attempts to escape, be still received kind
treatment from his successor, Phraates- When
Antiochug Sidetes, who had gained possession of
the Syrian throne, invaded Parthia, Phraates em-
ployed Demetrius to effect a diversion . In this
Demetrius succeeded, and when Antiochus fell in
battle, he again took possession of the Syrian crown
,'u. c. 128). Not long afterwards a pretender, sup-
ported by Ptol. Physcon, appeared in the field
against him, and after suffering a defeat he was
assassinated, according to some by his wife (App.
Syr. 68), while attempting to escape by sea (Just.
xxxix. 1; Jos. Ant. xiii. 9, 3). [Cleopatra.]
B. F. W.
DEMON
583
Tetndrachm (Attic talent) of Demetrius U.
•>bv. Head or Demetrius to the right. Rev. BAXIABOX
AHMHTPIoY BEoY «IAAAEA»oY NIKAToPOS ;
Id exergue HP» (169? of Km Seleuc). Apollo to
the left, seated on cortlna, with arrow and bow.
DEMON (LXX. SotuoVioy; N. T. Joi/ioVioy,
x rarely iaifjuayi [dtemuniuiu, dteiiwn]). Deriva-
ion uncertain. Plato ( Cril. i. p. 398) connects it
rith Safi/uty, " intelligent," of which indeed the
form Sal/utv is found in Archil, (it. c. 650) ; but it
seems more probably derived from Sola, to " di-
vide " or " assign," in which case it would be sim-
ilar to Mo?pa). In sketching out the Scriptural
doctrine as to the nature and existence of the de-
mons, it seems natural, 1st, to consider the usage
of the word Salfitiv in classical Greek: 2dly, to
notice any modification of it in Jewish bands; and
then, 3dly, to refer to the passages in the N. T. in
which it is employed.
I. Its usage in classical Greek is various. In
H Miier, where the gods are but supernatural men,
it is used interchangeably with 8e6si afterwards in
llesiod (Op. 121), when the idea of the gods had
become more exalted and less familiar, the jotuoyct
are spoken of as intermediate beings, the messengers
of the gods to men. This latter usage of the word
evidently prevailed afterwards as the correct one,
ilthough in poetry, and even in the vague language
sf philosophy, to iaiixiviov was sometimes used as
tquivalent to to Bfiav for any superhuman nature.
Plato (Synip. pp. 232, 203) fixes it distinctly in
he more limited sense: way to oai/ioVioy lurafi
km itav Kal SyirroS ftot avOpcSrp
oil /Jyrvrat, aAAa Sid Satpovlwv «-5o-<t «Wa> \
ifu\la Kal ii 8idA«icTos Ocots root ay0o<£*oif.
Among them were numbered the spirits of good
men, " made perfect " after death (Plat. Crnt. p.
398, quotation from llesiod). It was also believed
that they became tutelary deities of individuals (to
the purest form of which belief Socrates evidently
referred in the doctrine of his gai/aoVioy) ; and
hence oaiuuy was frequently used in the sense of
the "fate" or "destiny" of a man (as in the
tragedians constantly), thus recurring, it would
seem, directly to its original derivation.
The notion of ail demons appears to have be-
longed to a later period, and to have been due
both to Eastern influence and to the clearer sep-
aration of the good and evil in men's thoughts of
the supernatural.'* They were supposed to include
the spirits of evil men after death, and to be
authors, not only of physical, but of moral evil.
II. In the LXX. the words Sal/iay and ttu/iirtar
are not found very frequently, but yet employed to
render different Hebrew words; generally in refer-
ence to the idols of heathen worship ; as in Ps. xevi
5 [LXX. xcv. 6], for O^bM, the " empty,'
the "vanities," rendered xcipowot^Toir, Ac., ii
Lev. xix. 4, xxvi. 1; in Deut xxxii. 17, for CHIP,
" lords " (comp. 1 Cor. viii. 5) ; in Is. lxv. 11, for
"13, Gad, the goddess of Fortune: sometimes in
the sense of avenging or evil spirits, as in Pa. xci. 6,
for 3Qj?., " pestilence," i. e. evidently " the de-
stroyer; " also in Is. xiii. 21, xxxiv. 14, for "l^y,J7,
" hairy," and D^'S, " dwellers in the desert,"
in the same sense In which the A. V. renders
« satyrs."
In Josephus we find the word " demons " used
always of evil spirits; in Belt Jvd. vii. 6, § 3, he
defines them as t* wvtvpara r&v xovripwy, and
speaks of their exorcism by fumigation (as in Tob.
viii. 2, 3). See also Ant. vi. c. 8, § 2, viii. c. 2, §
5. Writing as he did with a constant view to the
Gentiles, it is not likely that he would use the
word in the other sense, as applied to heathen
divinities.
By Philo the word appears to be used in a more
general sense, as equivalent to " angels," and re-
ferring to both good and evil.
The change, therefore, of sense in the Hellenistic
usage is, first, the division of the good and evil
demons, and the more general application of the
word to the latter; secondly, the extension of the
name to the heathen deities.
III. We now come to the use of the term in
the N. T. In the Gospels generally, in James ii
19, and in Rev. xvi. 14, the demons are spoken of
as spiritual beings, at enmity with God, and having
power to afflict man, not only with disease, but, as
is marked by the frequent epithet " unclean," with
spiritual pollution also. In Acts xix. 12, 13, Ac.,
they are exactly defined as to wirti/am to weyiuxl.
They " believe " the power of God " and tremble "
(James ii. 19); they recognize our Lord as the Son
of God (Matt. viii. 29; Luke Iv. 41), and acknowl-
edge the power of His name, used in exorcism, in
the plrce of «ie name of Jehovah, by His appointed
messengers (Acts xix. IS); and look forward in
■ Those who Imputed lust and envy of man to their supernatural powers of good and evil, as
tad* «•«» hardly likely <n have a distinct view of I opposed tn •acb other.
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584
DEMON
to the judgment to come (Matt. rlii. 99).
Hie description U precisely that of a nature akin
to the angelic [aee Anukls] in knowledge and
powen, but with the emphatic addition of the idea
of positive and active wickedness. Nothing is said
either to support or to contradict the common Jew-
ish belief, that in their ranks might be numbered
the spirits of the wicked dead. In support of it
are sometimes quoted the bet that the demoniacs
sometimes haunted the tombs of the dead (Matt,
viii. 28), and the supposed reference of the epithet
tuciBafrra to the ceremonial uncleanness of a dead
body.
In 1 Cor. x. 20, 21, 1 Tun. iv. 1, and Rev. iz.
20, the word Sai/ioVia is used of the objects of
Gentile worship, and in the first passage opposed
to the word e«£ (with a reference to I leut. xxxii.
17). So also is it used by the Athenians in Acts
x« It. 18. The same identification of the heathen
deities with the evil spirits is found in the descrip-
tion of the damsel having mv/ta wMura, or
wieWot , at Philippi, and the exorcism of her as a
demoniac by St. Paul (Acts xvi. 16); and it is to
be noticed that in 1 Cor. x. 19, 20, the Apostle is
arguing with those who declared an idol to be a
pure nullity, and while he accepts the truth that it
is so, yet declares that all which is offered to it is
ottered to a " demon." There can be no doubt
then of its being a doctrine of Scripture, mysterious
(though not a priori improbable) as it may be,
that in idolatry the influence of the demons was
at work and permitted by God to be effective within
certain bounds. There are not a few passages of
profane history on which this doctrine throws light;
nor is it inconsistent with the existence of remnants
of truth in idolatry, or with the possibility of its
being, in the case of the ignorant, overruled by
God to good.
Of the nature and origin of the demons, Scrip-
ture is all but silent. On one remarkable occasion,
recorded by the first three Evangelists (Matt. xii.
24-30; Mark iii. 22-30; Luke xi. 14-26), our
Ijord distinctly identifies Satan with Beelzebub, ry
ipxom rwv SoiuoWaty; and there is a similar
though less distinct connection in Kev. xvi. 14.
From these we gather certainly that the demons
are agents of Satan in his work of evil, subject to
the kingdom of darkness, and doubtless doomed to
share in its condemnation ; and we conclude prob-
tbly (though attempts have been made to deny the
inference) that they must be the same as "the
angels of the devil " (Matt. xxv. 41; Kev. xii. 7, 9),
' the principalities and powers " against whom we
•"wreeuV (Eph. vi. 12, &c). As to the question
of then fall, see Satan ; and on the method of
their action on the souls of men, see Demoniacs.
The language of Scripture, as to their existence
ind their enmity to man, has suffered the attacks
of skepticism, merely on the ground that, in the
^searches of natural science, there are no traces of
the supernatural, and that the fall of spirits, created
doubtlew in goodness, is to us inconceivable. Both
"acts are true, but the inference false. The very
darkness in which natural science ends, when it
approaches the relation of mind to matter, not only
does not contradict, but rather implies the existence
of supernatural influence. The mystery of the
srigin of evil in God's creatures is inconceivable;
bat the difficulty in the case of the angels differs
»ly in depree from that of the existence of sin in
aan of which nevertheless as a fact we are only
In Brash assured. The attempts made to explain
DEMONIACS
the words of our Lord and the Apostles as a men
accommodation to the belief of the Jews are injom
patible with the simple and direct attribution ol
personality to the demons, as much as to men or U
God, and (if carried out in principle) must destroj
the truth and honesty of Holy Scripture itself.
A.B.
• On the use of the terms oa.lft*r and Sai.uoVwv,
in the Greek mythology, see (Jreuser, Religion* dt
CAntiqvilt, trad, par Guigniaut, torn. iii. pt L,
pp. 1-55, pt. iii. p. 873 ff; TJkert, titer Damonen,
Heroen u. Gemen, in the AbkandL d. kdn. ticks.
Get. d. Win,, 1850, hist-phiL KL, pp. 137-219;
Gerhard, Ober Damunen, u. s. w., in the Abkandt.
dt kin. Aknd. d. Witt, tu Berlin, 1852, ph-L-tt*.
KL, pp. 237-266; Maury, Belig. dt la Greet on
tigue, 1. 565 ff., iii. 426 ff.
On the Biblical representations, and on the later
superstitions respecting the subject, see, in addition
to the works referred to under Angkls, Dxmd-
miacs, Magic, and Satan, J. F. Ditmar, Dt
Damonibut, etc (two diss.) Helmut. 1719, 4to.
"useful for the history of opinions" (Breteehn.);
J. Oporiii, Erlduttttt l.ehre d. Htbracr u. Ckrit-
ten tun guten u. boten Engthi, Hamb. 1736; J. G.
Mayer, UitUn ia Diaboli, t. t'omm. dt Diaboli ma-
loriunquc Spiriimm exittentia, etc., 2d ed. Tub.
1780, an elaborate work; J. F. Winter, Commen-
tat. I.-V. dt Dmmonologia in wcrit .V. T. Librit
propotita, Viteb. et Lips. 1812-23, 4to, " partic-
ularly valuable " (Bretschn.); Jahn, Wat lekrt die
Bibtl rout Teuftt, von der D&monen, u. s. w., in
the N'icktr&ge to hie TkeoL Werke, Tub. 1821,
pp. 61-251, maintaining that "demons," In dis-
tinction from fallen angels, are the spirits of wicked
men deceased; 11. A. Schott, Sententia rectnthu
defenm dt ii* natttri* qua in tf. T. Sal/tom audi-
unt . . . examinatur, Jetue, 1821, 4to, in opposi-
tion to Jahn; Canouieus, Letter* to Ret. W. E.
Ckanning on Ike Existence and Agency of Fallen
Spirit*, Bast 1828; Rev. Walter Scott, Tke Ex-
istence of Eril Spiritt prated, and Heir Agency
illustrated, 2d ed., Lond. 1845 (Cong. Lect-); J.
T. Berg, Abaddon and Mohanaim, or, Dement and
Guardian AngtU, Phila. 1856.
On the fault of the A. V. in rendering Sid/JoAof,
taiuau>, and Saifiiyior indiscriminately by the same
word (devil), see Campbell's Four Gospels, Prel.
Diss. vi. pt. 1.
The first elaborate treatise by a Christian writer
on this subject appears to be that of Michael rad-
ius (9th cent.?), n<p) iy toy (las taipirmr, Dt
Operation* Damonum, repnnted from Gaulinin's
edition (1615) in Migne's PatroL G-.xeca, vol.
exxii., which also contains the so-called Testament
of Solomon. One who has the curiosity to look
into the speculations of the scholastic divines on
angels and demons wiH find enough to satisfy him
in Bonaventura's Expat, in Lib. ii. Sententmrum
(Opp. torn, iv., Lngd. 1668), and in thu Stmma
totiut Tkeologia of Thomas Aquinas. For tb;
Rabbinical notions, besides the works <f Kisen-
menger and others referred to under Anukls, see
L. A. Cohen, Orer dt boote geetten wolgent kef
begrip der Jtabbijnen, Gran. 1845; and J. F.
Schrider, Sattungen u. Gebraucke dt* tnhn.-rabb.
Judentkumt, Bremen, 1851, p. 385 E A.
DEMONIACS (Joiuon^utroi, SouisVao
tvorrts). This word is frequently used in the N.
T., and applied to persons suffering under the pos-
session of a demon ot evil spirit [ere Dovn], sans
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DEMONIACS
don generally showing itself visibly in bodily
Ulmac or mental derangement. The word Scu/io-
y$r la used in a nearly equivalent sense in classical
Greek (as in jEsch. Choeph. 566; Sept. c. Theb.
1001, Eur. Pkcm. 888, &c.), exsept that, as the
idea of spirit* distinctly evil and rebellious hardly
existed, ?uch possession was referred to the will of
the gods or to the vague prevalence of an 'An).
Neither word is employed in this sense by the
LXX., but In our ford's t'me (as is seen, for ex-
ample, constantly in Jnsephus) the belief in the
possession of men by demons, who were either the
souls of wicked men aft*r death, or evil angels, was
thoroughly established among all the Jews, with
the exception of the Sadducees alone. With regard
to the frequent mention of demoniacs in Scripture,
three main opinions have been started.
I. That of Strauss and the mythical school,
which makes the whole account merely symbolic,
without basis of fact. The possession of the devils
is, according to this idea, only a lively symbol of
the prevalence of evil in the world, the casting out
the devils by our ford a corresponding symbol of
his conquest over that evil power by his doctrine
and his life. The notion stands or falls with the
mythical theory as a whole: with regard to the
special form of it, it is sufficient to remark the
plain, simple, and prosaic relation of the facts as
facts, which, whatever might be conceived as pos-
sible in highly poetic and avowedly figurative pas-
sages, would make their assertion here not a symbol
or a figure, hut a lie. It would be as reasonable
to expect a myth or symbolic fable from Tacitus
or Thucydides in their account) of contemporary
history.
II. The second theory is, that our ford and the
Evangelists, in referring to demoniacal possession,
spoke only in accommodation to the general belief
of the -lews, without any assertion as to its truth
or its falsity. It is concluded that, since the symp-
toms of the affliction were frequently those of bodily
disease (as dumbness, Matt. ix. 32; blindness, Matt,
sii. 22; epilepsy, Mark ix. 17-27), or those seen in
cases of ordinary insanity (as in Matt. viii. 28;
Mark v. 1-5), since also the phrase " to have a
devil " is constantly used in connection with, and
as apparently equivalent to, "to be mad" (see
John vii. 20, viii. 48, x. 20, and perhaps Matt. xi.
18; Luke vii. 33); and since, lastly, cases of de-
moniacal possession are not known to occur In our
own days, therefore we must suppose that our ford
spoke, and the Evangelists wrote, in accordance
with the belief of the time, and with a view to
he clearly understood, especially by the sufferers
themselves, but that the demoniacs were merely
persons suffering under unusual diseases of body
and mind.
With regard to this theory also, it must be re-
marked that it does not accord either with the
general principles or with the particular language
of Scripture. Accommodation is possible when, in
things indifferent, language is used which, although
tcientifirally or etymologically inaccurate, yet con-
reys a true impression, or when, in Ihings not
'ndiflbrait, a declaration of truth (1 Co: iii. 1, 2),
<r a moral law (Matt. xix. 8), is given, true or
a Compare also the cs«e of the damsel with the
spirit of divination (mi^ rMurot) at Philips! ;
where also the power of the evil spirit is referred to
ander the wellkncwa name of 'he supposed inspira-
tor « Delphi.
DEMONIACS 586
right as far as it goes, but imperfect, because of
the imperfect progress of its recipients. But cer-
tainly here the matter was not indifferent. The
age was one of little faith and great superstition-
its characteristic the acknowledgment of U<»1 as *
distant Lawgiver, not an Inspirer of men's heart*.
This superstition in things of far less moment was
denounced by our ford; can it be supposed that
He would sanction, and the Evangelists be per-
mitted to record forever, an idea in itself false*
which has constantly been the very stronghold of
superstition? Nor was the language used such
as can be paralleled with mere conventional expres-
sion. There is no harm in our " speaking of cer-
tain forms of madness as lunacy, not thereby im-
plying that we believe the moon to have or to have
had any influence upen them ; . .. . but if we be-
gan to describe the cure of such as the moon's
ceasing to afflict them, or if a physician were
solemnly to address the moon, bidding it abstain
from injuring his patient, there would be here a
passing over to quite a different region, . . . there
would be that gulf between our thoughts and words
in which the essence of a lie consists. Now Christ
does everywhere speak such language as this."
(Trench, On the Miracles, p. 153, where the whole
question is most ably treated.) Nor is there, in
the whole of the New Testament, the least indica-
tion that any "economy" of teaching was em-
ployed on account of the " hardness " of the Jews'
"hearts." Possession and its cure are recorded
plainly and simply; demoniacs are freqiently dis-
tinguished from those afflicted with bodily sickness
(see Mark i. 32, xvi. 17, 18; Luke vi. 17, 18),
even, it would seem, from the epileptic (o-<Am>ta-
(i/ttroi, Matt. iv. 24); the same outward signs
are sometimes referred to possession, sometimes
merely to disease (comp. Matt. iv. 24, with xvii.
15; Matt xii. 22, with Mark vii. 32, Ac.); the
demons are represented as speaking in their own
persons with superhuman knowledge," and acknowl-
edging our ford to be, not as the Jews generally
called him, son of David, but Son of God (Matt.
viii. 29; Mark i. 24, v. 7; Luke iv. 41, Ac.). All
these things speak of a personal power of evil, and.
if in any case they refer to what we might call mere
disease, they at any rate tell us of something in it
more than a morbid state of bodily organs or self-
caused derangement of mind. Nor does our ford
speak of demons as personal spirits of evil to the-
multitude alone, but to his secret conversations with.,
his disciples, declaring the means and conditions -
by which power over them could be exercised (Matt;
xvii. 21). Twice also Ue distinctly connects de-
moniacal possession with the power of the Evil Onei
once in Luke x. 18, to the seventy disciples, wNve
He speaks of his power and theirs over demouU.*
as a " fall of Satan," and again in Matt. xii. 25-30,
whan He was accused of casting out demons through
Beelzebub, and, instead of giving any hint that the*
possessed were not really under any direct and per-
sonal power uf i-viL He uses an argument, as to the
division of Satan against himself, which, if posses-
sion be unreal, becomes inconclusive and almost in-
sincere. Lastly, the single fact recorded of the
entrance of to° demons at Gadara (Mark v. 10 14)
into the herd of swine,'' and the effect which that
entrance caused, is sufficient to overthrow the notion
6 It Is almoi'. needless to rater to the svbtwfafse
of interpretation by which the force of this tact >
evaded.
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686 DEMONIACS
that our Lord and the Evangelists do not assert or
Imply any objective reality of possession. In the
face of this mass of evidence it seems difficult to
conceive how the theory can be reconciled with any-
thing like truth of Scripture.
But besides this it must be added, that to say
of a case that it is one of disease or insanity, gives
do real explanation of it at all ; it merely refers it to
a dais of cases which we know to exist, but gives
no Miawer to the further question, bow did the dis-
ease or insanity arise ? Even in disease, whenever
(he mind acts upon the body (as «. g. in nervous
disorders, epilepsy, Ac. J the mere derangement of
the physical organs is not the whole cause of the
evil; there is a deeper one lying in the mind. In-
sanity may indeed arise, in some cases, from the
physical injury or derangement of those bodily
organs through which the mind exercises its powers,
but far oftener it appears to be due to metaphysical
causes, acting upon and disordering the mind itself.
In all cases where the evil lies not in the body but
in the mind, to call it " only disease or insanity "
is merely to state the fact of the disorder, and give
up all explanation of its cause. It is an assump-
tion, therefore, which requires proof, that, amidst
the many inexplicable phenomena of mental and
physical disease in our own days, there are none in
which one gifted with "discernment of spirits"
might see signs of what the Scripture calls " pos-
The truth is, that here, as in many other in-
stances, the Bible, without contradicting ordinary
experience, yet advances to a region whither human
science cannot follow. As generally it connects
the existence of mental and bodily suffering in the
world with the introduction of moral corruption by
the Kail, and refers the power of moral evil to a
spiritual and personal source; so also it asserts the
existence of inferior spirits of evil, and it refers
certain cases of bodily and mental disease to the
influence which they are permitted to exercise
directly over the soul and indirectly over the body.
Inexplicable to us this influence certainly is, as all
action of spirit on spirit is found to be; but no one
can pronounce d /si-iori whether it be impossible or
improbable, and no one has a right to eviscerate
the strong expressions of Scripture in order U>
reduce its declarations to a level with our own ig-
norance.
III. Vi'e are led, therefore, to the ordinary and
literal interpretation of these passages, that there
are evil spirits [Demos', subjects of the Evil
One, who, in the days of the Lord himself and his
Apostles especially, were permitted by God to exer-
cise a direct influence over the souls and bodies
of certain men. This influence is clearly distin-
guished from the ordinary power of corruption and
temptation wielded by Satan through the permis-
sion of God. [Satan.] Its relation to it, indeed,
appears to be exactly that of a miracle to God's or-
dinary Providence, or of special prophetic inspira-
tion to the ordinary gifts of the Holy Spirit. Both
(that is) are actuated by the same general prin-
ciples, and tend to the same general object ; but
Jte former is a special and direct manifestation
if that which is worked out in the latter by a long
nurse of indirect action. The distinguishing feat-
ure of possession is the complete or incomplete
• It Is to bo noticed that almost all the earn of
Itsxnlae possession ana recorded as occurring' among
hs tad* and ualf-Oentue population of Galilee, tt.
DEMONIACS
loss of the sufferer's reason or power of trill; h-S
actions, his' words, and almost his thoughts an
mastered by the evil spirit (Hark i. 24, v. 7 ; Acta
xix. IS), till his personality seems to be destroyed,
or, if not destroyed, so overborne as to produce the
consciousness of a twofold will within him, like
that sometimes felt in a dream. In the ordinary
temptations and assaults of Satan, the will itself
yields consciously, and by yielding gradually as-
sumes, without losing its apparent freedom of action,
the characteristic* of the Satanic nature. It is
solicited, urged, and persuaded against the strivings
of grace, but not overborne.
Still, however, possession is only the special and,
as it were, miraculous form of the " law of tin in
the members," the power of Satan over the heart
itself, recognized by St. Paul as an indwelling and
agonizing power (Rom. vii. 21-24). Nor can it
be doubted that it was rendered possible in (he
first instance by the consent of the sufferer lo
temptation and to sin. That it would be most
probable in those who yielded to $tmual tempta-
tions may easily be conjectured from general obser-
vation of the tyranny of a habit of sensual indul-
gence." The cases of the habitually lustful, the
opium-eater, and the drunkard (especially when
struggling in the last extremity of delirium tre-
mens) bear, as has been often noticed, many marks
very similar to those of the Scriptural possession.
There is in them physical disease, but Jhere is often
something more. It is also to be noticed that the
state of possession, although to awful in its wretched
sense of demoniacal tyranny, yet, from the very
fact of that consciousness, might be less hopeless
and more capable of instant cure than the delib-
erate hardness of willful sin. The spirit might still
retain marks of its original purity, although through
the flesh and the demoniac power acting by the
flesh it was enslaved. Here also the observation of
the suddenness and completeness of conversion,
seen in cases of sensualism, compared with the
greater difficulty in cases of more refined and spir-
itual sin, tends to confirm the record of Script-
ure.
It was but natural that the power of evil should
show itself in more open and direct hostility than
ever, in the age of our I-ord and his Apostles, when
its time was short. It was natural also that it
should take the special form of possession in an age
of such unprecedented and brutal sensuality a* that
which preceded His coming, and continued till the
leaven of Christianity was felt. Nor was it less
natural that it should have died away gradually
before the great direct, and still greater indirect,
influence of Christ's kingdom. Accordingly we
find early fathers (as Just Mart. DiaL e. TVyns.
p. 311 b; Tertullian, ApoL 23, 37, 43) alluding
to its existence as a common thing, mentioning the
attempts of Jewish exorcism in the name of Jeho
vah as occasionally successful (see Matt. xii. 27 ;
Acts xix. 13), but especially dwelling on the power
of Christian exorcism to cast it out from the coun-
try as a test of the truth of the gospel, and as one
well-known benefit which it already conferred on
the empire. By degrees the mention is leas and
less frequent, till the very idea is lost or perverted.
Such is a brief sketch of the Scriptural notices
of p ossessi on. That round the Jewish noti o n of k
John, writing mainly of the mlnbtrr In Jsatsta, ssta
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DEMONIACS
■OXV grew op, in that noted age of superstition,
Baany foolish and evil practices, and much super-
itition m to fumigation*, &c (eomp. Tob. riiL 1-3;
Joseph. Ant. nil. c. 2, § 6), of the " vagabond ex-
srctats " (see Acts xiz. 13) is oixious and would be
inevitable. It is clear that Scripture does not in
the least sanction or even condescend to notice such
tilings ; but it is certain that in the Old Testament
(see l„ev. xix. 31; 1 Sam. xxviii. 7, 4c; 3 K. xxi.
6, xxiii. 24, Ac) as well as in the New, it recog-
nises possession as a real aud direct power of evil
spirit* upon the heart. A. B.
* It would seem impossible to deny the fact of
demoniac possession, properly so called, without
disparaging the inspiration of the Gospels and the
integrity or intelligence of our Lord. That the
sacred writers shared in the belief of their time is
sufficiently shown above, and is as positively as-
serted by Strauss (Leben Jesu, § 91), and Meyer
(/Comment. Matt. iv. 24), as by Ellicott (Life of
Christ, p. 179, Amer. ed.). Jesus enters fully and
on all occasions into the same view. Ue discrim-
inates between demoniacs and diseased persons
(Matt. x. 8), addresses the demons (Matt. viii. 32;
Luke iv. 35), commands them to be silent, to come
out, and, in one instance (Mark ix. 25), no more to
enter into the person; he argues with the Jews on
that assumption (Matt. xii. 25); he gives his disci-
ples power to cast out evil spirits (Luke ix. 1;
Matt. x. 1^ 8), and enters into their rejoicing over
their success (Luke x. 18); and in his private con-
versation tells them of the oonditions of that suc-
cess (Matt. xvii. 21). It was us much his esoteric
as his exoteric doctrine A few additional sugges-
tions may be in place. (1.) Whatever resem-
blances may be found in some particulars, yet in
other respects the cases of demoniac possession men-
tioned in the N. T. stand clearly and entirely
apart from all phenomena of the present day;
e. g. in the supernatural knowledge exhibited by
the demoniacs, and in such facts as occurred in
connection with the herd of swine (2.) We may
discern a special reason for the abundant outbreak
of this manifestation at that time, in its symbolic
relation to Christ's work. He came to " destroy
toe works of the devil " (1 John iii. 8), and to re-
cover the world from its bondage to Satan unto its
allegiance to God. Hence, just as he expressed his
sin-healing power by his miracles of bodily cure,
and as his personal triumph over Satan was set
forth by the temptations in the wilderness, so he
symbolised his great spiritual victory over the
prince of the power of the air, and the release of
his captives, by casting out evil spirits from their
outward and visible possession and control of human
beings around him. He more than once hints at
this significance; e. g. Matt. xii. 28, and especially
Luke x. 17, 18. For this purpose in the divine
economy, perhaps, were demoniac possessions per-
antted to such a remarkable extent at that time.
|3.) Possession with devils, though always carefully
■Isrmgnhthed from every kind of disease, was very
jommonly accompanied by phenomena of disease,
•specially such as belong to a nervous system shat-
tered by sin. (4.) This gives some support to the
•union expressed above, important in its bearings
m Um government of Uod, that demoniac posses-
lion was the result of moral delinquency; that the
victim had at first, by a course of vicious indul-
|enos, yielded himself up outwardly ai,. inwardly
E> the service of Satan, till he was at length given
wer to the complete dominion of fie master he bad
DEMONIACS
587
chosen /or (6.) the evil spirits appear to have
taken entire control of the body and mind of the
victim, so that while there was a remarkable play
of double consciousness and personality, a sense of
misery and some desire for deliverance, the subjec-
tion apparently was hopeless, except as deliverance
was brought by Christ
For the older literature of the subject, see
Winer's Realw. art. Bestssene. For a fuller illus-
tration of the general views presented above, see
Trench, On the if trades, pp. 129-188; Obhau-
sen's Commentary, on Matt. viii. 28; Alford's
Greek Test, ibid. ; Owen on the Demonology of the
N. T., in the JBM. Sacra, Jan. 1859; Stuart's
Sketches of Angehlogy, in Robinson's Bibl. Sacra,
1843. For the theory that the possession was dis-
ease wrought by Satan, but only through the series
of natural causes and laws, see Twesten's Doctrine
respecting Angels, in the BibL Sacra, Feb. 1845
Some of the theological principles of the subject are
well discussed by President Jesse Appleton, D. 1).
(three Lectures, In his Works, ii. 94-127, An-
dover, 1836). S. C. B.
• On so interesting a subject as the present, it
may be well to give a brief sketch of the history of
opinions, and a fuller view of the literature. The
learned and pious Dr. Joseph Mede, in a discourse
on John x- 20, first published in his Diatribes,
Lond. 1642 ( Works, ed. 1672, pp. 28-30) main-
tained that the demoniacs of the Gospels were mad-
men or epileptics; but though often referred to as
a disbeliever in demoniacal possession, he expressly
admits that their maladies may have been caused
by evil spirits. In 1676 a volume entitled The
Doctrine of Denis proved to be the Grand Apos-
tacy of these Later Times, etc., was published
anonymously in London by a clergyman of the
Church of England, who maintained that the de-
moniacs were insano or diseased persons. 'IV
same view was presented in Holland by Benj-
Daillon, a French refugee minister of learning and
ability, in his Examen de t oppression des Re-
formes en France, Amst. 1687, 2d ed. 1691 (see
Haag's La France protestante, iv. 188), and by
Dr. Balthasar Bekker, in his famous work, De be-
toonerde weereld, or " The World Bewitched," pub-
lished at Amsterdam in 1691-93 (see bk. ii. ch.
xxvi.-xxx.). This book, widely circulated, and
speedily translated into French, German, English,
and Italian, though it called forth a host of writ-
ings in opposition, did much to shake the prevalent
belief in witchcraft and kindred superstitions.
Daillon's opinion was also supported by his brother
Jacques, in a work entitled Aoi/ioroAo-yfa, or o
Treatise of Spirits, Lond. 1723.
In 1737 Dr. A. A. Sykes published anonymously
An Enquiry into the Meaning of the Demoniacks
m the New Testament, which, opposing the com-
mon view, gave rise to a considerable controversy,
in which Twells, Whiston, Thos. Church, Gregory
Sharpe, Thos. Hutchinson, Samuel Pegge, and
others, took part. Dr. Richard Mead, in his Med ■
ica Sacra, Lond. 1749, likewise regarded the de
moniacs as afflicted with natural diseases : and this
view appears to have been prevalent among physi-
cims, ancient and modern (see Wetstein on Matt.
iv. 24). In r*58 Lardner published his four dis-
courses On th- Case of the Damomacs mentioned
in the N. T., ably controverting the doctrine at
real p osses sion. (See his Works, i. 440-519, ed.
1829; oomp. x. 985-275, Remarks on Dr. Wants
Dissertations.) In Germany, Sender appears to
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DEMONIACS
DEPOSIT
ma teen the firit who vigorously assailed the pop- • art. Demoniac*, in Kitto'i Cyd. of BiU LUera.
ajar opinion, in hi* Commeniatto de Damoniacis ' lure. A.
jvorum in N. T. fit mentio, Hal 1760, 4th ed.
greatly enlarged, 1779. This essay gave a stimu-
lu< to the discussion of the subject, and a number
of dissertations were published on both sides of the
question. Another controversy was excited in
England by the appearance of the Rev. Hugh Far-
mer's Essay oh Me Demoniac* of the If. T., Load.
1775, a learned and elaborate treatise, which was
replied to by W. Worthington, An Impartial En-
quiry, etc. 1777. Farmer rejoined in tetters, etc.
1778. followed by Worthington's Farther Inquiry,
1779, and by John Fell's Damonincs : an Inquiry
into the Heathen and Scripture Doctrine of Da-
mom, 1779. Farmer's two volumes were transla-
ted into German, and bis view found very general
acceptance in that country, while in England it has
been adopted by such men as Paley, Abp. New-
come, Dean Milman (Hist of Christianity, i. 328
f., Ainer. ed.), and very generally by Unitarians,
Univenalists, and theologians of a " rationalistic "
tendency. The belief that the demoniacs of the
N. T. were really possessed by evil spirits is, how-
ever, Btill held by the great majority of Christians,
and many recent writers dispose of the phenomena
sf modern " Spiritualism " or " Spiritism " by re-
ferring them to the same source.
Besides the authors already mentioned, particu-
larly Lardner, Farmer, and Winer, the following
m»y be consulted, in opposition to the doctrine of
real possession: Wetstein, note on Matt. iv. 24,
in his Nov. Test, i. 279-284, transl. in the Chris-
tian Disciple, new series, v. 35-42; T. G. Timmer-
mann, Diatribe antiquario-medica de Damoniacis
Evangeliorum, Kintel. 1786, 4to; J. F. Winzer,
De Dccmonoloyia in If. T. IMrris (aa cited above,
art. Demon); Hewlett's disquisition in his t'omm.
on Matt. iv. 24, reprinted in Cridca Bibtica, vol.
ili., which also contains the essays of Townsend
and Carlisle on the other side ; the Kev. E. 8. Gan-
nett, On the Demoniacs of the N. T., in the
Scriptural Interpreter (Boston), 1832, ii. 255-302;
and the notes of Meyer, Norton, and Bleek (Syn-
opt. Erkl. d. drei ersten Evang. i. 217 ff.) on
Matt. iv. 24. See also Neander, Leben Jesu, 4«
Aufl., p. 237 ff. (pp. 146-151, Amer. transl.), who
holds a sort of intermediate view. See further the
valuable articles. Theory and Phenomena of Pos-
session among the Hindoos, and Pythonic and Dai-
maniac Possessions in India and Judea, in the
Dublin Univ. Mag. for March, Sept. and Oct.
1848, the two List reprinted in Littell's Living Age,
six. 385 If., 443 If. ; compare also, for modern ana-
logues of the demoniacs, Roberts'* Oriental Illus-
trations of Scripture on Matt. xii. 27, and Thom-
son's Land and Book, i. 212, 213.
In favor of the doctrine of real possession, see,
in addition to the treatises already referred to, art-
icles by W. E. Taylor, in Kitto's Journal of Sac.
Lit. July, 1849, and by "J. L. P." ibid. April,
1861 ; Ebrard, art. Damonische, in Herzog's Renl-
Encykl. ii. 240-255, abridged translation by Prof.
Reubelt in the Afeth. Guar. Sec. for July, 1857;
Samuel Hopkins, Demoniacal Possessions of the
ff. T., in the Amer. Presb. and Theol. Rev. Oct.
(865; and several of the works referred to under
the art. Demon. See also the cautious remarks
sf Dr. J. H. Morison, On Matthew, pp. 157-168.
1 fair summary of the arguments on both sides
j gireu hi Jahn's BibL Archaobgy, Upham's
translation, §§ 193-197, and by J. F. Denham,
DEM'OPHON (AiuiofSr), a Syrian (,
in. Palestine under Antiochus V. Kunator (2 Macs
xii. 2).
DENATtlUS (Snyiputw. denarius; A. V.
"penny," Matt, xviii. 28, xx. 9, 9, 18, xxii. 19,
Mark vi. 37, xii. 15, xiv. 5; Luke vii. 41, x. 36,
xx. 24; John vi. 7, xii. 6; Rev. tL 6), a Roman
silver coin, in the time of our Saviour and the
Apostles. It took its name from its being lint
equal to ten "asses," a number afterwards in-
creased to sixteen. The earliest specimens are of
about the commencement of the 2d century B. c.
From this time it was the principal silver coin of
the commonwealth. It continued to hold the same
position under the Empire until long after the close
of the New Testament Canon. In the time of Au-
gustus eighty-four denarii were struck from the
pound of silver, which would make the standard
weight about 60 grs. This Nero reduced liy strik-
ing ninety-six from the pound, which would' give a
standard weight of about 52 gin., results confirmed
by the coins of the periods, which are, however, not
exactly true to the standard. The drachm of the
Attic talent, which from the reign of Alexander
until the Roman domination was the most impor-
tant Greek standard, had, by gradual reduction,
become equal to the denarius of Augustus, so that
the two coins came to be regarded as identical.
Denarius of Tiberius.
Obv. TI CAESAR Dm AVG P AYGVSTTS. Head
of Tiberius, laureate, to the right (Matt. nil. 19,
20, 21). Bev. PONTTP MAXIM
figure to the right.
Under the same emperor the Roman coin super-
seded the Greek, and many of the few cities which
yet struck silver money took for it the form and
general character of the denarius, and of its half,
the quinarius. In Palestine, in the N. T. period,
we learn from numismatic evidence that denarii
must have mainly formed the silver currency. It
is therefore probable that in the N. T. by tpaxph
and ipyipioy, both rendered in the A. V. " piece
of silver," we are to understand the denarius
[Drachma; Silver, piece of]. The SfSpnx-
uor of the tribute (Matt. xvii. 24) was prolably in
the time of our Saviour not a current coin, like the
ora/Hip mentioned in the same passage (ver. 27).
[Monet.] From the parable of the laborers in
tiie vineyard it would seem that a denarius was
then the ordinary pay for a day's labor (Matt. xx.
2, 4, 7, 9, 10, 13). The term denarius aureus
(Plin. xxxiv. 17, xxxvii. 3) is probably a corrupt
designation for the aureus (nummui) : in the N.
T. the denarius proper is always intended. (See
Money, and Diet, of Ant. art. Denarius.)
pap
•DENS. [Cavm.]
DEPOSIT (VnjJB: wopo»f)«n, wapajmr*
Hien: depositum), the arrangement by which cot
man kept at another's request the property of tbt
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DEPUTY
r, until demanded back, was one common to
»H the nations of antiquity; and the dishonest
dealing with such trusts is marked by profane
writers with extreme reprobation (Herod, vi. 86;
Juy. xiii. 199, Ac.; Joseph. AM. iv. 7, § 38; B. J.
iv. 8, § 5, 7). Even our Saviour seem* (Luke xvi.
12) to allude to conduct in such cases as a test of
honesty." In later times, when no banking sys-
tem was as yet devised, shrines were often used for
the custody of treasure (2 Mace. in. 10, 13, 15;
Xenoph. Anab. v. 3, $ 7; Cic. Leyy. ii. 16; Plut.
Lyt. c. 18); but, especially among an agricultural
people, the exigencies of war and other causes of
absence must often have rendered such a deposit,
especially as regards animals, an owner's only
course. Nor was the custody of such property
burdensome; for the use of it was no doubt, so fat-
as that was consistent with its unimpaired restora-
tion, allowed to the depositary, which office also no
one was compelled to accept. The articles speci-
fied by the Mosaic law tire (1) " money or stuff; "
and (3) " an ass, or an ox, or a sheep, or any
beast." The first case was viewed as only liable
to loss by theft (probably for loss by accidental
fire, Ac., no compensation could be claimed), and
the thief, if found, was to pay double, «'. e., proba-
bly to compensate the owner's loss, and the unjust
suspicion thrown on the depositary. If no theft
could be proved, the depositary was to swear before
the judges that he had not appropriated the article,
and then was quit.' In the second, if the beast
were to " die or be hurt, or driven away, no man
seeing it," — accidents to which beasts at pasture
were easily liable, — the depositary was to purge
himself by a similar oath. (Such oaths are proba-
bly alluded to Heb. vi. 16, as " an end of all
strife.") In case, however, the animal were stolen,
the depositary was liable to restitution, which
probably was necessary to prevent collusive theft.
If it were torn by a wild beast, some proof was
easily producible, and, in that case, no restitution
was due (Ex. xxii. 7-13). In case of a false oath
so taken, the perjured person, besides making resti-
tution, was to " add the fifth part more thereto,"
to compensate the one injured, and to " bring a
ram for a trespass-offering unto the Lord " (Lev.
vi. 5, 6). In the book of Tobit (v. 8) a written
acknowledgment of a deposit is mentioned (i. 14
(17), iv. 30 (21)). This, however, merely facili-
tated the proof of the fact of the original deposit,
leaving the law untouched. The Mishna {Bata
Mtlma, c. lit, Shebuoth, v. 1), shows that the law
of the oath of purgation in such cases continued in
force among the later Jews. Michaelis on the laws
of Moses, oh. 162, may be consulted on this sub-
ject H. H.
DEPUTY. The uniform rendering in the A.
V. of iwtiwaros, " proconsul " (Acts xui. 7, 8, 12,
six. 38). The English word is curious in itself,
ind to a certain extent appropriate, having been
ipplied formerly to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland,
rhus Shakespeare, Hen. VIII. iii. 2:
" Plague of your policy,
Ton sent me deputy for Ireland."
W. A. W.
DERBE
589
« Bach is probably the meaning of the words iv rtf
tokorptf maroL It may also be remarked that In the
Jarabl* of the talents, the " slothful servant •' aftecta
© ocnjtder himself as a mere depentarius. In the words
at fen* re <r*V (Matt. xxv. 261.
DEK"BE (A«>/8n, Acta xiv. 20, Si, xvi. 1;
Eth Atp^aios, Acts xx. 4). The exact position
of this town has not yet been ascertained, but its
general situation is undoubted. It was in the east-
em part of the great upland plain of Lycaoxia,
which stretches from Iconium eastward along the
north side of the chain of Taurus. It must have
been somewhere near the place where the pass
called the Cilician Gates opened a way from the
low plain of CUicia to the table-land of the interior;
and probably it was a stage upon the great road
which passed this way. It appears that Cicero
went through Derbe on his route from CUicia to
Iconium (Cic. ad Fam. xiii. 73). Such was St.
Paul's route on his second missionary journey (Acts
xv. 41, xvi. 1, 2), and probably also on the third
(xviii. 33, xix. 1). In his first journey (xiv. 20,
21) he approached from the other side, namely,
from Iconium, in consequence of persecution in that
place and at Lystra. No incidents are recorded
as having happened at Derbe [see infra]. In har-
mony with this, it is not mentioned in the enum-
eration of places 2 Tim. iii. 11. " In the apostolic
history, Lystra and Derbe are commonly mentioned
together: in the quotation from the epistle, Lystra
is mentioned and not Derbe. The distinction is
accurate; for St. Paul U here enumerating his per-
secutions" (Paley, /fores Paulina, in loc.).
Three sites have been assigned to Derbe. (1.)
By Col. Leake (Aria Minor, p. 101) it was sup-
posed to be at Bin-bir-KiUaeh, at the foot of the
Karadagh, a remarkable volcanic mountain which
rises from the Lycaonian plain; but this is almost
certainly the site of Lystra. (2.) In Kiepert's
Map, Derbe is marked further to the east, at a
spot where there are ruins, and which is in the line
of a Roman road. (3.) Hamilton (Retutrchei in
Ana Minor, ii. 313) and Texier (AtU Mineure, ii.
139, 180) are disposed to place it at Divle, a little
to the S. W. of the last position and nearer to the
roots of Taurus. In favor of this view there is the
important fact that Staph. Byx. says that the place
was sometimes called Aek&tla, which in the Ly-
caonian language (see Acts xiv. 11) meant a "ju-
niper tree." Moreover, he speaks of a Ai/t^v here,
which (as Leake and the French translators of
Strabo suggest) ought probably to be Ki/tyni and
if this is correct, the requisite condition is satisfied
by the proximity of the Lake Ak Gel. Wioseler
(ChronoL der ApotL Zetialter, p. 34) takes the
same view, though he makes too much of the pos-
sibility that St. Paul, on his second journey, trav
elled by a minor pass to the W. of the Cilician
Gates. It is difficult to say why Winer (Reahe.
s. v.) states that Derbe was •• S. of Iconium, and
S. E of Lystra."
Strabo places Derbe at the edge of Iaauria ; but
in the Synecdetmu of Hierocles (Wesseling. p. 675,
where the word is Asp/feu) it is placed, as in the
Acts of the Apostles, in Lycaonia. The boundaries
of these districts were not very exactly defined.
The whole neighborhood, to the sea-coast of Cili-
cia, was notorious for robbery and piracy. An-
tipatar, the friend of Cicero (ad Fam, xiii. 78) was
the bandit chieftain of Lycaonia. Amyntas, king
of Galatia (successor of Deiotama II.), murdered
h The Hebrew •xpnaeloa rib OH, Bx. xxU. 8,
rsc lend In the A. V. « to as* wsmMmt," b • c
formula jurandi
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690
DESCRY
*nt,ipator and incorporated his dominions with his
jwn. Under the Roman provincial government
Deri* was at Brat placed in a corner of Caffado-
cia ; but other change! were subsequently made.
[Galatia.] Derbe does not seem to be men-
tioned in t)je Byzantine writers. Leake says (103)
that its bishop was a suffragan of the metropolitan
of loonium. J. S. H.
* u No incidents " of an advene character took
place at Derbe. But Paul and Barnabas preached
there and gained many disciples (/laBrrrtieramft
Ucamit, Acts xiv. 21). On his second missionary
tour Paul visited Derbe again (Acta xvi. 1), where
no doubt was one of the churches to which he de-
livered " the decrees " relating to the treatment of
converts from heathenism (Acta. xvi. 4). The
Gaius who accompanied Paul on his journey from
Greece as far as Asia, belonged to Derte (Acta xx.
4). Some make this place also the home of Tim-
othy (KuinoeL Olshausen, Neander); but the surer
indication from ixei in Acts xvi. 1 is that he be-
longed to Lystra. At the same time we learn from
Acts xvi. 3 (see also ver. 2) that his family, and no
doubt Timothy himself, were well known in many
of the towns in that region, among which Derbe
would naturally be included. H.
* DESCRY means in Judg. i. 23 (A. T.) to
observe in a military sense, to reconnoitre: "And
the bouse of Joseph sent to descry BetheL" The
word occurs only in that passage in our Bible and
is now obsolete in that signification. Eastwood and
Wright (Bible H'ord-Book, p. 555) point out ex-
amples of the same usage in Shakespeare (Rich.
III. v. 8, and Lear, iv. 5). H.
DESERT, a word which is sparingly employed
in the A. V. to translate four Hebrew terms, of
which three are essentially different in signification.
A " desert," in the sense which is ordinarily at-
tached to the word, is a vast, burning, sandy"
plain, alike destitute of trees and of water. This
idea is probably derived from the deserts of Africa
- that, for example, which is overlooked by the
I'yramids, and with which many travellers are fa-
miliar. But it should be distinctly understood
-.hat no such region as this is ever mentioned in
the Bible aa having any connection with the history
of the Israelites, either their wanderings or their
settled existence. With regard to the sand, the
author of " Sinai and Palestine " hsa given the
fullest correction to this popular error, and has
shown that " sand is the exception and not the rule
of the Arabian desert " of the Peninsula of Sinai
(8. f P. pp. 8, 9, 64). And as to the other features
of a desert, certainly the Peninsula of Sinai is no
plain, but a region extremely variable in height,
and diversified, even at this day, by oases and val-
leys of verdure and vegetation, and by frequent
wells, which were all probably far more abundant
in those earlier times than the}' now are. This
however will be more appropriately discussed under
the bead of Wildkrkeas of the Wanderings.
Here, it ia amply necessary to show that the words
rendered In the A. V by <; desert," when used in
the historical books, denoted definite localities; and
that those localities do not answer to the common
•onception of a "desert."
1. Ababah (n^y). The root of this word,
« "**«• ssa of sand." 8m CoieridaVs parable on
Byraas and atystlclam Hub to Rtf. Conclusion).
DESERT
according to Gesenius (Tha. p. 1066), Is /trot.
^OTft *° °» d™ " "P ** vrfth heat; and it hsa been
already shown that when used, sa it invariably is
in the historical and topographical records of the
Bible, with the definite article, it means that very
depressed and inclosed region — the deepest and
the hottest chasm In the world — the sunken val-
ley north and south of the Dead Sea, but more par-
ticularly the former. [Asa bar.] True, in the
present depopulated and neglected state of Palestine
the Jordan valley is as and and desolate a region
as can be met with, but it was not always so. On
the contrary, we have direct testimony to the tact
that when the Israelites were nourishing, and later
in the Roman times, the case was emphatically the
reverse. Jericho, " the city of Palm trees," at the
lower end of the valley, Bethshean at the upper,
and Phssaehs in the centre, were famed both hi
Jewish and profane history for the luxuriance of
their vegetation (Joseph. Ant. xviii. 2, § 2; xvi. 5,
§ 2; Bkthsheam; Jekicho). When the abund-
ant water-resources of the valley were properly hus-
banded and distributed, the tropical heat caused
not barrenness, but tropical fertility, and here grew
the balsam, the sugar-cane, and other plants requir-
ing great heat, but also rich soil, for their culture.
Arabah in the sense of the Jordan Valley is trans-
lated by the word " desert " only in Ez. xlvii. 8.
In a more general sense of waste, deserted country
— a meaning easily suggested by the idea of exces-
sive heat contained in the root — " Desert," as the
rendering of Arabah, occurs in the prophets and
poetical books; as Ia. xxxv. 1, 6, xl. 8, xli. 19, 1L 3;
Jer. ii. 6, v. 6, xvii. 6, 1. 12; but this general sense
is never found in the historical books. In these, tc
repeat once more, Arabah always denotes the Jor-
dan valley, the Ghor of the modern Arabs. Pro-
fessor Stanley proposes to use "desert" sa the
translation of Arabah whenever it occurs, and
though not exactly suitable, it is difficult to sug-
gest a better word.
2. But if Arabah gives but little support to tha
ordinary conception of a " desert," still less does
the other word which our translators have moat
frequently rendered by it. Midbar O^TO) is
accurately the " pasture ground," deriving its name
from a root dabar (" 1 3'^), " to drive," significant
of the pastoral custom of driving the flocks out to
feed in the morning, and borne again at night;
and therein analogous to the German word trift,
which ia similarly derived from trtibtn, to drive.
With regard to the Wilderness of the Wanderings
— for which Mldbak is almost invariably used - -
this signification is most appropriate; for we must
never forget that the Israelites had flocks and
herds with them during the whole of their passaga
to the Promised Land. They had them when they
left Egypt (Ex. x. 26, xii. 38), they had them at
Haseroth, the middle point of the wanderings
(Num. xi. 22), and some of the tribes possessed
them in large numbers immediately before the
transit of the Jordan (Num. xxdi. 1 ). Afidbar is
not often rendered by " desert "in the A. Y. Its
usual and certainly more appropriate translation is
" wilderness," a word in which the idea of vegeta-
tion is present. In speaking of the Wilderness e*
the Wsnderings the word " desert " occurs aa the
rendering of Afidbar, in Ex. iii. 1, v. 3, xix. 2
Num. xxxiii. 15, 16; and in more than aaa "4
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DESIRE
•™»u u a evidently employed for the take of ,
*uphony merely. i
ifidbar is most frequently used for those tracts
9f waste land which lie beyond the cultivated
ground in the imtn«rii«to neighborhood of the
towns and villages of Palestine, and which are a
very familiar feature to the traveller in that country,
lu spring these tracts are covered with a rich green
verdure of turf, and small shrubs and herbs of
various kinds. But at the end of summer the
herbage withers, the turf dries up and is powdered
thick with the dust of the chalky soil, and the
whole has certainly a most dreary aspect. An
example of this is furnished by the hills through
which the path from Bethany to Jericho pursues
its winding descent. In the spring so abundant is
the pasturage of these hills, that they are the resort
of the flocks from Jerusalem on the one hand and
Jericho on the other, and even from the Arabs on the
other side of the Jordan. Aud even in the month
of September — when the writer made this journey
— though the turf was only visible on close in-
spection, more than one large flock of goats and
sheep was browsing, scattered over the slopes, or
stretched out in a long even line like a regiment
of soldiers." A striking example of the same thing,
and of the manner in which this waste pasture land
gradually melts into the cultivated fields, is seen in
making one's way up through the mountains of
Benjamin, due west, from Jericho to Mukhmiu or
Jeba. These ^fid6ars seem to have borne the
name of the town to which they were most con-
tiguous; for example, Beth-aven (in the region last
referred to); Ziph, Maon, and Paran, in the south
of Judah ; Gibeon, JerueL Ac., Ac.
In the poetical books " desert " is found as the
translation of Midbar in Deut xxxii. 10; Job xxiv.
5; Is. xxi. 1; Jer. xxv. 24.
3. Chab'bah [rather Chobbah] (H^Il).
This word is perhaps related to Arabak, with the
substitution of one guttural for another; at any
rate it appears to have the same force, of dryness,
and thmce of desolation. It does not occur in any
historical passages. It is rendered "desert" in Ps.
dL 6; Is. xlviii. 91; Ez. xiii. 4. The term com-
monly employed for it in the A. V. is " waste
places " or " desolation."
4. Jeshimok (]TD1{J} [desert, mule]. This
word in the historical books is used with the definite
article, apparently to denote the waste tracts on
both sides of the Dead Sea- In all these cases it is
treated as a proper name in the A. V. [Jkbhimon;
Beth- JK8HIMOTH.] Without the article it occurs
in a few passages of poetry ; in the following of
which it is rendered "desert:" Ps. lxxriii. 40;
r.ri. 14; Is. xliii. 19, 30. 6.
* DESIRE in 9 Chr. xxi. 20 is used in the
A. V. in the sense of the Latin deMerare, " to
feel the loss of," " to regret." " Jehcram reigned
in Jerusalem eight years, and departed without
jeing dtnrtd." A.
DES'SAtt 1.8 syl] (A«r«rao4; Alex. Ktooaov,
Dessau), a village (not " town ; " xiifi-n, casteUum,
st which Nicanor's army was once encamped during
lis campaign with Judas (2 Mace. xiv. 16). There
Is no mention of it in the account of these transac-
DEUTERONOMY
591
a This practice is not peculiar to Palestine. Mr.
Oakesley observed it in Algeria ; and gives the reason
e» K, namely, a more systematic, and therefore oom-
tions in 1 Mace or in Josephus. Ewald coiyeci-
ures that it may have been Adasa (Gesch. iv. 36j\
note).
DEU'EL [2 syt] (bgW 1 } \eaUtng <« GO,
Get-; El is burning, Fttrst]: [Bom.] Vat. and
Alex. 'Ptrvoi^A: Duel), father of Eliasaph, the
"captain" (N^tPJJ) of the tribe of Gad at the
time of the numbering of the people at Sinai (Num.
i. 14, vii. 42, 47, x. 20). The same man is men-
tioned again in ii. 14, but here the name appears
as Reud, owing to an interchange of the two very
similar Hebrew letters T and "I. In this latter
passage the Samaritan, Arabic and Viug. retail.
the D; the LXX, as in the other places, has K.
[Reuel.] Which of the two was really his name
we have no means of deciding.
DEUTERONOMY (BH^fQ rfy& or
D , "1^i wcsJled from the first words of the book;
bevrtporApuav, as being a repetition of the Law;
■cuteronomiuM : called also by the later Jews
npin nxfe and nSny'vi -19c?).
A. Contents. The Book consists chiefly of three
discourses delivered by Moses shortly before his
death. They were spoken to all Israel in the plains
of Moab on the eastern side of the Jordan (1. 1), in
the eleventh month of the last year of their wan-
derings, the fortieth year after their exodus from
Egypt (i. 3).
Subjoined to these discourses are the Song of
Moses, the Blessing of Moses, and the story of his
death.
I. The first discourse (i. 1-iv. 40). After a
brief historical introduction, the speaker recapitu-
lates the chief events of the last 40 years in the
wilderness, and especially those events which had
the most immediate bearing on the entry of the
people into the promised land. He enumerates the
contests in which they had been engaged with the
various tribes who came in their way, and in which
their success had always depended upon their obe-
dience: and reminds them of the exclusion from
the promised land, first of the former generatirm,
because they had been disobedient iu the ma'ter
of the spies, and next of himself, with whom the
Lord was wroth for their takes (iii. 26). On the
appeal to the witness of this past history is then
based an earnest and powerful exhortation to obe-
dience; and especially a warning against idolatrj
as that which had brought God's judgment upon
them in times past (iv. 3), and would bring yet
sorer punishment in the future (iv. 26-28). To
this discourse is appended a brief notice of the
severing of the three cities of refvje en the east
side of the Jordan (iv. 41-43).
II. The second discourse if introduced like the
first by an explanation of the circumstances under
which it was delivered (iv. 44-49). It extends from
chap. v. 1-xxvi. 19, and contains a recapitulation
with some modifications and additions, of the Law
already given on Mom.t Sinai. Yet it is not bare
recapitulation, or naked enactment, but every word
shows the neart of the lawgiver full at once of sea)
for God and of the most fervent desire for the wai-
plat« consumption of the scanty harbafis.
MohUs in Algeria, f Htv)
(Fb»
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602 DEUTERONOMY
fere of hW nation. It is the Father no less than
tLe Legislator who speaks. And whilst obedience
•nd life are throughout bound up together, it is
the obedience of a loving heart, not a service of
formal constraint which is the burden of his exhor-
tations. The following are the principal heads of
discourse: (a.) He begins with that which formed
the basis of the whole Mosaic code, — the Ten
Commandments, — and impressively repeats the cir-
cumstances under which they were given (v. 1-vi.
3). (4.) Then follows an exposition of the spirit
of the First Table. The love of Jehovah who has
done so great things for them (vi. ), and the utter
uprooting of all idol-worship (vii.) are the points
chiefly insisted upon. But they are also reminded
that if idolatry be a snare on the one hand, so is
self-righteousness on the other (viii. 10 ff., x.), and
therefore lest they should be lifted up, the speaker
enters at length on the history of their past rebell-
ions (ix. 7, 22-24), and especially of their sin in
the matter of the golden calf (ix. 9-21). The true
nature of obedience is again emphatically urged (x.
12-xi. 32), and the great motives to obedience set
forth in God's lore and mercy to them as a people
(x. IS, 21, 22), as also his signal punishment of
the rebellious (xi. 3-6). The blessing and the curse
(xi. 26-32) are further detailed, (c.) From the
general tfirit in which the Law should be observed,
Moses passes on to the several enactments. Even
these are introduced by a solemn charge to the
people to destroy all objects of idolatrous worship
in the land (xii. 1-3). They are upon the whole
arranged systematically. We have (1) first the
laws touching religion (xii.-xvi. 17); (2) then those
which are to regulate the conduct of the govern-
ment and the executive (xvi. 18-xxi. 23); and (3)
lastly those which concern the private and social
life of the people (xxii. 1-xxvi. 19). The whole are
framed with express reference to the future occupa-
tion of the land of Canaan.
(1.) There is to be but one sanctuary where all
offerings are to be offered. Flesh may be eaten
anywhere, but sacrifices may only be slain in " the
place which the Lord thy God shall choose " (xii.
5-32). All idul prophets, all enticers to idolatry
from among themselves, even whole cities, if idol-
atrous, are to be cut off (xiii.); and all idolatrous
practices to be eschewed (xiv. 1, 2). Next come
regulations respecting clean and unclean animals,
tithe, the year of release and the three feasts of the
Passover, of Weeks, and of Tabernacles (xiv. 3-xri.
17).
(2.) The laws affecting public personages and
defining the authority of the Judges (xvi. 18-20)
and the Priests (ivii. 8-13), the way of proceeding
in courts of justice (xvii. 1-13); the law of the
King (xvii. 14-20), of the Priests and Levites and
Prophets (xviii.); of the cities of refuge and of
fitnesses (xix.). The order is not very exact, but
an the whole the section xvi. 18-xix. 21 is judicial
In its character. The passage xvi. 21-xvii. 1,
jeems strangely out of place, liaumgarten ( Comm.
m loc) tries to account for it on the ground of the
dose connection which must subsist between the
true worship of God and righteous rule and judg-
ment- But who does uot feel that this is said with
■tore ingenuity than truth ?
Next come the laws of war (xx.), Iioth as waged
(n) generally with other nations, and (A) especially
nth the inhabitants of Canaan (ver. 17).
(8.) Laws touching domestic life and the relation
«f mo to nan (xxi. 15-xxvi. 19). So Ewald
DEUTERONOMY
divides, assigning the former part of chap. xxi. te
the previous section. Havemick on the other nans'
includes it in the present. The fact is, that vr
10-14 belong to the laws of war which are treated
of in chap, xx., whereas 1-9 seem more naturally
to come under the matters discussed in this section.
It begins with the relations of the family, passes
on to those of the friend and neighbor, and then
touches on the general principles of justice and
charity by which men should be actuated (xxiv.
16-22). It concludes with the solemn confession
which every Israelite is to make when he offers the
first fruits, and which reminds him of what be is
as a member of the theocracy, as one in covenant
with Jehovah and greatly blessed by Jehovah.
Finally, the whole long discourse (v. 1-xxvi. 19)
is wound up by a brief but powerful appeal (16-19),
which reminds us of the words with which it
opened. It will be observed that no pains are
taken here, or indeed generally in the Mosaic legis-
lation, to keep the several portions of the law, con-
sidered as moral, ritual, and ceremonial, apart from
each other by any clearly marked line. But there
is in this discourse a very manifest gradual descent
from the higher ground to the lower. The speaker
begins by setting forth Jehovah himself as the
great object of love and worship, thence he passes
(1) to the Religious, (2) to the Political, and (3)
to the Social economy of his people.
III. In the third discourse (xxvii. 1-xxx. 20)
the Elders of Israel are associated with Moses. The
people are commanded to set up stones upon Mount
Ebal, and on them to write " all the words of this
law." Then follow the several curses to be pro-
nounced by the Levites on Ebal (xxvii. 14-26), and
the blessings on Gerizim (xxviii. 1-14). How ter-
rible will be the punishment of any neglect of this
law, is further portrayed in the vivid words of a
prophecy but too fearfully verified in the subsequent
history of the people. The subject of this disco ur se
is briefly '• The Messing and the Curse."
IV. The delivery of the Law at written by Moses
(for its still further preservation ) to the custody of
the Levites, and a charge to the people to bear it
read once every seven years (xxxi.): the Song of
Moses spoken in the ears of the people (xxxi. 30-
xxxii 44): and the blessing of the twelve tribes
(xxxiii. ).
V. The Book closes (xxxiv.) with an account of
the death of Moses, which is first announced to him
in xxxii. 48-52. On the authorship of the last
chapter we shall speak below.
B. RilnHon of DtHltronown/ to ike prtcttfing
tool's. It has been an opinion very generally enter-
tained by the more modern critics, as wefl as by the
earlier, that the book of Deuteronomy forms a com-
plete whole in itself, and that it was appended to
the other books as a later addition. Only chapters
xxxii., xxxiii., xxxiv., have been in whole or in part
called in question by He Wette, Ewald, and Von
Lengerke. De Wette thinks that xxxii. and xxxiii.
have been borrowed from other sources, and that
xxxiv. is the work of toe Elohist [Puktatecch].
Ewald also supposes xxxii to hate been b orrowed
from another writer, who lived, however (in accord-
ance with bis theory, which we shall notice Iowa
down), after Solomon. Ou the other band, he con-
siders xxxiii. to be later, whikt Bleek (Rtptrl. i. 25
and Tuch (Gex. p. 556) decide that it is Flohjsuc
Some of these critics imagine that these ib a p au i
originally formed the conclusion of the book ol
Numbers, and that the Ueoteronomiss [Pxjrr*
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DEUTERONOMY
ibcch] tore them away from their proper position
in order the better to incorporate fcls own work
with the net of the Pentateuch, and to give it a
fating conclusion. Geaenius and hi» follower* are
of opinion that the whole book aa it standi it
prevent is by the aame hand. But it is a question
of some interest and importance whether the book
of Deuteronomy should be assigned to the author,
or one of the authors, of the former portions of '.he
Pentateuch, or whether, it is a distinct and inde-
pendent work. The more conservative critics of the
school of Hengstenberg contend that Deuteronomy
farms an integral part of the Pentateuch, which is
throughout to be ascribed to Moses. Others, as
Staheun and Delitzsch, have given reasons for be-
lieving that it was written by the Jehovist; whilst
others again, as Ewald and De Wette, are in favor
of a different author.
The chief grounds on which the last opinion
rata are the many variations and additions to be
found in Deuteronomy, both in the historical and
legal portions, as well as the observable difference
of style and phraseology. It is necessary, therefore,
before we come to consider more directly the ques-
tion of authorship, to take into account these alleged
peculiarities; and it may be well to enumerate the
principal discrepancies, additions, Ac., as given by
De Wette in the last edition of his Einltitmy
(many of his former objections he afterwards aban-
doned), and to subjoin the replies and explanations
which they hare called forth.
I. Ducrt/Hmrirt. — The most important dis-
crepancies alleged to exist between the historical
portions of Deuteronomy and the earlier books are
the following —
(1.) The appointment of judges (i. 6-18) is at
variance with the account in Kx. xviii. It is re-
ferred to a different time, being placed after the
departure of the people from Horeb (ver. 6), whereas
in Exodus it is said to have occurred during their
encampment before the mount (Ex. xviii. 5). The
circumstances are different, and apparently it is
mixed up with the choosing of the seventy elders
(Num. xi. 11-17). To this it has been answered,
that although Deut i. 6 mentions the departure
from Sinai, yet Deut. i. 9-17 refers evidently to
what took place during the abode there, as is shown
by comparing the expression " at that time," ver.
9, with the same expression ver. 18. The speaker,
as is not unnatural in animated discourse, checks
himself and goes back to take notice of an important
ircumstance prior to one which he has already
.jentioned. This is manifest, because ver. 19 is so
> early resumptive of ver. 6. Again, there is no
»rce in the objection that Jethro's counsel is here
teased over in silence. When making allusion to
well-known historical fact, it is unnecessary for
*e sptaker to enter into details. This at most is
j» omission, not a contradiction. Lastly, the story
in Exodus is perfectly distinct from that in Num.
xi.. and there is no confusion of the two here.
Nothing is said of the institution of the seventy in
Dent., probably because the office was only tem-
porary, and if it did not cease before the death of
Moses, was not intended to be perpetuated in the
promised land. (So in substance Kanke, v. Len-
gerkc, Hengst, Havern., StaheUn.)
(3.) Chap. i. 22 is at variance with Num. xiil.
2, because here Moses is said to have sent the spies
into Canaan at the suggestion of the people, wnereas
there God is said to have commanded the measure.
The explanation is obvious. The people make the
88
DEUTERONOMY
598
request ; Moses refers it to God, who then gives to
it his sanction. In the historical book of Numbers
the divine command only is mentioned. Here,
where the lawgiver deals so largely with the feelings
and conduct of the people themselves, he reminds
them both that the request originated with them-
selves, and also of the circumstances out of which
that request sprang (w. 20, 21). These are not
mentioned in the history. The objection, it may
be remarked, is precisely of the same kind as that
which in the N. T. is urged against the reconcilia-
tion of Gal. ii. 2 with Acts xv. 2, 3. Both admit
of a similar explanation.
(8.) Chap. i. 44, "And the Amorittt which
dwelt in that mountain," Ac., whereas in the story
of the same event, Num. xir. 43-45, AmaUUies are
mentioned. Answer : in this latter passage not
only Amalekites, but Canaanites, are said to have
come down against the Israelites. The Amorites
«tand here not for "Amalekites," but for "Canaan-
ites," as being the most powerful of all the Cauaan-
itish tribes (cf. Gen. xr. 16; Deut. 1. 7); and the
Amalekites are not named, but hinted at, when it
is said, " they destroyed you in Setr," where, ac-
cording to 1 Chr. iv. 42, they dwelt (so Hengst
iii. 421).
(4.) Chap. ii. 2-8, confused and at variance with
Num. xx. 14-21, and xxi. 4. In the former we
read (ver. 4), "Ye are to pass through the coast
of your brethren, the children of Esau." In the
latter (ver. 30), " And he said, Thou shah not go
through. And Edom came out against him," ie.
But, according to Deut., that part of the Edomite
territory only was traversed which lay about Klath
and Ezion-geber. In this exposed part of their
territory any attempt to prevent the passage of the
Israelites would have been usekss, whereas at Ka-
desh, where, according to Numbers, the opposition
wss offered, the rocky nature of the country was in
favor of the Edomites. (So Hengst iii. 283 ff.,
who is followed by Winer, i. 293, note 3.) To this
we may add, that in Deut. ii. 8, when it is said,
" we pnued by from our brethren the children of
Esau . . . through the way of the plain fron'
Elath," the failure of an attempt to pass elsewhen
is implied. Again, according to Deut, the Israel-
ites purchased food and water of the Edomites and
Moabites (w. 6, 28), which, it is said, contradicts
the story in Num. xx. 19, 20. But in both ac-
counts the Israelites offer to pay for what they
have (cf. Deut. ii. 6 with Num. xx. 19). And if
in Deut. xxiil. 4 there seems to be a contradiction
to Deut. ii. 39, with regard to the conduct of the
Moabites, it may be removed by observing (with
Hengst. iii. 286) that the unfriendliness of the
Moabites in not coming out to meet the Israelites
with bread and water was the very reason why the
latter were obliged to buy provisions.
(5.) More perplexing is the difference in the
account of the encampments of the Israelites, aa
given Deut. x. 6, 7, compared with Num. xx. 23,
xxxiii. 30 and 37. In Deut. it is said that the
order of encampment was, (1) Bene-jsakan, (2)
Mosera (where Aaron dies), (3) Gudgodah, (4) Jot
bath. In Numbers it is, (1) Moseroth, (2) Bene-
jaakan, (3) Hor-hagidgad, (4) Jotbath. Then fbl
low the stations Kbronah, Ezion-geber, Kadesh, and
Mount Hot, and it is at this last that Aaron dies.
(It is remarkable here that no account Is given of
the stations between Ezion-geber and Kadesh on
the rVurn route.) Various attempts hare been
made to reconcile these accounts. The explanaticc
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694 DBTJTEBONOMY
rjrsn by Kurt* {Attat mr Gaeh. </. A. B. 20) ii
on the whale the moat satisfactory. He says: " In
the first month of the fortieth yew the whole con-
gregation comet a second time to the wilderness
of Hn, which is Kadesh (Num. xxxiii. 36). On the
down-route to Ezion-geber they had encamped at
the several stations Moseroth (or Mosera), Bene-
Jaakan, Cbor-hagidgad, and Jotbath. But now
again departing from Kadesh, they go to Mount
Hot, ' in the edge of the land of Edoni ' (ver. 37,
38), or to Mosera (Dent. x. 6, 7), this test being
in the desert at the foot of the mountain. Bene-
Jaakan, Uudgodah, and Jotbath were also visited
about this time, i. t. a seomd'time, after the second
halt at Kadesh." This seems a not improbable
explanation, and our knowledge of the topography
of the desert is so inaccurate that we can hardly
hope for a better. Mora may be seen in Winer,
art. WiMtt.
(6.) But this is not so much a discrepance as a
peculiarity of the writer: in Deut the usual name
for the mountain on which the law was given is
Horeb, only once (xxxiii. 2) Sinai; whereas in the
other books Sinai is far more oonunon than Horeb.
The answer given is, that Horeb was the general
name of the whole mountain-range; Sinai, the par-
ticular mountain on which the law was delivered ;
and that Horeb, the more general and well-known
name, was employed in accordance with the rhe-
torical style of this book, in order trt bring sjtj llnj xxiii
contrast between tbe Sinaitic giving W the -law* and
the giving of the law in the land of Moab (Deut.
I. 6, xxix. 1). SoKeiL Of this last exntanatioo it
is not too much to say that it it neither ineenious
nor satisfactory. .... » ^
It mutt be remembered, with regard to all Ut» <
answers above given, that so far at they reconcile
alleged contradictious, they tend to^sublish the
veracity of the writers, but they by no means prove
that the writer of the book of Deuteronomy is no
other than the writer of the earlier books. So far
indeed there is nothing to decide one way or the
other. The additions both to the historical and
legal sections are in this respect of far more im-
portance, and tbe principal of them we shall here
enumerate.
II. Addition. — These an to be found both in
he History and in tbe Law.
1. In the History. (•».) Tbe command of God
to leave Horeb, Deut i. 6, 7, not mentioned Num.
x. 11. The repentance of the Israelites, Deut. i.
15, omitted Num. xiv. 46. The intercession of
vfoses in behalf of Aaron, Deut. ix. 20, of which
nothing is said Ex. xxxii., xxxiii. These are so
slight, however, that, as Keil suggests, they might
have been passed over very naturally in the earlier
hooks, supposing both accounts to be by the same
hand. But of more note are: (A.) Tbe command
not to fight with the Hoahites and Ammonites,
Deut ii. 9, 19, or with the Kdoniites, but to buy
of them food and water, ii. 4-8. The valuable his-
torical notices which are given respecting the earlier
inhabitants of tbe countries of Moab and Ammon
and of Mount Sen-, ii. 10-12, 20-23; tlie sixty forti-
fied cities of Bsshun, in. 4, the king of tbe country
who was "of the remnant of giants," iii. 11; the
different names of Hennon, iii. 9; the wilderness
of Kedemoth, ii. 36; and the more detailed account
af the attack of the Amalekitea, xxv. 17, 18, oora-
pared with Ex. xvii 8.
2. In the Law. lis appointment of the cities
of refuge, Dent m. 7-0, as compared with Num.
DBUTBBONOMY
xxxv. 14 and Dent, Iv. 41; of owe particular plat*
for the solemn worship of God, where all offering!
tithes, Ac, are to be brought, Deut xii. 5, Ac
whilst the restriction with regard to the slaying of
animals only at the door of the tabernacle of thi
congregation (Lev. xvii. 3, 4) is done away, 15, 20.
21 ; the regulations respecting tithes to be brought
with the sacrifices and bunt-offerings to the as
pointed place, Deut xii. 6, 11, 17, xiv. 22, Ac,
xxvi. 12; concerning false prophets and seducers to
idolatry and those that hearken unto them, xiii.;
concerning the king and the manner of the king-
dom, xvii. 14, Ac. ; tbe prophets, xviii. 15, Ac ; war
and military service, xx. ; the expiation of aacnt
murder; the law of female captives; of first-born
sons by a double marriage; of disobedient sons; of
those who suffer death by hanging, xxi. ; the laws
in xxii. 5-8, 13-21 ; of divorce, xxiv. 1, and various
lesser enactments, xxiii. and xxv.; the form of
thanksgiving in offering the nrtt-fruita^xxvi.; the
command to write the law upon stones, xxvii., and
to read it before all Israel at the Feast of Taber-
nacles, xxxt 10-13.
Many others are rather extensions or modifies-
tions of, than additions to, existing laws, as for in
stance the law of the Hebrew slave, Deut xv. 12
tc, compared with Ex. xxL 9, Ac See also tbe
uller directions in Deut xv. 19-23, xxvi 1-11, as
jumpered with the briefer notices, Ex. xiii. 12,
19.
C. Author. 1. It is generally agreed that by
for the greater portion of the book is the cork of
one author. The only parts which have been ques-
tioned as possible interpolations are, according to
De Wette, iv. 41-3, X.&V9, xxxii., and xxxiiii. In-
ternal evidence indeed la strongly decisive that
tblg'ftmili af JssrTwntateuch was not the work of
a compiler. „
2. It cannot be denied that the style of Deuter-
onomy is very different from that of the other fbu
books of tbe Pentateuch. It is more flowing, more
rhetorical, more sustained. Tbe rhythm is grand,
and tbe diction more akin to tbe sublinier |istegi»
of tbe prophets, than to the sober prose of tbe his-
torians.
3. Who then was the author? On this point
the following principal hypotheses have been main-
tained: —
(1.) The old traditional view that this book, like
the other books of tbe Pentateuch, is the work of
Moses himself. Of tbe later critics Hrngstenberg,
liavernick, Ranke, and others, have maintained this
view. Moses Stuart writes: " Deuteronomy ap-
pears to my mind, as it did to that of Eichborn
and Herder, as the earnest outpourings and admo-
nitions of a heart which felt the deepest interest ia
tbe welfare of the Jewish nation, and which rtnl-
ixed that it must soon bid Cwewell to them . . .
Instead of bearing upon its face, as is alleged by
some, evidences of another authorship than that af
Moses, 1 must regard this book as bring so deeply
fraught with holy and patriotic feeling, as to con-
vince suy unprejudiced reader who is competent to
judge of its style, that it cannot, with any toler-
able degree of probability, be attributed to as;
prtttndtr to legislation, or to any mere imitator
of tbe great legislator. Such a glow at runs through
all this book it is in vain to seek for in any arti-
ficial or supposititious composition " (But. «/rt»
0. T. Camm, { J).
In support of this opinion it is said: («) That
supposing the whols Pentateneh to ban keen writ
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DEUTERONOMY
*•* Vjr Horn, the chuge in style u essuy accounted
tor when we remember that the last book it hor-
tatory in its character, that it consists chiefly of
orations, and that these were delivered under very
peculiar circumstanees. (4.) That the uwi loquatdi
is not only generally in accordance with that of fie
earlier books, and that aa well in their Elohiatic as
in their Jehovistic portions, but that there are cer-
tain peculiar forms of expression common only to
these Ave books. l» x That the alleged discrep-
ancies in matter* of fact between this and the
earlier books may all be reconciled (see above), and
that the additions and corrections in the legislation
are only such as would necessarily be made when
the people were just about to enter the promised
land. Thus Bertheau observes : " It is hazanloui
to conclude from contradictions in the laws that
they are to be ascribed to a different age ... He
who made additions most have known what it was
he was making additions to, and would either have
avoided ail contradiction, or would have altered the
earlier laws to make them agree with the later "
(Die Sieben Grvppm Mo». (latlze, p. 19, note).
(d.) That the book bears witness to its own author-
ship (xxxi. 19), and ia expressly cited in the N. T.
a* the work of Hoses (Matt. six. 7, 8; Mark x. 8;
Acta iii. 32, vii. 37).
The advocates of this theory of course suppose
that the last chapter, containing an account of the
death of Moses, was added by a later hand, and
perhaps formed originally the beginning of the book
of Joshua.
(3.) The opinion of Staheun (and aa it would
seem of Bleek) that the author is the same as the
writer of the Jehovistic portions of the other books.
He thinks that both the historical and legislative
portions plainly show the hand of the sirpplementist
(KriL Unteri. p. 76). Hence be attaches but
little weight to the alleged discrepancies, as he con-
siders tbeni all to be the work of the reviser, going
over, correcting, and adding to the older materials
of the Elohirtic document already in his hands.
(3.) The opinion of De Wette, Gesenius, and
others, that the Deuteronomist is a distinct writer
from the Jehovist. De Wette's arguments are
based, («) on the difference in style; (4) on the
contradictions already referred to as existing in
matters of history, as well aa in the legislation,
when compared with that in Exodus; (c) on the
peculiarity noticeable in this book, that God does
not speak by Moses, but that Moses himself speaks
to the people, and that there is no mention of the
sngel of Jehovah (cf. i. 80, vii. 30-33, xi. 13-17,
with Ex. xxiii. 30-33); and lastly on the fact that
the Deuteronomist ascribes bis whole work to
Hoses, while the Jehovist assigns him only certain
portions.
(4.) From the fact that certain phrases occurring
ji Deuteronomy are found also in the prophecy of
Jeremiah, it has been too hastily concluded by some
Critics that both books were the work of the prophet.
So Von Bohlen, Gesenius (Gesch. d. 1/ebr. Spr.
p. 33), and Hartmann (Hist. Krit. Ftn-tch. p. 660).
Konig, on the other hand (Alttett. Stud. ii. 13 ff.),
has shown not only that this idiomatic resemblance
has been made too much of (see also Keil, KM. p.
117), but that there is the greatest possible differ-
ence of style between the two buuha. And De
Wette renarks (Atnt p. 191), "Zu riel behauptet
lber diete Verwandtachaft eon Bohlm, Gen. s.
ML"
(5.) Kfraid la of op nion that H waa written by a
DEUTERONOMY
695
Jew living in %ypt during the latter half of tatt
reign of Manasseh (tfese*. des V.I.I 171). He
thinks that a pioos Jew of that age, gifted with
prophetic power and fully alive to all the evils of
his time, sought thus to revive and to impress
more powerfully upon the minds of his countrymen
the gnat lessons of that Law which he aaw they
were in danger of forgetting. He avails himself
therefore of the groundwork of the earlier history,
and also of the Mosaic mode of expression. But
as his object is to rouse a corrupt nation, he only
makes use of historical notices for the purpose of
introducing bis warnings and exhortations with the
more efleot. This be does with great skill and as
a master of bis subject, whilst at the same time he
gives fresh vigor and life to the old law by means
of those new prophetic truths which had so lately
become the heritage of his people. Ewald further
considers that there are passages in Deuteronomy
borrowed from the books of Job and Isaiah (iv. 33
from Job viii. 8 ; and xxviii. 29, 30, 35 from Job v.
14, xxxi. 10, ii. 7 ; and xxviii. 49, Ac. from Is. v.
36 ff., xxxiii. 19), and much of it akin to Jeremiah
(GescA. i. 171. note). The song of Moses (xxxii.)
is, according to him, not by the Deuteronomist, but
is nevertheless later than the time of Solomon.
D. Date of Compotilion. Waa the book really
written, as its language certainly implies, before
the entry of Israel into the Promised Land ? Not
only does the writer assert that the discourses con-
tained in the book were delivered in the plains of
Moab, in the last month of the 40 years' wander-
ing, and when the people were just about to enter
Canaan (i. 1-6), but be tells us with still further
exactness that all the words of this Law were
written at the same time in the book (xxxi. 9).
Moreover, the fact that the goodly land lay even
now before their eyes seems everywhere to be up-
permost in the thoughts of the legislator, and to
lend a peculiar solemnity to his words. Hence we
constantly meet with such expressions as " When
Jehovah thy God bringeth thee into the land
which he hath sworn to thy fathers to give thee,"
or " whither thou goest in to possess it." This
phraseology is so constant, and seems to fall in so
naturally with the general tone and character of
the book, that to suppose it was written long after
the settlement of the Israelites in Canaan, in the
reign of Solomon (De Wette, v. Lengerke and
others), or in that of Manasseh (Ewald aa above),
is not only to make the book an historical romance,
but to attribute very considerable inventive skill to
the author (as Ewald in fact does).
De Wette argues, indeed, that the character of
the Laws ia such as of itself to presuppose a long
residence in the land of Canaan. He instances the
allusion to the temple (xiL and xvi. 1-7), the pro-
vision for the right discharge of the kingly and
prophetical offices, the rules for civil and military
organization and the state of the Levites, who are
represented as living without cities (though such
are granted to them in Num. xxxv.) and without
tithes (allotted to them in Num. xviii. 20, Ac.).
But in the passages cited the temple is not named,
much less is it spoken of as already existing: on
the cuntrarv the phrase employed is " The place
which the Lord your God shall choose." Again,
to suppose that Moses waa incapab'e of providing
for the future and very different position of his
people as settled in the land of Canaan, is to deny
him even ordinary sagacity. Without raising the
question about his divine commission, surely it it
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596 DEVIL
not too much to assume that so wise and great a
legislator would foresee the growth of a polity and
would be anxious to regulate its due administration
In the fear of God. Hence he would guard against
false prophets and seducers to idolatry. As regards
the Levitas, Moses might have expected or even
desired that, though possessing certain cities (which,
however, were inhabited by others as well as
themselves), they should not be confined to those
cities but scattered over the face of the country.
This must have been the case at first, owing to the
very gradual occupation of the new territory. The
mere fact that in Riving them certain rights in
Deut. nothing is said of an earlier provision in
Num. does not by any means prove that this ear-
lier provision was unknown or had ceased to be in
force.
Other reasons for a later date, such as the men-
tion of the worship of the sun and moon (iv. 19,
xvii. 3) ; the punishment of stoning (xvii. 5, xxii.
21, Ac.); the name Featt of Tabernoclet; and
the motive for keeping the Sabbath, are of little
force. In Amos v. 26, Saturn is said to have been
worshipped in the wilderness ; the punishment of
atoning is found also in the older documents; the
Feast of Tabernacles agrees with Lev. xxiii. 34;
and the motive alleged for the observance of the
Sabbath at least does not exclude other motives.
A further discussion of the question of author-
ship, as well as of the date of the legislation in
Deuteronomy, must be reserved for another article.
[Pentateuch.] J. J. S. P.
• On the general literature relating to Deuteron-
omy, see Pentateuch. Recent exegetical works
on this book are: Kiehm, Die GeteUgebung ifotit
im Land* Moab, 1864; F. W. Scbultz, Dot Deut-
eronomium erkidrt, 1869; KnobeL Die Biicher
Numeri, Deuteronomium u. Jotua erkidrt, 1861
(Fxtget. ffandb. xiii.); Keil, in Keil u. Delitzach,
Bibl. Com. 2ter Band, tier Num. u. Deut., 1862;
Chr. Wordsworth, ffulu Bible with Nottt, vol. I.,
Five Books of Motes, 2d ed. 1865; F. W. J.
Scbroeder, Dot Deutermiomium, 1866 (in I-ange's
Bilitlwerk, A. T., iii.). On single passages, Volck,
if out canticum cygneum. Dent, xxxii., 1861;
.\amphausen, Dot Lied Motet, Deut. xxxii.,
1862; Graf, Der Segen Motet, Deut. xxxiii., 1867.
T. J. C.
DEVIL (AidtjSoAo;: IHabolut; properly "one
who sets at variance," liafidWfi; comp. Plat
Symp. p. 222, c, d; and generally a "slanderer"
it "false accuser").
The word is found in the plural number and ad-
jective sense in 1 Tim. iii. 11; 2 Tim. iii. 3; and
Tit. it. 3. In all other cases it is used with the
jticle as a descriptive name of Satan ° [Satan],
xceptuig that in John vi. 70 it is applied to Judas
vas " Satan " to St Peter in Matt xvi. 23), because
they — the one permanently, and the other for the
soment — were doing Satan's work.
The name describes him as slandering God to
man, and man to God.
The former work is, of course, a part of his
great work of temptation to evil ; and is not only
exemplified but illustrated as to its general nature
and tendency by the narrative of Gen. iii. We
find there that its essential characteristic is the
representation of God as an arbitrary and selfish
■user, seeking his own good and not that of his
a • Without the srtlrle. though applied to Satan, m
lc*> xM. 10. 1 IN*, v. 8, and IUv. xx. 2. either on
DEW
creatures. The effect is to stir up the spirit of
freedom in man to seek a fancied independence
and it is but a slight step further to impute false-
hood or cruelty to Him. The success of the Devil's
slander is seen, not only in the Scriptural narrative
of the Fall, but in the corruptions of most mythol-
ogies, and especially in the horrible notion of the
divine $64yos, which ran through so many. (See
e. g. Herod, i. 32, vii. 46.) The same slander is
implied rather than expressed in the temptation of
our Lord, and overcome by the faith which trusts
in God's love even where its signs may be hidden
from the eye. (Comp. the unmasking of a similar
slander by Peter in Acts v. 4.)
The other work, the slandering or accusing man
before God, is, as it must necessarily be, unintelli-
gible to us. The All-Seeing Judge can need no
accuser, and the All-Pure could, it might seem,
have no intercourse with the Evil One. But in
truth the question touches on two mysteries, the
relation of the Infinite to the finite spirit, and the
permission of the existence of evil under the gov-
ernment of Him who is " the Good." As a part
of these it must be viewed, — to the latter especially
it belongs; and this latter, while it is the great
mystery of all, is also one in which {he facts are
proved to us by incontrovertible evidence.
The fact of the Devil's accusation of man to God
is stated generally in Rev. xii. 10, where he is
called " the accuser (Kartryap) of our brethren, who
accused them before our God day and night," and
exemplified plainly in the case of Job. Its essence
as before is the imputation of selfish motives (Job
i. 9, 10), and its refutation is placed in the self-
sacrifice of those "who loved not their own lives
unto death-"
For details see Satan. A. B.
* DEVOTIONS denoted formerly objects of
worship or religious veneration, and not, as at
present, acts of worship or sentiments of devotion.
It is in the former sense only that it stands correct!;
for o-tJSdoTurra in Acts xvii. 23 (A. V.), undo
which term Paul refers to the temples, images
altars and the like, which the Athenians regarded as
sacred, and to which they paid divine homage. It
will be seen that in the Greek text kuI fiu/tis ("if
an altar) is put forward as one of the examples of
the class which o-iBic/iaTa designates. Our pres
ent English therefore requires " your objects of de-
votion " in Paul's speech, instead of " your devo-
tions." H.
•DEVOUT. [Proselytes, at the end,
Amer. ed.]
DEW (bt2 : tpicos- rot). This in the sum-
mer is so copious in Palestine that it supplies so
some extent the absence of rain (Ecclus. xviii. 16.
xliii. 22), and becomes important to the agricultur-
ist; as a proof of this copiousness the well-known
sign of Gideon (Judg. vi. 37, 39, 40) may be ad -
duced. Thus it is coupled in the divine blearing
with rain, or mentioned as a prime source of for-
tuity (Gen. xxvii. 28; Deut xxxiii. 13; Zech. viii.
12), and its withdrawal is attributed to a curse (I
Sam. i. 21 ; 1 K. xvii. 1 ; Hag. 1. 10). It becomes
a leading object in prophetic imagery by reason of
its penetrating moisture without the apparent edbrt
of rain (Deut xxxii. 2; Job xxix. 19; Ps. crtrW
3; Prov. xix. 12; Is. xxvi. 19; Hos. xiv. 6; Mie
account of its predicate relation, or Its f woe as a props-
name. Bee Buttmann's Nrutrtt. Oramm. p. 78. H.
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DKW OF HERMOK
t. 7 1 , while it* speedy evanescence typifies the tran- 1
sent goodness of the hypocrite (Hos. vi. 4, xiii. 3).
It it mentioned as a token of exposure in the night
(Cant. v. 2; Dan. iv. 15. 23, 24-33, v. 21).
H. H.
• DEW OP HERMON. [Hxiuion.]
DIADEM (n" 1 ??, *)*>?. or ng??», also
iTT'SV), * word employed in the A. V. as the
translation of the above Hebrew terms. They oc-
cur in poetical passages, in which neither the He-
brew nor the English words appear to be used with
any special force. H^VD *» strictly used for the
" mitre " of the high-priest. [Mitre.]
What the " diadem " of the Jews was we know
not. That of other nations of antiquity was a fillet
of silk, two inches broad, bound round the head and
tied behind, the invention of which is attributed to
Liber (Plin. //. If. vil. 56, 57). Its color was gen-
erally white (Tac. Ann. vi. 37; Sil. Ital. xvi. 241);
sometimes, however, it was of blue, like that of Da-
rius, " ceridea fascia albo distinct* " (Q. Curt. iii. 3,
vi. 20; X«n. Cyr. viii. 3, § 13); and it was sown
with pearls or other gems (Gibbon, i. 392: Zech.
ix. 16), and enriched with gold (Rev. ix. 7). It
was peculiarly the mark of oriental sovereigns (1
Mace. xiii. 32, to SictSn/ia rrjs 'Affitu), and hence
the deep offense caused by the attempt of Caaar to
substitute it for the laurel crown appropriated to
Roman emperors ("sedebat . . . coronatus; . . .
diadema ostendis," Cic Phil ii. 34): when some
one crowned his statue with a laurel-wreath, " Can-
dida: fasciae pneligatam," the tribunes instantly
ordered the fillet or diadem to be removed, and the
man to be thrown into prison (Suet Cat. 79).
Caligula's wish to use it was considered an act of
insanity (Suet. Cat 22). Heliogabalus only wore
it in private. Antony assumed it in Egypt (Flor.
iv. 11), but Diocletian (or, according to Aurel.
Victor, Aurelian) first assumed it as a bridge of the
empire. Representations of it may be seen on the
coins of any of the later emperors (Tillemont, ffi$t.
Imp. iii. 631).
A crown was used by the kings of Israel, even in
battle (2 Sam. i. 10 ; similarly it is represented on
coins of Theodosius as encircling his helmet); but
in all probability this wsa not the state crown (2
Sam. xii. 30), although used in the coronation of
Joash (2 K. xi. 12). Kitto supposes that the state
crown may have been in the possession of Athaliah ;
but perhaps we ought not to lay any great stress
on the word "T13 in this place, especially as it is
very likely that the state crown was kept in the
Temple.
In Esth. i. 11, ii. 17, we have "Unj Mrapis,
slJapii) for the turban (<rroA)) flwairn, vi. 8)
■in by the Persian king, queen, or other eminent
persons to whom it was conceded as a special favor
(viii. 15, SiASnfta fHaairor iropdnipoir)- The
iiadem of the king differed from that of others in
Having an erect tr i angu l ar peak (.Kupfiaoia, Aris-
.oph. Av. 487; %r ot $atriA»7s pAro* ip8i)t> <a>o-
vam> wooa n«fwwr, vl S« (rrparrryol KtKAtpiniv,
"Mud. I. «. ridpa, and Hesych.). Possibly the
" 1 ??1? of Dsn - m - 21 is a tiara (as in LXX.,
(here however Drusius and others invert the words
«•! riapcut irol wstwcrtyuiri), A. V. •' hat [Hat.] "
Some render it Sy tibialt or calceammtum.
lehkoaner sugpatta that xpti&vkos may be derived
DIAL
697
from it. The tiara generally had pewleut flaps
ailing on the shoulders. (See Paschalius, tie Coro-
na, p. 573; Brissonius, de Regn. Pen., Ac.; Lay-
ard, ii. 320; Scaccbus, Myrothec. iii. 38; Fabriciua,
BiU. Ant. xiv. 13.)
The words O^S^aip NTH? ["exceeding in
dyed attire," A. V.] in Es. xxiii. 15 mean long and
flowing turbans of gorgeous colors (LXX. rapd-
ftawra, where a better reading is rut/xu /SonrraD-
[Crowk.] F. W. F
Obven* of Tetndrochm of Tlgrnnes, king of Syrss.
Head of king with diadem, to the right.
•The difference between "diadem" (StdSriita)
and "crown " {ari&avos) is very important for the
study of the New Testament. The distinction Is
not duly recognized in the foregoing article or in
that on Crown. Both the classical usage and that
of the Hellenistic Greek are well illustrated by
Trench in his Synonym of the N. T., § xxiii.
See also Corona in Pauly's Rent- Encyk. ii. 714.
The distinctive idea of " diadem " is that of roy.
atty or kingly power; while the other senses of otn
English " crown " (which embraces also that of
"diadem," and hence of itself is indeterminate)
belong to arttpavos, denoting " the crown of victory
in the games, of civic worth, of military valor, of
nuptial joy, of festal gladness," but not the emblem
of sovereignty and regal grandeur.
Hence the reference (see above) to Rev. ix. 7, as
showing how the diadem was ornamented, is incor-
rect; for the term there is cn-dtpcwoi, and describes
" the locusts " as conquerors, not as kings. The
Septuagiut (see e. g. the passages in the first book
of Maccabees, which contain the two words) ob-
serves the distinction under remark with undeviat-
ing accuracy. It would be better, perhaps, if the
A. V. had at least suggested to the reader the va-
riation in the Greek, by saying " diadems " instead
of " crowns " in Rev. xii. 3, xiii. 1, xix. 12. Without
a distinct apprehension of the import of these aim
ilar but diflerent expressions, we fail, as Trend:
remarks, to perceive how " fitly it is said of Hint
who is King of Kings and Lord of Lords, that on
his head were many diademt (oiaH\nara woKki) ,
. . . these ' many diadems ' the tokens of the
many royalties — of earth, of heaven, and of hell
(Phil. ii. 10) — which are his; royalties ones
usurped or assailed by the Great Red Dragon, the
usurper of Christ's dignity and honor, described
therefore with hit seven diadems as well (xiii. 1),
but now openly and forever assumed by Him to
whom they rightfully belong." See also Webster's
Syntax and Synonym of the Greek Tettament, p.
233 (Lond. 1864). H.
DIAL (ni?S5: hrafiaipot: horatogum).
the word is the same as that rendered " steps " in
A. V. (Ex. xx. 26; 1 K. x. 19), and "degrees" is
A. T. (2 K. xx. », 10, 11; Is. xxxviii. 8), when,
to gi") a consistent rendering, we should read with
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508
DIAMOND
the margin the" degrees" rather than the "dial"
H Ahai. In the abnnee of any material! for de-
termining the shape and structure of the solar In-
strument, which certainly appears intended, the
best course is to follow the most strictly natural
meaning of the words, and to consider with Cyril
of Alexandria and Jerome ( Comm. on Is. xzxriii.
8), that the /TD^S were really stairs, and that
the shadow (perhaps of some column or obelisk
on the top) fell on a greater or smaller number
of them according as the sun was low or high.
The terrace of a palace might easily be thus orna-
mented. Ahaz's tastes seem to have led him in
pursuit of foreign curiosities (2 K. xvi. 10), and his
intimacy with Tiglath-Pileser gave him probably
an opportunity of procuring from Assyria the pat-
tern of some such structure; and this might readily
lead the "princes of Babylon" (3 Chr. xxxil. 31)
to "inquire of the wonder," namely, the alteration
if the shadow, in the reign of Hezekiah. Herod-
otus (ii. 109) mentions that the Egyptians received
from the Babylonians the »<f A.oj and the yrAfimr,
and the division of the day into twelve hours. Of
such division, however, the 0. T. contains no un-
doubted trace, nor does any word proved to be
equivalent to the " hour " occur in the course of it,
although it is possible that Ps. di. 11, and cix. 23,
may contain allusion to the progress of a shadow
as measuring diurnal time. In John xi. 9 the day
la spoken of as consisting of twelve hours. M
regards the physical character of the sign of the
retrogression of the shadow in Is. xxxviii. 8, it
seems useless to attempt to analyze it; no doubt an
alteration in the inclination of the gnomon, or
column, Ac, might easily effect such an apparent
retrogression ; but the whole idea, which is that of
Divine interference with the course of nature in
behalf of the king, resists such an attempt to bring
it within the compass of mechanism.
It has been suggested that the D^D^Il of Is.
tvtt. 8, xxvii. 9 ; Ez. vi. 4, 6, rendered hi the mar-
gin of the A. V. t; sun-images,*' were gnomons to
measure time (Jahn, Archaol. 1. i. 539), but there
ieems no adequate ground for this theory.
H. H.
* Oumpach, in his Sonnemeiger des Ahas (Alt-
testamenthcht Studien, p. 186) suggests that the
"dial of Ahas" was so called because H was a
present to him from his ally Tiglath-Pileser, and
that it was not only modelled after the style of
such structures in Babylonia, but was made there
and sent to Ahaz from that country. In his res-
toration of the figure he makes it resemble very
■nuch what is supposed to have been the shape of
'he edifices represented by the Rirs Niinroud and
t ther similar ruins, namely, a series of steps or ter
race* on which an upright pole cast its shadow.
[See Babel, Tower of.] Mr. Layard thinks it
possible that these great structures in Mesopotamia
may have been built for some astronomical pur-
pose {Nin. and Bab. p. 499). The confirmation of
this conjecture would bring the ruins on the banks
jf the Euphrates into a new connection with sacred
hlstoiy. Oumpach attempts to explain the account
of the sun's going back on the dial of Ahaz with-
out finding anything miraculous in the text. See
tirainst that view Keil and Delitzsch, Biichtr dtr
KSni(,e (1865), p 345. [Hrzkkiaii.] H.
DIAMOND (D"bjT: tarns: jaspis), a pre-
aous stone, the third ta 'ie second row on the
DIANA
breast-plat* of the high-priest .Ex. xxrUl U
xxxix. 11), and mentioned by Ezekiel (xxiiii. 13
among the precious stones of the king of Tyre
Gesenius has noticed the difficulty of identifying
the terms used in the versions for each of the He-
brew names of precious stones in the above paassges,
the translators or transcribers having apparently
altered the order in which they stand, "lama
seems to be the word in the LXX c o rre spon ding to
CT vJTJ, but most ancient commentators give tn>(,
iriyioy, onychiiws. Our translation, " diamond,"
is derived from Aben Ezra, and is defended by
Braun (de Vest Sactrd, ii. 13). Kalisch (on Ex.
p. 536) says " perhaps Emerald." The etymology
(from 07TT, to strike, or crush) leads as to sup-
pose a hard stone. The emerald, which is of a
green color, of various depths, is nearly as hard as
the topaz, and stands next to the ruby in value.
The same authority doubts whether the art of en-
graving on the diamond was known to the ancients,
since they did not even understand bow to cut the
ruby.
Respecting "VD^, which la translated "dia-
mond " in Jer. xrU. 1, see under Adamant.
W. D.
DI ATX A. This Latin word, property denoting
a Roman divinity, is the represen tative of the Greek
Artemis CAprt/ut), the tntetsry goddess of the
Epbesians, who plays so important a part in the
narrative of Acts xix. The Epbesian Diana was,
however, regarded as invested with very different
attributes, and made the object of a different wor-
ship from the ordinary Diana of the Greeks, and is
rather perhaps to be identified with Astarte and
other female divinities of the East. K. O. IfttBer
says (Hist of the Dorians, i. 403, Eng. trans.),
" everything that is related of this deity is singular
and foreign to the Greeks."
Guhi, indeed ( F.phtsiaca, pp. 78-86), takes the
contrary view, and endeavors in almost all points
to identify her with the true Greek goddess. And
in some respects there was doubtless a fusion of the
two. Diana was the goddess of rivers, of pools, and
of harbors ; and these conditions are satisfied by the
situation of the sanctuary at Ephesus. Coressus,
one of the hills on which the city stood, is con-
nected by Stephanus Byzantinns with Kopn. We
may refer also to the popular notion that, when the
temple was burnt on the night of Alexander's birth,
the calamity occurred because the goddess was ab-
sent in the character of Lucius- Again, on coins
of Ephesus we sometimes find her exhibited u a
huntress and with a stag. But the true Efh^fon
Diana is represented in a form entirely alien from
Greek art. St. Jerome's words are (Prafal. ad
£))Ae«.), "Scribebat Paulus ad Ephesios Dianau.
ententes, non banc renatricem, quss arcum tenet et
succinct* est, sed istam imUtimammiam, quam
Gra-ci roKifuurrov vocant, ut scilicet ex ipsa effigie
mentirentur omnium earn bestiarum et viventiuni
esse nutrieem." Guhl, indeed, supposes this mods
of representation to have reference simply to the
fountains over which the goddess presided, conceiv-
ing the multiplication of breasts to be similar to
the multiplication of eyes in Argus or of heads is
Typhosus. But the correct view is marliisilsawsTty
that which treats this peculiar form as a symbol of
the productive and nutritive powers of nature
This is the form under which the Epbesian Diana
so called for distinction, was always reprassctes'
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DIANA
' worshipped ; and the worship extended to
9*117 P' area i » l,cn *» Samoa, Mitylene, Perga, Hi-
srapuus, and Gortyna, to mention those only which
aoeur in the N. T. or the Apocrypha. The coin
below will (jive some notion of the image, which
DIBON
599
Greek Imperial copper cola of Bpheras and Smyrna
allied COpirtxa); Domltla, with name
of proconsul.
Oct. : AOMITI A CIBACTR. Bust to right. Bar. :
AN0YKAICEN TUITOY OMONOIA E«E ZMYP.
Kpbasian Diana.
was grotesque and archaic in character. The head
wore a mural crown, each hand held a bar of metal,
and the lower part ended in a rude block covered
with figures of animals and mystic inscriptions.
This idol was regarded as an object of peculiar
sanctity, and was believed to have fallen down from
heaven (rov AiotrrroOf, Acts xix. 35).
The Oriental character of the goddess is shown
by the nature of her hierarchy, which consisted of
women and eunuchs, the ft nuer called Mtkiooat,
the latter Mtyd0j{oi- At their head wag a high-
priest called 'E<r<rtj»- These terms have probably
some connection with the fact that the bee was
sacred to the Ephesiui Diana (Aristoph. Han.
1373). For the temple considered as a work of
art we must refer to the article Ephesus. No
arm* were allowed to be worn in its precincts.
No bloody sacrifices were offered. Here, also, as in
the temple of Apollo at Daphne, were the privileges
of asylum. This is indicated on some of the coins
of Ephesus (Akerman, in Trans, of Hie Numis-
matic 80c. 1841); and we find an interesting proof
of the continuance of these privileges in imperial
times in Tac. Ann. iii. 61 (Strab. xiv. 641 ; Paus.
vii. 3; Cic. Verr. ii. 33). The temple had a large
revenue from endowments of various kinds. It
was also the public treasury of the city, and was
regarded as the safest bank for private individ-
uals.
The cry of the mob (Acta xix. 28), " Great u
Diana of the Ephesians ! " and the strong expres-
sion in ver. 37, " whom all Asia and the world wor-
■hippeth," may be abundantly illustrated from a
variety of sources. The term fuyi\n was evi-
dently a title of honor recognized as belonging to
ne Ephesian goddess. We find it in inscriptions
,M in Boeckh, Corp. Intc. 3963, c), and in Xeno-
pbon's Ephttiaca, 1. 11. (For the Ephesian Xen-
opbon, sea Diet, of Biog. and ilythoL) As to the
enthusiasm with which " all Asia " regarded this
worship, independently of the fact that Ephesus
was the capital of the province, we may refer to
such passages as the following: i -nit 'Actat rois,
Corp. Intc. 1. c; "communiter a civitatibus
Asiai factum." Liv. i. 46; " tota Asia exstruente,"
Plin. xvi. 79; "factum a tota Asia," ib. xxxvi. 31.
Km to the notoriety of the worship throughout
> the world," Pauaaiibis tells us (iv. 3V that the
Epholan Diana was more honored privately lata
any other deity, which accounts for the large man-
ufacture and wide-spread sale of the "sflvei
shrines " mentioned by St. Luke (ver. 24), and not
by him only. This specific worship was publicly
adopted also, as we bare seen, in various and dis-
tant places ; nor ought we to omit the games cele-
brated at Ephesus in connection with it, or the
treaties made with other cities on this -half religious
half-political basis. J. 3. 11.
DIBLATM (D?b5? [twojig-eaka]: A«0n-
Aotu; [Alex. A*0nAa«]u:] Debelain), mother of
Hosea's wife Gomer (Hos. i. 3).
* The name may he = deHcice, vobuptai, and
hence Gomer (which see) as the daughter (HJ) =
delicti* dedUa, in accordance with the symbolic
import of the names. See Hengstenberg's CAris
loivyy (Keith's trans.) iii. 11 ft". Diblaim is prob-
ably the name of Comer's father (Manger, Geeen.,
Hengst., Maurer) and not the mother's name as
stated above. H.
DIBXATH (accurately Dibi^h, H^??, the
word in the text being Ttrj^^i = " to Diblah; "
Af3Ao0([: DtbtaOut), a place named only in Eg.
vi. 14, as if situated at one of the extremities of
the land of Israel: — " I will .... make the land
desolate .... * from ' the wilderness ( Hidbar) to
Diblah." The word ifidbar being frequently used
for the nomad country on the south and southeast
of Palestine, it is natural to infer that Diblah was
in the north. To this position Beth-diblathaim or
Almon-diblatbaim in Moab on the east of the
Dead Sea, are obviously unsuitable; and indeed a
place which like Diblathaim was on the extreme
east border of Moab, and never included even in
the allotments of Keoben or (tad, could hardly be
chosen as a landmark of the boundary of Israel.
The only name in the north at all like it is Riblah,
and the letters D (T) and B ("I) are so much
alike and so frequently " interchanged, owing to
the carelessness of copyists, that there is a strong
probability that RibUh is the right reading. The
conjecture is due to Jerome (Comm. in be.), but it
has been endorsed by Micharlia, Geeeniua, and
other scholars (Gea, Thtt. p. 313: and see Dark*,
son, Htb. Text, Et. vi. 14). Ribiah, though an old
town, is not heard of during the early and middle
course of Jewish history, but shortly before the datr
of Ksekiel's prophecy it had started into a terrible
prominence from its being the scene of the cruelties
inflicted on the last king of Judah, and of the mas-
sacres of the priests and chief men of Jerusalem
perpetrated there by order of the king of Babylon.
G.
* DIBLATHAIM. [ALMus-DiBLATitAtM
Bmi Diblathaim.]
DI'BON 0b s 7 [° •""•H'Wi G«» i *»* Fun*
a ricer-phce] : Acu/Svr, [in Is.,] Arj$<iy [Alex.
&cu$t)t*v for mu Aij/W; in Josh. xiiL 9, Comp.
AijSw, the rest omit; in Jer., KA. A«/W:] Dibon).
1. A town on the east side of Jordan, in the rich
pastoral country, which was taken po ssess ion of and
rebuilt by the children of Gad (Num. xxxU. 3, 84).
From this circumstance U possibly received the
« See Dicn, Dncua, *c. It Is In the IXX. ver- ' %e. A ouo In point l« Blblah Itself, which m (Us
sun that the corruption of D Into K Is most frequentlv , LXX. is moi. often A>SAo#a than °*<0AaM.
• ■ssksaint; Plshoa to BMeott, PoaanuB toBhodio» [
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600 DIBON-QAD
game of Dibon -gad. Its firtt mention u in the
indent fragment of poetry Num. xxi. 30, and from
this it appears to have belonged originally to the
Moabues. The tribes of Keuben and Gad being
both engaged in pastoral pursuit* are not likely to
hare observed the division of towns originally made
with the same strictness as the more settled people
on the west, and accordingly we find Dibon counted
to Reuben in the lists of Joshua (xiii- 9 — LXX.
units — 17). In the time of Isaiah and Jeremiah,
however, it was again in possession of Moab (Is. xv.
2: Jer. xlviii. 18, 22, comp. 24). In the same
denunciations of Isaiah it appears, probably, under
the name of Dimox, M and B being convertible in
Hebrew, and the change admitting of a play charac-
teristic of the poetry of Isaiah. The two names
were both in existence in the time of Jerome
yComm. on Is. xv., quoted by Reland, p. 735).
The last passages appear to indicate that Dibon
was on an elevated situation : not only is it ex-
pressly said to be a " high place" (Is. xv. 2), but
its inhabitants are bid to " come down " from their
glory or their stronghold. Under the name of
Dabon or Debon it is mentioned by Eusebius and
Jerome in- the Onomitticon. It was then a very
huge village (Kiiftt) xawitytBrit) beyond the Arnon.
In modern times the name Dhiban has been dis-
covered by Seetsen, Irhy and Mangles (142), and
Burckhardt (Syr. 372) as attached to extensive
ruins on the Roman road, about three miles north
of the Anion ( Wady Modjtb). All agree, how-
ever, in describing these ruins as lying low.
2. [FA.* AijSwy; the rest omit: Dibon.} One
of the towns which was re-inhabited by the men
of Judah after the return from captivity (Neh. xi.
25). From its mention with Jekabzeel, Moladah,
and other towns of the south, there can be no doubt
that it is identical with Dimonah. (J.
DI'BON-GAD (IS lh > ' ! T [watting of G irf] :
AoujBvr TiS- Dibon- gad), one of the halting- places
of the Israelites. It was in Moab between Ijk-
abakim and Almon-diblathaim (Num. xxxili.
45, 46). It was no doubt the same place which is
generally called Dibok; but whether it received
the name of Gad from tbe tribe, or originally pos-
sessed it, cannot be ascertained.' O.
DIBTtl ClS't [perh. eloquent, Ges.]: Ao-
$ofi; [Alex. Aa&pi] Oibri), a Danite, father of
Shelomith, a woman who had married an Egyptian
and whose son was stoned for having " blasphen>ed
the Name" [». e. of Jehovah] (Lev. xxiv. 11).
DIDKACHMON (Mpaxpor- <&drachma).
"Moket, Shekel.]
DIDTTMUS (AfSv/uos), that is, the Twin, a
iurmune of the Apostle Thomas (John xi. 16, xx.
24, xxi. 2). [Thomas.]
D1KXAH (nbfW: AwtAd; [Alex, in IChr.
A««\o^:] Orcla; Gen. x. 27; 1 Chr. i. 21), a
•on of Joktan, whose settlements, in common with
those of the other sons of Joktan, must be looked
far in Arabia. The name in Hebrew signifies
>' i palm-tret," and the cognate word in Arabic
*• ** *•
• $UlS£ J, " a palm-tree abounding with fruit : "
hence it it thought that Diklah is a part of Arabia
« • As It is said expressly (Num. xxxU. 84) that Gad
< boUt " (perh. — rebuilt or forttoed) Dumw, that fcct
moanai sufficiently for tbs name. H.
DIKLAH
containing many palm-trees. The city von Utmr,
in the northwest of Arabia Felix, has been sug-
gested as preserving the Joktanite name (Boca
Phalrg, ii. 22); but Bochart, and after him Gesen-
ius. refer the descendants of Diklah to the Mimei.
a people of Arabia Felix inhabiting a palmiferoui
country. Whether we follow Bochart and most
others in placing the Minaei on the east borders
of the Hijdt, southwards towards the Yemen, or
follow Fresnel in his identification of the Wadtt
Doan with the territory of this people, the con-
nection of tbe hater with Diklah is uncertain and
unsatisfactory. No trace of Diklah is known to
exist in Arabic works, except the mention of a place
called Dakalah (jUU(i> = i"lb|FT) In El-Tana-
meh (Kdmoot, s. v.), with many palm-trees (Mar-
dtid, s. r.). "Nakhleh" (SJLsi) also signifies
a palm-tree, and is the name of many places,
especially Nakhleh el- i'tmdneeyrh, and Nakhleh
etlt-Shdmteyeh (here meaning the Southern and
Northern Nakhleh), two well-known towns situate
near each other. According to some, the former
was a seat of the worship of El-Latt, and a settle-
ment of the tribe of Thakeef ; and in a tradition
of Mohammed's, this tribe was not of unmixed
Ishmaelite blood, but one of four which he thus
excepts : — " All the Arabs are [descended] from
lahniael, except four tribes: Sulaf [Slieleph], Had-
ramawt [Hazarmaveth], FJ-Arwnh [ ?], and Tha-
keef" (Sfir-dt ex-Zemin, bis).
Therefore, (1) Diklah may probably be recovered
in the place called P ikalah above mentioned ; or,
possibly, (2) in one of the places named Nakhleh.
A discussion of the vexed and intricate question
of the Mintti is beyond the limits of this article;
but as they are regarded by some authorities of
high repute as representing Diklah, it is important
to record an identification of their true position.
This has hitherto never been done; those wbo have
written on the subject having argued on the vague
and contradictory statements of tbe Greek geog-
raphers, from the fact that no native mention of
so important a people as tbe Minsei had been dis-
covered (cf. Bochart, Phaleg ; Fresnel's Lettret,
Journal Atintiquei jomard, Aunt, in Margin's
Hilt, dt tUgypte, vol. iii.; Catwsin, Ettai, Ac).
There is, however, a city and people in tbe Yemen
which appear to correspond in every respect to the
position and name of the Mina-i. The latter is
written Metvcuoi, MtraToi, and Mtyvcuot, which
may be fairly rendered " people of M«i», of Mir,
and of Mirr; " while the first exhibits the sound
of a diphthong, or an attempt at a diphthong. The
Greek account places them, generally, lietween the
Sabseans (identified with Seha, or Ma-rib ; see
Akabia) and the Erythnean Sea, It is therefore
remarkable that where it should be sought we find
a city with a fortress, called ila'een, or Ua'in.
^yfJUt (Kdmoot, Mardtid, s. v.), well-known.
and therefore not carefully described in the Arabic
geographical dictionaries, but apparently nes»
San'ii ; and further that in the same province an
situate the town of Mo'tyn ( » *f *i abbr. dim
of tbe former), whence the Benee-Mo'tyn , and tfc
town of Ma' tenth (fern, of Ma'een). The gent, n
would be ifa etnee, Ac The township in whits
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DILKAN
we the latter two places is named Sinhan (rorn/j.
Niebohr, Dun-. 201) which was one of the xin-
ftderatiun formed by the ancient tribe of Jenb,
• ! ^- (Mm add, ». v.), grandson of KahlAn, who
was brother of Ilimyer the Joktanite. This identi-
fication is reconcilable with all that is known of
the Minsei. See further in art. Uzau
E. S. P.
DII/EAN (7yV?: Ae*4S; [Vat. AaAaA:
Aid.] Alex. AaAair: Dcletm), one of the cities of
ludah, in the Shefelah or low country (Josh. xv.
38). If tiesenius's interpretation, "gourd," or
•• cucumber," be correct, the name is very suitable
for a place situated in that rich district. It is not
elsewhere mentioned, nor has it been subsequently
identified with certainty. Van de Velde (ii. 160)
suggests that it may be the modern place Tina
(Kiepert's map in Kobinson, B. Timn), about three
miles north of Tell tt-Safieh in the maritime plain
of Philistia, south of Ekron. U.
• DILL. Matt. xxui. 33, marg. [Anise.]
DIM Tl AH (n3Q? : Tat. om.; Alex. Acuva
Oamna), a city in the tribe of Zehulun, given to
(he Merarite Levite* (Josh. xxi. 35). The name
does not occur in the list of cities belonging to the
tribe (Josh. xix. 10-16). In the list of Levitical
cities in 1 Chr. vi. 77 occurs Rimmon, accurately
Kimmono (131S"1), which may possibly be a
variation of Diranah, 1 being often changed into
"1. In this can Rimmon is probably the real name
(Bertheau, Chronik, 72, 73; Hovers, Chivmk, 72).
G.
DI'MON, THE WATEK8 OP ()'W1 S P = TO
SoWp to Afuu£r; Alex. Piupmv, [Camp. Ai/9«r:J
Dibon), some streams on the east of the Dead Sea,
in the land of Moab, against which Isaiah is here
uttering denunciations (Is. xv. 9). From Dibon
being named in verse 2 of this chapter, as well u
in the lists of Moabite towns in Jer. xlviii., and no
alace named Uimon being elsewhere mentioned as
Uonging to Moab, Geaenius ( Comm. iber d. J a.
1 . 634) conjectures that the two names are the same,
the form " Uimon " being used for the sake of the
play between it and the word Aim (DJ) » blood."
[Dikos, 1.] G.
D/MiyNAH (nyD"7 [oisosnao]: 'frnU;
Alex. Aiuatra: Dimonn), a city in the south of
Judat, the part bordering on the desert of Idunwa
(Josh. xv. 22). Diuionah is mentioned in the
Onomtutiam, but was evidently not known .to
Eusebius and Jerome, nor has it been identified' in
later times. It probably occurs under the altered
oaiue of Diiio.n [2] in Neh. xi. 25. G.
• Knobel (./o»u«, p. 423) thinks Dibon ( =
Dimonah) may be ed-Dheib, a heap of ruins on :be
bank of a Wady of that name, north-east of Tell
Arid ( Arad ). See Van de Velde, Memoir, p. 252.
Robinson writes the name JChdrii (BibL Ret. ii.
173, 1st ed.). Keil and Delitssch regard this con-
jecture »% possibly correct (Book ofjothia, p. 199).
H.
DI'NAH (TTPV, judged or avenged, from the
■me root as Dan [object ofttrtfe, Dietr. in Gee.
»«*- u. Chuld. Worterb. 6te AufL] : Acini: Oima),
DINAITBS
601
I the daughter of Jacob by Leah (Gen xxx. 91).
She accompanied her father from Mesopotamia to
Canaan, and, having ventured among the inhabi-
tants, was violated by Shechem the son of Hamor,
the chieftain of the territory in which her father
had settled (Gen. xxxiv.). Her age at this time,
judging by the subsequent notice of Joseph's sge
(Gen. xxxvii. 2), may hare been from 18 to 16, the
ordinary period of marriage in Eastern countries
(Lane's Mod. Egypt, i. 208). Shechem proposed
to make the usual reparation by paying a sum to
the father and marrying her (Gen. xxxiv. 12); such
reparation would have been deemed sufficient under
the Mosaic law (DeuL xxii. 28, 29) among the
members of the Hebrew nation. But in this case
the suitor was an alien, and the crown of the oflfenas
consisted in its having been committed by an alien
against the favored people of God ; he had " wrought
folly in Israel " (xxxiv. 7 ). The proposals of Hamor,
»ho acted as his deputy, were framed on the recog-
nition of the hitherto complete separation of the two
peoples; he proposed the fusion of the two by the
establishment of the rights of intermarriage and
commerce; just as among the Romans the jui
connubii and the jut commtrcn constituted the
essence of eiritnt. The sons of Jacob, bent upoc
revenge, availed themselves of the eagerness which
Shechem showed, to effect their purpose ; they
demanded, as a condition of the proposed union,
the circumcision of the Sheebemites: the practice
could not have been unknown to the Writes, for
the Phoenicians (Her. ii. 104), and probably most
of the Canaanite tribes were circumcised. They
therefore assented ; and on the third day, when the
pain and fever resulting from the operation were at
the highest [Circumcision], Simeon and Levi,
own brothers to Dinah, as Josephus observes (A.U.
i. 21, § 1 ; b/ioa-liTpioi ateKtpoi), attacked them
unexpectedly, slew all the males and plundereil
their city. Jacob's remark (ver. 30) does not im-
ply any guiltiness on the part of his sons in this
transaction ; for the brothers were regarded as the
proper guardians of their sister's honor, as is still
the case among the Bedouins: but be dreaded the
revenge of the neighboring peoples, and even of the
family of Hamor, some of whom appear to have
survived the massacre (Judg. ix. 28). His escape,
which was wonderful, considering the extreme rigor
with which the laws of blood-revenge have in all
ages prevailed in the East [Blood, Kkvkhgek
of], is ascribed to the special interference of Jeho-
vah (xxxv. 5). Josephus omits all reference to the
treachery of the sons of Jacob, and explains the easy
capture of the city as occurring during the celebra-
tion of a feast (Ant. i. 21, § 2). The object for
which this narrative is introduced into the book of
Genesis probably is, partly, to explain the allusbu
in Gen. xlix. 5-7, and partly to exhibit the conse-
quences of any association on the part of the
Hebrews with the heathens about them. Ewald
(Getchichte, i. 488) assumes that the historical
foundation of the narrative was furnished by an
actual fusion of the nomad Israelites with the
aoorigines of Shechem, on the ground that the
daughters of the patriarchs are generally notioed
with an ethnological view ; the form in which ths
narrative appears being merely the coloring of a
late author: such a view appears to us perfectly
inconsistent with the letter and the spirit of toe
text. W. L. B.
DI1TAITB8 (tJH: Atirafe; [Ask. a.
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602 DINIIABAH
nu«:] Dmti, Est. iv. 9), the name of tome of the
Cuthtasn cobnuts who were placed in the cities of
Samaria by the Assyrian governor, after the con-
quest and captivity of the ten tribes under Sbal-
maneser. They remained under the dominion of
Persia, and united with their fellow-colonists in
opposition to the Jews ; but nothing more is known
of them. Junius (Comm. in loc.)> without any
authority identifies them with the people known to
geographers by the came Dennani. W. A. W.
DINHA'BAH (H^nj'I [perh. = HW,
depression, loa land, Dietr.]: Atvvafii: Denaba;
Gen. xxxvi. 32; 1 Chr. i. 43), the capital city, and
probably the birthplace, of Bela, son of Beor, king
of Edom. Eusebius ( Onomastivon, s. v.) mentions
a village Dannea (Damnaba, Jerome), eight miles
from Areopolis, or Ar of Moab (on the road to Ar-
non : Jerome), and another ou Mount Peor, seven
miles from Eebus (Heshbon); but neither of these
has claim to be the Dinhabah of Scripture. K. Jo-
seph, in his Targum (on 1 Chr. i. 43, ed. Wilkins),
finds a significance in the name. After identifying
Balaam the son of Deor with Laban the Syrian, he
adds, " And the name of his capital city was Din-
habah, for it was given (naVPJTN) him as
a present." With as little probability Gesenius
conjectured that it might signify dominus, i. e. locus
direplionis, i. e. pradomun latiimlum. The name
is not uncommon among Semitic races. Ptolemy
(v. 16, § 34) mentions Aora3a in Palmyreue Syria,
afterwards a bishop's see; and according to Zosimus
(iii. 27) there was a Aarifit) in Babylonia. (Kno-
jeL Genesis.) The Peihito Syriae has «-=»cFu».
Daihab, probably a mistake for *30UJ,
W. A. W.
•DINNER. [Mials.]
DIONYSTA (AioroVia: Bacchanalia), "the
feast of Bacchus," which was celebrated, especially
in later times, with wild extravagance and licentious
enthusiasm. Women, as well as men, joined in the
processions (dlatroi), acting the part of Maenads,
crowned with ivy and bearing the thyrsus (cf. Ovid,
*'<wt iii. 767 ff.; Broukh. ad Tib. iii. S, 2, who
(jives a coin of .Waronaa, bearing a head of Diony-
sus crowned with ivy) ; and the phallus was a prin-
clpal object in the train (Herod. 11. 48, 49). Shortly
before the persecution of Antiochus Epipbanes, 168
B. c, in which the Jews " were compelled to go in
procession to Bacchus carrying ivy " (2 Mace vi.
7), the secret celebration of the Bacchanalia in
Italy had been revealed to the Roman senate (b. c.
186). The whole state was alarmed by the descrip-
tion of the excesses with which the festival was
attended (Liv. xxxix. 8 ff.), and a decree was passed
forbidding its observance in Rome or Italy. This
fact offers the best commentary on the conduct of
Antiochus; for it is evident that rites which were
felt to be incompatible with the comparative sim-
pKaty of early Roman worship must have been pe-
culiarly revolting to Jews of the Hasmonaean age
'cf. Herod, iv. 79, 2kv$oi toS Beucx*ittr *fj»
KAMio'ir eVsiWfotKri). B. F. W.
DIONYS1U8 THE AREOFAG1TE
lAioKwnot o 'Apsowayirnj, Acts xvii. 34), an
sminent Athenian, converted to Christianity by the
a • The <k<*ks have a little chapel consecrated to
•slat Dtonysras on the north skis of the Areopagus,
DIOTBEPHES
preaching of St Paul. Euseb. (ff. £.iii. 4) i
him, on the authority of Dionyslus, bishop of
Corinth, to have been first bishop of Athens (set
also ff. E. iv. 23). According to a later tradition
given in the martyrologies on the authority of
Aristides the apologist, he suffered martyrdom at
Athens. On the writings which were once sup-
posed to have had Dionysius for their author, but
which are now confessed to be spurious and the
production of some Neo-Platonists of the 6th cen-
tury, see an elaborate discussion in Heraog's Kncy-
kiopddu ; and for further legends respecting him-
self, Suidas s. c, and the article in the Dictionary
of Biography and Afythokgy." H. A.
DIONYSUS (AioWot, Atdrwos, of uncer-
tain derivation), also called Bacchus (Bcfjcxoj>
"Ieucx", ^ e """tl 9°d : & ' ter ^ t ' me ' °f Herod-
otus), was properly the god of wine. In Homer
he appears simply as the "frenzied" god (IL vi.
132), and yet "a joy to mortals" (II. xiv. 325);
but in later times the most varied attributes were
centred in him as the source of the luxuriant fer-
tility of nature, and the god of civilization, glad-
ness, and inspiration. The eastern wanderings of
Dionysus are well known (Strab. xv. 7, p. 687:
Diet. Biogr. s. v.), but they do not seem to have
left any special trace in Palestine (yet cf. Luc de
Syria Dm, p. 886, ed. Bened.). His worship,
however, was greatly modified by the incorporation
of Eastern elements, and assumed the twofold form
of wild orgies [Dionysia] and mystic rites. To
the Jew Dionysus would necessarily appear as the
embodiment of paganism in its most material shape,
sanctioning the most tumultuous passions and the
worst excesses. Thus Tacitus (Hist. v. 6) rejects
the tradition that the Jews worshipped Bacchus
(L&erum patron ; cf. Plut. Quest. Cum. iv. 6),
on the ground of the " entire diversity of their prin-
ciples" ("nequaquam congruentibus institutis"),
though he interprets this difference to their discredit
The consciousness of the fundamental opposition
of the God of Israel and Dionysus explains the
punishment which Ptolemseus Philopator inflicted
on the Jews (3 Mace. ii. 2J), "branding them with
the ivy-leaf of Dionysus," though Dionysus may
have been the patron god of the Ptolemies (Grimm,
on the Mace.). And it must have been from the
same circumstance that Nicanor is said to have
threatened to erect a temple of Dionysus upon the
site of the Temple at Jerusalem (2 Mace xiv. 88).
B. F. W.
DIOSCORINTHIUS. [Months.]
DIOT/REPHE8 (AiorfxeWji [Jove-nour-
ished]), a Christian mentioned in 3 John 9, as
<p<Aoxp»T€iW in some church to which St. John
had written, and which, on account cf his influence,
didoot receive the Apostle's authority, nor the mes-
sengers whom he had sent It is entirely uncer-
tain what church is meant, as it is who Gains war,
to whom the epistle is addressed. [G aius]
H. A.
• For interesting remarks on the character of
Diotrephes and his probable motives for such vio-
lent opposition to the Apostle, the reader is referred
to Meander's Pjlanzimy, ii. 647, 648 (Robinson's
revised tr. p. 376). See also Liicke, Diisterdieck
and Braune (I-ange's Bibeluerk, Theil xv.) ot
John's Third Epistle. H.
the only structure at present (1869) within the pis
cincts of the hill. H.
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DISCIPLE
DIBOIPLK- [Education; Schools.]
• DISCOVER it often used in the A. V. in the
■nee of to matter, «. g. Deut. nii. 30; 2 Sam.
nil. 16; I*, xxii. 8; Mic. i. 6. " The voice of the
Lord dUcmereUt the forest* " (Ps. zxii. 9), that is,
the thunderbolt (trips the trees of their bark,
branches, and leares. A.
DISCUS (J/o-koj), one of the exercises in the
Grecian gymnasia, which Jason the high-priest in-
troduced among the Jews in the time of Antiochus
Epiphanes, and which he induced even the priests
to practice (2 Mace. ir. 14). The discus was a
circular plate of atone or metal, made for throwing
to a distance as an exercise of strength and dex-
terity. It was indeed one of the principal gym-
nastic exercises of the Greeks, and was practiced in
the heroic age. (For details and authorities, see
Diet, of Gr. if Bom. Ant. a. r.)
Msu bolus. (Ottsrlsy, Denk. dor alt. Kutul, vol L
no. 189.)
DISEASES. [Mhdicutb.]
DISH- (1.) ^59> Gesen. p. 965 : see Basin.
(a.) rvrfri, in piur. only ninVs, rvrfify
sr nnb? : itptaicri, 6 aXifiampot, \40nf. «*"*»
ebet. (3.) n^yp : see Charger.
In N. T. rf>v0\lo>>, Matt. xxri. 23, Mark xlv.
t0. In ancient Egypt, and also in Judaea, guests
at the table handled their food with the Angers,
but spoons were used for soup or other liquid food,
when required (Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, i. 181, 2d
sd.). The same is the case in modem Egypt. Each
person breaks off a small piece of bread, dips it in
the dish, and then conveys it to his mouth, together
with a small portion of the meat or other contents
af the dish. To pick out a delicate morsel and
band it to a friend is esteemed a compliment, and
to refuse such an offering is contrary to good man-
sera. Judas dipping his hand in the sarje dish
with our Lord was showing especial friendliness and
ntimaoy. Tpv0\t<n> is used in LXX. for •"HS|?>
txnetiraes In A. T. "charger" (Ex. xxv. 29;
turn. It. 7, vii. 13, 19). This is also rendered
rvrvAt) or half sextsrius, t. «. probably a cup or
las* rather than a dish. Tpv$K'w is in Vulg.
DISPERSION, JEWS OK TUB
Matt. xxri. 23, paroptu ; in Mark xiv. 20, cartas*.
(Schfeusner, Ltx. in N. T. Tpv0\loy; Lane, Mod
Egypt, i. 193; Chardin, Vog. iv. 53, 94; Niebuhr,
Doer, dt (Arab. p. 46). [Basin.] II. «". P.
DISH AN (1^1. [antelope]: [to Gen.,] T>«-
<r£v, [Alex, fturm; in 1 Chr., Rom. AtiraV; ver.
T, Tat. omits, Alex. Purw; ver. 42, Vat. Alex.
Aaio-ur-] Ditnn), the youngest son of Seir the
Horite (Gen. xxxri. 21, 28, 30; 1 Chr. i. 38, 42).
W. L. B.
DI'SHON (VlBto laattlopey. a.»|o-«*V: IH-
ton). 1. The fifth son of Seir (Gen. xxxri. 21,
26, 30; 1 Chr. i. 38).
2. [In 1 Chr., Aaiaav.} The sod of Anab
and grandson of Seir (Gen. xxxri. 26; 1 Chr. i.
41 ). Uishon and Diahan belong to the same toot,
which may possibly reappear in the name Dtitk
noticed by Abulfeda {Hi*. Anteitl p. 196). The
geographical position of the tribes descended from
these patriarchs is uncertain. Knobel (Comm. in
loo.) places them to E. and S. E. of the Gulf of
Ataba, on the ground that the names of the sons
of Dishon, Esbban, and Hemdan may be identified
with Uibany and Humeidy, branches of the tribe
of Outran. Such identifications must be received
with caution, as similar names are found in other
parts of Arabia — Hamdt, for instance, near Tayf,
and again Hamdan, which bears a still closer re-
semblance to the original name, near Sana (Burck-
hardt'a Arabia, i. 156, ii. 376). W. L. B.
• DISSOLVE has once (Dan. v. 16) the an-
tiquated sense of "solve," "explain." BeUhanar
says to Daniel: "And I have heard of thee, that
thou canst make interpretations, and dutoivt
doubts," Ac (A. V.). H.
DISPERSION, THE JEWS OP THE
or simply The Dispersion, was the general title
applied to those Jews who remained settled in
foreign countries ifter the return from the Baby-
lonian exile, and during the period of the second
Temple. The original word applied to these foreigt
settlers (rrV7| ; cf. Jer. xxiv. 5, xxviii. 4, Ac., frotr
nbj, to strip naked; so NTW 1 ?} ^S?, Est. vi
16) conveys the notion of spoliation and bereave-
ment, as of men removed from the Temple and boms
of their fathers; but in the LXX. the ideas of s
"sojourning" (fitroiKtvla) and of a "colony"
(airoixia) were combined with that of a "captiv-
ity " (oi"x/«oXcBO-(a), while the term " dispersion
(Siatrropi, first in Deut. xxviii. 25, H^TT; cf. Jer.
xxxiv. 17 ), which finally prevailed, seemed to imply
that the people thus scattered " to the utmost parti
of heaven " (Deut. xxx. 4), " in bondage among tiw
Gentiles" (2 Mace. i. 27), and shut out from th*
full privileges of the chosen race (John vii. 15),
should yet be as the seed sown for a future harvest
(cf. Is. xlix. 6 Heb.) in the strange lands where
they found a temporary resting-place (1 l'et. i. 1,
rapiriHiuoit tiatrropas)- The schism which had
divided the first kingdom was forgotten in the re-
sults of the general calamity. The dispersion was
not limited to the exiles of Judah, but included
" the twelve tribes " (Jam. L 1, reus Suttica <pv-
A<ur TO«f !r tji Stacrwopi), which expressed the
completeness of the whole Jewish nation (Acts xxri.
, to owd'efrd'ataAo'' '•
The Dispersion, as a distinct element influencing
the entire character of the Jews, dates hn ths
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004 DISPERSION, JEWS OF THE
Babylonian exile. Uncertain legends point to ear-
lier settlement* in Arabia, Ethiopia, and Abyssinia;
but even if these settlements were made, they were
isolated and casual, while the Dispersion, of which
Babylon was the acknowledged centre, was the out-
ward proof that a faith had succeeded to a king-
dom. Apart from the necessary influence which
Jewish communities bound by common laws, en-
nobled by the possession of the same truths, and
animated by kindred hopes, must have exercised on
the nations among whom they were scattered, the
difficulties which set aside the literal observance of
the Mosaic ritual led to a wider view of the sotpe
of the law, and a stronger sense of its spiritual sig-
nificance. Outwardly and inwardly, by its effects
both on the Gentiles and on the people of Israel,
the Dispersion appears to have been the clearest
providential preparation for the spread of Chris-
tianity.
But while the fact of a recognized Dispersion
must have weakened the local and ceremonial in-
fluences which were essential to the first training
of the people of God, the Dispersion was still bound
together in itself and to its mother country by re-
ligious ties. The Temple was the acknowledged
centre of Judaism, and the faithful Jew everywhere
contributed the half- shekel towards its maintenance
(to tttpaxnor, Matt. xvii. 21; cf. Mishna, Uleia-
Htn, 7, 4; Joseph. AnL xvi. 6); and, in part at
least, the ecclesiastical calendar was fixed at Jeru-
salem, whence beacon-fires spread abroad the true
date of the new moons (Mishna, Roth-Hath ma, 2,
4). The tribute was indeed the simplest and most
striking outward proof of the religious unity of the
nation. Treasuries were established to receive the
payments of different districts (Joseph. Ant. xviii.
9, 1 ; cf. Ant. xvi. 6, 5, § 6), and the collected sums
were forwarded to Jerusalem, as in later times the
Mohammedan offerings were sent to Mecca (.lost,
Grtch. d. Judtnth. i. 3-17 n.; Cic pro Flacco,
18).
At the beginning of the Christian era the Dis-
persion was divided into three great sections, the
Babylonian, the Syrian, the Kgyptian. Precedence
was yielded to the first The jealousy which had
originally existed between the poor who returned
to Palestine and their wealthier countrymen at
Babylon had passed away, and Gamaliel wrote " to
the sons of the Dispersion in Babylonia, and to our
brethren in Media . . . and to all the Dispersion
of Israel " (Frankel, Monatachrift, 1863, p. 413).
From Babylon the Jews spread throughout Persia,
Media, and Partial ; but the settlements in China
oelong to a modern date (Frankel, L e. p. 463).
The few details of their history which have been
preserved bear witness to their prosperity and influ-
ence (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 2, $ 2 f., xviii. 9). No
schools of learning are noticed, but Hillel the Elder
and Nahum the Mede are mentioned as coming
from Babylon to Jerusalem (Frankel).
The Greek conquests in Asia extended the limits
of tlu! Dispersion. Seleucus Nicator transplanted
large bodies of Jewish colonists from Babylonia to
the capitals of his western provinces. His policy
was followed by his successor, Antiochus the Great ;
«d the persecutions of Antiochus Epiphanes only
served to push forward the Jewish emigration to
(he remoter districts of his empire. In Armenia
the Jews arrived at tlie greatest dignities, and Nis-
ibis became a new centre of colonization (Frankel,
ap. 454-466). The Jews of (Jappadocia (1 Pet. i.
lj ate casually mentioned in the Mishna; and a
DISPERSION, JEWS OF THE
prince and princess of Adiabene adopted the Jesnat
faith only 30 years before the destruction of tot
Temple (Joseph. Ant- xx. 2). Large settlements
of Jews were established in Cyprus, in the islands
of the /Egauui (Cos, Delos: Joseph. Ant. xiv. 10)
and on the western coast of Asia Minor (Ephesus,
Miletus, Pergamus, Halicarnassus, Sardis: Joseph.
Ant. 1. c. ). The Romans confirmed to them the
privileges which they had obtained from the Syrian
kings ; and though they were exposed to sudden
outbursts of popular violence (Joseph. AnL xviii. 9 ;
B. J. vii. 3), the Jews of the Syrian provinces
gradually formed a closer connection with their new
homes, and together with the Greek language
adopted in many respects Greek ideas. [Hellen-
ists.]
This Hellenizing tendency, however, found its
most free development at Alexandria [Alexax-
diiia]. The Jewish settlements established there
by Alexander and Ptolemy I. became the source of
the African Dispersion, which spread over the north
coast of Africa, and perhaps inland to Abyssinia
(the Falaiha). At Cyrene (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 7
§ 2; Jason) and Berenice (Tripoli) the Jewish in
habitants formed a considerable portion of the pop-
ulation, and an inscription lately discovered at the
latter place (Frankel, p. 422) speaks of the justice
and clemency which they received from a Roman
governor (cf. Joseph. AnL xvi. 6, § 6). The Afri-
can Dispersion, like all other Jews, preserved then-
veneration for the " holy city " (Philo, Leg. ad
Cnium, J 36; in Flacc. c 7), and recognized the
universal claims of the Temple by the annual trib-
ute (Joseph. Lc.) But the distinction in language
led to wider differences, which were averted m Bab-
ylon by the currency of an Aramaic dialect. The
Scriptures were no longer read on the Sabbath
(Frankel, p. 420; Vmstudun, p. 62 ff.), and nc
fire-signals conveyed the date* of the new moons to
Kgypt (cf. Frankel, p. 419, n.). Still the national
spirit of the African Jews was not destroyed.
After the destruction of the Temple the Zealots
found a reception in Cyrene (Joseph. B. J. vii. 11);
and towards the close of the reign of Trajan, A. D.
115, the Jewish population in Africa rose with ter-
rible ferocity (Dion, lxviii. 82). The insurrection
was put down by a war of extermination (Euseb.
//. E. iv. 2); and the remnant who escaped estab-
lished themselves on the opposite coast of Europe,
as the beginning of a new Dispersion.
The Jewish settlements in Rome were consequent
upon the occupation of Jerusalem by Pompey, B. c.
63. The captives and emigrants whom he brought
with him were located in the trans-Tiberine quar-
ter, and by degrees rose in station and importance
(Philo, Leg. ad Caium, § 23 ff.). They were
favored by Augustus and Tiberius after the fall of
Sejanus (Philo, tc); and a Jewish school was
founded at Home (Frankel, p. 459). In the reign
of Claudius [Claudius] the Jews became objects
of suspicion from their immense numbers (Dion,
lx. 6); and the internal disputes consequent, per-
haps, upon the preaching of Christianity, led U>
their banishment from the city (Suet. Clavd. 25:
" Judaeos Impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantea
Roma expulit." Acts xviii. 2). This expulsion,
if general, can only have been temporary, for in a
few years the Jews at Rome were numerous (Acts
xxviii. 17 ff.), and continued to be sufficiently con-
spicuous to attract the attention of tlie satirists
(Mart. Ep. xi. 94; Juv. Sat. ill. 14).
The influence of the Dispersion on the rapid pro
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DISTAFF
susigatton of Christianity can scarcely he overrated,
rbe course of the apostolic preaching followed iu a
regular progress the line of Jewish settlements.
The mixed assembly from which the first converts
were gathered on the day of Pentecost represented
each division of the Dispersion (Acts ii. 9-11 ; (1)
Parthians .... Mesopotamia; (2) Judaea (i. e.
Syri.i) . . . Paraphylia; (3) Egypt . . . Greece;
(4) Romans . . . 1. and these converts naturally
prepared the way for the Apostles in the interval
which preceded the beginning of the separate apos-
tolic missions. The names of the seven deacons
are all Greek, and one is specially described as a
proselyte (Acts vi. 6). The church at Antioch, by
which St. Paul was entrusted with his great work
among the heathen (Acts xiii. 1), included Barna-
bas of Cyprus (Acts iv. 36), Lucius of Cyrene, and
Simeon, aurnamed Niger ; and among his " fellow-
laborers " at a later time an found Aquila of Pou-
tus (Acts xviii. 2), Apollos of Alexandria (Acts
xviii. 34; cf. 1 Cor. iu. 6), and Urbanus (Rom. xvi.
9), and Clement (PhiL iv. 3), whose names, at
least, are Roman. Antioch itself became a centre
of the Christian Church (Acts xiii. 1, xiv. 36, xv.
23, xviii. 22), as it had been of the Jewish Disper-
sion; and throughout the apostolic journeys the
Jews were the class to whom "it was necessary
(iyayiecuoy) that the word of God should be first
ipoken" (Acts xiii. 46), and they in turn were
united with the mass of the population by the in-
termediate body of " the devout " (ol (ri$6furot),
which had recognized in various degrees " the faith
of tne God of Israel."
The most important original authorities on the
Dispersion are Joseph. Ant. xiv. 10, xiv. 7; c.
Apion. ii. 5; Philo, Leg. ad Caium; id. c Flae-
eum. Fraukel has collected the various points to-
gether in an exhaustive essay in his Monatuckrift,
Nov. Dec 1853, 409-411, 449-451. Cf. Jost,
Getch. d. Judenth. i. 336-344; Ewald, Getch. d.
Volkee Itrael, iv. B. F. W.
* DISTAFF, Prov. xxxi. 19. [Spinning.]
* DIVES. See the last paragraph under
Lazarus.
DIVINATION (O^fJD • luirrtia, Ez. xiii.
f; /ury f la, Wisd. xvii. 7; EPSt}??, Qappwtda,
ctneficium, iHmnatio, Is. xlvii. 9 ; B7PI 7, <\,iSupur-
Itis, Ac.). This art "of taking an aim of divine
matters by human, which cannot but breed mixt-
ure of imaginations " (Bacon, A'a. xvii.) has been
universal in all ages, and all nations alike, civilized
and savage. It arises from an impression that in
the absence of direct, visible, guiding IVovidence,
the Deity suffers his will to be known to men,
partly by inspiring those who from purity of char-
acter or elevation of spirit are susceptible of the
divine afflatus (etoudrrtts, ivBovauuTTal, Ik-
mtrucoi), and partly by giving perpetual indica-
tions of the future, which must be learnt from ex-
perience and observation (Cic. Div. i. 18; Plin.
txx. 5). The first kind of divination was called
Natural (artxvos, iXltaKTOs) in which the me-
iiuni of inspiration was transported from his own
individuality, and became the passive instrument
if supernatural utterances (./En. vi. 47; Ov. Met.
o> 640, Ac.). As this process involved violent con-
whioiis, the word pam/di is derived froc /iaiy-
m4oi, and alludes to the foaming mouth and
•naming hair of the possessed seer (Plat. Tim.
DIVINATION
60£
73, B., where the ftdrris is carefully distinguished
from the wpabfrrns). But oven in the most pas-
sionate and irresistible prophecies of Scripture wc
have none of these unnatural distortions (Num.
xxiii. 5; Ps. xxxix. 8; Jer. xx. 9), although, as we
shall see, they were characteristic of pretenders to
the gift.
The other kind of divination was artificial (rcg"
yiirr)), and probably originated in an honest con-
viction that external nature sympathized with and
frequently indicated the condition and prospects of
mankind ; a conviction not in itself ridiculous, and
fostered by the accidental synchronism of natural
phenomena with human catastrophes (Thuc. iii-
89 ; Joseph. B. J. vi. 5, § 3 ; Koxe's Martyrt, iii.
406, Ac. ). When once this feeling was established
the supposed manifestations were infinitely multi-
plied, and hence the numberless forms of imposture
or ignorance called kapnomancy, pyromancy, arith-
momancy, libanomancy, botanomancy, kephalo-
mancy, Ac., of which there are abundant accounts
in Cic. de Div. ; Cardan dt Sapienlid ; Anton, v.
Dale, de Orig. Idol.; Fabricius, BibL Ant. pp.
409-426; Carpzov, App. Crit. 540-549; Potter's
Antiq. 1. ch. viii. ff. Indeed there was scarcely any
possible event or appearance which was not pressed
into the service of augury, and it may be said of
the ancient Greeks and Romans, as of the modern
New Zealanders, that " after uttering their karakias
(or charms) the whistling of the wind, the moving
of trees, the flash of lightning, the peal of thunder,
the flying of a bird, even the buzz of an insect
would be regarded as an answer" (Taylor's Neu
Zealand, p. 74; Bowling's Siam, i. 163 ff.). A
system commenced in fanaticism ended in deceit.
Hence Csto's famous saying that it was strange
how two augurs could meet without laughing in
each other's face. But the supposed knowledge be-
came in all nations an engine of political power, and
hence interest was enlisted in its support (Cic. de
Legg. ii. 12; Liv. vi. 27; Soph. Ant. 1055; Mic. iii.
11). It fell into the hands of a priestly caste (Gen.
xli. 8; Is. xlvii. 13; Jer. v. 31; Dan. ii. 2), who in
all nations made it subservient to their own pur-
poses. Thus in Persia, Chardin says that the as-
trologers would make even the Shah rise at mid
night and travel in the worst weather in obedienoa
to their suggestions.
The invention of divination is ascribed to Pro-
metheus (JEach. Pr. Vinct. 402), to the Phrygians
and Etrurians, especially sages (Cic. de Div. 1,
and Clem. Alex. Strom, i. 326, where there is a
great deal more on the subject), or (as by the
Fathers generally) to the Devil (Finnic. Maternur
de Errore, Procem.; I-actant. ii. 16; Mimic. Felix,
Oct 27). In the same way Zoroaster ascribes all
magic to Ahriman (Nork, dram, und Rnb. p. 97).
Similar opinions have prevailed in modem times
(Sir Thomas Browne, I'u^. Err. i. xi.).
Many forms of divination are mentioned in
Scripture, and the subject is so frequently slluded
to that it deserves careful examination. We shall
proceed to give a brief analysis of its main aspects
as presented in the sacred writers, following as fas
as possible the order of the books in which the pro-
fessors of the art are spoken of.
They are first mentioned as a prominent body in
the Egyptian court, Gen. xli. 8. (1.) Ctt^TTl
| iHv>wi'< Heaych. oir«pl hfelmr Kal &Wn/i«M»>
I ^{iryw/aroj; Aqu. Kpwpuumil). They were •
dais of Egyptian priests, env-neot for learning
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306 DIVINATION
{Uparypafipcn-tit). The name m»j be derived from
12Qn, « style ; or, according to Jablonaki. from an
Egyptian word Chertom = thaomaturgus (Gesen.
J. v.). For other conjectures see Kaliach, G'en. p.
347; Heidegger, Hist. Pair. xx. 23. Of course it
must have the same derivation in Dan. 1. 20, and
therefore cannot be from the Chaldee Dluirdamand
= skilled in science (John, Arch. BiU. % 402). If
their divination was connected with drawn figures,
it is paralleled by the Persian Rtmmal (Cabnet);
the modern Egyptian Zdlrgeh, a table of letters
uciibed to Idrees or Enoch (Lane, L 864), the re-
nowned Chinese Y-king, lines discovered by Fouhi
cm the back of a tortoise, which explain everything,
and on which 1450 learned commentaries have been
written (Hue's China, i. 123 ff.); and the J annum
Mr marks on paper, of Japan (Kempfer's Zfiiaf.
eh. xv.)
2. D^pjrj (ffofitrrat, Ex. vii. 11; Sold. otratr
(ktyoy rim-as robs wtiratStvplvovt '■ eonjectores).
Possibly these, as well aa their predecessors, were
merely a learned class, invested by vulgar super-
stition with hidden power. Daniel was made head
of the college by Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. v. 11).
3. COlt??!? (hraatSoi, Ex. vii. 11, 0^9,
fapfuusol: incantatores : the variety of words used
in the versions to render these names, shows how
vague was the meaning attached to them). The
original meaning of l^tCS. ia to mutter ; and in
Ex. vii. 11, the word seems to denote mere jugglers,
of the class to which belonged Jannea and Jambres
(2 Tim. iii. 8). How they produced the wonders
which hardened the heart of Pharaoh, whether by
mechanical or chemical means, or by mere legerde-
main, or by demoniacal assistance (sa supposed
by the Fathers, and Joseph. Ant. ii. 5), it is idle
to conjecture. Michaelia (adopting an Arabic deri-
vation of *]K?3) explains them to be " astrologers,"
such as in ancient times were supposed (from their
power to foretell eclipses, Ac.) to be able to control
the sun and moon by spells (Virg. Aln. iv. 489;
Ov. Met. xii. 263. " While the laboring moon
eclipses at their charms," Milton. " A witch, and
one so strong she could control the moon," Shakes-
peare, The Tempest). Women were supposed to
be peculiarly addicted to these magical arts (Ex.
aii. 18), which were forbidden to the .Tews on the-
ocratic grounds, independently of their liability to
abuse.
4. tnjfrf!, Lev. xix. 81, xx. 6 (ytmcrai,
tooia ; wizards, from V"] > , to know : cf. miser
Mann, Huge Frau, as Sal/iay, from Sinfu) : those
that could by whatever means reveal the future.
The Kabbis derive this word from a certain beast
. addua, in snape like a man (itoTo3Arir«[Jo), the
Tones of which the diviner held in his teeth
, r Maimon. de Idol. ri. 3; Bulenger, de Die. iii.
18; Delrio, Disquis. Mag. iv. 2; Godwyn's Mas.
f Aar. iv. 10). The Greek diviner ate ra m/pui-
raTa pdpia (iur /lammr (Porphyr. de Abstinent.
a./. For other bone divinations see Kubruquis'
China, p. 65, and Pennant's Scotland, p. 88 (in
°inkerton).
6. IYQ1K, Lev. xx. 6; Is. via. 19, xix. 8;
ryyatrrptfiv$ot, vtKpopirrW- qui Pythonts con-
n», vtntrihqui) [D^QK, la. xix. 8]. The word
DIVINATION
properly means " spirits of the dead," and thaw
by an easy metonymy those who consulted these
(SIN '^flfe", Deut. xviii. 10; btf ^^ttTI^
0*09^7 : »l trtptrr&rrts ToJrf rttpoii, quartan
a mortuis veruaUm. But Shuckford, who denies
that the Jews in early ages believed in spirits,
makes it mean " oonsulters of dead idols," Connect
ii. 395 ff. ). They are also called Pythonea ; tyyaarp.
wdAoi rvyl IlMsni ira\ov/i<Vovf (Plut. at Def.
Or. 414; Oc de Die. i. 19). Hence the mevpa
Mearos, Acta xvi. 16. These ventriloquists
" peeped and muttered " (cf. Tpl(itr, Ii xxiii. 101 ;
" squeak and gibber," Shakespeare, JuL Cos.) from
the earth to imitate the voice of the revealing
"fiuniliar" (Is. xxix. 4, 4c.; 1 Sam. xxviii. 8;
Lev. xx. 27, cf. artpr6 / uoTtt, Soph. /Vao.).2TN
properly means a bottle (Job xxxii. 19), and was
applied to the magician, because he was supposed
to be inflated by the spirit (Soi^oroAijirrrfr), Uke
the ancient EipuK\e7s (tit oAAor^Iar yturrt'pcu
Mis, At. Vesp. 1017," malum spiritum per verenda
nature excipiebat." SchoL in Ar. Plut.). Of this
class was the witch of Endor (Joseph. Ant. vi. 14, $
2), in whose case intended imposture may have been
overruled into genuine necromancy (Ecclua. xlvi.
20). On this wide subject see Oiryeost. ad 1 Cor.
xii.; Tart, adv. Marc. iv. 25, de Ammo, 57; Aug.
de Doctr. Christ. § 33; Cie. Tutc Dup. i. 16, and
the commentators on Mn. vi.; Critics Bacri, vi.
831; Winer, a. v. Todtenbeschtoorer ; Le Moyne,
Var. Sacr. p. 993 ff.; Selden, de Diis Syr. 1. 8,
and above all Bottcher, de Jnferis, pp. 101-121,
where the research displayed is marvellous. Those
woo sought inspiration, either from the demons or
the spirits of the dead, haunted tombs and caverns
(Is. Ixv. 4), and invited the unclean communications
by voluntary fasts (Maimon. de Idol ix. 15; Light-
foot, Hor. Hebr. ad Matt. x. 1). That the sup-
posed ifwxo/uuTfia was often effected by ventrilo-
quism and illusion is certain ; for a specimen of this
even in modern times see the Lift of Benvtnuto
CeOmi.
8. D^i? DD|7 (parrtviutptiuewntap: qui
ariolos sciscitetur ; Deut. xviii. 10). (As the most
complete list of diviners is given in this passage,
we shall follow the order of the kinds there enumer-
ated.) This word involves the notion of " cutting,"
and therefore may be connected with the Chald.
TIT? (from "ITS, to cut), Dan. H. 27, It. 7, Ac-,
and be taken to mean astrologers, magi, genethliad,
Ac. {Diet, of Ant. art. AttrSogia; Juv. vi. 582 ff.;
Diod. Sic. ii. 30; Winer, s. rr. Magier, Sterne).
Others refer it to the xKripo/uirrtis (Scbol. ad Awr.
Hipp. 1057), since the use of lota was very 6uniliar
to the Jews (Gataker on Lots, ad init.); but it
required no art to explain their use, for they were
regarded as directly under God's control (Num.
xxvi. 55; Esth. iii. 7; Prov. xvi. 83, xriii. 181.
Both lota and digitorum micatio (odd and even)
were used in distributing the duties of the Temnfe
(Otho, Lex. Bub. s. v. Digitii micanda).
7. )£!2Q, Mk. v. 12; 2 K. xxl. 6; otmervan,
sommn; A. V. "an observer of times;" c\t>
ooyt(4/uvos (always in LXX., except in Lev. xix.
26, where probably they followed a different reading
from t\\S, a bird, jprioWmnrnr) = m I* van
\aXmtUrmyvTaxa(eiui»s,Lex. Cyr. f far* ami
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MnNATIOK
(leaven. It ia derived from Ijy, to cueer, and
may mean generally " using bidden arts " (Is. ii.
S; Jer. xxvii. 0). If the LXX. understand it cor-
rectly, it refers to that \6ytcv Taparbpno-ts (Suid.),
which wan common among the Jews, and which
they called Bath Kol; of which remarkable in-
stances are found in Gen. xxiv. 14; 1 Sam. xiv. 9,
10; IK. xx. 3.J. After the extinction of the spirit
of prophecy it was considered by the Jews as a sort
of substitute for the loss. For a curious disserta-
tion on it see I ightfoot, ad Matt. iii. 13. A belief
in the significance of chance words was rery prev-
alent among the Egyptians (Clem. Alex. Strom, i.
304; Plut. de It. 14), and the accidental sigh of
the engineer was sufficient to prevent even Amasis
from removing the monolithic shrine to Sais
(Wilkinson, Arte. Egypt iv. 144). The universality
of the belief among the ancients is known to every
scholar (Cic. de Div. i.; Herod, ii. 90; Virg. Ain.
viL 110, Ac.). From the general theory of the
possibility of such omens sprang the use of the
Sortes Biblice, Ac. (Nicepb. Greg. viii. Aug. Ep.
119; Prideaux, Connect, ii. 376, Ac.; Cardan, de
Varittate, p. 1040).
If ]3YW? be derived from V»S, it will mean
• one who fascinates with the eyes," as in the Syr.
Vers. (cf. Vitringa, Comment, ad Is. II. 6). A
Belief in the opBaX/ihs fiJurxams (JH )^S) was
universal, and is often alluded to in Scripture
(Deut xxiii. 6; Matt. xx. 15; Too. iv. 7, ph
<p0orn<riT(i> o-ov & bayeaXpAt, 1 Sam. xviii. 9,
"Saul eyed David"). The will-known passages
of Pliny and the ancients on tl e subject are col-
lected in Potters Ant i. 383 ff.
Others again make the COjfr (Is. ii. 6, Ac.),
" soothsayers," who predicted " times " as in A. V.,
from the observation of the clouds (Aben Ezra on
Lev. xix. 26) and other Suxrtiiiiat, as lightnings,
comets, meteors, Ac. (Jer. x. 2), like the Etruscan
Fulguratores (Cic. Div. i. 18; Plin. ii. 43, 53;
Plut. de SupertL ; Horn. Od. v. 102; Virg. Eel u
16 ; Humboldt's Cotmot, ii. 135, ed. Sabine).
Possibly the position of the diviner in making these
observations originated the Jewish names for East
ttnd West, namely, front and back (Uodwyn, iv.
10, but Carpzov disputes the assertion, Ap. Crit.
p. 541). The practice naturally led to the tabula-
tion of certain days as lucky or unlucky (Job iii. 5,
"monthly prognoeticators;" Is. xlvii. 13, fipipas
tapaTJipt!ff9(, Gal. iv. 10), just as the Greeks and
Romans regarded some days as candidi, others as
atri (Hes. Opp. et D. 770; Suet. Aug. 92, Ac.).
If we had space, every one of the superstitions
alluded to might be paralleled in modern times.
In Judg. ix. 37, the expression '• terebinth [in-
correctly " plain," A. V.] of Meonenim (enchant-
ments)" [properly "enchanters," or "diviners"]
refers not so much to the general sacredness of
great trees (Horn. Od. xiv. 328, habiue Gratis
oraeula querent, Virg. Georg.). as to toe fact that
(probably) here Jacob had buried his amulets (Gen.
xxxv. 4; Stanley, 8. <f P. p. 142\
8. ONPTQQ (tim>t{iptrot •■ obtervantes au-
yttria; Ps. Win 6; 2 K. xvii. 17, xxi. 6, Ac.): A.
V. ' enchanters "; ophiomants (Boehart, Hieroc it.
j. 383\ from ttfnj, to hilt ; people who, like the
moient PsyUi (PBn. H. If. vii. 9, rriii. 4) and
Kbrmaridsr (SU. Ital. iH. 801),
DIYINAWOH
607
' Ad quorum eantus serpens obllta venem,
Ad quorum tactum mites jaouere oerastaV, w
wae supposed to render serpents innocuous and
obedient (Ex. vii. 9; Jer. viii. 17; Eccl. x. 11),
chiefly by the power of music (Nicand. Theriac.
162; Luc. ix. 891 ; SO. Ital. 8, 495; sEn. vii. 753;
Niebuhr's Travels, i. 189); but also no doubt by
the possession of some genuine and often heroditarj
secret (Lane, Mod. Egypt, ii. 106 ff. ; Amob. adv.
OenU ii. 32). They had a similar power over
scorpions (Francklen's Tour to Pertia). The
whole subject is exhausted by Boehart (Buret
torn. n. iii. 6, de At. fide surdd).
ttJfli has, however, a general meaning of " learn
ing by experience," like " to augur," in English
Gen. xxx. 27; either because ophiomancy (Ter.
Phorm. iv. 4, 26) was common, or because the
word meant (as the Rabbis say) an observation of
ivitta oipfioXa., Ac. (Jer. x. 2; Plin. xxviii. 5, 7).
Some understand it of divinatio ex pelvibus (Plin.
//. If. xxx. 2; Poll Syn. ad Deal, xviii. 10).
9. O^StppJ? (tpapiuusol : makfici, veneficit
A. T. "wizards'"), from the Arabic, "to reveal,"
meaning not only astrologers proper (Chaldeans),
but generally all the professed occult means of dis-
covering the unknown. It might no doubt involve
the use of divining-rods for the purpose of Aquseli-
cium, Ac., dependent on physical laws only partially
understood (Mayo'e Pop. SupertUlions).
10. EFnyO IjH (sNra€f8o»TM hraoM,»: »»-
cantatores), from "^H, to bind (cf. hannen =
binden, Gesen. ». v.). [See Deut xviii. 11.] Those
who acquired power by uttering spells, Ac (jrara-
S4m; and Bpyot tiaptos, jfoch. hum. 29G;
" So the spell now works around thee,
And the clanklM* chain hath bound then "
Man/red, i. 1).
In Onkelos it is rendered V^ - '' • ">utterer ; and
this would connect these "enchanters" with the
Nekromanteis (No. 5, Is. xxix. 4).
11. Belomants. Alluded to iu E». xxi. 21, where
Nebuchadnezzar, at the parting of two ways, uses
divination to decide whether he shall proceed against
Jerusalem or Rabbah, and D^Sn? v[2?i7 (rot
avafioicai f>df3Sov, LXX.; but it should be rather
jih^ai 0cAi), or as Vulg. eommiscens sagittal ; the
other explanations are untenable). Jerome (ad toe.)
explains it of mingling in a quiver arrows on which
were inscribed the names of various cities, that city
being attacked the name of which was drawn out
(Prid. Connect, i. 85). Estius says " he threw up
a bundle of arrows to see which way they would
light, and falling on the right hand be marched
towards Jerusalem." The A. V. " made his arrows
bright," seems to allude to a sort of aitnyopanreia,
— incomxrtly. The arrows used were particolored
and 7 such were kept at Mecca. Pietro dells Valle
saw a divination derived from the changes of 8
arrows at Aleppo, and attributed it to diabolical
agency. We read of a somewhat similar custom
in use among the ancient Teutons (Tac. Qerm. x.),
and among the Abuii (Am. MaroalL xxxi.): also
among the modem Egyptians (Lane, ii. 111).
" But A another kind was that practiced by Elishs.
1 2 K. xiii. 16 " (Sir Thomas Browne, Vulg. Emit,
'-.23,7).
I 12. Closely connected with this was {vAop. <s
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DIVINATION
Sa&o/uurrda (Him. iv. 13) bj?9 br«£. aoo
Id-raWs; iifiSovt . . . vrrroiaas trerfipovr
Sirov fipotvro, Cyr. Alex, (ad foe.), and to too
Theophylaet. Another explanation is that the
positive or negative answer to the required question
was decided by the equal or unequal number of
qmm in the staff (Godwyn, L a). Parallels are
found among the Scythians (Herod, ir. 67, and
Schol. Nicandri Xxviat /ivpmtnp parrevorrat
\bktf), Persians (Strab. xt. p. 847), Assyrians
(A then. Deipn. xii. 7), Chinese (Stavorinus's Java ;
Pinkerton, xi. 132), and New Zealanders (called
Niu, Taylor's NeieZeal p. 91). These kinds of
divination are expressly forbidden in the Koran,
and are called at Motor (ch. v. Sale's Prelim.
Diutrt. p. 89).
18. KvKtKoiumrtla, Gen. xliv. 6 (to koVov to
ipyvpovr . . . alnbt 8« olttvurpobs oluvt(rrai ir
avr*?; Hesych. xirou, worfipior /SwriAuteV: in
quo augwari mitt). Parkhurat and others deny-
ing that divination is intended, make it a mere cup
of office (Brace's Tratelt, ii. 657) " for which he
would search carefully " (a meaning which tPPD
may bear. But in all probability the A. V. is
right. The Nile was called the cup of Egypt, and
the silver vessel which symbolized it had prophetic
and mysterious properties (Havernick. lntrod. Ut
the Pentateuch, ad foe.). The divination was by
means of radiations from the water, or from magic-
ally inscribed gems, Ac- thrown into it ; a sort of
v&ponuvrda, KUTomrpoiuwTtia, or KpvaraiWo-
uavrtla (Cardan, tie Mr rum Y'ariet. rap. 93), like
the famous mirror of ink (Ijane, ii. 362), and the
crystal divining globes, the properties of which de-
pend on a natural law brought into notice in the
recent revivals of Mesmerism. The jewelled cup
of Jemsheed was a divining cup, and such s one was
made by Merlin (Faerie Uueene, iii. 2, 19). Jul.
Serenus (it Fato, ix. 18) says that after certain in-
cantations, a demon "vocem instar sibili edebat
in aquis." It is curious to find jrvAuroparrsfa even
in the South Sea Islands (Daily BM. Ilhutr. i.
424). For illustrations of Egyptian cups see Wil-
kinson, iii. 258. This kind of divination must
not be confused with Cyatbemanteia (Suid. t. v.
K<rrrafil(fir)-
14. Consultation of Teraphim (Zech. x. 2; Ez.
ixi. 21; trtpuTTJaai ir rots yhvrroh'- 1 Sam.
xr. 23, "T"""!""! — an inquirer [where the form is
CB^i"*!]). These were wooden images (1 Sam.
six. 13) consulted as " idols," from which the ex-
ited worshippers fancied that they received oracular
responses. The notion that they were the em-
balmed beads of infants on a gold plate inscribed
with the name of an unclean spirit, is Rabbi Elis-
or's invention. Other Rabbis think that they
may mean "astrolabes," Ac. [TERArillM.]
16. 'Hwaroo-ravia, or extupicium (Ea, xxl 21,
KaraaKtnrnaao Sat id. IJirort it., TLXX., iip^!
~Q J?)- The liT€,r wm the most important part
of the* sacrifice (Artemid. Oncirocr. ii. 74: Suet.
Aug. 95; Cic. de Du>. ii. 13; Sen. (Echp. 360).
Thus the deaths of both Alexander and Hephettion
were foretold oti iXofior to (wwc ^» leptlov (Ar-
riar., Alex vii. 18).
16. 'Ompo/uursia (Dout xltt. S, 3; Judg. vii.
18; Jer. xxlii. 32; Joseph. Ant. xvii. 6, 4). God
Vequentiy revealed himself by dreams when the
DIVINATION
soul was thought to be least debased by
with the body (c Soowa yap *pV tpiutrut Asut
■wpirtroi. JEtch. A'bib.). Many warnings oocuj
in Scripture against the impostures attendant on
the interpretation of dreams (Zech. x. 2, Ac.). W«
find, however, no direct trace of tetking for dreams
such as occurs in Virg. jEn, vii. 81; Plant. Our-
cut. i. 1, 2, 61. [Dreams.]
17. The consultation of oracles may be consid-
ered as another form of divination (Is. xli. 21-34,
xliv. 7). The term oracle is applied to the Holy
of Holies (1 K. vi. 16; Ps. xxviii. 2, ~l\"3' ! "f, So&ip
rit iyia t<5» ayiuy ayo/ACti, Lex. Ms. ; Hottin-
ger, The*. PhiL p. 366). That there were several
oracles of heathen gods known to the Jews we may
infer both from the mention of that of Baal-zebub
at Ekron (2 K. i. 3-6), and from the towns named
Debir. " Debir quod uos oracuhtm aive respontum
possumus appellate, et ut contentiosius verbum ex-
primamus e verbo AaAvT^ptor.vel locutorium di-
cere " (ilieron. ad Eph. i.). The word " oracles "
is applied in the N. T. to the Scriptures (Acts vii.
38; Rom. iii. 2, Ac.). On the general subject of
oracles see Anton, v. Dale de Oraculis ; Diet, of
Ant. art Oracuhtm; Potter's Antiq. i. 286-326;
Sir T. Browne, Tract xi., and Vulg. Err. vii. 12, Ac.
18. It only remains to allude to the fact that
superstitious importance was peculiarly attached to
the words of dying men. And although the ob-
served fact that " men sometimes at the hour of
their departure do speak and reason above them-
selves " (ReUg. Medici, xi.) does not of course take
away from the death-bed prophecies of Scripture
their supernatural character (Gen. xlix. ; 2 K. xiii.,
Ac. ), yet it is interesting to find that there are
analogies which resemble them (IL xxii. 355; and
the story of Calanus; Cic de Div. i. 30; Shakesp.
Rich. II., ii. 1; Darnell, Cicil Wart, iii. 62, Ac.).
Moses forbade every species of divination (cf.
Koran, ch. v. ; Cato, de Re Rust 5, " van! super-
stitione rades animos infestant," Columell. ii. 1),
because a prying into the future clouds the mind
with superstition, and because it would have been
(as indeed it proved to be, Is. ii. 6; 2 K. xxi. 6)
an incentive to idolatry ; indeed the frequent de -
nunciations of the sin in the prophets tend to prove
that these forbidden arts presented peculiar tempta-
tions to apostate Israel (Hettinger, Jur. Heb. Lex.
pp. 253, 254). But God supplied his people with
substitutes for divination, which would have ren-
dered it superfluous, and left tbeni in no doubt aa
to his will in circumstances of danger, had they
continued faithful. It was only when they wee
unfaithful that the revelation was withdrawn (1
Sam. xxviii. 6; 2 Sam. ii. 1, v. 23, Ac.). Accord-
ing to the Rabbis the Urim and Thumraim lasted
until the Temple; the spirit of prophecy until Mal-
achi; and the Bath Kol, as the sole means of
guidance, from that time downwards (Ughtfbot,
I. c. ; Maimonides, oV Fundam. Leg. cap. 7 ; Abar-
banel, Prolegg. in OanitL).
How far Moses and the prophets believed in the
reality of necromancy, Ac., as distinguished from
various forms of imposture, is a question which at
present does not concern us. But even if, in the*
times, they did hold such a belief, no one will now
urge that we are bound to do so at the present da*
And yet such was the opinion of Racon, Bp. Hall,
Baxter, Sir Thomas Browne, Lavater, GkwriUe
Henry More, and numberlew other eminent men
Such also was the opinion which led Sir M. Halt
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DIVORCE
to turn Amy Dtmy and Bom Cullenden at Bury
la 1664 : and caused even Wesley to say, that " to
give up a belief in witchcraft in to give up the
Bible." We recommend this statement, in con-
tact with the all but 'universal disoelief in such
superstitions now, to thoughtful consideration.
For a curious statute against witchcraft (a Kliz.
cap. 16), see Collier's £ccl. But. vi. 3ttG.
Superstition not unfrequently goes band in hand
with skepticism, and hence, amid the general infi-
delity prevalent through the Boman empire at our
lord's coming, imposture was rampant, as a glance
at the pages of Tacitus will suffice to prow. Hence
tha lucrative trades of such men as Simon Magus
(Acts viii. 9), Bar-jesus (Acts xui. 6, 8), the slave
with the spirit of Python (Acta xvi. 16), the vag-
abond Jews, exorcist* (Luke xl. 19; Acts xix. 13),
and other y6nret (3 Tim. iii. 13; Kev. xix. 20,
Ac.), as well as the notorious dealers in magical
0i8\ot ('Etyitrta yfi/ifutra) and weolepya at
Epbesus (Acta xix. 19). Among the Jews these
flagrant impostors (irarwHS, Joseph.) had be-
come dangerously numerous, especially during the
Jewish war; and we And them constantly alluded
to in Josepbus (B. J. vi. 5, § 1, 2; AM. xx. 6, § 1,
Ac; cf. Matt xxiv. 23-24; Tac. Hut. v. 12). As
was natural, they, like most Orientals, especially
connected the name of Solomon with their spells
and incantations (Joseph. AM. viii. 2). The names
of the main writers on this wide and interesting
subject will be found mentioned in the course of
the article, and others are referred to in Kabricius
BibL Aniiq. cap. xiL, and Butcher, de Inferit, pp.
101 ff. F. W. F.
DIVORCE. The law regulating this subject
is found Deut xxiv. 1-4, and the cases in which
the right of a husband to divorce his wife was lost,
are stated U>. xxii. 19, 29. The ground of divorce
was what the text calls a "1^ nT"l£, on the
meaning of which the Jewish doctors of the period
of the N. T. widely differed; the school of Sham-
mai seeming to limit it to a moral delinquency in
the woman, whilst that of Hillel extended it to
trifling causes, e. </., if the wife burnt the food she
was cooking for her husband." The Pharisees
wished perhaps to embroil our Saviour with these
rival schools by their question (Matt. xix. 3); by
his answer to which, as well as by his previous
maxim (v. 31), he declares that but for their hard-
ened state of heart, such questions would have no
place. Yet from the distinction made, " but I say
unto you," vv. 31, 32, it seems to follow, that he
regarded all the lesser causes than " fornication "
as standing on too weak ground, and declined the
question of bow to interpret the words of Moses.
It would be unreasonable, therefore, to suppose that
by "^57 ^J™?3?> to which be limited the remedy
■f divorce, Moses meant " fornication," 1. e. adul-
tery, for (hat would have been to stultify the law
'• that such should be stoned " (John viii. S ; Lev.
xx tO). The practical difficulty, however, which
attends on the doubt which is note found in inter-
preting Moses' words will be lessened if we consider,
'nat the mere giving "a bill (or rather 'book,'
"1$?) rf divorcement" (eomp. Is, L 1; Jer. iii. 8),
would fa] ancient times require the intervention of a
« Martina, Oittin, Ix. 10 K Aklbab allows dlvoiw.
W to* husband mtrelv saw a wise whose appaarane*
DIVORCE 609
Levite, not only to secure the formal correctness of
the instrument, but because the art of writing was
then generally unknown. This would bring the
matter under the cognizance of legal authority, and
tend to check the rash exercise of the right by the
husband. Traditional opinion and prescriptive prac-
tice would probably fix the standard of the Hlfiy,
and doubtless with the lax general morality which
marks the decline of the Jewish polity, that stand-
ard would be lowered (Mai ii. 14-16). Thus the
demar. BabyL Cittin, 9 (ap. Selden, de Ux. Beb.
iii 17) allows divorce for a wife's spinning in public
or going out with head uncovered or clothes so ton,
as not properly to conceal her person from sight-
But the absence of any case in point in the period
which lay nearest to the lawgiver himself, or in any
save a much more recent one, makes the whole
question one of great uncertainty. The case of
Phalti and Michal is not in point, being merely au
example of one arbitrary act redressed by another
(1 Sam. xxv. 44; comp. 2 Sam. iii. 14-16). Sel-
den, quoting (de Ux. Beb. iii 19) Zohar, Prof.
p. 8 b, Ac., speaks of an alleged custom of the hus-
band, when going to war, giving the wife the libel-
lut dtcortii ; but the authority is of slight value, and
the fact improbable. It is contrary to all known
oriental usage to suppose that the right of quitting
their husoand and choosing another was allowed to
women (Joseph. Ant. xv. 7, § 10). Salome is noted
(ibid.) as the first example of it — one, no doubt,
derived from the growing prevalence of heathen
laxity. Hence also, probably, the caution given 1
Cor. vii. 10. Winer is surely mistaken (s. v.
Kheteheidtmg) in supposing that a man might take
back aa wife her whom he had divorced, except in
the cases when her second husband had died or bad
divorced her. Such resumption is contemplated
by the lawgiver as only possible in those two cases,
and therefore is in them only expressly forbidden
(Jer. iii. 1).
For the view taken among later Jews 01: this sub
ject, see Joseph. Ant. iv. 8, § 23, xvi. 7, § 3; Vit,
76, a writer whose practice seems to hare been in
accordance with the views of Hillel. On the gen
era! subject, Buxtorf, de Spntual et Dhort. pp
82-85; Selden, Ux. Beb. iii. 17 ff.; and Mi-
chaelis, Lmct of Motet, ii. 336, may be consulted.
H. H.
* Divorce in the New TettamenL The passage*
treating of divorce are found in Matt. r. 31, 82,
xix. 3-9, Mark x. 2-12, take xvi. 18, 1 Cor. rii
10-16, and perhaps Rom. vii. 2, 3, which however
has little or no bearing on our subject. If our
Lord, as is probable, spoke of divorce more than
once, the passage in Luke harmonizes with that in
Matt v., — as the comparison of Matt. v. 18- with
Luke xvi. 17 shows, — and the passage in. Mark
with that in Matt xix.
In the Gospels only luroKia, in 1 Cor. vii. y«-
pl(optu and iuplnfu denote separation of married
parties. All three are used of an act proceeding
from either sex, but the second, and probably the
third, is used in a wider sense than the first In
classical Greek iwow4nmt said of the husband's
act, and owoAefww chiefly but not exclusively of
the wife's act, are the terms in best use, but dnroAi*
and perhaps other words are to be met with.
Our Lord's declarations may be summed up
under the following heads. (1.) The practice si-
kmed by the Mosaic law of putting away a wife
wittout crime on her part, and on the ground of
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610 DIVORCE
■am* pergonal dislile or disgust, ia oppoaed to the
original, divine idea of marriage, according to
which a man and his wife are joined together bj
God to be one flesh, and are not to be put asunder
by man. (2.) He, therefore, who puts away his
wife by a bill of divorce without her crime, causes
her to commit adultery by placing it within her
power to marry another man (Matt. v. 32). Thus
even the party who tufftrs the divorce is criminal
in marrying again. (8.) A man or a woman who
yiveuret a divorce, except on account of the adul-
tery of the other party, and marries another per-
son, commits adultery. (4. ) The same crime rests
on one who contracts marriage with the divorced
person. In explanation of these ordinances of
Christ, we remark frit, that the passages in Mat-
thew alone contain qualifications of the absolute
unlawfulness of divorce, — wapticrbs \iyov wop-
vtlas, and ul) M woprtla, — where a more gen-
eral word tofvtio. is used for a more special one,
poixefo, and with it can, a fortiori, include certain
rare, more heinous, sexual crimes. A similar
qualification must doubtless be understood in Mark
x., Luke xvi., and 1 Cor. vii. 10, as being too ob-
vious to be expressed, since the act referred to in
Matthew was by the law punishable with death,
and actually destroyed the tint union by a new
union (1 Cor. vi. 16). Secondly, Christ's words go
no further than to say that a man who marries a di-
vorced woman commits adultery; but the opposite
ease, that of a woman marrying a divorced man, is
evidently implied. Thirdly, it may excite surprise
that, when a wife had no power of legal repudi-
ation, Mark should speak of a woman putting away
her husband. But Salome, Herod's sister, did this
hah* a century before our Lord's ministry began,
and doubtless without formal divorce women often
forsook their husbands. The case then needed to
be provided for. Fourthly, with " her who is di-
vorced " in Matt. v. 32, tcuhkto! \6yov wopyfias
is not to be understood, ana consequently marriage
with a woman divorced on account of adultery U
not expressly noticed. Such a case under the law
could not occur, as such a person would suffer
death. (Comp. Meyer in foe.)
In 1 Cor. vii. two cases are contemplated by Paul.
The first, where both the parties art btUerert (w.
10, 11), is a case for which onr Lord had already
provided, and in regard to which the Apostle con-
siders himself as merely repeating some precept of
Christ, such as we find in the Gospels. Neither
husband nor wife is to separate from the other.
If however the wife — for some reason short of ber
husband's crime, we must suppose — should be
separated from him, she is to remain unmarried or
seek reconciliation to him, no third step being
allowable. And the same rule must hold good if
the husband should separate himself from the wife.
Thus the Apostle conceives of a separation which is
not divorce with liberty of remarriage. In the
other case (w. 12-16), one of the partitt it a hea-
then — a case for which Christ had made no pro-
vision. Here separation must proceed from the
heathen party, the Christian party must be pas-
sive. The Christian party must not regard such
a union with a heathen as unclean, and therefore
seek to dissolve it, for the marriage relation is more
hallowed by the faith of the believing, than pro-
faned by the unbe ief of the heathen party, as is
evident from the bet that the children are holy.
i*at if the heathen party withdraw from such a
•olam. 1st him not be hindered from so doing. A
DIVORCE
believer in such circumstances is not consbamad U
endeavor to keep up the union. For it might in-
volve endless discords, whereas God's call to believer*
contemplated a state if peace. Nor is the probabil-
ity of conversion so sti jng that the believing party,
against the other's will, should feel an urgency
to keep up the union in the hope of such an
event (ver. 16, to which another turn is generally
given).
Here the important question arises, whether the
Apostle's words allow the Christian, thus separated
from a heathen, to marry again. The Catholic
Church, although disliking divorce, gives in this spe-
cific case an affirmative answer: many Protestant*
are on the same side, and by this analogy protect
remarriage in cases nf willful desertion. On the
interpretation of the passage we remark Jirtt, that
Xwplfauu, being used in ver. 11 to denote a Sep
aration without remarriage, and possibly temporary,
settles nothing. Secondly, SovXos is not decisive,
since the extent and nature of the constraint are
not clearly specified (comp. Meyer m he.). The
meaning may be this: that the believing party can
regard the heathen partner's act as final, and so
need not feel constrained to seek to live with or
even to be reconciled to him, while yet the Apostle
in such a case would disapprove of remarriage.
This indeed is all that can be inferred from the
next words, " God has called us in peace." There-
fore you need not feel bound to live with one whose
difference of religion or disaffection may produce
continual jars. " For what knowest thou, wife,
whether thou shalt save thy husband ? " etc., i. r.
the possibility of something so desirable is not
enough to constrain you to keep his society. Thus
there is no trace of the thought of remarriage in
the context. Meyer, De Wette, Neander, Stanley
on this passage, and Tholuck on the Sermon on the
Mount, unite in the opinion that the words at the
Apostle do not necessarily imply remarriage. And
yet, on the other hand, there is some ground for
the opinion that Paul contemplated the liberty of
marrying again. For otherwise there is not enough
of difference between the Apostle's two cases. In
the first, the wife is to remain unmarried or be rec-
onciled to her husband. In the second, she is to
remain unmarried — according to the supposition
— without seeking to be reconciled. Is this enough
to constitute a new case, or would the Apostle,
regarding this as something novel and outside of
Christ's direction, make so little change in the
requirements ? We admit the force of these con-
siderations, yet cleave on the whole to the ex-
planation first given, which allows our Lord's idea
of marriage to stand with regard to all Haaaes of
persons, does honor in conformity with the Apostle's
spirit to the natural relations, and yet contemplates
in certain cases an entire and final separation a
mensti et Ihoro.
The phrase " husband of one wife " in 1 Tun.
iii. 2, Titus i. 6, is probably to be understood of
successive marriages, and not of simultaneous polyg-
amy, as ia shown by 1 Tim. v. 9. This rule fixing
a qualification for the office of elders must have
been based on the frequency of divorce and of mar-
riage with divorced women, which to a Christian
would appear scandalous, and on the ground of
right no better than polygamy itself. Some per-
sona, who bad remarried after divorcing their wives
in their state of heathenism, must have entered the
Christian church, and there might be no reparatiot
I of the evil, but this rule, preventing then freat aa
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DIZAHAb
tuuzng the office of elder, ni a proteet in behalf
af the sanctity of marriage.
Oar Lord, who had the correction of one 'mor-
mons practical evil before his eyes, has not noticed
many questions concerning marriage, as for instance
certain disqualifications which would render it void
ab initio, but baa left these to the practical wisdom
of the Christian Church and the Christian State.
T. D. W.
* See further on this subject, Prof. Alvah Hovey,
The Scriptural Doctrine of Divorce, Boston, 1866,
16mo; Uev. Joseph Tracy, The Bible Doctrine of
Divorce, in the BM. Sacra for July, I860; and
Pre*. T. D. Woolsey in the New Englander for
January, April, and July, 1867. A.
DIZ'AHAB (3JTJ ^.: k«t«xp<^«« : •*
auri est plurimum), a place in the Arabian Desert,
mentioned Dent. i. 1, as limiting the position of
the spot in which Moses is there represented as ad-
dressing; the Israelites. It is by Robinson (i. U7,
li. 187, note) identified with Dthab, a cape on the
W. shore of the Gulf of Abibah about two-thirds
down its length : see further under Wilderness.
The name seems to mean "lord," i. e. ••possessor
of (Arab. ^ and ^3 = Heb. bj5) gold;"
[or perh. ^f = where i$] probably given from that
metal having been there (bund. See Gesen. t. v.
H. H.
•DOCTOR (8»»dV«aAor), Luke U. 46, or
"doctor of the Law " (voiutitao-itaAos), Luke v.
17; Acts v. 34. [Lawter; Rabbi; Scribes.]
A.
DO'CUS« (A<4sr; [Aid. Afimi ;] Joseph. Aa-
yaW: Ooch: Syr. iOjO>, Doak), a "little bold "
(to hxvfMlHiruiv: munitiuncuhmt) near Jericho
(1 Mace. xvi. 15, comp. verse 14) built by Ptol-
etnsmia the son of Abubus, and in which he enter-
tained and murdered his father-in-law Simon Mac-
cabseus, with his two sons. By Joeephus (Ant.
zUi. 8, 1; B. J. 1. 3, 3) it is called Dagon, and is
•aid to have been " one of the fo rtr e ss e s " (4pvpAr
m>) above Jericho. The name still remains in
lie neighborhood, attached to the copious and
sxeettent springs of Ain-Duk, which burst forth in
the Wathf ffawi'imeh, at the foot of the moun-
tain of Quarantania (Kuruntul), about 4 miles N.
W. of Jericho. Above the springs are traces of
ancient foundations, which may be those of Ptol-
emy's castle, but more probably of that of the
Templars, one of whose stations this was: it stood
as late as the latter end of the 13th century, when
it was vis.ted by Brocardus. (See Rob. 1. 571, and
(he quotations in 573, note [and also his Phys.
Geogr. p. 355].) U.
DOT>AI [3 syL] (VfH [amaloru]: A-*(o;
G r at. AaScia; Alex. A«afe; Comp. Aid. with 17
SS. Awoaf:] Dwha), an Abobite who com-
manded the course of the 2d month (1 Chr. xxvii.
4). It is probable that he is the «aroe as Dodo,
whose name in the Cttii and in the LXX. la Do-
lai, and that the words " Eleazar sot of" have
been omitted from the abovt passage in Jhronides.
r l>OIH>, 8.]
DOD'ANIM (D' , 3 , T>: tSStot: Dodanim),
DODO
611
Gen. x. 4: 1 Chr. I. 7 (in some copies [of the He-
brew] and in marg. of A. V. 1 Chr. i. 7, Rodakuc,
D^P'JI), a family or race descended from Javan,
the son of Japhet (Gen. x. 4; 1 Chr. i. 7). Au-
thorities vary as to the form of the name: the He-
brew text has both. Dodanim appears in the
Syriac, Chaldee, Vulgate, Persian, and Arabic ver-
sions, and in the Targum of Onkelos; Rodanim is
supported by the LXX., the Samaritan version,
and some early writers, ss Eusebius and Cosmas.
The weight of authority is in favor of the former;
the substitution of 'Pitioi in the LXX. may have
arisen from familiarity with that name (comp. Ex.
xxvii. 15, where it is again substituted for Dedan).
Dodanim is regarded as Identical with Dardani
(Gesen. Thei. p. 1366), the latter, which is the
original form, having been modified by the change
of the liquid r into 0, as in Barmilcar and Bomii-
car, Hamilcar and Hamilco. Thus the Targum
of Jonathan, that on Chronicles, and the Jerusalem
Talmud give Dardania for Dodanim. The Dar-
dani were found in historical times in IByricum and
Troy: the former district was regarded as their
original seat. They were probably a semi-Pelasgie
race, and are grouped with the Chittim in the gen-
ealogical table, ss more closely related to them than
to the other branches of the Pelasgic race (KnobeL
VBlkcrtafel, pp. 104 SI). The similarity of the
name Dodona in Epirus has led to the identifica-
tion of Dodanim with that place; but a mere local
designation appears too restricted for the general
tenor of Gen. x. Kalisch (Comm. on Gen.) iden-
tifies Dodanim with the Daunians, who occupied
the coast of Apulia; be regards the name as refer-
ring to Italy generally. The wide and unexplained
difference of the names, and the comparative un-
importance of the Daunians, form objections to this
view. W. L. B.
DODATAH (ace. Dodava'hu; inVTTO
[fore of Jehovah]: AuSla; [Vat. flJ«io;] Ales,
flow: Dodaiu), a man of Maresba in Judah, father
of Eliezer who denounced Jehoshaphat's alliance
with Ahaziah (3 Chr. xx. 87). In the Jewish tra-
ditions Dodavah is the son of Jehoshaphat, who
was also his uncle (Jerome, (tu. Heb. ad loc.).
DO'DO. 1. flTTO [amatory, or possibly Ut
uncle]: AovSi [Vat. Aivier, Alex. Aovtti] and
Aw&W [Alex. Awiaxu] : piirutu ejus), a man of
Bethlehem, father of Elhanan, who was one of Da-
vid's " thirty " captains (2 Sam. xxiii. 34 ; 1 Chr.
xi. 36). He is a different person from
2. [In 3 Sam., AovSi; Vat. -tu; Alex. 2mr«i
in 1 Chr. xi. 13, Awtaf: patrum ejus.] Dodo
the Ahorite, father of Eleazar, the 3d of the
three " mighty men " who were over the " thirty "
(2 Sam. xxiii. 9; 1 Chr. xi. 13). He, or his son
— in which case we must suppose the words
u Eleazar son of" to have escaped from the text
— probably had the command of the second
monthly course (1 Chr. xxvii. 4). In the latter
paassge the name is Dodai (TR : AmSIo, Ales.
Avals [see in full under Dodai] ) : but this form
occurs in the Hebrew text (Cetib) of 3 Sam
xxiii. 9 {' fl h), and in the LXX. of all; and in
Josnhus (Ami. vii. 13, § 4, Aa>8«u>»); and is ba-
« It would be Interesting to know whence the form
1 tht> name used tu the A. T. waa derived. [Bvl-
laatir from the Alius edMea. as oh tanded n it-.
as that of Weehel, rranool 1697. wbian i
nadug Omtm —A.)
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812 DOEG
■asad by Kenoieott (Diuerlatitm, Ac. p. 334), who
has examined then fists with great minuteness, to
3e the correct one. The Jewish tradition (Jerome,
Qu. Heb. on 1 Chr. xi. 13) was, that Dodo was
the brother of Jesse.
3. A man of Issachar, forefather of Tola the
Judge (Judg. x. 1). The LXX and Vulg. ren-
derings are remarkable; tot pa£i\(paii airrov- pa-
trui Abimeltch. G.
• The "remarkable renderings" referred to
make lTn=-'hi» uncle" (not a proper name).
This is the only instance (Judg. x. 1) in which the
father and grandfather of a judge are both men-
tioned. Hence an early Jewish interpretation referred
vTTO to Abimelech, and made Puah, Tola's father,
the son of some brother or sister of Gideon, the
father of Abimelech. But such a relationship is
impossible; for Tola was "a man of Issachar,"
while Gideon was a Manassite (Judg. vi. 15). Even
supposing there was a sister who married out of her
tribe, it would be very strange to have the descent
traced through that line instead of the father's
(see CasseL Richter und Ruth, p. »7). H.
DCEG GriT [fearful, Gesen. and Fiiret]:
A»4«: [in 1 Sam. xxii. U, Alex. Aarny-] Doeg),
an Idumean (LXX. and Joseph. Ant. vi. 12, § 1,
i Upot) chief of Saul's herdmen (" having cliarge
of the mules"). He was at Nob when Ahimelech
gave David the sword of Goliath, and not only gave
information to Saul, but when others declined the
office, himself executed the king's order to destroy
the priests of Nob with their families, to the num-
ber of 85 persons, together with all their property
(1 Sam. xxi. 7, xxii. 9, 18, 22; Ps. lii.). A ques-
tion has arisen on the nature of the business by
which he was " detained before the Lord " (^?¥3,
mrtxifuvos Kttmrapir- intu§ in tabernacmo
Domini). The difficulty which lies in the idea that
Doeg was a foreigner, and so incapable of a Naza-
rite vow (Mishn. de PbtU, ix. 1, Surenh.), is ex-
plained by the probable supposition that he was a
proselyte, attending under some vow or some act
of purification at the Tabernacle (1 Sam. xx. 18;
Ant. Sacr. Patrick, Calmet; Gesen. p. 1059;
Winer, s. v. Doeg ; Thenius, ad toe. in Kurtg. ex-
eg. Handb.). H. W. P.
DOG (2?? S Kudr, mviftor- cani$), an ani-
mal frequently mentioned in Scripture. It was
used by the Hebrews as a watch for their houses
(Is. lvi. 10), and for guarding their flocks (Job xxx.
1). Then also, as now, troops of hungry and semi-
wild dogs used to wander about the fields and
streets of the cities, devouring dead bodies and
sther offal (1 K. xiv. 11, xvi. 4, xxi. 19, 23, xxii.
*8; 2 K. ix. 10, 36; Jer. xv. 3; Ps. lix. 6, 14),
and thus became such objects of dislike that fierce
and cruel enemies are poetically styled dogs in Ps.
xxii. 16, 20. Moreover the dog being an unclean
animal (Is. Levi. 3; Hor. Ep. i. 2, 26, "canis im-
munduB et arnica luto sus "), the terms dog, dead
*?, dog'e head, were used as terms of reproach, or
of humility in speaking of one's self (1 Sam. xxiv.
14; 2 Sam. iii. 8, ix. 8, xvi. 9; 2 K. viU. 13).
Knox relates a story of a nobleman of Ceylon who
being asked by the king how many children he
lad, replied — " Your Majesty's dog has three pup-
pita." Throughout the whole Fast " dog " is a
term of reproach for impure and profane persons,
uid In this sense is used by the Jews respecting
DOE
the Gentiles (Rev. xxii. 15; eomp. Sehottgen Air
Heir. i. 114S), and by Mohammedans respecting
Christians. The wanton nature of the dog is
another of its characteristics, and there can be nc
doubt that 2^3 in Deut, xxiii. 18 means tcortttm
ra'rfle, i. q. fffj?; comp. Ecclus. xxrl. 85, "A
shameless woman shall be counted as a dog,'
Hesych. Kw4s imiSeit- Stanley (S. c* P. p
350) mentions to have seen on the very site of Jex-
reel the descendants of the dogs that devoured _ez-
ebel, prowling on the mounds without the walls for
offal and carrion thrown out to them to consume:
and Wood, in his Journal to the source of the
Oxus, complains that the dog has not yet arrived
at his natural position in tbe social state. We
still use tbe name of one of the noblest creatures
in the world as a term of contempt. To ask an
Uxbek to sell his wife would be no affront, but to
ask him to sell his dog an unpardonable insult —
Svggeeferoth or dog-seller being tbe most offensive
epithet that one Uzbek can apply to another. The
addition of the article (tom Kvvaplois, Matt. xv.
26 ; Mark vii. 27) implies that the presence of dogs
was an ordinary feature of Eastern life in our Sav-
iour's time.
As to the etymology of the word, Bochart thinks
that it has reference to the firmness and tenacity
0,o „
of a dog's bite, and compares xA&-~ =foreipa ;
but this word is more probably Itself derived from
ZU«
• dog.
The root of a^S Is an unused verb 3b3, tt
ttrike = Germ. Happen; and thence to bark=.
Germ, klaj'en, Fr. clapir. W. D.
* Dietrich assigns a different meaning to 373 :
to take, seize, and hence, as applied to the dog,
" the seixer " (harpax). See his addition in Gas!
fTtbr. and Otald. ftundw. p. 409 (6te Auft.).
H.
DOORS. [Gates.]
DOPH'KAH (nrjfjj [cattle-driving, phot
of, Fiirst] : Peupaxi [Alex. Pcupamr'], the LXX.
apparently reading "IforT: Daphea), a place men-
tioned Num. xxxiii. 12, as a station in the Desert
where the Israelites encamped ; see Wildkrness.
H. H.
DOB (TV* and ~>M^T [o habitation], Josh
xvii. 11; 1 K. iv. 11; [in Judg. 1. 27 and 1 Chr
vii. 29, Atfy>; in Josh, and 1 Kings, +tnutStip,
NtpBaiiip, etc.;] 1 Mace. xv. 11, [13,] Awpa), an
ancient royal city of the Canaanites (Josh. xii. 23),
whose ruler was an ally of Jabin, king of Hator,
against Joshua (Josh. xi. 1, 2). It was probably the
most southern settlement of tbe Phoenicians on the
coast of Syria (Joseph. Vit. 8 ; Ant. xv. 9, § 8). Jo-
sephus describes it as a maritime city, on the west
border of Manssseh and the north border of Dan
(Ant. v. 1, § 22, viii. 2, { 3; B. J. i. 7, $ 7), near
Mount Carmel (c. Apion. ii. 10). One old author
tolls us that it was founded by Dorus, a son of
Neptune, while another affirms that it was built by
the Phoenicians, because the neighboring rocky
shore abounded in the small shell-fish from which
they got the purple dye (Steph. B. «. v. ; Retand,
Paiuutinn, p. 739). It appears to have been withir
the tenUory of tbe tribe of Asher, though aDottas
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DORA
to kaaiaah (Josh, xvii. 11; Judg. i. ST). The
original inhabitants were never expelled ; but during
the prosperous reign* of David and Solomon they
ware made tributary (Judg. i. 27, 28), and the lat-
ter monarch stationed at Dor one of his twelve pur-
veyors (1 K. ir. 11). Trypan, the murderer of
Jonathan Maccabeus and usurper of the throne of
Syria, baring sought an asylum in Dor, the city
was besieged and captured by Antiochus Sidetes
(1 Mace. xv. 11). It was subsequently rebuilt by
Gabinius the Koman general, along with Samaria,
Aahdod, and other cities of Palestine (Joseph. AnL
xiv. 5, § 3), and it remained an important place
during the early years of the Roman rule in Syria.
Its coins are numerous, bearing the legend Awpa
Ufi. (Vaillant, JVuni. Impp.). It became an epis-
copal city of the province of Pahutma Prima, but
was already ruined and deserted in the fourth cent-
ury (Hieron. in Epitaph. Paula).
Of the site of Dor there can be no doubt. The
descriptions of Josephus and Jerome are clear and
lull. The latter places it on the coast, " in the
ninth mile from Oesarea, on the way to Ptole-
mais" ( Onom. s. v. Dora). Just at the point in-
dicated is the small village of Taniira, probably an
Arab corruption of Dora, consisting of about thirty
houses, wholly constructed of ancient materials.
Three hundred yards north are low rocky mounds
projecting into the sea, covered with heaps of rub-
bish, massive foundations, and fragments of col-
umns. The most conspicuous ruin is a section of an
old tower, 30 ft. or more in height, which forms the
landmark of Tantura. On the south side of the
promontory, opposite the village, is a little harbor,
partially sheltered by two or three small islands.
A spur of Mount Carmel, steep and partudty
wooded, runs parallel to the coast line, at the dis-
tance of about a mile and a half. Between its
base and the sandy beach is a rich and beautiful
plain — this is possibly the " border," " coast," or
" region " of Doc (H5J in Hebrew, Josh. xi. 2,
xii. 23; 1 K. iv. 11) referred to in Scripture. The
district is now almost wholly deserted, being ex-
posed to the raids of the wild Bedawln who pas-
ture their flocks on the rich plain of Sharon.
J. L.P.
DOTtA (A«pa: Dora). 1 Mace. xv. 11, 13,
25. [Dor.]
DORCAS. [Tabitiia.]
DORYM'ENES (Aopi>M«Vni [Ooryminm] ),
lather of Ptolemy, sumamed Macron (1 Mace. Ui.
58; 2 Mace. iv. 45). As this Ptolemy was in the
service of Ptolemy Philometor, king of Egypt, be-
fore he deserted to Antiochus Epiphanes, it is prob-
able that his father Dorymenes is the same Dorym-
enes who fought against Antiochus the Great
(Polyb. v. 61).
DOSITH'ETJS (A«rfe«o>: Dorilkeut). 1.
One of the captains of Judas Maccabeus in the
tattle against Timotbeos (2 Mace. xii. 19, 94).
DOTHAX
618
a This passage was a gnat punle to the olo, geogm-
aiers, not only from the corrupt trading, iwusoia;,
mentioned above [which the A. T. derived from the
tldlne edition ; Rom Tat. 8tn. raad Aotouk, Alex,
asrreav], but also from the expression still found in
the text, tov spiwoc -mi pryaAov ; A. V. " the gnat
aMt;" literally, "the gnat saw." The knot was
*.ttt by Belaud, who conjectured most ingeniously that
teas* was Die translation of TWO Manor - a
2. A horse-soldier of Bscenor's company, a man
of prodigious strength, who, in attempting to cap-
ture Gorgias, was cu* down by a Thracian (2 Mace.
xii. 35).
3. The son of Drimylus, a Jew, who had re-
nounced the law of his lathers, and was in the
camp of Ptolemy Philopator at Baphia (3 Mace. i.
3). He appears to have frustrated the attempt of
Theodotus to assassinate the king. According tc
the Syriac Version he pnt in the king's tent a man
of low rank (aVnuoV tiki), who was slain instead
of his master. Polybius (v. 81) tells us it was the
king's physician who thus perished. Dositheus
was perhaps a chamberlain. W. A. W.
*• (Aoo-Mfos [Alex. AuotOtos; FA. 1 Awo-ftfe,
FA." A«o-«0fos : DonlAeut]. ) " A priest and Le-
vite," who carried the translation of Esther to
Egypt (Esth. xi. 1). It is scarcely likely that he
is identical with the Dositheus who is mentioned
by Josephus (c. Apion. ii. 5) as one of the " com
minders of the forces" of Ptol. VI. Philometor,
though he probably lived in the reign of that mon-
arch. B. F. W
DOTHA1M. [Dothah.]
DOTHAK (once )Yfa, Dotha'in, and in
contracted form ^Hl; possibly = too vxlit —
Uesen. pp. 832, 668; [Vat. Alex. Sin.] Aatfasi/a,
[Rom.] AwOoiu [exc. in Gen., where It has Aar
o\uut]: Dotham [in 2 K. Dotkan, but ed. 1690
Dothain]), a place first mentioned (Gen. xxxvii. 17/
in connection with the history of Joseph, and ap-
parently as in the neighborhood of Shecbem. It
next appears as the residence of Elisha (2 K. vi.
13), and the scene of a remarkable vision of bones
and chariots of fire surrounding " the mountain "
OniJ), on which the city stood. It is not again
mentioned in the 0. T.; but later still we encoun-
ter it — then evidently well known — as a landmark
in the account of Holofernes' campaign against Be-
thulia (.lud. iv. 6, vii. 3, 18, viii. 3). The change
in the name Dothaim is due to the Greek text,
from which this book is translated. In the Vat.
and Alex, and Vulg. text — it is also mentioned in
Jud. lit. 0, where the A. V. has " Judea " ('low
Stuas for Awroiat),™ and all these passages testify
to its situation being in the centre of the country
near the southern edge of the great plain of Es-
draelon.
Dothain was known to Eusebius ( Onomatlioon),
who places it 12 miles to the N. of Sebaste (Sama-
ria) ; and here it has been at length discovered in
our own times * by Mr. Van de VeWe (i. 364, &c]
and Dr. Robinson (iii. 132), still bearing it* ancient
name unimpaired, and situated at the south end
of a plain of the richest pasturage, 4 or 6 miles
S. W. of Jeaht, and separated only by a swell or
two of bills from the plain of Esdraelon. the Tell
or mound on which the ruins stand is described as
very large ("huge," Van de Velde, t 364); at it*
southern foot is still a fin* spring. Close to it is
saw, which was a corruption of *11tt? s O Muhor -*
" the plain " (aslant, pp. 742, 743).
» It Is right to say that the true site of Dothan wis
known to the Jewish traveller Bsbbl ha-ParchJ, A. >
1800 (see Zona's extract In notes to Benjamin of Ta>
data, Asher's ed. U. 484), and to Schwars, i. ». IMi
(p. 168); s ut neither of these traveller! (Ives say at-
count of '^m alt*.
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614
DO TO WIT
•o anetanl road, running N. and S., tin remains
of the massive (Jewish?) pavement of which are
■tin dhtingiiieheMe (Tan de VeWe, pp. 369, 370).
The great road from Beitdn to Egypt alio paste*
near Dothdn (Rob. iii. 132). The traditional site
was at the Khan Jubb Yisuf near Tell Him, at
the N. of the Sea of Galilee. (See the quotation*
in Rob. U. 419.) It need hardly be said that this
position is not in accordance with the requirements
of the narrative. G.
* It shows the tenacity of the ancient names
that the name of Dodkdn still clings to this site,
though no village exists or has existed there for a
long period. Near the ruins are now large cisterns
(from which no doubt the name was derived), such
as in that country are liable at times to be left dry,
as happened to be true of the one into which Jo-
seph was put by his brothers (Porter, in Kitto's
Daily Bibl Itlmtr. L 345, ed. 1866). Its situation
ou the present line of travel from East-Jordan to
Egypt confirms the truth of the Biblical history;
for it is implied (Gen. xxxvii. 28) that the Dothan
of Motes was on the great thoroughfare which led
from Gilead beyond the Jordan to the great centre
of traffic in the valley of the Nile. Mr. Tristram
(Land of Israel, p. 134, 2d ed.) speaks of meet-
ing there " a long caravan of mules and asses laden "
(like the Ishmaelitea of old), "on their way from
Damascus to Egypt." See also Asher's Itinerary
of Benjamin of Tudela, ii. 434, and BibL Sacra,
x. 122. Precisely here is found at the present day
" the best pasturage in all that region," and thus,
though the narrative is silent as to the reason why
the sods of Jacob went from Shechem to Dothan,
we see that it is the very phce which herdsmen,
such as they were, would naturally seek after hav-
ing exhausted the supplies of their previous pasture-
ground. It is distant from Sbechem about 12
miles northward, and could be easily reached. The
Tell or hill on which the ruins are now seen shows
itself twice in the brief account of FJiahs: it en-
ables us to see how the king of Syria could station
his forces so as to " compass the city," and how
"the mountain" could appear to the prophet's
servant " full of horses and chariots of fire " (2 K.
vt It, 17). H.
• DO TO WIT (A. V. 2 Cor. viH. 1), la a
phrase now wholly obsolete, meaning to make tnovn.
" Do " was formerly used with other verbs in the
same way, in the sense of " to make," " to cause."
See Eastwood and Wright's Bible Word-Boot, pp.
162,163. A.
DOVE ( Yondk, It}*: npumfi: oohmba).
The first mention of this bird occurs in Gen. viii,
where it appears at Noah's second messenge r sent
forth from the ark to ascertain if the waters had
abated, and returns from its second mission with
an ohve leaf in its mouth. The dove's rapidity of
light is alluded to in Ps. W. 6; the beauty of its
plumage in Ps. brriii 18; its dwelling in the rocks
and valleys in Jer. xhiii. 28 and Ea. vii. 16; its
mournful voice in Is. xxxviii. 14, hx. 11; Nah. ii
7; its lisnnWaainea in Matt. x. 16; its simplicity
hi Hot. vii. 11, and its amativeness in Cant. i. 15,
■.14,Ac« The last characteristic, according to Ge-
sauiua, is the origin of the Hebrew word, from an
DOVE'S DUNG
unused root )V ftl}), to grow warm (eoatp. Arab
i^4*-ji to bom with anger, and Gr. lalrm)
None of the other derivations proposed for Dm
word are at all probable; nor can we with Winer
regard a word of this form as primitive. It is sim-
ilar to H^ltS, from the root 3"VC Doves are
kept in a domesticated state in many parts of the
East The pigeon-cot is an universal feature in
the bouses of Upper Egypt. In Persia pigeon-
houses are erected at a distance from the dwellings
for the purpose of collecting the dung as manure.
There is probably an allusion to such a custom in
Is. lx. 8. Stanley (& <f P. p. 257), speaking of
Ascalon at the haunt of the Syrian Venus, says:
" Her temple is destroyed, but the sacred doves —
sacred by immemorial legends on the spot, and oU-
ebrated there even as Isle as Eusebius — still fill with
their cooings the luxuriant gardens which grow in
the sandy hollows within the ruined walls." It is
supposed that the dove was placed upon the stand-
ards of the Assyrians and Babylonians in honor of
Semiramis. iibuUus (i. 7) says: —
" Quid raanun ut votttst arson* infects per orbs*
albs Palawttno aucts oohunba Syro."
This explains the expression in Jer. xxt. 38,
PI} VT1 fnq "O^p, « from before the fierceness
of the dove," i «. the Assyrian (comp. Jer. xhri.
16, 1. 16). There is, however, no representation of
the dove among the sculptures of Nineveh, so that
it could hardly have been a common emblem of the
nation at the time when they were executed ; and
the word in the above three passages of Jeremiah
admits another interpretation. (See Gesen. Ties.
p. 601 a.)
In 2 K. vi. 25, in describing the famine in Sa-
maria, it is stated that " the fourth part of a cab
of dove's dung was sold for five pieces of silver "
(D^Y^-in, Keri a>3V3T: ««Vp« wepurre-
pi,: ttercoru coKmbarltm). D^VHTI, i e.
0"W ^n, is from a root signifying to deposit
ordure. There seems good reason for taking this
as a literal statement, and that the straits of ths
besieged were such that they did not hesitate even
to eat such revolting food as is here mentioned
(comp. Ceh. Bieroboi. ii. 32 ; Maurer on 2 K. vi.
25). The notion that some vegetable production is
meant which was called by this name, may be eotn-
pared with the foot that the Arabs call the herb Kali
j*" flW'f avav = sparrows' dung, and in
German the atnfaUda is called TmrfeMrtck.
W. D.
DOVE'S DUNG (O^VhTI, dttryton ,
Keri, EWYai, dibyMm: swsswt nftmtmri
sterna ookmkantm). Various explanation* have
been given of the passage in 2 K. vi. 25, which
describes the famine of Samaria to have been sc
excessive, that "an ait's bead was sold for fourteen
pieces of silver, and the fourth part of a cab of
dove's dung for five pieces of tflver." The old vtc
a * Thomson (Ixtni and Bod, 1. 415-418) describe* found at
tsry ndly she habit* of tbt ttsttsra dors, and shows > wings, an Htersuy ta ytDsw ss (oM; thaw ass sen
sow exactly tbsy Oluatmte the Serlptun alhanoas to I small, and [oftto] kapt m esfts." ■
vstsWri ThsPa»tais*mUvtn.U"ns>ts»oaUnd|
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DOVE'S DUNG
akau and 107 many ancient comment Uors are in
hvor of a literal interpretation of the Hebrew word.
Bocbart (HUras. ii. 672) hai labored to show that
It denote* a aped** >t deer, "chick-pea," which
9 ,.i
he says the Arabs call urada (.jLu*!), and
sometimes improperly, dove's or sparrow's dung.
Linnaeus suggested that the chiryonim maj signify
the Ornilhogalum utnbeltittum, "Star of Bethle-
hem." On this subject the late Dr. Edward Smith
remarks (English Botany, iv. 130, ed. 1814): "If
Linnaeus is right, we obtain a sort of clew to the
derivation of ornilhogalum (birds' milk), which has
puzzled all the etymologist*. May not this obser-
vation apply to the white fluid which always accom-
panies the dung of birds, and is their urine? One
may almost perceive a similar combination of colors
iu the green and white of this flower, which accords
precisely in this respect with the description which
Dioacorides gives of his ornithogalum." (See also
Linnasus, Pi-nkctumtt, ed. P. D. Giseke, p. 287.)
Sprengel (Comment, on Dioscorides, ii. 173) is in-
clined to adopt the explanation of Linnaeus. Fuller
(ititceU. Saer. vi. 2, p. 724) understood by the
term the crops of pigeons with their undigested
contents. Joseph 119 (Ant. ix. 4 ) thought that dove's
dung might have been used instead of salt. Hanner
( ObtercaL iii. 185) was of opinion, that aa pigeon's
dung was a valuable manure for the cultivation of
melons, it might have been needed during the siege
of Samaria for that purpose. Most of these inter-
pretations have little to recommend them, and have
been refuted by Bochart and others. With regard
to Bochart's own opinion, Celsius (Hierob. ii. 30)
and Rosenmiiller (Not, ad Bocharti Hieroz. ii. 582)
have shown that it is founded on an error, and that
he conftues the Arabic \jf> a"*-, the name of some
ipecies of saltwort (Saitoh) with (jn >**-, deer,
a " vetch," or chick-pea. The explanation of Lin-
naeus appears to us to be far-fetched ; and there is
no evidence whatever to show that the Arabs ever
called this plant by a name equivalent to dove's
dung. On the other hand, it is true that the Arabs
apply this or a kindred expression to some plants.
Thus it was sometimes used to denote a kind of
moss or lichen (Km-itndem, Arabic?); also some
alkali-yielding plant, perhaps of the genus Saitoh
(athnan, or utndn, Arab.). In favor of this ex-
planation, U is usual to compare the German
Tmfeltdreck (" devil's dung " ) as expressive of the
odor of atnfaada (see Oesenius, Thei. p. 516).
The advocates for the literal meaning of the expres-
sion, namely, that dove's dung was absolutely used
as food during the siege, appeal to the following
reference in Josephus (B. ./. v. 13, 7): "Some
persons were driven to that terrible distress as to
search the common sewers and old dunghills of
cattle, and to eat the dung which they got there,
and what they of old could not endure so much aa
to look upon they now used for food ; " see also
Euseblue (Ecdtt. But. iii. 6): "Indeed necessity
forced them to apply their teeth to every thing ;
ind gathering what was no food even f>r the
filthiest of irrational animals, they ievoureo it."
Celsius, who is strongly in favor of the literal
meaning, quotes the following passage from Bru-
miu ( WemorabiL ii. c. 41): "Cretenses, obsidente
Hetetlo. ob penuriam vini aquarumque jumentorum
srtna sKlm sedasse; " and one much to the point
Vov a Spanish writer, who states that in the year
DRAGON
615
1 1316 so great a famine distressed toe English, that
"men ate their own children, dogs, mice, and
pigeon't dung." Lady Calcott (Script. Herb. p.
ISO) thinks that by the pigeon's dung is meant the
OrnWivytdum umbetlalum. We cannot allow thir
explanation; because if the edible and agreeabk
bulb of this plant was denoted, it is impossible
it should have been mentioned by the Spanish
chronicler along with dogs, mice, Ac. As an ad-
ditional argument in favor of the literal interpreta-
tion of the passage in question may be adduced the
language of Kabshakeh to the Jews in the time of
Hezekiah (2 K. xriii. 27: Is. xxxvi. 12). Still it
must be confessed there is difficulty in believing
that so vile a substance should ever, even in the
extremities of a horrible famine, have been told s<
the rate of about one pint for six shillings and four
pence. We adopt, therefore, the cautious language
of Keil (Comment. 1. c): "The above-stated facts
prove no doubt the possibility, even the probability,
of the literal meaning, but not its necessity; for
which reason we refrain, with Geaenius, from de-
ciding." W. H.
* Dr. Thomson agrees with those who think
some species of vegetable food may be meant, which
of course to be so designated must have been very
coarse and cheap. " Tlie whimsical title may have
been given to a kind of bean, on account of some
fancied resemblance between the two. This would
not he at all surprising, for the Arabs give the most
quaint, obscure, and ridiculous names to their ex-
traordinary edible mixtures." See Land and Book,
ii. 200. H.
DOWRY. [Mabrmgk.]
DRACHMA (tpaxjtff- drachma; [Tob. v.
15:] 2 Mace. iv. 19, x. 20, xii. 43;« [8 Mace. iii.
28;] Luke xv. 8, 9), a Greek silver coin, varying
in weight on account of the use of different talents.
The Jews must have been acquainted with three
talents, the Ptolemaic, used in Egypt and at Tyre,
Sidon, and Uerytus, and adopted for their own
shekels; the Phoenician, used at Aradus and by
the Persians; and the Attic, which was almost
universal in Europe, and in great part of Asia.
The drachmae of these talents weigh respectively,
during the period of the Maccabees, about 55 grs.
troy, 58-5, and 66. The drachms mentioned in 2
Mace, are probably of the Seleucideo, and therefore
of the Attic standard; but in Luke denarii seem
to be intended, for the Attic drachma had been at
that time reduced to about the same weight as the
Roman denarius as well as the Ptolemaic drachma,
and was wholly or almost superseded by it. This
explains the remark of Josephus, 6 o-firAor . . .
'AttiicAv 8tVfT<u ipaxM** riffffaoas (Ant. iii. 8
§ 2), for the lour Ptolemaic drachmas of the shekel,
ss equal to four denarii of his time, were also equal
to four Attic drachms [Money ; Silver, pieck
ok]. E. S. P.
DRAGON. The translators of the A. V.,
apparently following the Vulgate, have rendered by
the same word " dragon " the two Hebrew words
Tan, ]£, and 7'annfn, T'lH. The similarity of
the forms o* the words may easily account for
tliii confusion, especially as the masculine plural
of the former, Tanrtm, actually assume* (in Lam.
iv. 3) the form Tannin, and, on the other baud
Tanrim is evidently written for the singular Ta»
« In the first and st-cond of these paasagia to; Tula;
has didrachma.
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316 DRAGON
saa In Er. xxix. 3, xxxii. 2. But the words appear
U> be quite distinct in meaning; and the distinc-
tion is generally, though not universally, preserved
by the LXX.
I. The former is used, always in the plural, in
Job m. 29 ; Is. xxxiv. 13, xliii. 20 (attpnvtt ) ; in
Is. xiii. 22 (ixivot); in Jer. x. 22, xlix. 33 (arpov-
SoDi Id Ps- xh>. 19 (toV*> Kcuctbo-tas); and in
Jer. iz. 11, xiv. 6, li. 37; Mie. i. 8 (tpaxovrts)-
The feminine plural HISW is found in Mai. i. 3 ;
a passage altogether differently translated by the
LXX. It is always applied to some creatures in-
habiting the desert, and connected generally with
the words ilJJ? ("ostrich") and *K ("jackal"?).
We should conclude from this that it refers rather
to some wild beast than to a serpent, and this con-
elusion is rendered almost certain by the comparison
of the tatmim in Jer. xiv. 6, to the wild asses snuff-
ing the wind, and the reference to their " wailing "
in Mic. i. 8, and perhaps in Job xxx. 29. The
Syriac (see Winer, Realw. s. v. Schakal) renders it
by a word which, according to Pococke, means a
"jackal " (a beast whose peculiarly mournful howl
in the desert is well known), and it seems most
probable that this or some cognate species is to be
understood whenever the word tan occurs.
II. The word tannin, ] N 3P1 (plur. D^STl),
is always rendered as tpixmy in the LXX., except
in Gen. i. 21, where we find grrros. It seems to
refer to any great monster, whether of the land or
the sea," being indeed more usually applied to some
kind of serpent or reptile, but not exclusively re-
stricted to that sense. When referring to the sea
it is used as a parallel to 7 p^ 7 ("Leviathan"), as
in Is. xxvii. 1 ; and indeed this latter word is ren-
dered in the LXX. by Spixar in Ps. lxxiv. 14,
civ. 26; Job xl. 20; Is. xxvii. 1; and by fieya
KTfrot in Job iii. 8. When we examine special
passages we find the word used in Gen. i. 21 of the
great sea-monsters, the representatives of the in-
habitants of the deep. The same sense is given to
it in Ps. lxxiv. 13 (where it is again connected with
" Leviathan " ), Ps. cxlviii. 7, and probably in Job
vii. 12 (Vulg. cetut). On the other hand, in Ex.
vii. 9, 10, 12; Deut. xxxii. 33; Ps. xci. 13, it refers
to land-serpents of a powerful and deadly kind.
It is slso applied metaphorically to Pharaoh or to
Egypt (Is. U. 9; Ez. xxix. 3, xxxii. 2; perhaps
Ps. lxxiv. 13), and in that ease, especially as feet
ire attributed to it, it most probably refers to the
crocodile as the well-known emblem of Egypt.
When, however, it is used of the king of Babylon,
is in Jer. li. 34, the same propriety would lead
us to suppose that some great serpent, such ss
might inhabit the sandy plains of Babylonia, is in-
tended."
Suoh is the usage of the word in the O. T. In
the N. T. it is only found in the Apocalypse (Rev.
tli. 8, 4, 7, 9, 16, 17, Ac.), as applied metaphor-
ically to " the old serpent, called the Devil, and
Patan," the description of the "dragon" being
HoUted by the symbolical meaning oif the image
sther than by any reference to any actually exist-
ng creature. Of similar personification, either of
ui evil spirit or of the powers of material Nature
is distinct from God, we have traces in the exten-
o Sawnim derlYM It from an obsolete root ]2F\,
to extend. "
DREAMS
sive prevalence of dragon -worship, and mlttmng ■»
dragon-temples of peculiar serpentine form, the oat
of dragon-standards, both in the East, especially ie
Egypt (see also the apocryphal history of Bel and
the Dragon), and in the West, more particularly
among the Celtic tribes. The most remarkable of
alL perhaps, is found in the Greek legend of Apollo
as the slayer of the Python, and the supplanter of
the serpent-worship by a higher wisdom. The
reason, at least of the Scriptural symbol, is to be
sought not only in the union of gigantic power with
craft and malignity, of which the serpent is the
natural emblem, but in the record of the serpent's
agency in the temptation (Gen. iii.). [Skrpknt.]
a. b.
• DRAGON-WELL (Neh. ii. 13, A. V I,
but more correctly Focstaih (1^5). I* is men-
tioned in the account of Nehemiah's night-excur-
sion around Jerusalem (see Neh. as above). It is
one of the uncertain points in the topography of
the ancient city. Robinson assigns reasons for sup-
posing it was a later name for the Gihon, which
Hesekiah stopped up or concealed at the time of
the Assyrian invasion (2 Chr. xxxii. 8, 4, 30), near
the head of the valley on the west of Jerusalem
(Bibl. Ret. i. 473, 614, 1st cd.). Barclay (CUg
of the Great King, p. 316, 1st ed.) also places it
there, and conjectures, among other explanations,
that the name may have come from the figure of a
dragon sculptured on the trough or curb-stone.
The LXX. substitutes Fountain of Figs for the
Biblical designation. Sepp maintains (Jenuakm
u. dat heil. Land, i. 272) that the Dragon-well of
Nehemiah was the Bcthesda of the N. T. (John v.
2), and that Bethesda is the present Hamm&m eth-
Shtfa (Bath of Healing), near one of the we stern
avenues to the mosque of Omar. But in that case
the Well falls within Jerusalem, and not outside of
it so as to be within the path of Nehemiah's circuit,
whose object evidently was to survey the ruins of
the entire city, and not merely those of Mount Zkm
or the City of David in its more restricted sense.
[Jerusalem, III.] Sepp traces the name to a
popular notion of some connection of a dragon with
the intermittent waters. He gives some curious
proofs of the prevalence of such a superstition among
various nations. (See also Rob. BiU. Ret. i. 507,
1st ed.) In regard to Haaunim etk-Shefa it may
lie mentioned that Dr. Wolcott was the first mod-
em traveller who explored this remarkable well.
See an interesting account of the adventure in the
Bibl. Sacra, 1843, pp. 24-28. Tobfcsr (DenlMiUer,
p. 73 ff.) and Barclay (City of ike Great King, p.
631 ff.) have repeated the examination. H.
* DRAM. [Daric]
DREAMS (n'lD'brj: Mwvimt xmnia; mff
&m/ov in LXX., and ■car' trap in St Matthew, an
generally used for " in a dream "). The Scriptural
record of God's communication with man by
dreams has been so often supposed to involve much
difficulty, that it seems not out of place to refer
briefly to the nature and characteristics of dreams
generally, before enumerating and classifying the
dreams recorded in Scripture.
1. The main difference between our sleeping and
waking thoughts appears to lie in this, — that, it
' Ttao application of Is. xxvii. 1 appears *<«• SB
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DREAMS
to farmer case, the perceptive faculties of the mind
(the sensational powers," and the Imagination which
aomblnes the impressions derived from them) are
active, while the reflective powers (the reason or
judgment by Tihicb we control those impressions,
and distinguish between those which are imaginary
or subjective and those which correspond to, and
are pioduced by, objective realities) are generally
asleep. Hilton's account of dreams (in Par. Lost,
book v. 100-113) seems as accurate as it ia strik-
ing:—
« But know, that in too soul
Are many leaner (acuities, that serve
Reason as chief: among these Fancy next
Her office bolus ; of »ll external things
Which the five watchful senses represent
She forms Imaginations, aery shapes.
Which Reason joining or Jipjnining, frames
All what we affirm or whst deny, and call
Our knowledge or opinion : then retires
Into her private cell, when nature rests."
Thus it is that the impressions of dreams are in
themselves vivid, natural, and picturesque, occa-
sionally gifted with an intuition beyond our ordi-
nary powers, but strangely incongruous and often
grotesque; the emotion of surprise or incredulity,
which arises from a sense of incongruity, or of
unlikeness to the ordinary course of events, being
in dream!) a thing unknown. The mind seems to
he surrendered to that power of association by
which, even in its waking hours, if it be inactive
and inclined to •' musing," it is often carried through
a series of thoughts connected together by some
vague and accidental association, until the reason,
when it starts again into activity, is scarcely able
to trace back the slender line of connection. The
difference is, that, in this latter case, we are aware
that the connection is of our own making, while in
aleep it appears to be caused by an actual succes-
sion of events.
Such is usually the case, yet there is a class of
dreams, seldom noticed and indeed less common,
but recognized by the experience of many, hi which
the reason is not wholly asleep. In these cases it
seems to look on, as it were, from without, and so
to have a double consciousness : on the one hand
we enter into the events of the drenm, as though
real ; on the other we have a sense that it is but a
dream, and a fear lest we should awake and its
pageant should pass away.
In either case the ideas suggested are accepted
by the mind in dreams at once and inevitably, in-
stead of being weighed and tested, as in our wak-
ing hours. But it is evident that the method of
such suggestion is still undetermined, and in fact
is no more capable of being accounted for by any
•inglj cause than the suggestion of waking thoughts.
The material of these latter is supplied either by
ourselves, through the senses, the memory, and the
imagination, or by other men, generally through
the medium of words, or lastly by the direct action
of the Spirit of God, or of created spirits of orderj
superior to our own, or the spirit within us. So
also it is in dreams. In the first place, although
memory and imagination supply most ot the ma •
terial of dreams, yet physical sensations of cold
and beat, </ pain or of relief, even actus, impres-
dons of sound or of light, will often mould or sug-
• — - — ■
a These powtrs are to be carefully distinguished
m In Butl'ir'i Analogy, part i. c. 1) from the organs
hrough wl V-h they are exercised when we are awake.
DREAMS 61T
gest dreams, and the physical organs of speech wi"
occasionally be made use of to express the emotions
of the dreamer. In the second place, instances hav«
been known where a few words whispered into a
sleeper's ear have produced a dream corresponding
to their subject. On these two points experience
gives undoubted testimony; as to the third, it can,
from the nature of the case, speak but vaguely and
uncertainly. The Scripture declares, not as any
strange thing, but as a thing of course, that the
influence of the Spirit of God upon the soul ex-
tends to its sleeping as well as its waking thoughts.
It declares that God communicates with the spirit
of man directly in dreams, and also that he per-
mits created spirits to ha\e a like communication
with it. Its declaration is to be weighed, not as
an isolated thing, but in connection with the gen-
eral doctrine of spiritual influence; because any
theory of dreams must be regarded as a part of the
general theory of the origination of all thought.
II. It is, of course, with this last class of dreams
that we have to do in Scripture. The dreams of
memory or imagination are indeed referred to in
EccL v. 3; Is. xxix. 8; but it is the history of the
Revelation of the Spirit of God to the spirit of man,
whether sleeping or waking, which is the proper
subject of Scripture itself.
It must be observed that, in accordance with the
principle enunciated by St. Paul in 1 Cor. xiv. 16,
dreams, in which the understanding is asleep, are
recognized indeed as a method of divine revelation,
but placed below the visions of prophecy, in which
the understanding plays its part. 6 It is true that
the book of Job, standing as it does on the basis of
" natural religion,*' dwells on dreams and »* visions
in deep sleep " as the chosen method of God's
revelation of himself to man (see Job iv. 13, vii.
14, xxxiii. 15). But in Num. xU. 6; Deut. xiii. 1,
3, 5; Jer. xxvii. 9; Joel ii. 28, die., dreamers of
dreams, whether true or false, are placed below
"prophets," and even below " diviners; " and sim-
ilarly in the climax of 1 Sam. xxviii. 6, we read
that "the Lord answered Saul not, neither by
dreams, nor by Urim [by symbol], nor by prophets.'
Under the Christian dispensation, while we read
frequently of trances (IkotoVcis) and visions (oa-
rturlai, ipifiaraj, dreams are never referred to as
vehicles of divine revelation. In exact accordance
with this principle are the actual records of the
dreams sent by God. The greater number of suet
dreams were granted, for prediction or for warning .
to those who were aliens to the Jewish covenant:
Thus we have the record of tie dreams of Abimelech.
(Gen. xx. 3-7); Laban (Gen. xxxi. 24); of the
chief butler and baker (Gen. xl. 5); of Pharaoh
(Gen. xli. 1-8); of the Midianite (Judg. vii 11):
of Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. ii. 1, Ac., iv. 10-18); of
the Magi (Matt. ii. 12), and of Pilate's wife (Matb
xxvii. 19). Many of these dreams, moreover, were
symbolical and obscure, so as to require an inter-
preter. And, where dreams are recorded as means
of God's revelation to his chosen servants, they
are almost always referred to the periods of their
earliest and most imperfect knowledge of him. Sc
it is in the case of Abraham (Gen. xv. 12, and
perhaps 1-9), of Jacob (Gen. xxviii. 12-15), of
I Zm same order, as being the natural one. Is found
i In the earliest record of European mythology —
I 'AAA' ova oq two. paWir apatOfUV, ii teowja
"H M* ercipowoAoi', (cat yip r' orap Ik Auk salt.
I Horn. U. I. a
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818 DRESS
leapt (Geo. xxxvii. 6-10), of Solomon (1 K. Hi.
»), and, in the N. T., of Joseph (Matt. i. 20, ii.
lit 19, 33). It U to be observed, moreover, that
they belong especially to the earliest age. and be-
eome less frequent as the revelations of prophecy
Increase. The only exception to this is found in
the dreams and " visions of the night " given to
Daniel (ii. 19, vii. 1), apparently in order to pot
to shame the falsehoods of the Chaldean belief in
prophetic dreams and in the power of interpretation,
and yet to bring out the truth latent therein (comp.
St. Paul's miracles at Kphesus, Acts xix. 11, 13,
and their effect, 18-20).
The general conclusion therefore is, first, that
the Scripture claims the dream, as it does every
other action of the human mind, as a medium
through which God may speak to man either
directly, that is, as we call it, " providentially," or
indirectly in virtue of a general influence upon all
his thoughts ; and secondly, that it lavs far greater
stress on that divine influence by which the under-
standing also is affected, and leads us to believe
that as such influence extends more and more,
revelation by dreams, unless in very peculiar cir-
cumstances, might be expected to pass away.
A. B.
DRESS- This subject includes the following
particulars: — 1. Materials. 2. Color and decora-
tion. 3. Name, form, and mode of wearing the
various articles. 4. Special usages relating thereto.
1. The mtteriaU were various, and multiplied
with the advance of civilization. The earliest and
simplest robe was made out of the leaves of a tree
(n^Vjl, A. V. " fig-tree " — and comp. the pres-
ent Arable name for the fig, (in, or teen), portions
of which were sewn together, so as to form an apron
(Gen. iii. 7). Ascetic Jews occasionally used a
similar material in later times. Josephus ( ViL §
3) records this of Banus (,ia9rrri per 4to SMpctr
Xfi&Htvov) ; but whether it was made of the leaves,
or the bark, is uncertain. After the Kail, the skins
of animals supplied a more durable material (Gen.
iii. 31), which was adapted to a rude state of
society, and is stated to have been used by various
ancient nations (Diod. Sic. i. 43, ii. 38; Arrinn,
1*1. cap. 7, § 3). Skins were not wholly disused
at later periods : the adJerelh (iTYW) worn by
IHijali appears to have been the skin of a sheep or
some other animal with the wool left on : in the
LXX. the word is rendered pqAwr^ (1 K. xix. 13.
19; 2 K. ii. 13), Joptf (Gen. xxv. 25). and oV#ir
(Zech. xiii. 4); and it may lie connected with topi
rtymologically (Saalachiitz, ArchaoL i. 19); Gesen-
ius, however, prefers tlie notion of amplitude,
"^3$. in which case it = "Htf (Mie. ii. 8;
Tketavr. p. 2it). The same material is Implied in
the description (~>^B? b?3 ttPN : ovt/p taais.
LXX.: A. V. "hairy man," 2 K. i. 8), though
these words may also be understood of the hair of
the prophet: and in the comparison of Esau's skin
to such a robe ((Jen. xxv. 25). It was characteris-
tic of a prophet's office from its mean appearance
(Zech. xiii. 4; cf. Matt. vii. 15). Pelisses of sheep-
skin ■ still form an ordinary article of dress In the
East (Hurckhardt's Aotn on Bedouins, i. 60). The
« The sheepskin coat li frequently represented In the
SFUlpturas ot Rhorsnbad : it was made with sleeves.
anal was worn over the tank : U Ml over the back,
DRESS
addertih worn by the king of Nineveh (Ton Hi. •)
and the " goodly Babylonish garment " found at
Ai (Josh. vii. 21), were of a different character
either robes trimmed with valuable furs, or the
skins themselves ornamented with embroidery. The
art of weaving hair wsa known to the Hebrews at
an early period (Ex. xxvi. 7, xxxv. 6); the sack-
cloth used by mourners was of this material [Sack-
cloth], and by many writers the ndderelh of the
prophets is supposed to have been such. John the
Baptist's robe wss of camel's hair (Matt. iii. 4),
and a similar material was in common use among
the poor of that day (Joseph. B. J. 1. 34, § 3),
probably of goats' hair, which was employed in the
Roman ciliaum. At what period the use of wool
and of still more artificial textures, such as ootti n
and linen, became known is uncertain : the first of
these, we may presume, was introduced at a very
early period, the flocks of the pastoral families being
kept partly for their wool (Gen. xxxviii. 13) : it
was si all times largely employed, particularly for
the outer garments (Lev. xiii. 47; Deut, xxii. 11,
Ez. xxxiv. 3; Job xxxi. 20; Prov. xxvii. 36, xxxi.
13). [Wool.] The occurrence of the term cetkonttk
in the book of Genesis (iii. 31, xxxvii. 3, 33) seems
to indicate an acquaintance, even at that early day,
with the finer materials; for that term, though
significant of a particular robe, originally appears
to have referred to the material employed (the root
being preserved in our cotton ; cf. Bohlen's fntrod.
ii. 51; Saalschiitz, ArchauL i. 8), and was applied
by the later Jews to flax or linen, as stated by
Josephus (Ant. iii. 7, § 3, XtBo^vn fu* caAsirai
Alvtov tovto tntfiaivti, x'Bovyiip to Kirov tytsu
xa\oin<y)- No conclusion, however, can be drawn
from the use of the word : it is evidently applied
generally, and without any view to the material, as
in Gen. iii. 21. It is probable that the acquaint-
ance of the Hebrews with linen, and perhaps cotton,
dates from the period of the captivity in Egypt,
when they were instructed in the manufacture (1
Chr. iv. 21 ). After their return to Palestine we
have frequent notices of linen, the finest kind being
named $keth (tCK7), and at a later period Mti
(Y*Bl), the latter a word of Syrian, and the forma
of Egyptian origin, and each indicating the quarter
whence the material was procured : the term chui
(Tin) was also applied to it from its brilliant ap-
pearance (Is. xix. 9; Estb. i. 6, viii. 15). It is the
$ta<roi of the LXX, and the N. T. (Luke xvi. 19:
Rev. xviii. 12, 16), and the "fine linen "of the
A. V. It was used in the vestments of the high-
priests (Ex. xxviii. 5 ft".), as well as by the wealth)
(Gen. xli. 43; Prov. xxxi. 33; Luke xiv. 19)
[Linen.] A less costly kind was named bad (TJ
\fr«or), which was used for certain portions of the
high-priest's dress (Ex. xxviii. 42; Lev. xvi. 4, 23.
32), and for the epbods of Samuel (1 Sam. ii. 18)
and David (2 Sam. vt 14): it is worthy of notice
in reference to its quality and appearance, that it
is the material in which angels are represented (Ex
ix. 3. 11, x. 3, 6, 7; Dan. x. 5, xii. 6; Rev. xv. 6)
A coarser kind of linen, termed i/xi\mr (Ecclua.
xl. 4), was used by the very poor [Line*]. Hat
Hebrew term tddtn (VT? = <ru«8«V, and *rtm
and terminated In Its natural state. The
log It have been identified with the aagartB
ftinmk, p. 198).
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1 \* fui a fine kind of linen, esjwcihdy adapted for
rammer wear, as distinct from the » trnballt, which
was thick (Talmud, Menaeh. p. 41, 1 ). What ma;
have been the distinction between thith and wit/in
(Prov. xxxi. 22, 24) we know not: the probability
U that the latter name passed from the material to
a pat ticular kind of robe. Silk was not introduced
until a very late period (Rev. xviii. 12): the term
nit tlii OtpQ : TplxiTrroy; Ex. xvi. 10) is of doubt-
ful meaning [Silk]. The use of a mixed material
(i^BPttf : K l0tr)\oi>, i- e. tpttriom, LXX; owi-
oWW/tuiw, Aquil.; ifitxtpov, Gr. Ven.), such
iu wool and flax, was forbidden (Lev. xix. 19; Deut.
xxii. 11), oo toe ground, according to Josephus
(Ant. iv. 8, § 11), that such was reserved for the
priests, or as being a practice usual among idolaters
(Spencer, Leg. Heb. kit ii. 32), but more probably
with the view of enforcing the general idea of purity
and simplicity.
2. Color and decoration. The prevailing color
of the Hebrew dress was the natural white of the
materials employed, which might be brought to a
high state of brilliancy by the art of the fuller
(Mark ix. 3). Some of the terms applied to these
materials (e. g. BW, V^> "Wl) ore connected
with words significant of whiteness, while many of
the allusions to garments have special reference to
this quality (Job xxxviii. 14; Ps. civ. 1, 2; Is.
btiii. 3 ) : white was held to be peculiarly appropriate
to festive occasions (Eccl- ix. 8; cf. Hor. Sat ii. 2,
SO), as well as symbolical of purity (Kev. iii. 4, 5,
iv. 4, vii. 9, 13). It is uncertain when the art of
dyeing became known to the Hebrews; the crlhurv.th
D'Mim worn by Joseph (Gen. xxxvii. 3, 21) is
variously taken to be either a "coat of divers
coiors " (wourlAos : polymita, Vulg. ; comp. the
Greek waW«r, II. iii. 126, xxii. 441), or a tunic
furnished with sleeves and reaching down to the
ankles, as in the versions of Aquila, lurrpayi\tiOS,
Kapwvrts, and Symmachus, xuptSvrd'r, and in
the Vulg. (2 Sam. xiii. 18), tahtrti, and as de-
scribed by Josephus (Ant. vii. 8, § 1). The latter
is probably the correct sense, in which case we
nave no evidence of the use of variegated robes
previously to the sojourn of the Hebrews in Egypt,
though the notice of scarlet thread (Gen. xxxviii.
28) implies some acquaintance with dyeing, and
the light summer robe (*T?S : dtpurrpor'- veil,
A. T.) worn by Rebecca and Tamar (Gen. xxhr.
65, xxxviii. 14, 19) was probably of an ornamental
character. The Egyptians had carried the art of
weaving and embroidery to a high state of per-
fection, and from them the Hebrews learned various
methods of producing decorated stuffs. The de-
ments of ornamentation were — (1) weaving with
threads previously dyed (Ex. xxxv. 20; cf. Wilkin-
son's Egyptian, iii. 126); (2) the introduction of
gold thread or wire (Ex. xxviii. 6 ff'.); (3) the
addition of figures, probably of animaU and hunt-
ing or battle scenes (cf. Layard, ii. 387), in the
case of garments, in the same manner as the
cherubim were represented in the curtains of the
abernacle (Kx. xx»i. 1, 31, xxxvi. 8, 35). These
device* may bare Deen either woven into the stuff,
sr eat out of other stuff and afterwards afiched
•y needlework: in the former case the pattern
would appear only on one side, in the latter the
oattem might be varied. Such is the distincijrn,
ovrding to Tslmudical writers, between cu mu 'ip-
DHJMS 619
work and needlework, or aa marked by tie use of
the singular and dual number, n?p|7"1, needlework,
and DMT?pi7"3, needlework on both Me* (Judg. r.
30, A. V.), though the latter term may after all
be accepted in a simple way aa a dual = Aw em-
broidered robe* (Bertheau, Comm. In L c). The
account of the corslet of Amasis (Her. ill. 4T)
illustrates the processes of decoration described in
Exodus. Robes decorated with gold (rflS^ltrfip,
Ps. xlv. 18), and at a later period with stiver thread
(Joseph. Ant xix. 8, § 2; cf. Acts xtt. 21), were
worn by royal personages : other kinds of em-
broidered robes were worn by the wealthy both of
Tyre (Ex. xvi. 13) and Palestine (Judg. v. 30; Ps.
xlv. 14). The art does not appear to have been
maintained among the Hebrews: the Babylonians
and other eastern nations (Josh. vii. 21; Ez. xxvii.
24), as well as the Egyptians (Ez. xxvii. 7), excelled
in it. Nor does the art of dyeing appear to have
been followed up in Palestine: dyed robes were
imported from foreign countries (Zeph. i. 8), par-
ticularly from Phoenicia, and were not much used
on account of their -(bsjsjnsiveneas : purple (Prov.
xxxi. 22; Luke xvi. 19) sad scarlet (2 Sam. i. 24)
were occasionally warn try (the wealthy. The sur-
rounding nations wtaa affre lavish in their use
of them : the wealthy Tyrians (Ez. xxvii. 7), the
Midianitish kings (Judg. viii. 26), the Assyrian
nobles (Ez. xxiii. 6), and Persian officers (Est. viii.
15), are all represented in purple. The general hue
of the Persian dress was more brilliant than that
of the Jews: hence Ezekiel (xxiii. 12) describes the
Assyrians as VlbjO s ti^?, lit clothed in per-
fection ; according to the LXX. tirwifnxpa, wear-
ing robes with handtome border*. With regard to
the head-dress in particular, described as TTHtJp
D^b^lp (riipai Parrot; A. V. "dyed attire [E»
xxiii. 15};" cf. Or. Met xlv. 654, milrn picta),
some doubt exists whether the word rendered dyed
does not rather mean flowing (Gesen. Thtsnttr. p
542; Layard, ii. 308).
8. The name*, form*, and mode, of wearing tot
robe*. It is difficult to give a satisfactory account
of the various articles of dress mentioned in the
Bible: the notices are for the most part incidental,
and refer to a lengthened period of time, during
which the fashions must have frequently changed :
while the collateral sources of information, such as
sculpture, painting, or contemporary records, are
but scanty. The general characteristics of oriental
dress have indeed preserved a remarkable uniform
ity in all ages : the modern Arab dresses much as
the ancient Hebrew did ; there are the same flowing
robes, the same distinction between the outer and
inner garments, the former heavy and a arm, the
latter light, adapted to the rapid and excessive
changes of temperature in those countries; and
there is the same distinction between the costume
of the rich and the poor, consisting in the multipli-
cation of robes of a finer texture and more ample
dimensions. Hence the numerous illustrations of
ancient costume, which may be drawn from the
usages of modern Orientals, supplying in great
measure the want of contemporaneous representa-
tions. Witt regard to the figures which some have
I identified aa Jews in Egyptian paintings and As-
l syriar s-ulptures, we cannot but consider the »»i-
I denoe insufficient. The figures in the painting at
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920 DRESS
Ben! Hassan, delineated by Wilkinson (Anc. Egypt
Ii. 296), and supposed by him to represent the ar-
rival of Joseph's brethren, are dressed in a manner
at variance with our ideas of Hebrew costume : the
more important personages wear a double tunic, the
upper one constructed so as to pass over the left
shoulder and under the right arm, leaving the right
shoulder exposed ; the servant* wear nothing more
than a skirt or kilt, reaching from the loins to the
knee. Wilkinson suggests some collateral reasons
for doubting whether they were really Jews: to
which we may add a further objection that the
presents which these persons bring with them are
not what we should expect from Gen. xliii. 11.
I Certain figures inscribed on the face of a rock at
fteliistun, near Kermansbah, were supposed by Sir
I! K. Porter to represent Samaritans captured by
Shalmaneser: they are given in Vaux's Nineveh.
p. 372. These sculptures are now recognized as of
a later date, and the figures evidently represent
people of different nations, for the tunics are alter-
nately short and long. Again, certain figures dis-
covered at Nineveh have been pronounced to be
Jews: in one instance the presence of haU and
boot* is the ground of -Mcntification (Donomi,
Nineveh, p. 11)7; comp*riii|r' Ban. iii. 21); but if,
as we shall hereafter show, the original words in
Dan. have been misundflNto**} by our translators,
no conclusion can be drawn from the presence of
these articles. In another instance the figures are
simply dressed in a short tunic, with sleeves reach-
ing nearly to the elbow, and confined at the waist
by a girdle, a style of dress which was so widely
spread throughout the East that it is impossible to
pronounce what particular nation they may have
belonged to : the style of head-dress seems an oh-
JMtion to the supposition that they are Jews.
These figures are given in Bonomi's Nineveh, p.
.181.
The costume of the men and women was very
similar; there was sufficient difference, however, to
mrrk the sex, and it was strictly forbidden to a
woman to wear the appendages (v? ■ o-Ktvri),
such as the staff, signet-ring, and other ornaments,
or, according to Josephus (Ant. iv. 8, § 43), the
weapons of a man ; as well as to a man to wear
the outer robe (rT5QQ?) of a woman (Dent. xxii.
5); the reason of the prohibition, according to
Maimonides (.l/or. Neboch. iii. 37), beirg that such
was the practice of idolaters (cf. Carpiov, Appar.
p 514); but more probably it was based upon the
Sonera] principle of propriety. We si all first de-
uribe the robes which were common to the two
•exes, and then those which were peculiar to
women.
(1.) The celhoneth (njh?, whence the Greek
\ttir) was the most essential article of dress. It
was a closely fitting garment, resembling in form
tod use our thirt, though unfortunately translated
coat Ic the A. V. The material of which it was
made was either wool, cotton, or linen. From Jo-
sephus's (bservation (Ant. iii. 7, § 4) with regard
to the me'il, that it was outt in tvotv TrtptTirnpd-
rav, we may probably infer that the ordinary ce-
lhoneth or tunic was made in two pieces, which were
sewn together at the sides. In this case the x'fiy
Usfoi worn by our Lord (John xix. 23) was
sither a singular one, or, as is more probable, was
the upper tunic or me'tf. The primitive celhoneth
was without sleeves and reached only to the knee.
DRESS
like the Doric gir^y; it may ajo have leen, lib
the latter, partially opened at one side, so that s
person in rapid motion was exposed (2 Sam. vi. 20 ).
Another kind, which we may compare with the
Ionian %niv, reached to the wrists and ankles -
such was probably the celhoneth piiutm worn by
Joseph (Geu. xxxvii. 3, 23), and Tamar (2 Sam.
xiti. 18), and that which the priests wore (Joseph.
Ant. iii. 7, $ 2). It was in either case kept close
to the body by a girdle [Gikolk], and the fold
formed by the overlapping of the robe served as an
inner pocket, in which a letter or any other small
article might be carried (Joseph. Ant. xvii. 5, § 7 ).
A person wearing the ceihtmtth alone was descrilied
Fig. 1. An Egyptian. (I/me's Modem Egyptian!.)
as D i5, naked, A. V.: we may compare the use
of the term yv,uvai as applied to the Spartan vir-
gins (Plut Lye. 14), of the latin nucha (Vug.
Georg. i. 299), and of our expression stripped.
Thus it is said of Saul after having taken off his
upper garment* (^'125, 1 Sam. xix. 24): of
Isaiah (Is. xx 2) when be had put off his sackcloth,
which was usually worn over the tunic (cf. Jon. iii.
6), and only on special occasions next the skin (2
K. vi. 30); of a warrior who has cast off his mil-
itary cloak (Am. ii. 16; cf. Uv. Ui. 23, inertntt
nuditpie); and of Peter without his fisher's coat
(John xxi. 7). The same expression is elsewhere
applied to the poorly clad (Job xxii. 6 ; Is. Iviii. 7 ;
James ii. 15).
The above wood-cut (fig. 1 ) represent* the sim-
plest style of Oriental dress, a long loose shirt or
cethoneth without a girdle, reaching nearly to the
ankle. The same robe, with the addition of the
girdle, is shown in fig. 4.
In fig. 2 we have the ordinary dress of the mod-
ern Belouin: the tunic overlaps the girdle at the
waist, leaving an ample fold, which serves as ■
pocket. Over the tunic he wears the aUm, os
striped plaid, which completes his costume.
(2.) The sdain (^*TD) appears to have been a
wrapper of fine linen (civt&r, IJCX.), which might
be used in various ways, but especially as a night-
shirt (Mark xiv. 51; cf. Her. ii. 95; Schle^sner'i
Lex. in N. T. s. v.). The Hebrew term is gives
in the Syria* N. T. as = aovtipior (Luke xix. 20)
and a.sVtmu' (John xiii. i\ The material or robs
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• motioned in Judg. xiv. 12, 13 (sheet, shirt,
A. V.), Pror. zxxi. 24, and I*. iii. 23 (fine linen,
A. V. ) ; but in nana of these passages is there any-
thing to decide its specific meaning. The Tal-
niudical writers occasional!; describe the l/ililh
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621
Jig. 2. A Bedouin. (Lynch, Dead Sea.)
[talSA, or taOitK] under that name, as being made
of fine linen: hence Lightfoot (Exercitaliont on
Mark xiv. bV identifies the airt&v worn by the
young man as a tnlith, which he had put on in
his haste without his other garments.
(3.) The me' it ( vypp) was an upper or second
tonic, the difference being that it was longer than
the first. It is hence termed in the LXX. bwoSv-
tt)i iroHipnt, and probably in this sense the term
*s applied to the eethoneth pauim (2 Sam. ziii. 18),
tnplying that it reached down to the feet. The
lacerdotal me'U is elsewhere described. [Pmest.]
As an article of ordinary dress it was worn by
kings (1 Sam. zzir. 4), prophets (1 Sam. xxviii.
14), nobles (Job i. 20), and youths (1 Sam. ii. 19).
It may, however, be doubted whether the term is
tsed in its specific sense in these passages, and not
rather in its broad etymological sense (from 7JQ,
to cover), for any robe that chanced to be worn
over the cethoneth. In the LXX. the renderings
vary between iwtytvrnt (1 Sam. xviii. 4; 2 Sam.
siii. 18; 1 Sam. ii. 19, Theodot.), a term properly
applied to an upper garment, and specially used in
John xxi. 7 for the linen coat worn by the Phoeni-
cian and Syrian fishermen (Theophyl. in L c),
J«r\ofi (1 Sam. ii. 19, xv. 27, xxiv. 4, 11, xxviii.
14; Job xxix. 14), l^Arta (Job 1. 20), <rroA< (1
Chr. xv. 27 ; Job ii. 12), and iwotin-ns (Ex. xxxix.
21; Lev. viii. 7), showing that generally speaking
it was regarded as an upper garment. This fur-
ther appears from the passages in which notice of
it occurs : in 1 Sam. xviii. 4 it is the " robe " which
Jonathan first takes off; in 1 Sam. xxviii. 14 it is
the " mantle " in which Samuel is enveloped ; Id 1
Sam. xv. 27, it is the " mantle," the skirt of which
'a rent (cf. 1 K. xi. 30, where the niobb Is sim-
ssrly treated); in 1 Sam. xxiv. 4, it is the " robe,
andcr which Saul slept (generally the " t ."J7 *** *°
Med); and in Job 1. 20 ii. 12. it <s the 'manCi
which he rends (cf. Ear. ix. 3, 5) ; in these pnasagu
it evidently describes an outer robe, whether tht
simldh, or the me'U itself used as a sunUA. Where
two tunics are mentioned (Luke iii. 11) at being
worn at the same time, the second would be a me'U ;
travellers generally wore two (Joseph. Ant. xvii. 6,
§7), but the practice was forbidden to the disciples
(Matt. x. 10; Luke ix. 3).
The dress of the middle and upper classes in
modern Egypt (fig. 3) illustrates the customs of
the Hebrews. In addition to the shirt, they weal
a long vest of striped silk and cotton, called iaJUin,
descending to the ankles, and with ample sleeves,
so that the hands may be concealed at pleasure
The girdle surrounds this vest. -The outer rob*
consists of a long cloth coat, called gibbtk, with
sleeves reaching nearly to the wrist. In cold
weather the abba is thrown over the s h oul der s.
Fig. 8. An Egyptian of the upper glasses. (Lane.)
(4.) The ordinary outer garment consisted of a
quadrangular piece of woolen cloth, probably re-
sembling in shape a Scotch plaid. The size and
texture would vary with the means of the wearer.
The Hebrew terms referring to- it are — rimldli
(TV7QW, occasionally fTO/IP), which appears to
have had the broadest sense, and sometimes is put
for clothes generally (Gen. xxxv. 2, xxxvii. 34; Ex
iii. 22, xxii. 9; Dent. x. 18; Is. iii. 7, iv. 11,
though once used specifically of the warrior's cloak
(Is. ix. 5); btged (^J3), which is more usual in
speaking of robes of a handsome and substantia!
character (Geo. xxvii. 15, xli. 42; Ex. xxviii. 2;
1 K. xxii. 10; 2 Chr. xviii 9; Is. lxiii. 1); ceiitli
(fTD?), appropriate to passages where covering at
protection is the prominent idea (Ex. xxii. 26 ; Job
xxvi. 6, xxii. 19); and lastly Ubuth (BPQ^),
usual in poetry, but specially applied to u warrior's
cloak (2 Sam. xx. 8), priests' vestments (2 K. x
22), and royal apparel (Esth. si. 11, viii. 15). A
cognate term (mnlbiih (UftSTlJ) describes specif-
ically a state-dress, whether as used in a roya'
household (1 K. x. 5; 2 Chr. ix. 4), or for religious
festivals (" K. X. 22): elsewhere it is used generally
for robes of a handsome character ( "ob xxvii. 16;
! l». lxiii. 3; Ec. xrl. 13; Zeph. L i). AdoUm
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622 DRESS
tarn, mad (T©, with iu derivatives rTTO (Ps.
exxxiii. 2), and 1"JP (2 Sw. x. 4; 1 Chr. xix. 4),
ta expressive of the length of the Hebrew garments
(1 Sam. iv. 12, xviii. 4), and is specifically applied
lo a long cloak (Judg. iii. 16; 2 Sam. xx. 8), and
to the priest's coat (Lev. vi. 10). The Greek terms
yidViop and crokfi express the corresponding idea,
the latter being specially appropriate to robes of
more than ordinarj grandeur (1 Mace x. 21, xiv.
9; Mark xii. 38, xvi. 5; Luke xv. 22, xx. 4«; Kev.
vi. 11, vii. 9, 13); the xit&V and ludrtov (tunica,
pallium, Vulg. ; coat, cloak, A. V7) are brought
into juxtaposition in Matt. v. 40 and Acts ix. 39.
The beged might be worn in various ways, either
wrapped round the body, or worn over the shoulders,
like a shawl, with the ends or " skirts " (D^JJJ :
XTfoiyia-- anauli) hanging down in front ; or it
might be thrown over the head, so as to conceal the
*-g». 4, 6. Egyptians of the lower orders. (Lane.)
face (3 Sam. xv. 30; Esth. vi. 12). The ends were
skirted with a fringe and bound with a dark purple
ribbon (Num. xv. 38). It was confined at the waist
by a girdle, and the fold (pTl : „i\irof. »»"*»),
formed by the overlapping of the robe, served as a
pocket in which a considerable quantity of articles
might be carried (2 K. iv. 39; Ps. lxxix. 12; Hag.
ii. 12 ; Niebuhr, Description, p. 56), or as a purse
(Prov. xvii. 83, xxi. 14; Is. Ixv. 6, 7; Jer. xxxii.
18; Luke vi. 38).
The ordinary mode of wearing the outer robe,
called abba or abdyeh, at the present time, is ex-
hibited in figs. 2 and 5. The arms, when falling
down, are completely covered by it, as in fig. 5:
but in holding any weapon, or in active work, the
tower part of the arm is exposed, as in fig. 2.
The dress of the women differed from that of the
men in regard to the outer garment, the celhoneth
being worn equjly by both sexes (Cant v. 3).
The names of their distinctive robes were as fol-
lows:— (1) mitpachatk (nnBtJO : i-cpffwpa:
valUum, Knteamen: veil, wimple', A. V.), a kind
rf shawl (Ruth ill. 15; Is. Hi. 93); (9) ma'alAph&h
3T9PJ9: paWohtms mantle, A. V.), another
DRB8S
kind of shawl (Is. iii. 33), but how diflering frusa
the one just mentioned, we know not; the ety-
mological meaning of this first name is expansion,
of the second, enveloping: (3) tsd'tph (Fj^S:
ttpurrpor. veil, A. V.), a robe worn by Rebecca
on approaching Isaac (Gen. xxiv. .65), and by Ta-
mer when she assumed the guise of a harlot (Gen.
xxxriii. 14, 19); it was probably, as the LXX.
represents it, a light summer dress of handsome
appearance hr(pU0a\e to Biotarpor «ul ticaK
Xtswlcaro, Gen. xxxviii. 14), and of ample dimen-
sions, so that it might be thrown over the head at
pleasure; (4) rdoW (TTJ : A. V. "veil"), a
similar robe (Is. iii. 23; Cant. v. 7), and substi-
tuted for the U&'tph in the Chaldet version: ws
Fig. 6. An Egyptian Woman. (Lane.)
may conceive of these robes as resembling the
pqilum of the Greeks, which might be worn over
the head, as represented in Diet of Ant. p. 885, of
again as resembling the hnbarah and mildyth of
the modern Egyptians (Lane, i. 73, 76) ; (5)
pelhiyU (V^ng: x ,rur littroTripipv^s: stom-
acher, A. V.), a term of doubtful origin, but
probably significant of a gay holiday dress (Is. iii.
24); to the various explanations enumerated by
Gesenius ( Thet. p. 1137), we may add one pro-
posed by Saalschiitx (ArchanL i. 31), VI?, aide
or foolish, and 7*3, pleasure, in which case it =
unbridled pleasure, and has no reference to dress
at all; (6) gih/ontm (D^3^3, Is. iii. 23), also a
doubtful word, explained in the LXX. as a trans-
parent dress, i. e. of gauze (tiaipavr) Auramcd 1 );
Schroeder (rfe Vest. Mul. ffeb. p. 311) supports
this view, but more probably the word means, as
in the A. V., glasses. The garments of females
were terminated by an ample border or fringe
(bStP', b^tT : owfofia: skirts), which concealed
the feet (Is. xlvii. 2; Jer. xiii. 22).
Figs. 6 and 7 illustrate some of the peculiarities
of female dress: the former is an Egyptian woman
(in her walking dress) : the latter represents s dress,
probably of great antiquity, still worn by the peas-
ants In the south of Egypt: the outer robe, as
kulaUeyeh, is a large piece of woolen stuff wnrai
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DEKSS
I the body, the upper parts being attached at
the shoulders: another piece of the lame stuff is
■sad for the head-veil, or larhah.
/If 7. A woman of the southern proTinee of Upper
Egypt. (Una.)
Having now completed our description of He-
brew dress, we add a few remarks relative to the
iclection of equivalent terms in our own language.
It must at once strike every Biblical student as a
great defect in our Authorized Version that the
same English word should represent various Hebrew
words ; e. p. that " veil " should be promiscuously
used for raiM (Is. iii. 23), Ua'iph (Gen. xxiv. 85),
mitpachiUh (Kuth iii. 15), month (Ex. xxxiv. 33):
"robe" for me'U (I Sam. zviii. 4), cethoneth (Is.
xxii. 21), addtreth (Jon. iii. 6), $almdh (Mic. ii. 8);
"mantle" for melt (1 Sam. xv. 27), addtrtth (1
K. xix. 13), ma'atdphtih (Is. iii. 22); and "coat"
for me'U (1 Sam. ii. 19), cethoneth (Gen. iii. 21):
and conversely that different Euglish words should
V promiscuously used for the same Hebrew one, us
ne'fi is translated " coat," " robe," " mantle ; " nd-
iereth "robe," "mantle." Uniformity would be
desirable, in as far as it can be attained, so that
the English reader might understand that the sa.
Hebrew term occurred in the original text, where
the same English term was found in the translation
Beyond uniformity, correctness of translation would
also be desirable : the difficulty of attaining this in
the subject of dress, with regard to which the cus-
toms and associations are so widely at variance in
our own country and in the East, is very great.
Take, for instance, the cethoneth : at once an under-
garment, and yet not iinfrequently worn without
anything over it: a Mrl, as being worn next the
skin ; and a axil, as being the upper garment worn
in a house: deprive the Hebrew of his cethoneth,
and be was positively naked ; deprive the English-
man of his coat, and he has under-garments still.
The btged again : in shape probably liki a Scotch
plnid, but the use of such a term would be unin-
telligible to the minds of English peasantry : in use
unlike any garment with which we are familiar, for
we only wear a great-coat or a cloak in bad
svuther. whereas the Hebrew and his btgtd were
Meparable. With inch difflev"* attending the
miner*, any attempt to iwler the Hebrew terms
DKKSS 028
must be, more or less, a compromUe between cor-
rectness and modern usage; and the English terms
which we are about to propose must be regarded
merely in the light of suggestions. Cttkontth an-
swers in many respects to "frock:" the sailor's
" frock " is constantly worn next the skin, and
either with or without a coat over it; the " smock-
frock " is familiar to us as an upper garment, and
still as a kind of undress. In shape and material
these correspond with cethoneth, and like it, the
term " frock " is a] -plied to both sexes. In (be
sacerdotal dress a n ore technical term might be
used : " vestment," in its specific sense as = the
chasuble, or catula, would represent it very aptly.
Me'U may perhaps be best rendered " gown," for
this too applies to both sexes, and, when to men,
always in an official sense, as the academic gown,
the alderman's gown, the barrister's gown, just as
me'U appears to have represented an official, or, at
all events, a special dress. In sacerdotal dress
" alb " exactly meets it, and retains still, in the
Greek church, the very name, poderit, by which
the mr'il is described in the 1JCX. The sacerdotal
ephod approaches, perhaps, most nearly to the term
" pall," the ufuxpiptov of the Greek church, which
we may compare with the {tw/jIs of the LXX
Addertlh answers in several respects to •' pelisse,'
although this term is now applied almost exclu-
sively to female dress. Sdrfln= " linen wrapper."
SiiiUAh we would render " garment," and in the
plural "clothes," as the broadest term of the kind;
btyed, " vestment," as being of superior quality :
kbuili, "robe," as still superior; nwd, "cloak," as
being long ; and malb&th, " dress," in the specific
sense in which the term is not unfrequently used
as=jfae dress. In female costume mttpachath
might be rendered " shawl," mn'atdphdh "mantle,"
U&'iph " handsome dress," ratHd " cloak."
In addition to these terms, which we have thus
far extracted from the Bible, we have in the Tal
mudical writers an entirely new nomenclature.
The talUh [taUUA or talleth] UTbtS) is frequently
noticed ; it was made of fine linen, and had a fringe
attached to it, like the btgtd ; it was of ample di-
mensions, so that the head might be enveloped in
it, as was usual among the Jews in the act of
prayer. The htlMn (pJVXp) was probably an-
other name for the taklh, derived from the Greek
Ko\6fiiov; Epiphanius (i. 15) represents the <rro
\al of the Pharisees as identical with the Dabnat-
ica or the Colvbium ; the latter, as known to us,
was a close tunic without sleeves. The chdlui
(pY?n) was a woolen shirt, worn as an under
tunic. The mactdren (}"11Bj7D) was a mantis
or outer garment (cf. Ughtfoot, Exercitatiotu on
Matt. v. 40; Hark xiv. SI; Luke ix. 3, Ae-.)
Gloves (ITDp or *p) are also noticed (CeUm,
xvi. 6, xxiv. IS, xxvi. 3), not, however, as worn for
luxury, but for the protection of the hands in man-
ual labor.
With regard to other articles of dress, see Gib
i>le; Handkerchief; Headdress; Hkm or
Garmkt; Sandals; Shoes; Veil.
The dresses of foreign nations are occasionally
referred to in the Bible : that of the Persians is de-
scribed in Dan. iii. 21 in terms which have been
variously understood, but which may be identified
with the statements of Herodotus (i. 105. vii. 61;
in 'he following manner: — (1) The mMIn
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624
DRESS
Cpb^lD: A. V. " coats ") = a»-afw»«x or
ircmert, which were the distinctive feature in the
Persian as compared with the Hebrew drew; (8)
the /xit/Uh (ttfVSS : A. V. " hosen ") = KtOar xo-
StjvfitJlj \lrmt or inner tunic; (3) the carbeld
ft^"!?: A. V. "hat") = (i\Aoj tiplvos ««-
tsU or upper tunic, cornaponding to the me'tf of
the Hebrews; (4) the kbudi (OFab: A. V. "gar-
ment ") = xX<u-(Jiok Ktvxir or cloak, which was
worn, like the beged, over all. In addition to
these terms, we have notice of a robe of state of
fine linen, tactic (^|^?.n : tiiXi\iia- tericumpal-
Uum), so called from its ample dimensions (Esth.
viii. 15). The same expression is used in the
Chaldee for purple garmtntt in Ez. xxvii. 16.
The references to Greek or Koman dress are few :
the x*<V'» ( 2 Macc - xii - 3S : Matt - ""»• 28)
was either the paludamentum, the military scarf
of the Koman soldiery, or the Greek chlamyt it-
self, which was introduced under the Emperors
(Did. of Ant. art. Chlamyt) % it was especially
worn by officers. The travelling cloak (<p(\6rns)
referred to by St. Paul (2 Tim. iv. 13) Is generally
identified with the Roman pamula, of which it may
be a corruption; the Talmudical writers hare a
similar name OVbS or bWbS). It is, how-
ever, otherwise explained as a travelling cose for
carrying clothes or books (Conybeare, St. Paul, ii.
499)
4. The customs and associations connected with
dress are numerous and important, mostly arising
from the peculiar form and mode of wearing the
outer garments. The beyeil, for instance, could be
applied to many purposes besides its proper use as
a vestment; it was sometimes used to carry a
burden (Ex. xii. 34; Judg. viii. 25; Prov. xxx. 4),
as Ruth used her shawl (Ruth iii. 15); or to wrap
up an article (1 Sam. xxi. 9); or again as an im-
promptu saddle (Matt. xxi. 7). Its most impor-
tant use, however, was a coverlet at night (Ex.
xxii. 27; Ruth iii. 9; Ez. xvi. 8), whence the word
is sometimes taken for bed-clothes (1 Sam. xix. 13;
1K.L 1): the Bedouin applies his abba to a sim-
ilar purpose (Niebuhr, Description, p. 56). On
this account a creditor could not retain it after
sunset (Ex. xxii. 26; Deut. xxi v. 12, 13 ; cf.
Job xxii. 6, xxir. 7; Am. ii. 8). The custom of
placing garments in pawn appears to have been very
common, so much so that d35, pledge =a gar-
ment (Deut. xxiv. 12, 13) ; the accumulation of such
pledges is referred to in Hab. ii. 6 (that loadeth
Mattel/ with to < C35?» <■ e. pledget, ■ where the A.
. following the LXX. and Vulg. reads T3 , C5, 2J ,
thick clay"); this custom prevailed in the time
f our Lord, who bids his disciples give up the
„<er tor — beg erf, in which they slept, as well as the
/it<4>< (Matt. v. 40). At the present day it is not
unusual to seize tho abba as compensation for an
injury : an instance is given in Wortabet's Syria,
.893.
The loose, flowing character of the Hebrew robes
admitted of a variety of symbolical actions; rend-
uig them was expressive of various emotions, as
grief (Gen. xxxvli. 2:», 34; Job i. 20: 2 Sam. i. 2)
SIoiiknikg], fear (1 K. xxi. 27; 8 K. xxii. 11,
), indignation (2 K. v. 7, xi. U- Matt. xxvi.
DRESS
65), or despair (Judg. xi. 35; Esth. iv. 1): gen-
erally the outer garment alone was thus rent (Geu.
xxxvii. 34; Job i. 20, ii. 12), occasionally the inne>
(2 Sam. xv. 32), and occasionally both (Ezr. ix
3 ; Matt. xxvi. 66. compared with Mark xiv. 63)
Shaking the garments, or shaking the dust off
them, was a sign of renunciation (Acts xviii. 6)
spreading them before a person, of loyalty and joy.
ous reception (2 K. ix. 13; Matt. xxi. 8); wrapping
them round the head, of awe (1 K. xix. 13), or of
grief (8 Sam. xv. 30; Esth. vi. 12; Jer. xiv. 3,
4); casting them off, of excitement (Acts xxii. 23);
laying hold of them, of supplication (1 Sam. xv.
27; Is. iii. 6, iv. 1; Zech. viii. 23).
The length of the dress rendered it inconvenient
for active exercise; hence the outer garments were
either left in the house by a person working close
by (Matt. xxiv. 18), or were thrown off when the
occasion arose (Mark x. 50; John xiii. 4: Acts vii.
58); or, if this was not possible, as in the case of a
person travelling, they were girded up (1 K. xvin
46; 2 K. iv. 29, ix. 1; 1 Pet. i. 13); on entering
a house the upper garment was probably laid aside
and resumed on going out (Acts xii 8). In a
sitting posture the garments concealed the feet;
this was held to be an act of reverence (Is. vi. 8;
see Lowth's note). The proverbial expression in
1 Sam. xxv. 22; 1 K. xiv. 10, xxi. 81 ; 8 K. ix. 8,
probuuly owes its origin to the length of the gar-
ments, which made another habit more natural (cf.
Her. ii. 35; Xen. Cyrop. i. 2, § 16; Ammian.
Marcell. xxiii. 6); the expression is variously un-
derstood to mean the lowest or the youngest of the
people (Gesen. Thes. p. 1397; Jahn, ArchauL i.
8, § 120). To cut the garments short was the
grossest insult that a Jew could receive (2 Sam. x.
4; the word there used, )fD. is peculiarly expressive
of the length of the garments). To raise the
border or skirt of a woman's dress was a similar
insult, implying her unchastity (Is. xlvii. 2; Jer.
xiii. 22, 26; Nah. iii. 5).
The putting on and off of garments, and the
ease with which it was accomplisLed, are fre-
quently referred to; the Hebrew expressions for tbf
first of these operations, as regards the outer robe,
are tTjb, to put on, ittp^?, iT^S, and *}!$%,
lit. to cover, the three latter having special reference
to the amplitude of the robes; and for the second
BB7Q, lit. to expand, which was the natural result
of taking off a wide, loose garment. The ease of
these operations forms the point of comparison in
Ps. cii. 26; Jer. xliii. 12. In the case of closely
fitting robes the expression is "On, lit. to gird,
which is applied to the ephod (1 Sam. ii. 18; 9
Sam. vi. 14), to sackcloth (2 Sam. iii. 31 ; Is. xxxii.
11 ; Jer. iv. 8); the use of the term may illustrate
Gen. iii. 7, where the garments used by our first
parents are called rhTJ (A. V. "aprons "), prob-
ably nvwiing such as could be wound round the
body. The converse term is nn^, to loose*, o*
unbind (Ps. xxx. 11; Is. xx. 2).
The number of suits possessed by the Hebrews
was considerable. A single suit consisted of an
under and upper garment, and was termed 71^!?
D , *TJ9 (oroXii luarrlm, i. e. apparatus vetoum
LXX.; Judg. xriL 10). Where more than on ■
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DRESS
jpokeu of; the suite an termed fTlS N 7C} (iAAao-
t&titvtu <TTo\a(; cf. Horn. Od. viii. 249, sfuara
{{ij/uu/fcf: changes of raiment, A. V.). These
formed in ancient times one of the most usual
presents among Orientals (Harmer, Observations,
ii. 379 ff.)i five (lien. xlv. 2-2) and even ten
changes (2 K. r. 5) were thus presented, while as
many as thirty were proposed as a wager (Judg.
xiv. 12, 19). The highest token of affection was
to present the robe actually worn by the giver (1
Sam. xviii. 4; cf. Horn. //. vi. 230; Harmer, ii.
388). The presentation of a robe in many instances
amounted to installation or investiture (Gen. xli.
42; Esth. viii. 15; Is. xxii. 21; cf. Horier, Second
Journey, p. 93); on the other hand, taking it away
amounted to dismissal from office (2 Mace. ir. 38).
The production of the best robe was a mark of
special honor in a household (Luke xv. 22). The
number of robes thus received or kept in store for
presents was very large, and formed one of the
main elements of wealth in the East (Job xxvii.
16; Matt. vi. 19; James v. 2), so that to hare
clothing -•= to be wealthy and powerful (Is. iii. 0,
7). On grand occasions the entertainer offered
becoming robes to his guests (Trench on Parables,
p. 231). Hence in large households a wardrobe
(nnj-lytl}) was required for their preservation (2
K. x. 22; cf. Harmer, ii. 382), superintended by a
special officer named E^JBH "HptP, keeper of
the wardrobe (2 Chr. xxxiv. 22). Robes reserved
for special occasions are termed WS v09 (A- V.
"changeable suite"; Is. iii. 22; Zech. iii. 4), be-
cause laid aside when the occasion was past
The color of the garment was, as we have already
observed, generally white; hence a spot or stein
readily showed itself (Is. Ixiii. 3; Jude 23; Rev.
iii. 4); reference is made in Lev. xiii. 47 ff. to a
greenish or reddish spot of a leprous character.
John (Archaol. i. 8, § 135) conceives this to be not
the result of leprosy, but the depredations of a
small insect; but Schilling (de Lepra, p. 192)
states that leprosy taints clothes, and adds " sunt
macula; omnino indelebiles et potius incrementum
capere quam minui sub his lavationibus videntur"
(KnobeL Comm. in 1. c. ). Frequent washings and
the application of the fuller's art were necessary to
preserve the purity of the Hebrew dress. [So at;
Fuller.]
The business of making clothes devolved upon
women in a. famil) (Prov. xxxi. 22; Acts ix. 39);
little art was required in what we may term the
tailoring department: the garments came forth for
ae most part ready-made from the loom, so that
-oe weaver supplanted the tailor. The references
to sowing are therefore few: the term "l§ip (Gen.
iii. 7; Job xvi. 15; Eccl. iii. 7; Ex. xiii. 18) was
applied by the lata Jews to mending rather than
making clothes.
The Hebrews were liable to the charge of ex-
travagance in dress; Isaiah in particular (iii. 16
ff.) dilates on the numerous robes and ornaments
worn by the women of his day. The same subject
is referred to in Jer. iv. 30; Ex. xvi. 10; Zepb. 1.
8, and Ecclus. ii. 4, and in a later age 1 Tim. ii.
9; 1 Pet iii. 3. W. L. B.
DRINK, STRONG
626
" K Steam Hebneo sermon? omuls potto nUDCupatur,
%vm loebrtar- potest, live Ilia, qoje frumeoto cooflcltur
•It* pomorum succo, aut cum fcvvi deooquuntur In dot*
40
DRINK, STRONG ("IS??: o-U,pa, [ju%h
litBuo-fxa; afoot: sicera; ebrietas; omne quad
intbriitre potest ; polio]). The Hebrew term
shecdr, in its etymological sense, applies to any
beverage that had intoxicating qualities. It is
generally found connected with wine, either as an
exhaustive expression for all other liquors (e. g.
Judg. xiii. 4; l.uke i. IS), or as parallel to it, par-
ticularly in poetical passages (e. g. Is. v. 11 ; Mic
ii. 11); in Num. xxviii. 7 and Ps. lxix. 12, how-
ever, it stands by itself and must be regarded as
including wine. The Bible itself throws little light
upon the nature of the mixtures described under
this term. We may infer from Cant viii. 2 that
the Hebrews were in the habit of expressing the
juice of other fruits besides the grape for the pur-
pose of making wine: the pomegranate, which is
there noticed, was probably one out of many fruits
so used. In Is. xxiv. 9- there may be a reference
to the sweetness of some kind of strong drink. In
Num. xxviii. 7 strong drink is clearly used as
equivalent to wine, which was ordered in Ex. xxix.
40. With regard to the application of the term in
later times we have the explicit statement of Je-
rome (Kp. ml NepoL"), ss well as other sources of
information, from which we may state that the fol-
lowing beverages were known to the Jews: (1.)
Beer, which was largely consumed in Egypt under
the name of tythus (Herod, ii. 77; Dioil. Sic. i.
34), and was thence introduced into Palestine
(Mishn. Pesich. 3, § 1). It was made of barley;
certain herbs, such as lupin and skirrett, were used
as substitutes for hops (Colum. x. 114). The
boomh of modem Egypt is made of barley-bread,
crumbled in water, and left until it has fermented
(Lane, i. 131): the Arabians mix it with spices
(Burckhardt's Arabia, i. 213), as described iu Is
v. 22. The Mishna (/. c.) seems to apply the term
shecdr more especially to a Median drink, prob-
ably a kind of beer mode in the same manner as
the modern boozuli ; the Edomite clinmeis, noticed
in the soma place, was proliably another kind of
beer, and may have held the same position among
the jews that bitter beer does among ourselves. (2. )
Cider, which is noticed in the Mishna ( TViiwn. 11,
§ 2) as apple-wine. (3.) Honey-wine, of which there
were two sorts, one like the oiyi/uKi of the Greeks,
which is noticed in the Mishna (Shabb. 20, § 2:
Terum. 11, § 1) under a Hebrairad form of that
name, consisting of a mixture of wine, honey, and
pepper; the other a decoction of the juice of the
grape, termed debash (honey) by the Hebrews, and
dibs by the modern Syrians, resembling the i^rnpa
of the Greeks and the defrutum of the Romans,
and similarly used, being mixed either with wine
milk, or water. (4.) Dite-wine, which was alss
manufactured in Egypt (ofoot <poivucffiot, Herod,
ii. 86, iii. 20). It was made by mashing the fruit
in water in certain proportions (Plin. xiv. 19, § 3).
A similar method is still used in Arabia, except
that the fruit is not mashed (Burckhardt's Arabia,
ii. 264): the palm-wine of modern Egypt is the
sap of the tree itself, obtained by miking an in-
cision into its heart (Wilkinson, ii. 174). (5.)
Various other fruits and vegetables are enumerated
by Pliny (xiv. 19) as supplying materials for fac-
titious or home-made wine, such as figs, millet, the
earn et barbaram potfonem, aut palmarum fructus «x-
prhnuntur in Uqoorem, coettnqoa fruglbas aqua sto
g-ulor coloratur"
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326 DROMEDARY
carob fruit, Ac. It U not improbable that the
Hebrew! applied rniaru to this purpose in the
simple manner followed by the Arabians (Burck-
hardt, ii. 377), namely, by putting them in jari of
water and burying them in the ground until fer-
mentation takes place. W. L. H.
DROMEDARY. The representative in the
A. V. of the lieb. words dicer or bicrdh, receth
ixvi rammdc. As to the two former terms, see
under Camm."
1. Hectth (Vi^H : Iwwtitw, Hp/ta- j amenta,
vtrcdarii) it variously interpreted in our version
by -dromedaries" (1 K. iv. 28), "mules" (Esth.
tiii. 10, 14), "swift beasts" (Hie. 1. 13). There
items to be no doubt that receth denotes " a supe-
rior kind of hone," such as would be required
when dispatch was necessary. See Gesenius ( The*.
t. T.).
2. Rammdc (TfpT : LXX. and Vulg. omit)
occurs only in plur. form in Esth. viii. 10, in con-
nection with bene, "sons;" the expression bene
rammdcliim being an epexegesia of the Heb. word
acliathterinlm, " mules, the sons of mares." The
Heb. Tftt^, " a mare," which the A. V. render*
incorrectly " dromedary," is evidently allied to the
Arab. SJuOt, " a brood-mare." W. H.
« DROPPING, A CONTINUAL. It is
said in Prov. xxvii. 15, that " a continual dropping
in a very rainy day and a contentious woman are
alike." The LXX. gives as the sense of this:
" Drops of rain in a wintry day drive a man out
of his house; in the same manner also does an
abusive woman." The force of this comparison
becomes evident when we know something of the
construction of ordinary houses in the East. Many
of them have mud-covered roofs; and hence the
rains, especially if violent and protracted, are liable
to loosen such coverings and allow the water, ac-
cording to the extent of the injury, to drop or
pour down upon the hapless inmates. Mr. Hartley
( Traceti in Atia Minor), relates an experience of
his own which illustrates this inconveniei.ee: " Last
night, we retired to rest in what appeared to be
one of the best rooms which we have occupied
during the journey; but at midnight we were
roused by the rain descending through the roof;
and were obliged to rise and seek shelter from the
incessant dropping, in the corridor, which was
letter protected."
On the roofs of many houses (the writer observed
Jris moat frequently in northern Syria) they keep
s cylindrical rolling-stone which the people employ,
specially after a shower, for the purpose of tmooth-
ng and hardening the softened earth through
vhich the rain so easily penetrates. This precaution
wiD sometimes aggravate the evil. 1 r. 1-epsiua
relate* (Briefe <au jEgyMen, Ac. (p. 393) 1852)
that, being overtaken by a sudden shower at night,
he took refuge in a house near JJeir eUKamar, on
Mount Lebanon. Ere long the rain softened the
mud on the roof and began to pour down on his
bed. 'Hie family sent out one of their number to
fill up the crevices and draw about the stone-roller.
But in addition to the rain, heaps of stone and
•nbbish were precipitated on him, and he was
« • T» what is said under Camo. (*•"<•» ■ '•> r*.
sjurmg the obstinacy and moroseness of this animal.
DULCIMER
compelled to beg his host to forego tie wasV
meant kindness. He passed a sleepless night, sad
hailed the earliest dawn as the signal for departure.
We see therefore bow much the proverb ex-
pressed, when it says, that " a continual dropping
in a very rainy day and a contentious woman are
alike." H.
DRUSILXA (ApoixrlWr,). daughter of Herod
Agrippa I. (Acts xii. 1, 19 8.) and Cypres; sister
of Herod Agrippa U. Sue was at first betrothed
to Autiochus Epiphanes, prince of Comniagene, but,
he refusing to become a Jew, she was married to
Azizus, king of Emesa, who complied with th.it
condition (Ant. xx. 7, $ 1). Soon after, Felix, pro-
curator of Judaea, brought about her seduction by
means of the Cyprian sorcerer Simon, and took tut
as bis wife (to. 7, § 2). In Acts xxiv. 24, we find
her in company with Felix at Cesarea, on oocatkm
of St. Paul being brought before the latter; and
the narrative implies that she was present at the
Apostle's preaching. Felix had by Druailla a son
named Agrippa, who, together with his mother,
perished in the eruption of Vesuvius under Titus
(Joseph. /. c; comp. Tac. Mil. v. 9). II. A.
* DUKE (from the Ijttin dux) at employed in
the English Bible (Gen. xxxvi. 15, 40; Ex. xv. 15;
Josh. xiii. 21, Ac.) diners widely from the present
usage. In the older English writers it often meant
simply leader, chieftain, and is so used (A. V.)of
the heads or theiti of Arab clans which come
forward so often in the earlier Hebrew history.
See Eastwood and Wright's Bible Woiii-Buok.
H.
DULCIMER (Sumpkontah, rT31DQTD :
[trvpQtnii*: lymphoma] ). a musical Instrument,
not in use amongst the Jews of Palestine, but men-
tioned in Daniel, iii. 5, 15, and at ver. 10 under the
shorter form of KOS^D, along with several other
instruments, which Nebuchadnezzar ordered to be
sounded before a golden image set up for national
worship during the period of the captivity of Judah.
Luther translates it luU. Grotius adopts the view
of Serviut, who considers lympliunia to be the same
with tibia obliqua (wAa-yfauAos); be also quotes
Iaidorus (ii. 22), who speaks of it as a long drum.
Kabbi Saadia Gaon (Cumm. on Am.) describes the
tumpiioniah at the bag-pipe, an opinion adopted
by the author of ShiUe hag-Gibborim (Joel Urill's
I*reface to Mendelssohn's version of the Psalms), by
Kircher, Uartoloccius, and the majority of Biblical
critics. The same instrument is still in use amongst
peasants in the N. W. of Asia and in Southern
FZurope, where it is known by the similar name
tampoyna or za.npogna. With respect to the
etymology of the word a great difference of opinion
prevails. Some trace it to the Greek tn/upmta,
and Calmet, who inclines to this view, expresses
astonishment that a pure Greek word should have
made it* way into the Chaldee tongue: it it prob-
able, he thinks, that the instrument Dulcimer (A.
V.) was introduced into Babylon by some Greek
or Western-Asiatic musician who was taken prisoner
by Nebuchadnezzar during one of his campaigni
on the coast of the Mediterranean. Others, with
far greater probability, regard it as a Semitic word.
and connect it with }2JSD, "a tube" (Furst)
the reader may add Dr. Bobsnson's Massausrt, Bit,
r-s. u. aaa-685, at «l. ■
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DUMAH
IV word flS&D, occurs in the Talmud \Swca,
I6»), where it evidently has the meaning of an air-
pipe. Landau (Arvch, art. J1BDD) considers it
lynonymous with siphon. Ibn Yahia, in his com-
mentary on Dan. iii. 6, renders it by UHSftniH
(ipyaya), organ, the well-known powerful musical
Instrument, composed of a series of pipes. Kabb.
Bias, whom Burtorf quotes (Lxxie. Talmud, col.
1504), translates it by the German word Leier
(lyre).
The old-fashioned spinet, the precursor of the
harpsichord, is said to hare resembled in tone the
ancient dulcimer. The modern dulcimer is de-
scribed by Dr. Busby (Did. of Music) as a trian-
gular instrument, consisting of a little chest, strung
with about fifty wires cast over a bridge fixed at
each end; the shortest wire is 18 inches in length,
the longest 36 : It is played with two small ham-
mers held in the hands of the performer.
D. W. M.
DU'MAH (nyFr [tiUnee] : [in Gen.,]
AovfuC [Alex. ISov/ua; in 1 Chr.,] 'itoufU [Comp.
Aovud; in Is.,] *ltouuala: Duma), a son of Ish-
Diael, most probably the founder of an Ishmaelite
tribe of Arabia, and thence the name of the prin-
cipal place, or district, inhabited by that tribe. In
Ben. xxt. 14, and 1 Chr. i. 80, the name occurs in
the list of the sons of Ishmael; and in Isaiah (xxi.
11), in the " burden of Dumah," coupled with Seir,
the forest of Arabia, and Kedar. The name of a
town in the northwestern part of the peninsula,
Doomat-eUendei," is held by Gesenius, and other
European authorities, to have been thus derived ;
and the opinion is strengthened by Arab tradition-
ists, who have the same belief (Mir-at ez-Zemdn).
The latter, however, err in writing " DcuemaUel-
JtmUl" (JjUil lU.O) ; while the lexico-
graphers and geographers of their nation expressly
state that it Is correctly " Doomai-eWendel," or
" Dooma-eUtndel" (Jjuif &*.0, or
J<\iaLf t\j0*O), signifying "Dumah of the
stones or blocks of stone," of which it is said to
have been built (Sihdh, MS., Marind, and Muth-
tarak, s. v. ) ; not the " stony Dumah," as Europeans
render it. ELftndel is said by some to mean
" stones such as a man can lift " (Kdinoos), and
seems to indicate that the place was built of un-
hewn or Cyclopean masonry, similar to that of very
ancient structures. The town itself, which is one
of the " Kureiyit" of Wddi-i-Kuri » (Mitrdtid,
%. v. Doonuih), appears to be called " Dvomat-el-
Jemki; " and the fortress which it contains, to have
he special appellation of '• Mind" (t>«Lo).
It should be observed that there are two
*• ftmmaht ; " that named in this article, and D.
•I ' Krik. The chief of one, a contemporary of
Mohammed, is said to have founded the otbet, or
DUNO
627
a The " »'" to Doosnat k thus written for "h oy
arammsliol ooostroeUou.
» Winer, In his art. Duma, quoting Uitdg (Zsuar s
bar*. 1848), has oomplioated the question by making
O. tUMmdtl crktioot from D. of Wadi4-Kurd.
have given it the name of D.; but most Arab
authorities, and probability also, are in favor of the
prior antiquity of the former. E. S. P.
DTJ'MAH (n^TO [sffence, 1. e. land of]:
ft/iyd; Alex. [Comp. Aid.] tavua ■ Ruma), a
city in the mountainous district of Judsh, near
Hebron (Josh. xv. 53). In the Onomattxcon of
Eusebius and Jerome it is named as a very large
place («6un ntylorri), 17 miles from Eleuthero-
poiis, in the district of Daroma (i. e. " the south,"
from the Hebrew DTP1). Eleutheropolis not
being certainly known, this description does not
afford much clew. Robinson passed the rains of a
village called ed-Daumch, 6 miles southwest of
Hebron (Rob. i. 213), and this may possibly be
Dumah. (See also Kieperfs Map, 1856 j and Van
de Velde's Memoir, 308).* G.
DUNG (b^|, b^a, fTH^, the latter always,
and the two former generally, applied to men;
7^1, ttHg, y?*', to brute animals, the second
exclusively to animals offered in sacrifice, and the
third to the dung of cows or camels). The uses
of dung were twofold, as manure, and as fuel. The
manure consisted either of straw steeped in liquid
manure (HJQTQ *$$, lit t» dung water, Is.
xxv. 10), or the neeepmg$ (rflTRD, Is. v. 26) of
the streets and roads, which were carefully removed
from about the houses and collected in heaps
(nbtpH) outside the walls of the towns at fixed
spots (hence the dung-gate at Jerusalem, Neh. ii.
13), and thence removed in due course to the fields
(Mishn. Sheb. 3, § 1-3). To sit on a dung-heap
was a sign of the deepest dejection (1 Sam. ii. 8;
Pa. cxiii. 7; Lam. iv. 6; cf. Job ii. 8, LXX. and
Vulg.). The mode of applying manure to trees
was by digging boles about tbeir roots and inserting
it (Luke xiii. 8), as still practiced in Southern
Italy (Trench, ParabUt, p. 358). In the case of
sacrifices the dung was burnt outside the camp
(Ex. xxix. 14; Lev. iv. 11, vtti. 17; Num. xix. 5);
hence the extreme opprobrium of the threat in
MaL ii. 8. Particular directions were bud down
in the law to enforce cleanliness with regard to
human ordure (Deut. xxili. 13 ft): it was the
grossest insult to turn a man's house into a recep-
tacle for it (rn*nq§, 2 k. x. 27; -ibj?, Ezr. h.
11; Dan. ii. 5,tii.'29, "dunghill" A. V.); pub-
lic establishments of that nature are still found in
the large towns of the East (Russell's Aleppo, L
34). The expression to " cast out as dung " im-
plied not only the oflensiveness of the object, but
also the ideas of removal (1 K. xiv. 10), and still
more expoturt (2 K. ix. 37; Jer. riii. 2). The
reverence of the later Hebrews would not permit
the pronunciation of some of the terms used in
Scripture, and accordingly more delicate words were
substituted in the margin (2 K. vi. 25, x. 27. xriii.
27; Is. xxxvi. 12). The occurrence of such names
as Gilalai, Dimnah, Madmenab, and Madmannah.,
shows that these ideas of delicacy did not extend
to ordinary matters. The term axifiaXa (" dung,"
c • Sell (Soma, p. 125) and Knobsl (Soma, p. 487
recognise Dumah in this td-Daumtk, though Bobtn*
son (1. 212, 2d sd.) aijju ss m no opinion. Harass!
(Palauina, v . 184, 4tsAnfl.)ao> pes this fcVn U tka S lo r
B
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628
DUNGEON
A. V., Phil. iii. 8) applies to refine of any kind
(fit. Ecchis. xxvii. 4).
The difficulty of procuring fuel in Syria, Arabia,
and Egypt, has made dung in all ages valuable at a
substitute: it was probably used for heating ovens
aud for baking cakes (Ex. iv. 12, 15), the equable
heat which it produced adapting it peculiarly for
the latter operation. Cow's and camel's dung is
still used for a similar purpose by the Bedouins
(Burckhardt's Notts, i. 57): they wen form a
species of pan for frying eggs out of it (Russell, i.
39): in Egypt the dung is mixed with straw and
formed into flat round cakes, which are dried in
the sun (Lane, i. 252, ii. 141). W. L. B.
DUNGEON. [Pwson.]
• DUNG-PORT (Neh. ii. 13). [Jekusalkm,
VIII.] H.
DUTtA (VTWf: [Theodot.] Attipi; [LXX.
o Ttpt&oKot:] Dura), the plain where Nebuchad-
nezzar set up the golden image (Dan. iii. 1), has
been sometimes identified with a tract a little below
TtkrU, ou the left bank of the Tigris (Layard,
Nin. <f- Bab. p. 409), where the name Dur is still
found. But (1) this tract probably never belonged
to Babylon ; i2) at any rate it is too far from the
capital to be the place where the image was set up;
for the plain of Dura was in the province or district
of Babylon (^32 rU N "n?2), and therefore in
the vicinity of the city; (3) the name Dur, in its
modern use, is applicable to any plain. M. Oppert
places the plain (or, as he calls it, the " valley " )
of Dura to the south-east of Babylon, in the vicinity
of the mound of /AnmiiV or Dwtir. He has dis-
covered on this site the pedestal of a colossal statue,
and regards the modem name as a corruption of
the ancient appellation. G. R.
* DUST shaken off from one's sandals (Acts
xiii. 61), or his garments (AcU xviii. 6) was a sym-
bolic act, expressive of disapprolatiou and renun-
ciation. Its significancy lay in the idea that those
against whom the act was directed were so un-
worthy that it was defiling to one to allow so much
as a particle of the soil to cleave to his garments
(see Wetstein's Not. Test. i. 370). Kor other
references to this custom, see Matt- x. 14; Mark
A. 11; Luke ix. 5.x. 11.
Dust thrown into the air by an excited crowd,
as in the case of the mob at Jerusalem on hearing
Paul's declaration that the heathen were to share
ja the blessings of the Messiah's kingdom (Acts
xxii. 23), was an expression of rage and menace,
while at the same time it inflamed still further the
oassion already excited. The oriental traveller. Sir
*ohn Chardin (Maimer's Observations, iv. 203)
rtates that this form of popular outbreak is not
jncon:mon among the Persians at the present day.
The peasants there when they have a grievance to
redress, collect at the palace-gate, howl, rend their
garments and throw dust into the air, in order to
enforce by such frantic violence their demand for
justice. In like manner Shimei, as he cursed
David (2 Sam. xvi. 18), " threw stones at him and
« The modern Arabic term for the Griffon Vulture,
Including the V. auricularis and V. einereus. Is Nisr.
This word is never applied to the Neophron perenop-
uru< nr "Rachmah." The Eagles are designated col-
tetively by Cgab with a specific adjective for various
njtam. I am inclined, therefore, to restrict the Bab.
tbtasr to the maJMtlr VtUur, every Scriptural charac-
EAGLE
cast dust " (according to the Hebrew, and as is
the margin of the A. \ ., " dusted him with dust ").
Panting " after the dust of the earth on the head
of the poor " is mentioned in Amos ii. 7 as a mark
of avarice. Even those who were so wretched as
to have nothing but the dust and ashes, which, in
token of their misery, they had spread upon their
beads, were still objects of the rapacity of the
merciless miser. With an approach to this sar-
casm, it is said in the old ballad of Oemutus the
Jew ( Connoisseur, No. xvi.) who, in default of the
payment of his bond, insisted on having "bis
pound of flesh": —
« His heart doth thinke on many a wile,
Uow to deceive the poore ;
His mouth Is almost full of mucke,
Yet still he gapes for more."
See under Mouknino in regard to the custom of
sprinkling ashes on the head or person as a badge
of sorrow. See Skkpknt for what is meant by
the tempter's being doomed to " eat dust all the
days of his lift " (Geo. iii. 14). H.
E.
EAGLE (">$;}, nesher: 4>r((»: atptila). The
Hebrew word, which occurs frequently in the O. T.,
may denote a particular species of the Faicomda,
as in Lev. xi. 13, Deut. xiv. 12, where the nether
is distinguished from the osstfrage, osprey, and
other raptorial birds; but the term is used also
to express the griffon vulture ( Vultur fvkut) in
two or three passages.
At least four distinct kinds of eagles have been
observed in Palestine, namely, the golden eagle
(A'juiUi chrysnitos), the spotted eagle (A. nceria),
the commonest species in the rocky districts (see
/Aw, i. 23), the imperial eagle (Aquila Beliaca),
and the very common Circaitot yiil&cus, which
preys on the numerous reptilia of Palestine (for a
figure of this bird see Osprey). The Hebrew
neslier may stand for any of these different species,
though perhaps more particular reference to the
golden and imperial eagles and the griffon vulture
may be intended."
The eagle's swiftness of flight is the subject of
frequent allusion in Scripture (Deut. xxvUi. 49,
2 Sam. i. 23; Jer. iv. 13, xlix. 22; Lam. iv. 19,
Ac.); its mounting high into the air is referred to
(in Job xxxix. 27 ; Prov. xxiii. 5, xxx. 19 ; Is. xL
31; Jer. xlix. 16); its strength and vigor (in Pa.
ciii. 6); its predaceous habits (Job ix. 26; Prov.
xxx. 17) ; its setting its nest in high places (in Jet.
xlix. 16); the care in training its young to fly (in
Ex. xix. 4; Deut. xxxii. 11); its powers of vision
(in Job xxxix. 29).
The passage in Mic. i. 16, '• Enlarge thy baldness
as the eagle," has been understood by Bochart
(Hieroz. ii. 744) and others to refer to the eagle at
the time of its moulting in the spring. Oediuann
( Vermisch. Samm. i. 64) erroneously refers [V] the
baldness spoken of by the prophet to point to the
tertatic of the Neslier being mora true of toe Griffon
Vulture than of any Eagle. H. B. T.
The reader will find the vernacular Arable names
of different species of VnlturMa and raloonldas U
Lochs'* Catalogue des Oiseaux observ. en Alfiru
and In Ibis, vols. I., U., Tristram's p ap e rs oa the Or
nttbologv of North Africa.
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EAGLE
■r bnrbatw (Gtffneltu), the bearded vulture
X lammergyei, which he supposed was bald. It
ippears to us to be extremely improbable that there
b any reference in the passage under consideration
to eagles moulting. Allusion is here nude I) the
custom of shaving the head as a token of mourn-
ing; but there would be little or no appropriateness
in the comparison of a shaved head with an eagle at
the time of moulting. But if the nt$her is su| used
to denote the griffon vulture ( I'uliur fulrw), the
simile is peculiarly appropriate ; it may be remarked
that the Hebrew verb tdrach (rHP) signifies " to
make hold on the back part of t/3 head;" the
notion heie conveyed is very app_:able to the
whole head and neck of this bird, which is desti
tutc of true feathers.
EARING
629
Aquila Ilcliaca.
With reference to the texts referred to above,
which compare the watchful and sustaining ears of
his people by the Almighty with that exhibited hv
tile eagle in training its young ones to fly, we may
quote a passage from Sir Humphry Davy, who says,
u I once saw a very interesting sight above one of
the crags of lien Nevis, as I was going in the pur-
iuit of black game. Two parent eagles were teach-
ing their offspring, two young birds, the manoeuvres
of flight. They began by rising from the top of
the mountain, in the eye of the sun. It was about
midday, and bright for this climate. They at first
made small circles, and the young birds imitated
them. They paused on their wings, waiting till
they had made their first flight, and then took a
second and targer gyration; always rising towards
the sun. ind enlarging their circle of flight so as to
make a gradually ascending spiral. The young
ones still anil slowly followed, apparently flying bet-
ter as they mounted ; and they continued this sub-
lime exercise, always rising, till they became mere
points in the air, and the young ones were lost, and
ifterwnrds their parents, to our aching sight.'*
The expression in Ex. and I>eut. (U. cc), "beareth
hem on her wings," has been understood by Rab-
•inica' writers and others to mean that the eagle
toes actually carry her young ones on her wings
and shoulders. This is nutting on the words a
xmitrttction which they by no means are intended
• convey: at the same time, it is not improbable
hat toe parent bird assist* the first efforts of her
young by flying under them, thus sustaining tbein
for a momeat, and encouraging them in their early
lessons.
In Ps. ciii. ft it is said, " Thy youth is renewed
like the eagle's " (see also Is. xl. 31 ). Some Jew-
ish interpreters have illustrated this passage by a
reference to the old tables about the eagle being
able to renew his strength when very old (see Bo-
chart, ffieroz. ii. 747). Modern commentators for
the most part are inclined to think that these words
refer to the eagle after the moulting season, when
the bird is more full of activity than before. We
much prefer Hengstenberg's explanation on Ps. ciii.
ft, "Thy youth is renewed, so that in point of
strength thou art like the eagle."
The atroi of Matt. xxir. 28, Luke xvii. 37, may
include the Vvltur fidrm and Neophron prrcn-p-
ttrut ; though, as eagles frequently prey upon dead
bodies, there is no necessity to restrict the Greek
word to the Vuiturida. a The figure of an eagle is
now and has been long a favorite military ensign.
The Persians so employed it ; which fact illustrates
the passage in Is. xlvi. 1 1, where < 'yrus is alluded
to under the symbol of an -'eagle" (U'S) oi
"ravenous bird" (comp. Xenoph. Vym/i. vii. 4).
The same bird was similarly employed by the As-
syrians and the Romans. Eagles are frequently
represented in Assyrian sculptures attending the
soldiers in their battles; and some have hence sup-
posed that they were trained birds Considering,
however, the wild and intractable nature of eagles,
it is very improbable that this was the case. The
representation of these birds was doubtless intended
to portray the common feature in Eastern battle-
field scenery, of birds of prey awaiting to satisfy
their hunger on the bodies of the slain.
W. H.
E'ANES (MdVnr; [Aid. 'HdVntO Asses), 1
Esdr. ix. 21, a name which stands in the place of
Hakim, Maaskiah, and Elijah, in the parallel
list of Esra x. It does not appear whence the
translators obtained the form of the name given
in the A. V.
* Here, as in many other instances in the Apoc-
rypha, the form of the name in the A. V. is de-
rived, either directly or indirectly, from the Aldine
edition. A.
* EAR used as a verb (from the l-at. nrare
through the Anglo-Saxon trim) In Dent. xxi. 4;
1 Sam. viii. 12; Is. xxx. 24 (A. V ), meant "to
plough " or " till," at the time when our English
version was made. So in Shakespeare (Rich. II.,
iii. 2): —
n And let them go
To ear the land that hath some hope to grow "
See Eastwood and Wright's Bible Word-Book, c.
1G8 (Loud. 1866). H. '
* EARING (from the Anglo-Saxon en'tois-
occurs in Gen. xlv. 6 and Ex. xxxiv. 21 (A. V.)
where, iceording to the present English usage, we
shoulf write " ploughing " for " earing," and
" ploughing-time " for " earing-time." Thus " ear-
ing " at present (so liable to be taken in the sense
of putting forth ears) suggests almost the opposiU
of the true meaning. H.
a It Is necessary to remember that no true eagle
will kill for himself if ho can find dead Hash.
HI
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630 EARNEST
E AR NEST. This term occur* only thrice in
the A. V. (2 for. i. 22, t. 6; Epb. i. 14). The
equivalent in the original Is bpfafi&y, a Grecized
form of ^Cl?, which was introduced by the Phoe-
nicians into Greece, and also into Italy, where it
reappears under the forms arrkabu and arrha. It
may again be traced in the French arrhes, and in
the old Knglish expression Earts or Ark's money.
The Hebrew word was nsed generally for pledgr
((Jen. xxxviii. 17), and in its cognate forms for
surety (1'rov. xvii. 18) and hottage (2 K. xiv. 14).
The Greek derivative, however, acquired a more
technical sense as signifying the deposit paid by the
purchaser on entering into an agreement for the
purchase of anything (Suid. Lex. s. v. ). A similar
legal and technical sense attaches to earnest, the
payment of which places both the vendor and the
purchaser in a position to enforce the carrying out
of the contract (Blackstone, ii. 30 | which see]).
There U a marked distinction between pledge and
earnest in this respect, that the latter is a part-
ynymera. and therefore implies the identity in kind
if the deposit with the future full payment ; whereas
a pledge may be something of a totally different
nature, as in Gen. xxxviii., to be resumed by the
depositor when he has completed bis contract.
Thus the expression " earnest of the Spirit " im-
plies, beyond the idea of security, the identity in
kind, though not in degree, and the rontimiily of
the Christian's privileges in this world and in the
next. The payment of earnest-money under the
name of arrabm is still one of the common occur-
rences of Arab life." W. U B.
EAR-RINGS. The word DJJ, by which these
ornaments are usually described, is unfortunately
ambiguous, originally referring to tbe nose-ring
(as its root indicates), and thence transferred to
the ear-ring. The full expression for the latter is
D"9|H?1 "l$fi C1J3 (Gen. xxxr. 4). in contradis-
tinction to ''IW-by BT3 (Gen. xxhr. 47). In the
majority of caws, however, the kind is not spec-
ified, and the only clew to the meaning is the con-
text. The term occurs in this undefined sense in
Judg. viii. 24; Job xlii. 11; 1'rov. xxv. 12: Hoe.
ii. 13. The material of which the ear-ring was
made was generally gold (Ex. xxxii. 2), and its
form circular, as we may infer from tbe name
72^, by which' it is described (Num. xxxi. 50:
Kc. xvi. 12): such was tbe shape umal in Egypt
(Wilkinson's Egyptians, iii. 370). They were
worn by women and by youth of both sexes (Ex.
t (■■)■ It has been inferred from the passage quoted,
and from Judg. viii. 24, that they were not worn
by men : these passages are, however, by no means
conclusive. In the former an order is given to the
:nen in such terms that they could not be men
ioned, though they might have been implicitly
-eluded; in the latter the amount »f the goUI'vs
ibe peculiarity adverted to, and not tbe character
of the ornament, a peculiarity which is still notiee-
tble among the inhabitants of southern Arabia
(Wellsted's Travels, i. 321). Tbe mention of the
sons in Ex. xxxii. 2 (which, however, is omitted in
the LXX.) is in favor of their having been worn;
<nd it appears unlikely that the Hebrews presented
EARTH
an exception to tbe almost universal practice of
Asiatics, both in ancient and modern times (Winer,
Realwtrt. a. v. Ohrringe). The ear-ring appeal*
to have been regarded with superstitious reverence
as an amulet : thus it is named in tbe Chaldee and
Samaritan versions Nttr^Jf?, a holy thing; and in
Is. Iii. 20 the word D^fY?, properly amulets, is
rendered in the A. V., after the LXX. and Vulg.,
eanint,s. [Amulet.] On this account they were
surrendered along with the idols by Jacob's house-
hold (Gen. xxxv. 4). Chardin describes ear-rings,
• * In regard to the uncertain etymology of " ear-
sat," set Kutwood and Wright's BMe Wont-Book, p.
89. a.
Egyptian Bar-rings, (torn Wilkinson.
with talismanic figures and characters on them, as
still existing in tbe East (Brown's Antiquities, ii.
305). Jewels were sometimes attached to tbe rings :
they were called TXWBQ (from f\^}, to drop), a
word rendered in Judg. viii. 26, gp/uowot: nvmitia:
collars or street jewels, A. V., and in Is. iii. 19,
ndBtfia- torques : chains or sweet balls, A. V. The
size of the ear-rings still worn in eastern countries
far exceeds what is usual among ourselves (Har-
mer's Observations, iv. 311, 314); hence they
formed a handsome present (Job xlii. 11), or offer-
ing to the service of God (Num. xxxi. 60).
W. L. B.
EARTH. This term is used in two widely
different senses: (1) for the material of which the
earth'., surface is composed; (2) as the name of the
planet on which man dwells. Tbe Hebrew lan-
guage discriminates between these two by the use
of separate terms, Adamah (np"Jh5) for the former,
Erets (V?.^ *" "* l»*ter- As the two are es-
sentially distinct, we shall notice them separately.
I. Adamah is the earth in tbe sense of soil or
ground, particularly as being susceptible of culti-
vation; hence the expression ish adamah for an
agriculturist (Gen. ix. 20). Tbe earth supplied
the elementary substance of which man's body was
formed, and the terms adorn and adamah are
brought into juxtaposition, implying an etymolog-
ical connection (Gen. ii. 7). [Adam.) The opin-
ion that man's body was formed of earth prevailed
among the Greeks (Hesiod, Op. el Dl 61, "0;
Plat. Rep. p. 269), the Romans (Virg. Georg. ii.
341 ; Ovid, MeU i. 82), tbe Egyptians (Diod. Sic
i. 10), and other ancient nations. It is evidently
based on the observation of the material into which
tbe body is resolved after death (Job x. 9; EccL
xii. 7). The law prescribed earth as the material
out of which altars were to be raised (Ex. xx. 24)-
Bahr (Symb. i. 488) sees in this a reference to tin
name adorn : others with more reason compare th.
am de respite of the Komans (Ov. Trist. v. 6, 9
Hor. Oil. iii. 8, 4, 5), and view it as a precept ot
•i-nplicity. Naaman'i request for two mules' bsd
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EARTH
In of earth (S K. v. 17) wu baaed on the idea
thai Jehovah, like the heathen deities, was a local
god, and could be wortbjpped acceptably only on
bis own noil.
II. Ertls is explained by Von Bohlen (Inlrod.
(o Cm. ii. 6) as meaning etymologically the lae
in opposition to the high, i. e. the beared. It is
applied in a more or less extended sense: (1) to
the whole world (Gen. i. 1); (2) to land as op-
posed to sea ((ien. i. 10;; (3) to a country (Gen.
xxl. 32); (4) to a plot of ground (Gen. xxiii. 15);
and (5) to the ground on which a man stands (Gen.
xxxiil. 3). The two former senses alone concern
us, the first involving an inquiry into the opinions
of the Hebrews on Cosmogony, the second on Ge-
ography.
I. Oosmoooxy. — The views of the Hebrews
on this subject are confessedly imperfect and ob-
scure. This arises partly from the ulterior objects
which led them to the study of natural science, and
still more from the poetical coloring with which
they expressed their opinions. The books of Gen-
esis, Job, and Psalms supply the most numerous
notices. Of them, the two latter are strictly poet-
ical worlds, and their language must be measured
by the laws of poetical expression ; in the first alone
have we anything approaching to an historical and
systematic statement, and even this is but a sketch
—an outline — which ought to be regarded at the
same distance, from the same point of view, and
through the same religious medium as its author
regarded it. The act of creation itself, as recorded
in the first chapter of Genesis, is a subject beyond
and above the experience of man ; human language,
derived, as it originally was, from the sensible and
material world, fails to find an adequate term to
describe the act ; for our word •• create " and the
Hebrew ban, though most appropriate to express
the idea of an original creation, are yet applicable
and must necessarily be applicable to other modes
of creation; nor does the addition of such expres-
sions as "out of things that were not" (/( owe
tvrwr, 2 Mace. vii. 28), or "not from things which
appear " (yufj 4k (pairofiirir, Heb. xi. 3) contrib-
ute much to the force of the declaration. The
absence of a term which shall describe exclusively
an original creation is a necessary infirmity of lan-
guage : as the event occurred but once, the corres-
ponding term must, in order to be adequate, have
been coined for the occasion and reserved for it
alone, which would have been impossible. The
same observation applies, though in a modified de-
gree, to the description of the various processes
subsequent to the existence of original matter.
Hoses viewed matter and all the forms of matter in
their relations primarily to God, and secondarily to
man — as manifesting the glory of the former, and
is designed for the use of the latter. In relation
o the former, be describes creation with the special
view of illustrating the Divine attributes of power,
goodness, wisdom, and accordingly he throws this
narrative into a form which impresses the reader
with the sense of these attributes. In relation to
the latter, he selects his materials with the special
view of illustrating the subordination of all the
ardors of material things to the necessities and
soraforts of man. With these objects in view, it
ought not to be a matter of surprise, if the simple
sanative of creation omits much that scientific re-
•sarch has since supplied, and appears in a guise
adapted to those objects. The subject itself is
hroughout one of a transcendental character; it
EARTH
681
should consequently be subjected to the some stand
ard of interpretation as other passages of the Bible
descriptive of objects which are entirely beyond the
experience of man, such as the day of judgment,
the states of heaven and hell, and the representa-
tions of the Divine Majesty. The style of criticism
applied to Gen. i. by the opponents, and not nnfre-
qnently by the supporters of Revelation, is such as
would be subversive of many of the most noble and
valuable portions of the Bible. With these pref-
atory remarks we proceed to lay down what appear
to us to be the leading features of Hebrew cos-
mogony.
1. The earth was regarded not only as the cen-
tral point of the universe, but as the universe itself,
every other body — the heavens, sun, moon, and
stars — being subsidiary to, and, as it were, the
complement of the earth. The Hebrew language
has no expression equivalent to our universe : " the
heavens and the earth " (Gen. i.*l, xiv. 19; Ex.
xxxi. 17) has been regarded as such; but it is clear
that the heavens were looked upon as a necessary
adjunct of the earth — the curtain of the tent in
which man dwells (Is. xl. 22), the sphere above
which fitted the sphere below (comp. Job xxU. 14,
and Is. xl. 22) — designed solely for purposes of
beneficence in the economy of the earth. This
appears from the account of its creation and offices:
the existence of the heaven was not prior to or
contemporaneous with that of the earth, but subse-
quent to it; it was created on the second day (Gen.
i. 6). The term under which it is described, rnJbia
(?*|7n) is significant of its extension, that it was
strtlcJied out as a curtain (Ps. civ. 3) over the sur-
face of the earth. Moreover it depended upon the
earth ; it bad its " foundations " (2 Sam. xxii. 8)
on the edges of the earth's circle, where it was sup-
ported by the mountains as by massive pillars (Job
xxvi. 11). Its offices were (1) to support the
waters which were above it (Gen. i. 7 ; Ps- cxlviii.
4), and thus to form a mighty reservoir of rain and
snow, which were to pour forth through its win-
dows (Gen. vii. 11; Is. xxiv. 18) and doors (Ps.
btxviii 2-1), as through opened sluice-gates, for the
fructification of the earth; (2) to serve as the tub-
stratum {artpivfta or "Jirmamrnl ") in which the
celestial bodies were to he fixed. As with the
heaven itself, so also with the heavenly bodies; they
were regarded solely as the ministers of the earth.
Their offices were (1) to give light; (2) to separata
between day and night; (3) to be fir signs, as in
the case of eclipses or other extraordinary phe-
nomena; for seasons, as regulating seedtime and
harvest, summer and winter, as well as religious
festivals; and for dags and years, the length of the
former being dependent on the sun, the latter being
estimated by the motions both of sun and moon
((ien. i. 14-18); so that while it might truly be
said that they held " dominion " over the earth
(Job xxxviii. 33), that dominion was exercised
solely for the convenience < f the tenants of earth
(Ps. civ. 19-93). So entirely indeed was the ex-
istence of heaven and the heavenly bodies designed
for the earth, tha with the earth they shall simul
taneously perish (2 Pet. Hi. 10) : the curtain of the
tent shall be rolled up and the stars shall of neces
sity drop otf (Is. xxxiv. 4; Matt. xxiv. 29) —their
sympathy with earth's destruction being the coun-
terpart of their joyous song when its foundation
were hud (Job xxxviii. 7).
1 The earth was regarded in a twofold aspect .
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*82
EARTH
In relation to God, as the manifestation of hit
Infinite attributes; in relation to man, as the scene
of hi* abode. (1.) rhe Hebrew cosmogony is based
upon the leading principle that the universe exists,
not independently of God, by any necessity or any
inherent power, nor yet contemporaneously with
God, as being co-existent with him, nor yet in
opposition to God, is a hostile element, but depend-
ent]) upon bim, subsequently to him, and in sub-
jection to him. Tbe opening words of Genesis
express in broad terms this leading principle: how-
ever difficult it may be, as we have already olwerved,
to express this truth adequately in human language,
yet there can be no doubt that the subordination
of matter to God in every respect is implied in that
passu^t', as well as in other passages, too numerous
to quote, which comment upon it. The same great
principle runs through the whole history of creation :
matter owed all its forms and modifications to the
will of God : iatitnelf dull and inert, it received its
first vivifying capacities from the influence of the
Spirit of God brooding over the deep (Gen. i. 2) ;
the progressive impi jvements in its condition were
the direct and miraculous effects of God's will; no
interposition of secondary causes is recognized:
"He spake and it was" (Ps. xxxiii. 9); and the
pointed terseness and sharpness with which the
writer sums up the whole transaction in the three
expressions " God said," " it was so," " God saw
that it was good " — the first declaring the divine
volition, the second the immediate result, the third
the perfectness of the work — harmonizes aptly with
the view which he intended to express. Thus the
earth became in the eyes of the pious Hebrew the
scene on which the Divine perfections were dis-
played: the heavens (Ps. xix. 1), the earth (Ps.
xxiv. 1, civ. 24), the sea (Job xxvi. 10; Ps. Ixxxix.
9; Jer. v. 22 >. «• mountains and hills, fruitful trees
and all cedars, beasts and all cattle, creeping things
and flying fowl" (Ps. cxlviii. 9, 10), all displayed
one or other of the leading attributes of His char-
acter. So also with the ordinary operations of
nature — the thunder was His voice (Job xxxvii.
■■>), the lightnings His arrows (Ps. Ixxvii. 17), wind
and storm His messengers (Ps. cxlviii. 8), the earth-
quake, the eclipse, and the comet, the signs of His
presence (Joel ii. 10; Matt. xxiv. 29; Luke xxi.
25).
(2.) The earth was regarded in relation to man,
and iiccordingly each act of creation is a preparation
of the earth for his abode — light, as the primary
condition of all life ; the heavens, for purposes
already detailed ; the dry land, for his home ;
* grass for the cattle and herb for the service of
man" (Ps. civ. 14); the alternations of day and
night, the one for his work and the other for his
rest (Ps. civ. 23); fish, fowl, and flesh for his food;
the l>r.uU of burden, to lighten his toil. The work
of each day of creation has its specific application
to the requirements and the comforts of man, and
is recorded with that special view.
3. Citation was regarded as a progressive work
— a gradual development from the inferior to the
superior orders of things. Thus it was with the
rirth's surface, at first » chaotic mass, unite nnd
•M/ity. well descril>ed in the paronomastic terms
fc4«. &••/.«, overspread with waters and enveloped in
darkness (Gen. i. 2). and thence gradually brought
into a i late of order and beauty so conspicuous, as
lo have led the Latins to describe it by the name
Mundiu. Thus also with the different portions of
ihr universe, the earth before the light, the light
EARTH
before the firmament, the firmament before the dry
land. Thus also with light itself, at first the
elementary principle, separated from the darkness,
but without defined boundaries ; afterwards tht
illuminating bodies with their distinct powers and
offices — a progression that is well expressed ic
the Hebrew language by the terms or and shkV
n 5 **! "I'lHSp). Thus also with the orders of
living beings ; firstly, plants ; secondly, fish and
birds ; thirdly, cattle ; and lastly, man. From
" good " in the several parts to " very good " as a
whole (Gen. i. 31 ), such was its progress in the
judgment of the Omnipotent workman.
4. Order involves time; a succession of events
implies a succession of periods; and accordingly
.Moses assigns the work of creation to six days,
each having its specific portion — light to the first,
the firmament to the second, the dry land and
plants to the third, tbe heavenly bodies to the
fourth, fish and fowl to the fifth, leasts and man
to the sixth. The manner, in which these acts
are described as having been done, precludes all
idea of time in relation to their performance: it
was miraculous and instantaneous: "God said"
and then " it was." But the progressiveuess, and
consequently the individuality of the acts, does
involve an idea of time as elapsing between the
completion of one and the commencenent of an-
other; otherwise the work of creation would have
resolved itself into a single continnou. act. The
period assigned to each individual act is a day —
the only period which represents the entire cessation
of a work through the interposition of night. That
a natural day is represented under toe expression
" evening was and morning was," admits, we think,
of no doubt ; the term " day " alone may refer
sometimes to an indefinite period contemporaneous
with a single event ; but when the individual parts
o> * day "evening and morning" are specified,
and wnro a aeries of such days are noticed in their
numeucai order, no analogy of language admits of
our understanding tbe term in anything else than
its literal sense. The Hebrews had no other means
of expressing the aril day of 24 hours than as
" evening, morning " (1JJJ3 3!??) Dan. riiL 14),
similar to the Greek rvxMptpor, and although
the alternation of light and darkness lay at tile
root of the expression, yet the Hebrews in their
use of it no more thought of those elements than
do we when we use the Urrmforhuyhl or tt'nmykt ;
in each case the lapse of a certain time, and not
tbe elements by which that time is calculated, is
intended : so that, without tbe least inconsistency
either of language or of leality. the expression may
be applied to the days previous to tbe creation of
tbe sun. Tbe application of tbe same expressions
to tbe events subsequent In tbe creation of tbe sun.
as well aa the use of the word " day " in tbe 4th
commandment without any indications that H is
used in a different sense, or in any other than the
literal acceptation of < Jen. i. 5 ff., confirm the view
above stated. Tbe interpretation that "evening
and morning " = Or yimiiiiy and rsxi, is opposed not
only to tbe order in which the words stand, I ut U
the sense of the words elsewhere.
5. Tbe Hebrews, though regarding creation a*
tbe immediate act of God, did not ignore tht
evident fact that existing mstrriils and intermedial*
agencies were employed both then and in the sm>
sequent operations of nature. Thus the simple saw
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45AB.TH
•God ereateo. man" (Gen. i. 17) u amplified by
Ike subsequent notice of the materia,' substance of
which hit body was made (Gen. ii 7); and to also
of the animals (Gen. i. 34, ii. 19). The separation
of sea and bud, attributed in Gen. i. 6 to the
Divine fiat, was seen to involve the process of par-
tial elevations of the earth's surface (Pa. civ. 8,
"the mountains ascend, the valleys descend;"
romp. Prov. viii. 35-28). The formation of clouds
and the supply of moisture to the earth, which in
Gen. i. 7 was provided by the creation of the firma-
ment, was afterwards attributed to its true cause
in the continual return of the waters from the
earth's surface (Eccl. i. 7). The existence of the
element of light, as distinct from the sun (Gen
3, 14; Job xxxviii. 19), has likewise been explained
as the result of a philosophically correct view as to
the nature of light; more probably, however, it was
founded upon the incorrect view that the light of
the moou was independent of the sun.
6. With regard to the earth's body, the Hebrews
t uieeived its surface to be an immense disc, sup-
ported like the flat roof of an Eastern house by
p.lhrs (Job ix. 6; Ps. lxxv. 3), which rested on
ao.td foundations (Job xxxviii. 4, 6; Ps. civ. 6;
Prov. viii. 29); but where those foundations were
on which the " sockets " of the pillars rested, none
could tell (Job xxxviii. 6). The more philosophical
view of the earth being suspended in free space
seems to be implied in Job xxvi. 7 ; nor is there
any absolute contradiction between this and the
former view, as the pillars of the earth's surface
may be conceived to have beeu founded on the deep
bases of the mountains, which bases themselves
were unsupported. Other passages (Ps. xxiv. 2,
ixxxvi. 6) seem to imply the existence of a vast
subterraneous ocean ; the words, however, are sus-
ceptible of the sense that the earth was elevated
above the level of the seas (Hengstenberg, Comm.
in loc), and, that this is the sense in which they
are to be accepted, appears from the converse ex-
pression "water under the earth" (Ex. xx. 4),
which, as contrasted with "heaven above" and
"earth beneath," evidently implies the comparative
elevation of the three bodies. Beneath the earth's
surface was theol (TWIT), the hollow place, " heU
(Num. xvi. 30; Dent, xxxii. 22; Job xi. 8), the
" bouse appointed for the living " (Job xxx. 23), a
"land of darkness" (Job x. 21), to which were
ascribed in poetical language gates (Is. xxxviii. 10)
and bars (Job xvii. 16), and which had its valleys
t deep places (Prov. ix. 18). It extended beneath
toe sea (Job xxvi. 5, 6), and was thus supposed to
be conterminous with the upper world.
II. Geography. — We shall notice (1) the
views of the Hebrews as to the form and size of the
earth, its natural divisions, and physical features;
(2) the countries into which they divided it and
Ibeir progressive acquaintance with those countries.
Tie world in the latter sense was sometimes
i scribed by the poetical term libel (/3H), cor-
■esnonding to the Greek oiVrovpsVr) (Is. xiv. 21).
(1.) In the absence of positive statements we
have to gather the views of the Hebrews as to the
KAirrH
Ml
(Is. xl. 22; the word 3Y1, ciriJe, is applied «■>
clusively to the circle of the horizon, whether
bounded by earth, sea or sky), bordered by the
ocean (Deut xxx. 13; Job xxvi. 10; Ps. exxxix.
9; Prov. viii. 27), with Jerusalem as its centre
(Es. v. 6), which was thus regarded, like Delphi,
as the navel ("WBIJ, Judg. ix. 37; Ez. xxxviii.
12; LXX.; Vulg.), or, according to another view
(Gesen. Thetaur. s. v.), the highest point of the
world. The passages quoted in support of this
view admit of a different interpretation ; Jerusalem
might be regarded as the centre of the world, not
only as the seat of religious light and truth, but to
a certain extent in a geographical sense; for Pales-
tine was situated between the important empires
of Assyria and Egypt; and not only between them
but above them, its elevation above the plains on
either side contributing to the appearance of its
centrality. A different view has been gathered from
the expression " four corners " (mBJ?, generally
applied to the skirts of a garment), as though
implying the quadrangular shape of a gsrmeut
stretched out, according to Eratosthenes' compsri
son; but the term " corners " may be applied in a
metaphorical sense for the extreme ends of ths
world (Job xxxvii. 3, xxxviii. 18; Is. xi. 12, xxiv
16; Ex. vii. 2). Finally, it is suggested by Bahr
(SymboUk, i. 170) that these two views may have
been held together, the former as the actual and
the latter as the symbolical re pres en tation of the
earth's form. As to the size of the earth, the
Hebrews had but a very indefinite notion ; in many
passages the " earth," or " whole earth," is used as
co-extensive with the Babylonian (Is. xiii. 5, xiv. 7
ff., xxiv. 17), or Assyrian empires (Is. x. 14, xiv. 26,
xxxvii. 18), just as at a later period the Roman
empire was styled orbit terrnrtun ; the " ends of
the earth " (HlSf?) in the language of prophecy
applied to the nations on the border of these king
doms, especially the Hedes (Is. v. 26, xiii. 5) in the
east, and the islands and coasts of the Mediter-
ranean in the west (Is. xli. 5, 9); but occasionally
the boundary was contracted in this latter direction
to the eastern shores of the Mediterranean (Is. xxiv.
16; Zech. ix. 10; Ps. lxxii. 8). Without unduly
pressing the language of prophecy, it may be said
that the views of the Hebrews as to the size of the
earth extended but little beyond the nations with
which they came in contact; its solidity is fire
quently noticed, its dimensions but seldom (Job
xxxviii. 18; Is. xiii. 5). We shall presently trace
the progress of their knowledge in succeeding ages.
The earth was divided into four quarters or
regions corresponding to the four points of the
compass; these were described in various ways,
sometimes according to their positions relatively to
a person facing the east, before (D^j?.), behind
(">TI$, the right hand (^E^), and the left
hand (?MBtp), representing respectively K., W.,
S., and N. (Job xxiii. 8, 9); sometimes relatively
to the sun's course, the rising (rTTO), the setnate
«rm of the earth from scatterea allusions, sod (fcCOD, Ps. 1. 1) the brUHanl quarter (OVPI,
*«■ i for the most part in the poetical books, rhere T
Et xl. 24), and the dark quarter (fTO?, Ex. xxvi
20 conip. the Greek (ifos, Horn. IL lit M0)<
sometimes as the seat of the four winds (Es. xxxvii
9); ant. sometimes according to the physical char-
It is difficult to decide how far the language u to
M regaided ss literal, and how far as metaphorical.
Taere seem to be traces of the same ideas is pre-
atUsd among; the Greeks, that the world wa» % disk
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684 BABTH
scierisUce, the tea (DJ) for the W. (Gen. xxviii.
14), the jwroUrf Gffl) far the S. (Ex. xxvii. 9),
ud the mountains (D^H) for the N. (Is. xiii.
4). The north appears to hare been regarded M
the higheet pert of the earth's surface, in conse-
quenoe perhaps of the mountain ranges which
existed there, and thus the heaviest part of the
earth (Job xxvi. 7). The north was also the
quarter in which the Hebrew el-Dorado lav, the
land of gold mines (Job xxxvii. 22; margin ; comp.
Her. iii. 116V
These terms are very indistinctly used when
applied to special localities; for we find tue north
assigned as the quarter of Assyria (Jer. iii. 18),
Babylonia (Jer. vi. 22), and the Euphrates (Jer.
xbi. 10), and more frequently Media (Jer. L 3;
comp. li. 11), while the south is especially repre-
sented by Egypt (Is. xxx. 6; Dan. xi. 6). The
Hebrews were not more exact in the use of terms
descriptive of the physical features of the earth's
surface; for instance, the same term (DJ) is ap-
plied to the sea (Mediterranean), to the lakes of
Palestine, and to great rivers, such as the Nile (Is.
xviii. 2), and perhaps the Euphrates (Is. xxvii. 1):
mountain (in) signifies not only high ranges,
such as Sinai or Ararat, but an elevated region
(Josh. xi. 16); river (IH}) is occasionally applied
to the sea (Jon. ii. 3; Pa. xxiv. 2) and to canals
led by rivers (Is. xliv. 27). Their vocabulary, how-
ever, was ample for describing the special features
rf the lands with which they were acquainted, the
terms for the different sorts of valleys, mountains,
rivers, and springs being very numerous and ex-
pressive. We cannot fail to be struck with the
adequate ideas of descriptive geography expressed
in the directions given to the spies (Num. xiii. 17-
20), and in the dosing address of Moses (Deut riii.
7-8) ; nor less, with the extreme accuracy and the
variety of almost technical terms, with which the
boundaries of the various tribes are described in
the book of Joshua, warranting the assumption that
the Hebrews had acquired the art of surveying
from the Egyptians (Jshn, L 6, § 104).
(2.) We proceed to give a brief sketch of the
geographical knowledge of the Hebrews down to
the period when their distinctive names and ideas
were superseded by those of classical writers. The
chief source of information open to them, beyond
the circle of their own experience, was their inter-
num with the Phoenician traders. While the first
Bade them acquainted with the nations from the
Tigris to the African desert, the second informed
litem of the coasts of the Mediterranean, the regions
of the north, and the southern districts of Arabia.
From the Assyrians and Babylonians they gained
some slight knowledge of the distant countries of
India, and perhaps even China."
Of the physical objects noticed we may make the
following summary, omitting of course the details
ef the geography of Palestine: (1.) Seat — the
Mediterranean, which was termed the " Great Sea "
Num. xxxiv. 6), the " Sea of the Philistines " (Ex.
odii. 31), and the " Western Sea" (Deut. xi. 24);
the Red Sea, under the names of the " Sea of
> Has (sograpMeal questions arising out of the
i of the garden of Men an discussed In a
[Kan.]
BABTH
Soph," udge (Ex. x. 19), and the " EgypUaa Sea "
(Is.xi. 15); the Dead Sea, under the names - Salt
Sea" (Gen. xir. 8), "Eastern Sea" (Joel ii. 20)
and "Sea of the Desert" (Deut iv. 49); and th*
Sea of Chinnereth, or Galilee (Num. xxxiv. 11)
(2.) Riven — the Euphrates, which was specifically
"the river" (Gen. xxxi. 21), or " the great river "
(Deut. I. 7); the Nile, which was named either
Yor (Gen. xli. 1), or Sihor (Josh. xiii. 3); the
Tigris, under the name of Hiddekel (Dan. x. 4);
the Chebar, Chaborat, a tributary to the Euphrates
(Ea. i. 3); the Habor, probably the same, but
sometimes identified with the Chaborat that falls
into the Tigris (2 K. xvii. 6); the river of Egypt
(Num. xxxiv. G); and the rivers of Damascus.
Abana (Barada), and Pharpar (2 K. r. 12). For
the Gibon and Pison (Gen. ii. 11, 13), see Edkn.
(3.) Momiains — Ararat or Armenia (Gen. riii. 4) ;
Sinai (Ex. xix. 2); Horeb (Ex. Iii. 1); Hor (Num.
xx. 22) near Petra; Lebanon (Deut. iii- 25); and
Sephar (Gen. x. 30) in Arabia.
The distribution of the nations over the face of
the earth is systematically described in Gen. x., to
which account subsequent, though not very im-
portant, additions are made in chaps, xxv. and
xxxvi., and in the prophetical and historical books.
Although the table in Gen. x. is essentially ethno-
graphical, yet the geographical element is aha
strongly developed : the writer had in his mind's
eye not only the descent but the rtndenct of the
various nations. Some of the names indeed seem
to be purely geographical designations ; Aram, fix
instance, means kiyk lands ; Canaan, low landt ;
Eber, the land aerou, or beyond; Sidon, jutting
station ; Madai, central land ; Tarshish, probably
conquered; Mixraun, still more remarkably from
its dual form, the too Egypts; Ophir, the rid land.
It has indeed been surmised that the names of the
three great divisions of the family of Noah are also
in their origin geographical terms ; Japhet, the
widely extended regions of the north and west;
Ham, the country of the bUick soil, Egypt; and
Shem the mountninom country; the last is, how-
ever, more than doubtful.
(□ endeavoring to sketch out a map of the work)
as described in Gen. x., it must be borne in mind
that, in cases where the names of the races have
not either originated in or passed over to the lands
they occupied, the locality must be more or tees
doubtful. For the migrations of the various tribes
in the long lapse of ages led to the transfer of the
name from one district to another, so that even in
Biblical geography the same name may at different
periods indicate a widely different locality. Thus
Magog in the Mosaic table may have been located
south of the Caucasus, and in ExekieTs time, north
of that range; Corner at the former period in Cap-
padocia, at the latter in the Crimea. Again, the
terms may have varied with the extending knowl-
edge of the earth's surface; C'hittim, originally
Cyprus, was afterwards applied to the more westerly
lands of Macedonia in the age of the Maccabees, if
not even to Italy in the prophecies of DanieL while
Tarshish may without contradiction have been the
sea-coast of CUicia in the Mosaic table, and the
coast of Spain in a later age. Possibly a solution
may be found for the occurrence of more than one
Dedan, Sheba, and Havilah, in the fact that these
names re pre sent districts of a certain character, of
which several might exist in different parts. From
the above remarks it will appear bow numerous sr
the elements of ULcertair.ty introduced into thn
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KABrH
•object; unanimity of opinion j uncut impossible;
nor need it came uirprise, V even in the present
work the views of different writers are found at
variance. The principle on which the following
statement has been compiled is this — to assign to
the Mosaic table the narrowest limits within which
the nations have been, according to the best
authorities, located, and then to trace out, as far
as our means admit, the changes which those
nations experienced in Biblical times.
Commencing from the west, the "isles of the
Gentiles," i. e. the coasts and islands of the Medi-
terranean sea, were occupied by the Japhetites in
the following order: Javan, the lonlatu, in parts
of Greece and Asia Minor; Elishah, perhaps the
j-Eotiam, in the same countries ; Dodanim, the
Dardnm, in lllyricum; Tiras in Thrace; Kittim, at
Citiwn, in Cyprus; A&hkenaz in Phrygia; Gomer
in Cappadocia, and TarshUh in Cilicia. In the
north, Tubal, the Tibareiti, in Pontus ; Meshech,
the Moichici, in Colchis; Magog, Gugarau, in
northern Armenia ; Togarmah in Armenia; and
Madal in Media. The Hamites represent the
southern parts of the known world ; Cush, probably
an appellative similar to the Greek Ethiopia, ap-
plicable to all the dark races of Arabia and eastern
Africa; Mixraim in Egypt; Phut in Libya; Naph-
tubim and Lehabim, on the coast of the Mediter-
ranean, west of Egypt ; Caphtorim. in Egypt ;
Casluhim from the Nile to the border of Palestine;
Pathrusim in Egypt ; Seba in Meroe ; Sabtah, on
the western coast of the straits of Sab-el-mandeb ;
Havilah, more to the south ; and Sabtechah in the
extreme south, where the SomauU now live; Nun-
rod in Babylonia; Raamah and Dedan on the
southwestern coast of the Persian gulf. In the
central part of the world were the Shemites: Elam,
Elymaii, in Persia ; Aashur in Assyria ; Arphaxad,
ArrapachitU, in northern Assyria; Lud in Lydiu ;
Aram in Syria and Mesopotamia, and the descend-
ant* of Joktan in the peninsula of Arabia.
This sketch is filled up, as far as regards northern
Arabia, by a subsequent account, in ch. xxv., of
the settlement of the descendants of Abraham by
Keturah and of Ishmael; the geographical position
of many is uncertain ; but we are acquainted with
that of the Midianites among the sons of Abraham,
and of Nebaioth, Nabataa ; Kedar, Kedrei (Plin.
v. 12); Dumah, Dwnailha (Ptol. v. 19), among
the sons of Ishmael. Some of the names in this
passage have a geographical origin, as Mibsam, a
spice-tearing land, Tema, an artdf or southern land.
Again, in ch. xxxvi. we have some particulars with
regard U. the country immediately to the south of
Palestine, where the aboriginal Horitea, the Trog-
lodytes of the mountainous districts in the eastern
part of Arabia Petraea, were displaced by the
descendants of Esau. The narrative shows an inti-
nate acquaintance with this district, at we have
the names of various towns, Dinhabah. Bozrah,
Avith, Masrekah, Kehoboth, and Pau, few of which
lave any historical importance. The peninsula
f Sinai is particularly described in the book of
Hindus.
The countries, however, to which historical in-
terest attaches are Mesopotamia and Egypt. The
Hereditary connection of the Hebrews with the
former of these districts, and the importance of the
dynasties which bore sway in it, make it by far
the most prominent feature in the map of toe
indent world ; its designation in the book of
3eneaia is Padan aram. or Aram-Naharaim; in the
rSAKTH
685
north was Ur of tl» Chaldees, and the Haran to
which Terah migrated ; in the south was the plain
of Shinar, and the seat of Nimrod's capital, Babel;
on the banks of the Tigris were the cities of Acead
Calneh, Nineveh, Calah, and Kesen; and on tot
banks of the Euphrates, Erech and Rebor-<th (Gen.
x. 10-12). From the same district issue) the war-
like expedition beaded by the kings o> Shinar,
Ellasar, Elam, and Tidal, the object of *hich ap-
parently was to open the commercial route to the
ifilanitic gulf (Gen. xiv.), and which succeeded in
the temporary subjection of all the intervening na-
tions, the Kephaim in Ashteroth-Karnaim (Baahan),
the Zuzim in Ham (between the Arnon and Jab-
bok), the Emim in Shaveh (near the Arnon), and
the district of the Anialekites (to the south of Pal-
estine). It is, in short, to the early predominance
of the eastern dynasties that we are indebted for
the few geographical details which we possess
regarding those and the intervening districts. The
Egyptian captivity introduces to our notice some of
the localities in Lower Egypt, namely, the prov'noe
of Goshen, and the towns Katnesee (Gen. xlvii. 11);
On, Helinpohs (Gen. xli. 45); Pithom, Patumutf
(Ex. i. 11); and MigdoL MagdoUml (Ex. xiv. 3).
During the period of the Judges the Hebrew*
had no opportunity of advancing their knowledge
of the outer world ; but with the extension of their
territory under David and Solomon, and the com-
mercial treaties entered into by the latter with the
Phoenicians in the north and the Egyptians in the
south, a new era commenced. It is difficult to
estimate the amount of information which the
Hebrews derived from the Phoenicians, inasmuch
as the general policy of those enterprising traders
was to keep other nations in the dark as to the
localities they visited ; but there can be no doubt
that it was from them that the Hebrews learned
the route to Ophir, by which the trade with India
and South Africa was carried on, and that they
also became acquainted with the positions and pro-
ductions of a great number of regions comparatively
unknown. From Ex. xxvii. we may form some
idea of the extended ideas of geography which the
Hebrews had obtained : we have notice of the
mineral wealth of Spain, the dyes of the j£g»ean
Sea, the famed horses of Armenia, the copper-mines
of Colchis, the yarns and embroideries of Assyria,
the cutlery of South Arabia, the spices and precious
stones of the Yemen, and the caravan trade which
was carried on with India through the entrepots
on the Persian Gulf. As the prophet does not
profess to give a systematical enumeration of the
places, but selects some from each quarter of the
earth, it may fairly be inferred that more informa-
tion was obtained from that source. Whether it
was from thence that the Hebrews heard of the
tribes living on the northern coasts of the Euxins
— the Scythians (Magog), the Cimmerians (Gomer),
and the Koxohmi (?), or perhaps Russians (Koach,
Ez. xxxviii. 2, Hebrew text) — is uncertain : the
inroad of the northern hordes, which occurred about
Exekiel's time, may have drawn attention to that
quarter.
The progress of information on the side of Africa
is clearly marked: the distinction between Upper
and Lower Egypt is shown by the application of
the name Pathros to the former (Ez. xxix. 14)
Memphis, the capital of lower Egypt, is first men
tioned in Hoaea (ix. 6) under the name Moph, and
afterwards frequently as Noph (Is. xix. 18) ; Thebes,
the capital of Upper Egypt, at a later period, as
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EARTH
No-Ammon (Nah. iiL 8) and No (Jer. xlvi. 25);
and the distant Syene (Ex. zziz. 10). Several
ather town* in noticed in the Delta; Sin, Peitmum
(Es. zxz. 15); Pibeseth, Bubattu (Ex. xxx. 17);
Zo«n, TaniM (Is. xix. 11); Tahapanes, or Tahpanhea,
Daphne (Jer. ii. 16); Heliitpolit, under the He-
braised form Beth-shemesh (Jer. xliii. 13); and,
higher up the Nile, Hanoi, HeracUopolis (la, xxx.
4). The position of certain nations seems to have
been better ascertained. Cusb (AZtliiopia) was
6xed immediately to the south of Egypt, where
rirhakah held sway with Napala for bis capital
(2 K. xix. 9); the Lubim (Libyans, perhaps rather
Nubians, who may also be noticed - under the cor-
rupted form Chub, Ex. xxx. 5) appear as allies of
Egypt; and with them a people uot previously
noticed, the Sukkiim, the TrogludyUs of the western
coast of the Red Sea (2 Chr. xii. 3); the l-udim
and Phut are mentioned in the same connection
(Ex. xxx. 5).
The wars with the Assyrians and Babylonians,
and the captivities which followed, bring us back
again to the geography of the East. Incidental
notice is taken of several important places in con-
nection with these events : the capital of Persia,
Shushan, Susa (Dan. viii. 3); that of Media,
Achmetha, Ecbatana (Ear. vi. 2); Hena, Ivah,
and Sepharvaim, on the Euphrates (2 K. xviii. 31) ;
Carchemish, Circeiium, on the same river (Is. x.
9); Uozan and Halah, on the borders of Media
(2 K. xvii. 6); Kir, perhaps on the banks of the
Cyrus (3 K. xvi. 9). The names of Persia (2 Chr.
xxxvi. 20) and India (Esth. i. 1), now occur:
whether the far-distant China is noticed at an
earlier period under toe name Sinim (Is. xlix. 12)
admits of doubt.
The names of Greece and Italy are hardly noticed
in Hebrew geography: the earliest notice of the
former, subsequently to Gen. x., occurs in Is. lxvi.
19, under the name of Javan; for the Javan in
Joel ill. 6 is probably in South Arabia, to which
we must also refer Ex. xxvii. 13, and Zech. ix. 13.
In Dan. viii. 21, the term definitely applies to
Greece, whereas in Is. lxvi. it is indefinitely used
for the Greek settlements. If Italy is described at
all, it is under the name Chittim (Dan. xi. 30).
In the Maccabaean era the classical names came
: nto common use: Crete, Sparta, Delos, Sicyon,
Carta, Cilicia, and other familiar names, are noticed
(I Mace. x. 67, xi. 14, xv. 23); Asia, in a re-
stricted sense, as = the Syrian empire (1 Mace. viii.
1 ) ; Hispania and Rome (1 Mace. viii. 1-3). Hence-
forward the geography of the Bible, as far as foreign
anda are concerned, is absorbed in the wider field
>f classical geography. It is hardly necessary to
idd that the use of classical designations in our
Authorized Version is in many instances a depart-
ure from the Hebrew text: for instance, Mtsopo-
amia stands for Aram-Naharaim (Gen. xxiv. 10)
Ethiopia for Cush (2 K. xix. 9); the Chalduant
Sir Chasdim (Job i. 17); Graxia for Javan (Dan.
tiii. 21); Egypt for Mizraim (Gen. xiii. 10):
Armenia for Ararat (2 K. xix. 87); Assyria for
EAR1HQUAKE
Aashur (Gen. ii. 14); Jdumaa for Edom (Is, xxtdv
5), and Syria for Aram. Arabia, it may bt
observed, does occur as an original Hebrew nam*
in the later books (Is. xxl. 13), but probably in s
restricted sense as applicable to a single tribe.
W. L. B.
EARTHENWARE. [PomsT.J
EARTHQUAKE (Sty? [« trembling})
Earthquakes, more or less violent, are of frequent
occurrence in Palestine, as might be expected from
the numerous traces of volcanic agency visible in
the features of that country. The recorded in-
stances, however, an but few; the most remarkable
occurred in the reign of Uzziah (Am. i. 1 ; Zech.
xiv. 6), which Josephus (Ant. ix. 10, § 4) connected
with the sacrilege and consequent punishment of
that monarch (2 Chr. xxvi. 16 ff.). From Zech.
xiv. 4 we are led to infer that a great convulsion
took place at this time in the Mount of Olives, the
mountain being split so as to leave a valley be-
tween its summits. Josephus records something
of the sort, but his account is by no means clear,
for his words (roD Spovs lurodpayrjm rb f/uov
toD Kara rrjy Siair) can hardly mean the western
half of the mountain, as Whiston seems to think,
but the half of the western mountain, i. e., of the
Mount of Evil Counsel, though it is not clear why
this height particularly should be termed the
western mountain. We cannot but think that the
two accounts have the same foundation, and that
the Mount of Olives was really affected by the
earthquake. Hitxig (Comm. in Zech.) suggests
that the name fTntPD, « corruption," may haw
originated at this time, the rolling down of the
side of the hill, as described by Josephus, entitling
it to be described ss the destroying mountain, in
the sense in which the term occurs in Jer. Ii. 25.
An earthquake occurred at the time of our Saviour's
crucifixion (Matt, xxvii. 51-64), which may be
deemed miraculous rather from the conjunction of
circumstances than from the nature of the phenom-
enon itself, for it Is described in the usual terms
(4 -p\ co-ffoth)). Josephus (Ant. xv. 5, § 2) records
a very violent earthquake, that occurred B. c. 81,
in which 10,000 people perished." Earthquakes
are not unfrequently accompanied by fissures of the
earth's surface; instances of this are recorded in
connection with the destruction of Koran and his
company (Num. xvi. 32; cf. Joseph. Ant. iv. 3,
J 3), and at the time of our Lord's death (Matt,
xxvii. 51 ) ; the former may be paralleled by a
similar occurrence at Oppido in Calabria A. D.
1783, where the earth opened to the extent of 500,
and a depth of more than 200 feet; and again by
the sinking of the bed of the Tagua at Lisbon, in
which the quay was swallowed up (Pfaff, Schdp-
fungsgeta'i. p. 115). These depressions are some-
times on a very large scale ; the subsidence of the
valley of Siddim at the southern extremity of the
Dead Sea may be attributed to an earthquake;
similar depressions have occurred in many dis tri cts,
« * For a tragic account of the great earthquake In
1887, which was so destructive in Galilee, especially
In the loss of life at Tiberias and Snfert, see Robinson's
BiH Rrt. HI. 821 If., and Thomson's Land an I Book,
I. 428-488. On the general subject of the frequency
of earthquakes in the Bast, we have copious Informa-
tion la Dr. Pussy's Minor Prophtls (Am. I. 1). See
taw Bob m*s. Osogr p. 284 ff. It it remarkable
that though the figurative aUustaos to aarthquaks>
are so numerous in the Bible, we read of but twi
Instances menaooed as occurring In Palestine, namely
that In the daya of Usalah (Am. 1. 1 and Zech. xrv. I
sod the one In connection with the Saviour's deals
Earthquakes are not uncommon In the Arabian psoas
aula (comp. sot. xix. 18 and 1 K. xix. 11). H.
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EAST
the most remarkable being th' subiuersion ind
subsequent re-elevation of the Ur iple of Serapis at
Puteoli. The frequency of eartbo'iakes about the
Dead Sea i> teatifleJ in the name Bela (Gen. xiv.
2; comp. Jerome ad It. XT.). Darkness ia fre-
quently a concomitant of earthquake. [Dark-
ness. ] The awe, which an earthquake never fails
lo inspire, " conveying the idea of some universal
and unlimited danger" (Humboldt's Kotmot, i.
212), rendered it a fitting token of the presence of
Jehovah (1 K. xix. 11); hence it is frequently
noticed in connection with his appearance (Judg.
v. 4; 2 Sam. xxii. 8; l's. burvii. 18, xcvii. 4, civ.
32; Am. viii. 8; Hab. iii. 10). W. L. B.
EAST (Oil?.- - rntO). The Hebrew terms
descriptive of the entl diner in idea, and, to a cer-
tain extent, in application; (1) kedem properly
means that which is before or m front ofn person,
and was applied to the east from the custom of
turning in that direction when describing the
points of the compass, before, behind, the right and
the left, representing respectively E», W., S., and
N. (Job rxiii. 8, 9) ; (2) mixrach means the place
of the sun's rising, and strictly answers to the
Greek 4»otc\T) and the Latin orient ; sometimes
the full expression B7$W I 'jTP is used (Judg.
xi. 18; Is. xli. 25), and sometimes tedem and
mizr&ch are used together It. g. Ex. xxvii. 13;
Josh. xix. 12), which is after all not so (autologous
as it appears to be in our translation " on the east
side eastward." Bearing in mind this etymological
distinction, it is natural that kedem should be used
when the four quarters of the world are described
(as in Gen. xiii. 14, xxviii. 14; Job xxiii. 8,9;
Ez. xlvii. 18 ft'.), and mixr&ch when the east is
only distinguished from the voett (Josh. xi. 3 ; Pa.
I. 1, dii. 12, radii. 3 ; Zech. viii. 7), or from
some other one quarter (Dan. viii. 9, xi. 44; Am.
viii. 12); exceptions to this usage occur in Ps. cvii.
3, and Is. xliii. 5, each, however, admitting of
explanation. Again, kedem ia used in a strictly
geographical sense to describe a spot or country
immediately before another in an easterly direction ;
hence it occurs in such passages as Gen. ii. 8, iii.
24, xi. 2, xiii. 11, xxv. 6; and hence the subsequent
application of the term, as a proper name (Gen.
xxv. 6, eatttenrd, unto the land of Kedem), to the
lands lying immediately eastward of Palestine,
■tamely, Arabia, Mesopotamia, and Babylonia
[Besk-kjedkm] ; on the other hand mizrdch is
used of the far east with a less definite signification
(Is. xli. 2, 25, xliii. 5, xlvi. 11). In describing
atpect or directum the terms are used indifferently
(compare kedem in Lev. i. 16 and Josh. vii. 2 with
mUrdch in 2 Chr. v. 12, and 1 Chr. v. 10). The
east seems to have been regarded as symbolical of
distance (Is. xlvi. 11), as the land stretched out in
these directions without any known limit. In Is.
ii. 6 it appears as the seat of witchery and similar
arts (comp. Job xv. 2) ; the correct text may, how-
ever, be DOJ3Q, which gives a better sense (Gesen.
Thttaur. p. '1193). In the LXX. IvaroXal is
«ed both for kedem and mixrach. It should be
hserved that the expression is, with hut few ex-
isptions (Dan. viii. 9; Rev. xxi. 13; comp. vii. 2,
xvi. 12, from which it would seem to have been St
EASTER
887
a • gtstts Indsed (In Hersog't ReaUSneyk s v.
fauna) has supposed that such a separatl-"> existed,
mi that the event eommemorited throaa-hna. me flrst
John's usage to Insert 1/klou), ararokal (Matt
ii. 1, viii. 11, xxiv. 27; Luke xiii. 29), and not
araroA^. It Is hardly possible that St. Matthew
would use the two terms indifferently in succeeding
verses (ii. 1, 2), particularly as he adds the article
to sWtoAt/, which is invariably absent in other
as (cf. Rev. xxi. 13). He seems to imply a
definiteness In the locality — that it was the country
called OTQ, or avarok-fi (comp. the modern
Anatolia) as distinct from the quarter or point of
the compass (eWroAoi) in which it lay. In con-
firmation of this it may be noticed that in the only
passage where the article is prefixed to kedem (Gen.
x. 30), the term is used for a definite and restricted
locality, namely, Southern Arabia. W. L. B.
EASTER (rdVxa: patcha). The occurrence
of this word in the A. V. of Acts xii. 4 — " Intend-
ing after Easter to bring him forth to the people "
— is chiefly noticeable as an example of the want
of consistency in the translators. In the earlier
English versions Easter had been frequently used as
the translation of wdax*- At the 'ast revision
Passover was substituted in all passages but this.
It would seem from this, and from the use of such
words as "robbers of churches" (Acts xix. 37),
"town-clerk" (xix. 35), "Serjeants" (xvi. 86),
"deputy" (xiii. 7, Ac), as if the Acts of the
Apostles had fallen into the hands of a translator
who acted on the principle of choosing, not the
most correct, but the most familiar equivalents.
(Comp. Trench, On the Authorized I'ertion of the
X. T. p. 21 [2d ed. p 49].) Kor all that regards
the nature and celebration of the Keaat thus trans-
lated, see Passover. E. H. P.
* In Christian antiquity the joyful remembrance
of our Lord's resurrection was intimately associated,
as it has ever since been, with the mournful recol-
lection of his death. The allusions in the New
Testament are not indeed so distinct (cf. 1 Cor. v.
7) that any positive evidence can be drawn from
them ; yet the resurrection of Christ was so con-
nected in the teaching of the Apostles with bis
death (e. g. Rom. vi. 9; 1 Cor. xv. 20, Ac.) that
it is difficult to conceive in the early churches ol
an annual festival to commemorate the latter apart
from all reference to the former." As the two
events however took place on different days, and as
they called np in the mind different sides of Christ's
work upon earth, and along with these different
sets of thoughts and emotions, it became easy to
observe them in close connection with each other,
and yet with a marked separation between them.
Such an arrangement probably was recognized
under Anicetus at Rome (a. d. 170) by the keep-
ing of Kriday in commemoration of the death, an!
of the following Lord's day as the anniversary of
the resurrection, although the decree to this effect
ascribed to him cannot be considered genuine. (Ct
Suicer, Thu. s. v. xdVxa, n. 625.) Towards the
close of the second century, the notices of directions
for the observance of the " Passover" or the " Lord's
Resurrection" only on the Lord's day become
very numerous in the western church. Th> two
names seem to be used indifferently in the admoni-
tions of bishops and the determinations of councils;
but in either ease i* is spoken of as a joyful festival
and the termination of the preceding solemn fast
three centuries was only the death of Christ ; bnt tbt
notices of antiquity do not seem to support this con-
clusion. F. O
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EASTER
(See the citations in Suicer, ubi npra.) In the
Eastern Church, when the rut m terminated and
the festival kept on the day of the Jewish Passover,
it does not so clearly appear how the distinction
was drawn between the two events; bat that both
were in remembrance cannot be doubted in view
of the bet that there were no recriminations upon
this point in the sharp and bitter controversy be-
tween the East and the West as to the proper time
of celebration.
This controversy was at first contracted in a
kindly and fraternal spirit Polycarp visited Rome
(a. v. 164) for the express purpose, among other
objects, of bringing about an agreement. He was
unsuccessful, but separated from Anicetus in peace
and in full communion. The same spirit animated
the successors of Anicetus down to the time of
Victor I. wbo excommunicated the " quarto-deci-
mans " and threw into the controversy that element
of bitterness from which it was never after wholly
free. The council of Aries (a. d. 314) finally
decided the dispute, now so prolonged and so acri-
monious, in favor of the Western practice, and this
decision was reaffirmed at Nice. The decision
however, teems hardly to have been received in the
more distant parts of the empire, as is evidenced
by the famous conferences between St- Augustine
and the Anglican Christians at the close of the
sixth century. The decision of Nice required the
festival to be celebrated on the Lord's day following
the full moon next succeeding the Vernal Equinox.
This still left the question open as to what should
be done when that full moon itself fell on a Sunday;
and here again the East and West divided, the
former in such case following their old custom and
celebrating on the same day with the Jews, while
the latter deferred their festival to the following
Lord's day. This controversy likewise travelled to
England and was then settled in fitvor of the
Western practice at the council of Whitby (a. d.
1164) after a sharp dispute between Ailbert of Paris
and Colnian Up. of Northumbria.
Such controversies, perhaps all the more from
the earnestness with which they were conducted,
testify to the importance attached to this festival
from the earliest antiquity. Had there ever been
any disposition among Christians to forget the
annual return of the time of the Redeemer's suf-
fering and resurrection, the recurrence of the Jewish
Passover must hate been a sufficient reminder, and
when the Christian Church bad outgrown such
influence, the observance of the festival had become
fixed. Its early name continued to be "the Pass-
over,'' as at once continuing the Jewish festival,
and in itself deeply significant Substantially the
same name is still preserved throughout a large
part of Christendom. The English name of Easter
md the German Ottern have direct reference rather
to the season of toe year, the Spring, at which the
festival occurs, than to its subject matter; while
yet that season itself has always been considered
u suggestive of the resurrection. Indeed the
lames themselves are supposed to be derived from
the old wore otter, osten, = rising, " because nature
arises anew in spring." There was a Teutonic
goddess Ofttra, whose festival was celebrated early
m the Spring by the Saxons, and the occurrence
>f the Easter festival at the same season made it
easier for them to give up their heathen feast, and
perhaps led to their attaching thereto a name to
ehioh they acre already accustomed. F. 6.
EBAL, MOUNT
• EAST SEA, THE, Esek. xhfi. IS; 1m
il. 90; Zech. xiv. 8, marg. [Ska, The Salt.]
EAST WIND. [Wuroa.]
• EATING, CUSTOMS RELATING
TO- [Food; Mialb; Wabhikg.]
ETBAL (^y [stone]: roi/H*. Toi£*>
[Vat ratfriA]; Alex. roo/SnA in 1 Chr.: Ebaly
1. One of the sons of 8bobal the son of Seir (Gen.
xxxvi. 23; 1 Chr. 1. 40).
2. (Oni. in Vat MS.; Alex. r«uuu»; [Camp
*H/94a:] HtbaL) Obai. the son of Joktan (IChr.
i. 22; conip. Gen. x. 28). Eleven of Kennicott's
HSS. [with the Syriac and Arabic versions] read
bn W In 1 Chr. as in Gen.
lTOAL, MOUNT (b^J "1Q [»,*», f
stone] : ipos IYujSrfA ; Joseph. Ttfii\m : Hon*
Htbal), a mount in the promised land, on which,
according to the command of Moses, the Israelites
were, after their entrance on the promised land, to
" put " the curse which should fell upon them if
they disobeyed the commandments of Jehovah.
The blessing consequent on obedience- wss to be
similarly localised on Mount Gerixim (Deut xi.
26-29). This was to be accomplished by a cere-
monial in which half the tribes stood on the one
mount and half on the other; those on Gerhdm
responding to and affirming blessings, those on
Ebal curses, as pronounced by the Levites, who
remained with the ark in the centre of the interval
(romp. Deut xxvii. 11-26 with Josh. viii. 80-35,
with Joseph. Aid. iv. 8, § 44, and with the com-
ments of the Talmud (Sola, vii. § S), quoted in
Herxheimer's Pentateuch). But notwithstanding
the ban thus apparently laid on Ebal, it was further
appointed to be the site of the first great altar to
be erected to Jehovah ; an altar of large unhewn
stones plastered with lime and inscribed with the
words of the law (Deut xxvii. 2-8). On this altar
peace-offerings were to be offered, and round it a
sacrificial feast was to take place, with other rejoic-
ings (ver. 6, 7). Scholars disagree as to whether
there were to be two erectlore — a kind of cromlech
and an altar — or an altar only, with the law
inscribed on its stones. The latter was the view
of Josephus (Aid. iv. 8, $ 44, v. 1, { 19), the
former is unhesitatingly adopted by the latest com-
mentator (Keil, on Josh. viii. 32). The words
themselves may perhaps bear either sense.
The terms of Moses' injunction seem to infer
that no delay was to take place in carrying out tins
symbolical transaction. It was to e " on the day "
that Jordan was crossed (xxvii. t), before they
went in unto the land flowing with milk and
honey" (ver. 3). And accordingly Joshua appears
to have seized the earliest practicable moment, after
the pressing aflaire of the siege of Jericho, the ex-
ecution of Achan, and the destruction of Ai had
been despatched, to carry out the command (Josh,
viii 30-36). After this Ebal appears no more in
the sacred story.
The question now arises, where were Ebal and
Gerizim situated? The all but unanimous reply
to this is, that they are the mounts which form the
sides of the fertile valley in which lies NabUt, the
ancient Shechkm — Ebal on the north and Ger-
izim on the south.
(1.) It Is plain from the passages already quotes
that they were situated near together, with • taler
between.
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BBAL
(i.) Gerizim in very near Shechem (Judg. ix.
I) mod in Josephus's (line their names sppear to
have been attached to the mount*, which vers then,
u now, Ebai on the north and Uerizim on the
•oath. Since that they have been mentioned by
Benjamin of Tudela (Asher, i. 66), and Sir John
Maunderiue, und among modern travelleii by
MaondreU (J/»I Trm. p. 433).
The main impediment to our entire reception of
thi» view rati in the term* of the first mention of
the place by Moses in Deut. id. 30: A. V. "Are
they not on the other side of Jordan, by the way
where the sun goeth down in the land of the Ca-
naanites, which dwell in the champaign over against
Uilgai, beside the plains of Moreh?" Here the
mention of Uilgai, which was in the valley of the
Jordan near Jericho, of the valley itself (Arabnh,
mistranslated here only, " champaign "), and of the
Canaanites who dwelt there, and also the other
terms of the injunction of Moses, as already noticed,
seem to imply that Ebal and Gerizim were in the
immediate neighborhood of Jericho. And this is
strengthened by the narrative of Joshua, who ap-
pears to have carried out the prescribed ceremonial
on the mounts while his camp was at Uilgai (comp.
vii. 9, ix. 6), and before be had (at least before any
account of his having) made his way so far into
the interior of the country as Shechem.
This is the view taken by Eusebius ( Onormudoon,
rc/ktA). He does not quote the passage in Deut.,
but seems to be led to his opinion rather by the
difficulty of the mountains at Shechem being too
far apart to admit of the blessings and cursings
being beard, and also by his desire to contradict
the Samaritans; add to this that he speaks from
no personal knowledge, but simply from hearsay
(Aryerw), as to the existence of two such hills in
the Jordan valley. The notice of Eusebius is
merely translated by Jerome, with a shade more of
animosity to the Samaritans (tthementer errant),
and expression of difficulty as to the distance, but
without any additional information. Procopius
and Epiphanius also followed Eusebius, but tbeir
mistakes have been disposed of by Reland (PaL pp.
503, 504; MuctU. pp. 129-133).
With regard to the passage in Dent., it will per-
haps assume a different aspect on examination.
(1.) Moses is represented as speaking from the east
■ids of the Jordan, before anything was known of
the country on the west, beyond the exaggerated
reports of the spies, and when everything there was
wrapped in mystery, and localities and distances
had not assumed their due proportions. (2.) A
closer rendering of the verse is as follows: " Are
they not on the other side the Jordan, beyond
Cn£ftjl, the word rendered " the bachide of the
desert," in Ex. iii. 1) — the way of the sunset, in
the land of the Canaanito who dwells in the Ar-
abah over against Uilgai, near the terebinths of
Moreh." If this rendering is correct, a great part
of the difficulty has disappeared. Uilgai no longer
marks the site of Ebal and Oerizim, but of the
dwelling of the Canaanites, who were, it is true,
'lie first to encounter the Israelites on the other
side the river, in their native lowlands, but who,
we have it actually on record, were both in the time
tf Abraham (Geo. xii. 6) and of the conquest
fJosh. xvii. 18) located about Shechem. Thr word
sow rendered " beyond " is not represented at all
• the A. V., mid it certainly throws the locality
meh further lack; and lastly then is the striking
EBAIi
688
landmark of the trees of Moreh, which were stand-
ing by Shechem when Abraham first entered tiki
land, and whose name probably survived in Mor-
thia, or Mamortha, a name of Shechem found on
coins of the Roman period (Reland, MitctU. pp.
137, 139).
In accordance with this is the addition in the
Samaritan Pentateuch, after the words "the tere-
binths of Moreh," at the end of Deut. xi. 30, of
the words " over against Shechem." This addition
is the more credible because there is not, as in the
esse noticed afterwards, any apparent motive for it
If this interpretation be accepted, the next verse
(31) gains a fresh force: "For ye shall pa** ovet
Jordan [not only to meet the Canaanites imme-
diately on the other side, but] to go in to posses*
the land [the whole of the country, even the heart
of it, where these mounts are situated (glancing
back to ver. 99)], the land which Jehovah your
God giveth you ; and ye shall possess it, and dwell
therein." And it may also be asked whether thr
significance of the whole solemn ceremonial of the
blessing and cursing is not missed if we understand
it as taking place directly a footing had been ob-
tained on the outskirts of the oountry, and not as
acted in the heart of the conquered land, in it*
most prominent natural position, and close to it*
oldest city — Shechem.
This is evidently the view taken by Josephua.
His statement (Ant. v. 1, { 19) is that it took place
after the subjugation of the country and the estab-
lishment of the Tabernacle at Shiloh. Be has no
misgivings as to the situation of the mountains.
They were at Shechem («w) Xuti/mr), and from
thence, after the oeremony, the people returned to
Shiloh.
The narrative of Joshua is more puzzling. But
even with regard to this something may be said.
It will be at once perceived that the book contains
no account of the conquest of the centre of the
country, of those portions which were afterwards
the mountain of Ephraim, Esdraelon, or Galilee.
We lose Joshua at Uilgai, after the conquest of the
south, to find him again suddenly at the waters of
Merom in the extreme north (x. 48, xi. 7). Of bis
intermediate proceedings the only record that seems
to have escaped is the fragment contained in viii.
30-35. Nor should it be overlooked that some
doubt is thrown on this fragment by its omission in
both the Vat. and Alex. MSS. of the LXX.
The distance of Ebal and Gerizim from each
other is not such a stumbling-block to us as it war
to Eusebius; though it is difficult to understand
how he and Jerome should have been ignorant of
the distance to which the voice will travel in tbt
clear, elastic atmosphere of the East. Prof. Stanley
hss given some instances of this (8. A P. p. It);
others equally remarkable were observed by the
writer; and be has been informed by a gentleman
long resident in the neighborhood that a voice can
be heard without difficulty across the valley separ-
ating the two spots in question (see also Bouar, p.
871).
It is well known that one of the most serious
variations between the Hebrew text of the Penta-
teuch and the Samaritan text, is in re f e re n ce to
Ebal and Uerizim. In Deut xxvii. 4, the Samar-
itan hss Uerizim, while the Hebrew (as in A. V.)
has Ebal, a* the mount on which the altar to Je-
hovah and the inscription of the law were to be
erected. Upon this basis they ground the sanotitj
of Uerizim and the authenticity of the temple and
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840
EBAL
holy place, which did exist and still exist there
The arguments upon this difficult and hop ele s s
question will be found in Kennicott (ItisteH. S),
ind in the reply of Venchuir (Leovard. 1776;
quoted by Gesenius, de Pent. Sam. p. 61). Two
pointa may merely be glanced at here which hare
apparently eecaped notice. (1.) Both agree that
Kbal was the mount on which the cursings were to
re»t, Gerizim that for the blessings. It appear* in-
consistent, that Ebal, the mount of cursing, should
be the Kite of the altar and the record of the law,
while Gerizim, the mount of bleating, should re-
main unoccupied by sanctuary of any kind. (2.)
Taking into account the known predilection of
Orientals for ancient sites on which to fix their
sanctuaries, it is more easy to believe (In the ab-
tence of any evidence to the contrary) that in
building their temple on Gerizim, the Samaritans
were making use of a spot already enjoying a
reputation for sanctity, than that they built on a
place upon which the curse was laid in the records
which they received equally with the Jews. Thus
the very fact of the occupation of Gerizim by the
Samaritans would seem an argument for its original
sanctity.
Ebal is rarely ascended by travellers, and we are
therefore in ignorance as to how far the question
may be affected by remains of ancient buildings
thereon. That such remains do exist is certain,
even from the very meagre accounts published (Hert-
lett, Walla about Jerusalem, App. 861, 252; and
Narrative of Rev. J. Mills in Trans. PaL Archmol.
Auoc. 1855), while the mountain is evidently of
such extent as to warrant the belief that there is a
great deal still to discover. [See also Mills's Three
Months' Resilience at Nabhu (Lond. 1864).]
The report of the old travellers was that Ebal
was more barren than (ierizim (see Benjamin of
Tudela, Ac.), but this opinion probably arose from
a belief in the effects of tbe curse mentioned above.
At any rate, it is not borne out by the latest ac-
count*, according to which there is little or no per-
ceptible difference. Both mountains are terraced,
and Ebal is " occupied from bottom to top by
beautiful gardens" (Mills; see also Porter, Hand-
book, p. 3.12). The slopes of Ebal towards the
vallev appear to be steeper than those of Gerizim
(Wilson, Lands, ii. 46, 71). It is also the higher
mountain of the two. There is some uncertainty
ibout the measurements, but the following are the
results of the latest observations (Van de Velde,
J/emtsr, p. 178).
NatUu above sea, 1R72 ft.
Gkntalm do. 2600 •>
Ebal do. about 2700"
According to Wilson (Ixmdt, ii. 71.— but see
Rob. ii. 277, 280, note) it is sufficiently high to
shut out Hermon from the highest point of Ger-
izim. The structure of Gerizim is nummulitic
limestone with occasional outcrops of igneous rock
(Poole, in Ceoar. Journ. xxvi. 66), and that of
Ebal is probably similar. At its base above the
valley of Nablus are numerous caves and sepulchral
excavations. Tbe modern name of Ebal is Sitti
Valamit/ah, from a Mohammedan female saint,
•rhose tomb is standing on the eastern part of the
Hdge, a little before the highest point is reached
(Wilson, ii. 71, note). By others, however, it is
reported to be called ' Imad-ed-Deen, " the pillar of
Ac religion " (Stanley, p. 268, note). The tomb
X* another saint called Amid ■ also shown (Bitter,
. above ttablat, 928 ft.
do. 1028 »
EBEN-EZER
p. 641), with whom the latter name may have some
connection. On the southeast shoulder is a ruined
site bearing tbe name of 'Askar (Rob. iH. 188)
[Stcmaf.] G.
E'BKD. 1. D3J = "slave:" bat many
MSS., and the Syr. and Arab, versions, have "O.V,
Eber: 'Ie»0VjA; Alex. Afiet; [exc. ver. 85, tar
0tr:] Ebed [?] and Obed), father of Gaal, who
with his brethren assisted the men of Shechem in
their revolt against Abimelech (Judg. ix. 26, 28,
80, 31, *»).
8. ("PJ : -fl£46 ; Alex, afa, , [Cosnp.
"fljfMJ:] Abed), ton of Jonathan; one of the Bene-
Adin [sons of Adin] who returned from Babylon
with Ezra (Ear. viii. 6). In 1 Esdras tbe name is
given Obetr.
It would add greatly to the force of many pas-
sages in the O. T. if the word " slave " or " bond-
man " were appropriated to the Hebrew term Ebed,
while " servant," " attendant," or " minister," were
used to translate Xa'ar, Mesharet, Ate In the
addresses of subjects to a ruler, the oriental char-
acter of the transaction would come borne to -js at
once if we read " what taith my lord to his slave "
— the very form still in use in the East, and fa-
miliar to us all in the Arabian Nightt and other
oriental works — instead of " his •errant." G.
E'BED-MEXECH 0T^O""t3J? [«* be-
low]: 'KfittiiiXtx' Abdemelech), an ./Ethiopian
eunuch in the service of king Zedekiah. through
whose interference Jeremiah was released from pris-
on, and who was on that account preserved from
harm at the taking of Jerusalem ( Jer. xxxviii. 7 ff.,
xxxix. 15 ff.). His name seems to be an official
title = king's slave, i. e. minister.
* Out of tbe hints in Jer. xxxviii. 7-13 (very
imperfectly unfolded in the A. V.) Stanley draws
the following scene : " Kbed-nielech found the king
sitting in the great northern entrance of the Temple,
and obtained a revocation of the order [by which
Jeremiah had been put into the dungeon]; and
then, under the protection of a strong guard, pro-
ceeded with a detailed care, which the prophet teems
gratefully to record, to throw down a mass of toft
rags from the royal wardrobe to ease the rough
ropes with which he drew him out of the welL"
(Lectures on the Jetrish Church, ii. 603.) The
.Ethiopian's escape amid the disasters which fell on
tbe nation (as the prophet foretold) is recorded at
exemplifying the truth that those who put their
trust in God shall be saved (Jer. xxxix. 18). H.
EB/EN-E'ZER PISH ]3£. «*« »*>« «/
help: A0,v4(ep; fVat.'i Sam.' v. 1, Atfefrap;
Alex. iv. 1, v. 1, Afitmfo:] Joseph. Mtott&xv-
pet: lapis adjutant), a stone set up by Samuel
after a signal defeat of the Philistines, as a memo-
rial of the •' help " received on the occasion from
Jehovah (1 Sam. vii. 12). •' He called the name
of it Eben-ezer, saying, • hitherto hath Jehovah
helped us ' " (azArdni, ! D^W). Its position ii
carefully defiued as between Mizpeh — " the watcl-
tower," one of the conspicuous eminences a lew
miles north of Jerusalem — and SiiaJ), "the
tooth " or "crag." Neither of these points, how-
<■ For a peculiarity m the Hebrew name in It. I
— Um deflnlta article to both words,— us KiH
Ausflikrl. Ltta*. f 290 a.
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EBKR
ever, ham been identified with any certainty — the
latter not at aU." According to Jjeephua's record
of the transaction (AM. vi. 8, 8), the stone was
erected to mark the limit of the victory, a spot
which he calla Korraia, but in the Hebrew Beth-
car. It is remarkable that of the occurrences of
the name Eben-ezer, two (1 Sam. iv. 1, v. 1) are
found in the order of the narrative before the place
received its title. Hut this would not unnaturally
happen in a record written after the event, espe-
cially in the case of a spot so noted as Eben-ezer
must have been. G.
* Though Kben-ezer is mentioned twice before
Samuel's victory (see above), it was on the same
occasion, namely, when the Hebrews fought at that
place with the Philistines. Kuetschi suggests (Her-
zog's Rod-Encyk. iii. 618) that possibly there may
have been a village Eben-ezer, near which Samuel's
' stone," taking the same name, was afterwards set
ip. But there is no difficulty in supposing a case
of pnUpn*. [See Dan.] H.
BTOSlt (">3? V>*yoni\: "E/fy, 'Zfitf. fft-
Itr [in Num. xxiv. 24, 'EjSpatoi, Vulg. Hebrxu] ).
1. Son of Salah, and great-grandson of Shem (Gen.
x. 31, [xi. 14-17;] 1 Cbr. i. 19). For confusion
between Eber and Heber see Hf.bf.u; and for the
factitious importance attached to this patriarch, and
based upon Gen. x. 21, Num. xxiv. 24, see Hav
iikew. T. E. B.
2. ("I??: 'n/WJi [Ald.'E3sp:] neber). Son
of Elpaal and descendant of Shaharaim of the
tribe of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 12). He was one
>f the founders of Ono and Lod with their sur-
rounding villages.
3. CA£tt; [Vat. Alex, omit]) A priest, who
represented the family of Amok, in the days of Joi-
akim the son of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 20).
W. A. W.
EBI'ASAPH (*H?;3£: 'Afta/rd* and [I
Chr. vi. 23,] 'Kfiuriip; [l'Chr. vi. 23, Vat. A/Si-
aOap; vi. 37, A$uump, 2- m. -<rwp\ Alex.' vi. 23,
A0to~ae>, 2. m. A/Stao-ae):] Abiatapk), a Kohath-
ite Levite of the family of Korah, one of the fore-
fathers of the prophet Samuel and of Heman the
singer (1 Chr. vi. 23, 37). The same man is prob-
ably intended in ix. IB. The name appears also to
be identical [as a contracted form] with Abiasapii
(which see), sod in one passage (1 Chr. xxvi. 1)
o he abbreviated to Asaph.
EBONY (D , ?3/t'> h > Mm •• *«1 rou tlaayo-
fisroit;* <79<Vovf, Symm. : (dentit) htbemnot)
occurs only in Ez. xxvU. 15, as one of the valuable
commodities imported into Tyre by the men of
Dedan. [Ded.vh.] It is mentioned together with
" boms of ivory," and it may hence be reasonably
conjectured that ivory and ebony came from the
same country. The best kind of ebony is yielded
by the Dintpyrm tbenum, a tree which growl in
Ceylon and Southern India: but there are many
trees of the natural order Ebtmicta which produce
this material. Ebony is also yielded by trees be-
longing to different natural families in other parts
of the world, as in Africa. The ancients held the
black heart-wood in high esteem. Herodotus (iii.
97) mentions ebony (aVtAa-yyaj tyirou) as one :?
a * Shen was probe My not so much the name of a
asses, as a solitary « tooth '• or eraf which served as
H.
41
BOOK * 641
the precious substances prwentwt by (hr- people of
Ethiopia to the king of Persia. Dioscorides (i. 130)
speaks of two kinds of ebony, an Indian and an
Ethiopian; he gives the preference to the latter
kind. It is not known what tree yielded the Ethi-
opian ebony. Royle says, " No Abyssinian ebony if
at present imported. This, however, is more likely
to be owing to the different routes which commerce
has taken, but which is again returning to its an
cient channels, than to the want of ebony in ancient
Ethiopia." There can be little doubt that the tree
Dtospyros Eosntun.
which yielded Ethiopian ebony is distinct from the
Diotpyrot eoenton, and probably belongs to another
genus altogether. Virgil (Georg. ii. 116) says that
" India alone produces the black ebony; " and The-
ophrastus (HuL Plant, iv. 4, § 6) asserts that
"ebony is peculiar to India." The Greek word
(V3«rot, the Latin eoeniu, our "ebony," have all
doubtless their origin in the Hebrew hobnim, a
term which denotes "wood as hard as stone" (comp
the German Steinholt, " fossil-wood ; " see Gese-
nius, Thtt. s. v., and Fiimt, Beb. Concord.). It is
probable that the plural form of this noun is used
to express the billiu into which the ebony was cut
previous to exportation, like our "log-wood."
There is every reason for believing that the ebony
afforded by the Diutpyrot ebenum was imported
from India or Ceylon by Phoenician traders ; though
it is equally probable that the Tyrian merchants
were supplied with ebony from trees which grew in
Ethiopia. See full discussions on the ebony of th»
ancients in Bochart, IJitroz. ii 714, and Salmasius,
Plin. Kxercitat. p. 735 c; comp. also Royle in
Kitto's CycL, art. flobntm. According to Sir E.
Tennent (Crybn, i. 116) the following trees yield
ebony: Dionpyro$ edtnum, D. rttiailata, D. ebtn-
aiter, and D. hirtuta. The wood of the first-
named tree, which is abundant throughout all the
flat country to the west of Trincomalee, " excels all
others in the evenness and intensity of its color,
The centre of the trunk is the only portion which
furnishes the extremely black part which is the
ebony of commerce; but the trees are of such mag-
nitude that reduced logs of two feet in diameter,
» Tor the Hebrew word used by the LXX-, ass
RossnmUIler's Bckol. ad Ex. xxvtt. 16.
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642
EBRONA.H
and varying from It) to 15 feet in length, cau 1*
readily procured from the forests it Trincomalee "
(Oyfen,!.*). XV. II.
EBROUAH. [Abkonah.]
EC ATI US, one of the five swift scribe* who
tttended on Esdrsa (2 Eadr. xiv. 24).
ECBATANA (NnaTO : 'KpaBi, 'Ek/W-
rayo: Ecbatana). It is doubtful whether the
name of this place is really contained in the He-
brew Scriptures. Many of the best commentators
understand the expression rVIOriS?, in Ezra vi.
2, differently, and translate it in area, " in a cof-
fer " (see Buxtorf and others, and so our English
Bible, in the margin). The LXX., however, give
eV iriXu, " in a city," or (in some MSS. [«. g.
Alex.]) iv 'A/tatfa iv wi\*t [Comp. Aid. iv 'Apa-
(Mt w6Kti\, which favors the ordinary interpretation.
If a city is meant, there is little doubt of one of
the two Ecbatanas being intended, for except these
towns there was no place in the province of the
Medea "which contained a palace" (IT^S), or
where records are likely to have been deposited.
The name 'Achmelha, too, which «t first sight
seems somewhat remote from Ecbatana, wants but
one letter of HagmaUina, which was the native
appellation. In the apocryphal books Ecbatana is
frequently mentioned (Tob. iii. 7, xiv. 12, 14 ; .1 ud.
i. 1, 2; 2 Mace. ix. 3, Ac.); and uniformly with
ECBATANA
the later .uid less correct spelling of 'E*<Mi«»»,
instead of the earlier and more accurate form, need
by Herodotus, dSschylus, and Ctesias, of AyBir
OML
Two cities of the name of Ecbatana seem tc
have existed in ancient times, one the capital of
Northern Media, the Media Atropatene' of Strabo
the other the metropolis of the larger and more
important province known as Media Magna (see
Sir H. Rawlinson's paper on the Atropatenian Ec-
batana, in the 10th volume of the Journal of the
Geographical Socitly, art. ii.). The site of the
former appears to be marked by the very curious
ruins at T<ikht-i-Suklman flat 36° 28", long. 47°
9') ; while that of the latter is occupied by Hamn-
dan, which is one of the most important cities of
modem Persia. There is generally some difficulty
in determining, when Ecbatana is mentioned,
whether the northern or the southern metropolis
is intended. Few writers are aware of the exist-
ence of the two cities, and they lie sufficiently near
to one another for geographical notices in most
cases to suit either site. The northern city was
the " seven-walled town " described by Herodotus,
and declared by him to have been the capital of
Cyrus (Herod, i. 98,99, 163; comp. Mos. Choren.
ii. 84); and it was thus most probably there that
the roll was found which proved to Darius that
Cyrus had really made a decree allowing the Jews
to rebuild their Temple.
t> Zfsr"'
Plan of Kcbatana.
Exnuiuiio.1.
1 Remains of a Klre-Temple. 6. Cemetery.
t Bound Mosque. 6. Ridge of Rock called " toe 1
8 Ancient buildings with shafts and capitals. 7. BUI called " Tawilab." or " the Stable."
4. Ruins of the Palace of Abakal Khan. 8. Ruins of KalUlah.
9. Rocky hill of Kncarol-Sole.'mau.
Various descriptions of the northern city have
ccine down to us, but none of them is completely
to be depended on. That of the ZendavesU (Ven-
didan, Fargard II.) is the oldest, and the least ex-
aggerated. " Jemshid," it is said, "erected a tnr,
nr fortress, sufficiently large, and formed of squared
blocks of stone; he assembled in the place a vast
population and stocked the surrounding country
with cattle for their use. He caused the water of
the great fortress to flow forth abundantly. And
within the var, or fortress, he erected a lofty palace,
encompassed with walls, and laid it out in many
•epamte divisions, and there was no place, either in
front or rear, to command and overawe the for-
tress." Herodotus, who ascribes the foundation of
the city to his king Deloces, says: "The Medea
were obedient to Deioccs, and built the city now
called Agbatana, the walls of which are of great
size and strength, rising in circles, one within the
other. The plan of the place is that each of the
walls should out-top the one beyond it by the bat-
tlements. The nature of the ground, which is s
gentle hill, favors this arrangement in some degree,
but it was mainly effected by art. Tho number of
the circles is seven, the royal palace and the trees
uries standing within the last. The circuit of the
outer wall is nearly the same with that of Athena
Of this outer wall the battlements are white, of the
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ECBATANA
MBt black, of the third scarlet, of the fourth blue,
tf the fifth orange: all these are colored wi. i paint.
rhe two last have their battlements coated respect-
ively with silver and gold. All these fortifications
Deloces caused to be raised for himself and his own
palace. The people were required to build their
dwellings outside the circuit of the walls " (Herod.
I. 98, 91)). Finally, the book of Judith, probably
the work of an Alexandrian Jew, professes to give
a number of details, which appear to be drawn
chiefly from the imagination of the writer (Jud. i.
2-4).
The peculiar feature of the site of Takht-i-Suiel-
man, which it is proposed to identify with the
northern Ecbatana, is a conical hill rising to the
height of about 150 feet above the plain, and
covered both on its top and sides witi massive
ruins of the most antique and primitive character.
A perfect enceinte, formed of large blocks of
squared stone, may be traced round the entire hill
along its brow; within, there is an oval enclosure
about 803 yards in its greatest and 400 in its least
diameter, strewn with ruins, which cluster round a
remarkable lake. This is an irregular basin, about
300 paces in circuit, filled with water exquisitely
clear and pleasant to the taste, which is supplied in
some unknown way from below, and which stands
uniformly at the same level, whatever the quantity
taken from it for irrigating the lands which lie at
the foot of the hill. This hill itself is not per-
fectly isolated, though it appears so to those who
approach it by the ordinary route. On three sides
— the south, the west, and the north — the accliv-
ity is steep and the height above the plain uniform,
but on the east it abuts upon a hilly tract of
ground, and here it is but slightly elevated above
the adjacent country. It cannot therefore have
ever answered exactly to the description of Herod-
otus, as the eastern side could not anyhow admit
of seven walls of circumvallation. It is doubted
whether even the other sides were thus defended.
Although the flanks on these sides are covered with
ruins, "no traces remain of any mill but the
upper one " (At. Jottm. x. 59). Still, as the na-
ture of the ground on three sides would allow this
style of defense, and as the account in Herodotus
is confirmed by the Armenian historian, writing
clearly without knowledge of the earlier author, it
seems best to suppose, that in the peaceful times of
the Persian empire it was thought sufficient to pre-
serve the upper enceinte, while the others were
allowed to fall into decay, and ultimately were
superseded by domestic buildings. With regard
to the coloring of the walls, or rather of the bat-
tlements, which has been considered to mark es-
pecially the fabulous character of Herodotus' de-
scription, recent discoveries show that such a mode
of ornamentation was actually in use at the period
in question in a neighlioring country. The temple of
the Seven Spheres at Borsippa was adorned almost
exactly In the manner which Herodotus assigns to
the Median capital [Babeu Towkr op] ; and it
Joes not seem at all improbable that, with the
kbject of placing the city under the protection of
die Seven Planets, the seven walls may have been
colored nearly as described. Herodotus has a little
deranged the order of the hues, which should ha i
ieen either black, orange, scarlet, gold, white, blue,
silver — as at the Borsippa temple, — or black
white, orange, blue, scarlet, silver, gold — if the
wrier of the days dedicated to the planets wire fol-
owed. E'en the use of silver and gold ir. exter-
ECCLESIASTES 648
nal ornamentation — which seems at first sight
highly improbable — is found to have prevailed.
Silver roofs were met with by the Greeks at the
southern Ecbatana (Polyb. x. 27, §§ 10-12); and
there is reason to believe that at Borsippa the gold
and silver stages of the temple were actually coated
with those metals.
The northern Ecbatana continued to be an im-
portant place down to the 13th century after Christ
By the Greeks and Romans it appears to have beet,
known as Gaza, Oazaca, or Canzaca, "the treas
ure city," on account of the wealth laid up in it.
while by the Orientals it was termed Shin. Its
decay is referable to the Mogul conquests, ab. A. i>.
1200; and its final ruin is supposed to date from
about the 15th or 16th century (As. Soe. Journ
vol. x. part I. p. 49).
In the 2>1 book of Maccabees (ix. 3, Ac.) the
Ecbatana mentioned is undoubtedly the southern
city, now represented both in name and site by
Hamadnn. This place, situated on the northern
flank of the great mountain called formerly Orontes,
and now Etwend, was perhaps as ancient as the
other, and is far better known in history. If not
the Median capital of Cyrus, it was at any rate
regarded from the time of Darius Hystaspis as the
chief city of the Persian icUrapy of Media, and as
such it became the summer residence of the Persian
kings from Darius downwards. It was occupied
by Alexander soon after the battle of Arbela (Arr.
Exp. Alex. ill. 19), and at his decease passed under
the dominion of the Seleucida?. In the wars be-
tween his successors it was more than once taken
and retaken, each time suffering largely at the
hands of its conquerors (Polyb. x. 27). It was
afterwards recognized as the metropolis of their
empire by the Parthians (Oros. vi. 4). During the
Arabian period, from the rise of Baghdad on the
one hand and of Isfahan on the other, it sank into
comparative insignificance; but still it has never
descended below the rank of a provincial capital,
and even in the present depressed condition of Per-
sia, it is a city of from 20,000 to 30,000 inhab-
itants. The Jews, curiously enough, regard it as
the residence of Ahasuerus (Xerxes?) — which is
in Scripture declared to be Susa (Esth. 1. 2, ii. 3.
4c.) — and show within its precincts the tombs of
Esther and Mordecai (Ker Porter, vol. ii. pp. 105-
110). It is not distinguished by any remarkable
peculiarities from other oriental cities of the same
size.
The Ecbatana of the book of Tobit is thought
by Sir H. Rawlinson to be the northern city (see
At. Soc. Journ. x. pt. 1. pp. 137-141). G. R.
EOCLESIASTES (."l^nfj, Kohfkth: 'e«
KKtiauurrhf. EcclttUwtf). I. Title. — The title
of this book is taken from the name by which the
son of David, or the writer who personates him,
speaks of himself throughout it. The apparent
anomaly of the feminine termination f!„ indi-
' cates that the abstract noun has been transferred
1 from the office to the person holding it (Gesen. «. c),
' and has thus become capable of use as a masculine
proper name, a change of meaning of which we
find other instances in Sophereth (Neh. vii. 57),
Pochereih (Ezr. ii. 57); and hence, with the single
exception of Eccl. vii. 27, the noun, notwithstand-
ing its form, is used throughout in the masculine.
Ewald, howem (Pott. Bitch, iv. 189), connects
the feminine termination with the noon ""^yC
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EOCLESIASTES
(wisdom), understood, and supposes a poetic license
In the oh of the word aa a kind of symbolic proper
name, appealing to Pror. xxx. 1, xxii. 1, aa ex-
amples of a like usage. As connected with the
root bn]?, " to call together," and with ?nj?,
" assembly," the word has been applied to one who
speaks publicly in an assembly, and there is, to say
the least, a tolerable agreement in favor of this
interpretation. Thus we have the comment of the
Midrash, stating that the writer thus designates
himself, " because his words were spoken in the
assembly " (quoted in Preston's Ecciesitutet, note
on i. 1); the rendering 'Ex/cAijffiatrHJ! by the
LXX. ; the adoption of this title by Jerome (Prof,
in EccL ), as meaning " qui ccetum, i. e. ecclesiam
oongreg&t quern nos nuncupare possumus Con-
cionatorera; " the use of "Prediger" by Luther,
of " Preacher " in the Authorized Version. On
the other hand, taking /HJ? in the sense of col-
lecting things, not of summoning persons, and led
perhaps by his inability to see in the book itself
any greater unity of design than in the chapters
of Proverbs, Urotius (in Ecclet. i. 1) has suggested
ivvaBpourriit (compiler) as a better equivalent.
In this he has been followed by Herder and Jain,
and Mendelssohn has adopted the same rendering
(notes on i. 1, and vii. 27, in Preston), seeing in
it the statement partly that the writer had com-
piled the sayings of wise men who had gone before
him, partly that he was, by an inductive process,
gathering truths from the (acts of a wide expe-
rience.
II. ("tutucity. — In the Jewish division of the
books of the Old Testament, Ecclesiastes ranks as
one of the five Megilloth or Rolls [Bible], and its
position, as having canonical authority, appears to
have been recognized by the Jews from tie time
in which the idea of a canon first presented itself.
We find it in all the Jewish catalogues of the
sacred books, and from them it has been received
universally by the Christian Church. Some sin-
gular passages in the Talmud indicate, however,
that the recognition was not altogether unhesita-
ting, and that it was at least questioned how far
the book was one which it was expedient to place
among the Scriptures that were read publicly.
Thus we find the statements (Mishna, Shabbat,
t. i , quoted by Mendelssohn in Preston, p. 74;
Midrash, fbl. 114 a; Preston, p. 13) that "the
wise men sought to secrete the book Kokeltti, be-
cause they found in it words tending to heresy,"
and " words contradictory to each other; " that tin
reason they did not secrete it was " because its
beginning and end were consistent with the law; "
that when they examined it more carefully they
tame to the conclusion, " We hare looked closely
into the book Kabeleth, and discovered a meaning
in it." The chief interest of such passages is of
svurse connected with the inquiry into the plan and
teaching of the book, but they are of some impor-
tance also as indicating that it must have com-
mended itself to the teachers of an earner genera-
lion, either on account of the external authority by
which it was sanctioned, or because they had a
dearer insitrht into its meaning, and were less
startled by its apparent difficulties. Traces of this
xmtroversy are to be found in a singular discussion
aatween the schools of Shammai and HUH, turning
an the question whether the book Kohdeth were
ssnjred, and <n the comments on that question by
1K3CL1SSIASTES
R. Oh. de Bartenora and Haimonidea (Surenhm
iv. 34»).
111. Author and Date. — The questions of tits
authorship and the date of this book are so closely
connected that they must be treated of together
and it is obviously impossible to discuss the points
which they involve without touching also on an
inquiry into the relation in which it stands tc
Hebrew literature generally.
The hypothesis which is naturally suggested by
the account that the writer gives of himself in ch.
i. and ii. is that it was written by the only '• son
of David" (i. 1), who was "king over Israel io
Jerusalem " (i. 12). According to this notion we
have in it what may well be called the Omfcni-iot
of King Solomon, the utterance of a repentance
which some have even ventured to compare with
that of the 51st Psalm. Additional internal evi-
dence has been found for this belief in the language
of vii. 26-28, as harmonizing with the history of 1
K. xi. 3, and in an interpretation (somewhat forced
perhaps) which refers iv. 13-15 to the murmurs of
the people against Solomon and the popularity of
Jeroboam as the leader of the people, already rec-
ognized as their future king (Mendelssohn and
Preston in for.). The belief that Solomon was
actually the author was, it need hardly he said,
received generally by the Kabbinic commentators
and the whole series of Patristic writers. The
apparent exceptions to this in the passages by Tal-
mudic writers which ascribe it to Hezekiah (Baba
Bnthra, c. i. fbl. 15), or Isaiah (Shaltk. Hakkab.
fbl. 66 4, quoted by Michaelis), can hardly be un-
derstood as implying more than a share in the
work of editing, like that claimed for the " men of
Hezekiah" in Prov. xxv. 1. Urotius (Prof, in
Eccks.) was indeed almost the first writer who
called it in question, and started a different hypoth-
esis. It can hardly be said, however, that this
consensus is itself decisive. In questions of this
kind the later witnesses add nothing to the au-
thority of the earlier, whose testimony they simply
repeat, and unless we had clearer knowledge than
we have as to the sources of information or critical
discernment of those by wbcm the belief was
adopted, we ought not to look on their acceptance
of it as closing all controversy. The book which
bears the title of the "Wisdom of Solomon"
asserts, both by its title and its language (vii. 1-
21 ), a claim to the same authorship, and, though
the absence of a Hebrew original led to its exclusion
from the Jewish canon, the authorship of Salomon
wis taken for granted by all the early Christian
writers who quote it or refer to it, till Jerome bad
asserted the authority of the Hebrew text as the
standard of canonicity, and by not a few afterwards,
it may seem, however, as if the whole question
were settled for all who recognize the inspiration
of Scripture by the statement, in a canonical and
inspired book, as to its own authorship. The book
purports, it is said (Preston, ProUg. nt Eceks. p.
1 5). to be written by Solomon, and to doubt the
' literal accuracy of this statement is to call in qoes-
I tion the truth and authority of Scr iptu re- It ap-
' pears questionable, however, whether we can admit
an a priori argument of this character to be
decisive. The hypothesis that every such stal in
in a canonical book most be received as literally
1 true, is, in fact, an assumption that inspired writers
were debarred from forms of composition wttek
were open, without blame, to others. In the ttssr
atsre of every other nation the form of ]
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BCOLESIASTE&
IMthowhip, where there is no ammtu decipUndi,
oat beeu recognized as a legitimate channel for the
expression of opinion), or the quasi-dramatic repre-
sentation of character. Why should we venture
on the assertion (hat if adopted by the writers of
the Old Testament it would have made them guilty
of a falsehood, and been inconsistent vith their
inspiration ? The question of authorship does not
involve that of canonical authority. A book written
by Solomon would not necessarily be inspired and
canonical. There is nothing that need startle us
in the thought that an inspired writer might use
a liberty which has been granted without hesita-
tion to the teachers of mankind in every age and
country.
The preliminary difficulty being so far removed,
ws can enter on the objections which have been
urged against the traditional belief by Grotius and
later critics, and the hypotheses which they have
substituted for it In the absence of adequate
external testimony, these are drawn chiefly from
the book itself.
1. The language of the book is said to be incon-
sistent with the belief that it wan written by Solo-
mon. It belongs to the time when the older
Hebrew was becoming largely intermingled with
Araruaic forms and words (Grotius, De Wette,
Ewald, and nearly the whole series of German
critics), and as such takes its place in the latest
group of books of the Old Testament, along with
Ezra, Nehemiah, Daniel, Esther: it is indeed more
widely different from the language of the older
books than any of them (Ewald). The prevalence
of abstract forms again, characteristic of the lan-
guage of Ecclesiastes, is urged as belonging to a
later period than that of Solomon in the develop-
ment of Hebrew thought and language. The
answers given to these objections by the defenders
of the received belief are (Preston, EccUt. p. 7),
(a) that many of what we call Aramaic or Chaldee
ibrms may have belonged to the period of pure
Hebrew, though they have not come down to us in
any extant writings; and (6) that so far as they
are foreign to the Hebrew of the time of Solomon,
he may have learnt them from his " strange wives,"
or from the men who came as ambassadors from
other countries.
3. It has been asked whether Solomon would
have been likely to speak of himself as in i. 12, or
to describe with bitterness the misery and wrong
*f which bis own misgovernment had been the
lauae, as in in. 16, ir. 1 (Jahn, KM. ii. p. 840).
On the hypothesis that he was the writer, the whole
book is an acknowledgment of evils which he had
occasioned, while yet there is no distinct confession
and repentance. The question here raised is, of
Bourse, worth considering, but it can hardly be
looked on as leading in either direction to a conclu-
sion. There are forms of satiety and serf-reproach,
srf which this half-sad, half-scornful retrospect of a
nun's own life — this utterance of bitter words by
which be is condemned out of his own mouth — is
the most natural expression. Any individual judg-
ment on this point cannot, from the nature of the
«se, be otherwise than subjective, and ought tnero-
bre to bias our estimate of other evidence as .trie
la possible.
3. It has been urged that the state of society
-ndieated in this book leads to the same conclusion
is its uriguage, and carries us to a period after the
return from the Babylonian Captivity, when the
lews Win enjoying comparative freedom from inra-
BOOLBSIASTES
646
sion, but were exposed to the evils of misgovern
ment under the satraps of the Persian king (Ewald,
Poet. Biicher; Keil, EM. in dot A. T. unda
EccUs.). The language is throughout that of a
man who is surrounded by many forms of misery
(in. 16, iv. 1, i. 8, viii. 11, ix. 12). Then, are
sudden and violent changes, the servant of to-day
becoming the ruler of to-morrow (x. 5-7). All
this, it is said, agrees with the glimpses into the
condition of the Jews under the Persian empire in
Ezra and Nehemiah, and with what we know as to
the general condition of the provinces under its
satraps. The indications of the religious condition
of the people, their formalism, aud much-speaking
(v. 1, 2), their readiness to evade the performance
of their vows by casuistic excuses (v. 6), represent
in like manner the growth of evils, the germs of
which appeared soon after the Captivity, and which
we find in a fully developed form in the prophecy
of M*!*" 1 * 1 In addition to this general resemblance
there is the agreement between the use of THJ78I1?
for the " angel " or priest of God (v. 6, Ewald, in
he.), and the recurrence in Malachi of the terms
rnrV TfN7??> the " angel " or messenger of the
Lord, as a synonym for the priest (Mai. ii. 7), the
true priest being the great agent in accomplishing
God's purposes. Significant, though not conclusive,
in either direction, is the absence of all reference to
any contemporaneous prophetic activity, or to any
Messianic hopes. This might indicate a time be-
fore such hopes had become prevalent or after they
were, for a time, extinguished. It might, on the
other hand, be the natural result of the experience
through which the son of David had passed, or fitly
take its place in the dramatic personation of such
a character. The use throughout the book of
Elohim instead of Jehovah as the divine Name,
though characteristic of the book as dealing with
the problems of the universe rather than with the
relations between the Lord God of Israel and his
people, and therefore striking as an idiosyncrasy,
leaves the question as to date nearly where it was.
The indications of rising questions as to the end
of man's life, and the constitution of his nature,
of doubts like those which afterwards developed
into Sadduceeism (in. 19-21), of a copious literature
connected with those questions, confirm, it is urged
(Ewald), the hypothesis of the later date. It may
be added too, that the absence of any reference to
such a work as this in the enumeration of Solomon's
writings in 1 K. ir. 32, tends, at least, to the same
conclusion.
In this case, however, as in others, the arguments
of recent criticism are stronger against the tradi
tional belief than in support of any rival theory,
and the advocates of that belief might almost be
content to rest their case upon the discordant
hypotheses of their opponents. On the assumption
that the book belongs, not to the time of Solomon,
but to the period subsequent to the Captivity, the
dates which have been assigned to it occupy a range
of more than 300 years. Grotius supposes Zerub-
babel to be referred to in xii. 11, as the " One
Shepherd " (Comm. m Kecks, in loo.), and so far
agrees with Kail (KMdtung in dot A. T.), who
fixes it in the time of Ezra and Nehemiah. Ewald
and De Wette conjecture the close of the period of
Persian or the commencement of that of Macedonian
rule; Bertholdt, the period between Alexander the
Great and Antiochus Kuiphanes; Hitzig, ciro. 804
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ECCLESIASTES
m. c; Hartmann, the Urns of the Maccabees. On
the other hand it must be remembered in compar-
ing these discordant theories that the main facte
relied upon by these critics as fatal to the tradi-
tional belief are compatible with any date subse-
quent, to the Captivity, while they are inconsistent,
unless we admit the explanation, given as above,
by Preston, with the notion of the Salomonic
authorship.
I V. Plan. — The book of Ecclesiastes comes be-
fore us as being conspicuously, among the writings
of the 0. T., the great stumbling-block of oom-
mentators. Elsewhere there are different opinions
as to the meaning of single passages. Here there
is the widest possible divergence as to the plan and
purpose of the whole book. The passages already
quoted from the Mishna show that some, at least,
of the Rabbinical writers were perplexed by its
teaching — did not know what to make of it — but
gave way to the authority of men more discerning
than themselves. The traditional statement, how-
ever, that this was among the scriptures which
were not read by any one under the age of thirty
(Oil. Sac., Amnma in Ecckt., but with a "nescio
ubi " as to his authority), indicates the continuance
of the old difficulty, and the remarks of Jerome
(Praf. in Eccltt., Comm. in Ecckt. xii. 13) show
that it was not forgotten. Little can be gathered
from the series of l'atristic interpreters. The book
is comparatively seldom quoted by them. No
attempt is made to master its plan and to enter
into the spirit of its writer. The charge brought
by Philastrius of Brescia (circ. 380) against some
heretics who rejected it as teaching a false morality,
shows that the obscurity which had been a stum-
bling-block to Jewish teachers was not removed for
Christians. The (act that Theodore of Mopsuestia
was accused at the Fifth General Council of calling
in question the authority and inspiration of this
book, as well as of the Canticles, indicates that in
this respect as in others he was the precursor of
the spirit of modern criticism. But with these
exceptions, there are no traces that men's minds
were drawn to examine the teachings of the book.
When, however, we descend to the more recent
developments of criticism, we meet with an almost
incredible divergence of opinion. Luther, with his
broad clear insight into the workings of a man's
heart, sees in it (Prof, in Ecckt.) a noble " Politics
vel (Economies, " leading men in the midst of all
the troubles and disorders of human society to a
true endurance and reasonable enjoyment, Grotius
(Praf. in Ecclu.) gives up the attempt to trace
in it a plan or order of thought, and finds in it
only a collection of many maxima, connected more
or less closely with the great problems of human
life, analogous to the discussion of the different
definitions of happiness at the opening of the
Niconiachean Ethics. Some (of whom Warburton
may be taken as the type, Work*, vol. iv. p. 154)
lave seen in the language of iii. 18-21, a proof that
•he belief in the immortality of the soul was no
part of the transmitted creed of Israel. Others
(Patrick, Desvoeux, Davidson, Mendelssohn) con-
tend that the special purpose of the book was to
usert that truth against the denial of a sensual
skeptioism. Others, the later German critics, of
whom Ewald may be taken as the highest and best
type, reject these views as partial and one-sided,
and while admitting that the book oontains the
terms of later systems, both Pharisaic and Sad-
iuoaan, assert that the object of the writer was to
BCOLE3IA8TBS
point out the secret of a true blessedness in tin
midst of all the distractions and sorrows of the
world as consisting in a tranquil, calm enjoyment
of the good that comes from God (Poet. Sick. iv.
180).
The variety of these opinions indicates sufficiently
that the book is as far removed as possible Iron, the
character of a formal treatise. It is that which it
professes to be — the confession of a man of wide
experience looking back upon his past life and look-
ing out upon the disorders and calamities which
surround him. Such a man does not set forth his
premises and conclusions with a logical complete'
ness. While it may be true that the absence of a
formal arrangement is characteristic of the Ilrbrrw
mind in all stages of its development (Lowth, (it
Sac. Poet. Rtb. Pnel. xxiv.), or that it was Ubs
special mark of the declining literature of the period
that followed the captivity (Ewald, Pott. Buck, iv.
p. 177), it is also true that it belongs generally to
all writings that are addressed to the spiritual
rather than the intellectual element in man's nature,
and that it is found accordingly in many of the
greatest works that have Influenced the spiritual
life of mankind. In proportion as a man has passed
out of the region of a traditional, easily-systematized
knowledge, and has lived under the influence of
great thoughts — possessed by them, yet hardly
mastering them so as to bring them under a scien-
tific classification — are we likely to find this ap-
parent want of method. The true utterances of such
a man are the records of his struggles after truth,
of his occasional glimpses of it, of his ultimate dis-
covery. The treatise de Imilntum* CkritH, the
Paueet of Pascal, Augustine's Omfttriont, widely
as they differ in other points, have this feature in
common. If the writer consciously reproduces the
stages through which he has passed, the form he
adopts may either be essentially dramatic, or it
may record a statement of the changes which have
brought him to his present state, or it may repeat
and renew the oscillations from one extreme to
another which had marked that earlier experience.
The writer of Ecclesiastes has adopted and inter-
woven both the latter methods, and hence, in part,
the obscurity which has made it so preeminently
the stumbling-block of commentators. He is not a
didactic moralist writing a homily on Virtue. He
is not a prophet delivering a message from the Lord
of Hosts to a sinful people. He is a man who has
sinned in giving way to selfishness and sensuality,
who has paid the penalty of that sin in satiety and
weariness of life ; in whom the mood of spirit, over-
reflective, indisposed to action, of which Shakespeare
has given us in Hamlet, Jaques, Richard II., three
distinct examples, has become dominant in its
darkest form, but who has through all this been
under the discipline of a divine education, and hat
learnt from it tie lesson which God meant to tea ch
him. What that lesson was will be seen frcm aa
examination of the book itself.
Leaving it an open question whether it is possible
to arrange the contents of this book (as Roster and
Vaihinger have done) in a carefully balanced series
of strophes and antistrophes, it is tolerably clear
that the recurring burden of " Vanity of vanities "
and the teaching which recommends a life of cabx
enjoyment, mark, whenever they occur, a kind o»
halting-place in the succession of thoughts, it :s
the summing up of one cycle of experience; the
sentence passed upon one posse of life. Takiinr
this, accordingly, as our guide we may look ou Uh
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E00LKSIASTK8
whole book M felling into five division*, each, to a
sartain extent, running parallel to the others in it*
seder and remit*, and closing with that which, in
It* poaition no lean than ita substance, is " the con-
clusion of the whole matter."
(1.) Ch. i. and ii. This portion of the book
more than any other has the character of a personal
confession. The Preacher starts with reproducing
the phase of despair and weariness into which his
experience had led him (i. 2, 8). To the man who
is thus satiated with life the order and regularity
of nature are oppressive (i. 4-7); nor is he led, as
in the 90th Psalm, from the things that are transi-
tory to the thought of One whose years are from
sternity. In the midst of the ever-recurring changes
he finds no progress. That which seems to be hew
is hut the repetition of the old (i. 8-11). Then,
having laid bare the depth to which he had fallen,
he retraces the path by which he had travelled
thitherward. First he had sought after wisdom as
that to which God seemed to call him (i. 13), but
the pursuit of it was a sore travail, and there was
do satisfaction in its possession. It could not
remedy the least real evil, nor make the crooked
straight (i. IS). The first experiment in the search
after happiness had failed, anil he tried another. It
was one to which men of great intellectual gifts
and high fortunes are continally tempted — to sur-
round himself with all the appliances of sensual
enjoyment and yet in thought to hold himself above
it (ii. 1-9), making his very voluptuousness part
of the experience which was to enlarge his store of
wisdom. This — which one may perhaps call the
Goethe idea of life — was what now possessed him.
But this also failed to give him peace (ii. 11). Had
he not then exhausted all human experience and
found it profitless (ii. 12) ? If for a moment he
found comfort in the thought that wisdom excelleth
folly, and that he was wise (ii. 13, 14), it was soon
darkened again by the thought of death (ii. 15).
The wise man dies ss the fool (ii. 16). This is
enough to make even him who has wisdom hate
all his labor and sink into the outer darkness of
despair (ii. 20). Yet this very despair leads to the
remedy. The first section closes with that which,
in different forms, is the main lesson of the book —
to make the best of what is actually around one
fit 24) — to substitute for the reckless feverish
pursuit of pleasure the calm enjoyment which men
nay yet find both for the senses snd the intellect
Tils, so far as it goes, is the secret of a true life;
wis is from the hand of God. On everything else
there is written, as before, the sentence that it is
vanity and vexation of spirit.
(2.) Ch. iii. 1-vi. 9. The order of thought in
Ms section has a different starting-point. One
who looked out upon the infinitely varied phenomena
of man's life might yet discern, in the midst of
that variety, traces of an order. There are times
and seasons for each of them in its turn, even as
ffaere are for the vicissitudes of the world of nature
(IB. 1-8). The heart of man with ita changes is
the mirror of the universe (iii. 11 ), ari is, like that,
inscrutable. And from this there comes the same
sonclusion as from the personal experience. Ctlmly
to accept the changes and chances of life, entering
into whatever joy they bring, as one accepts thd
trder of nature, this is the waj A peace (iii. 13/.
rhe thought of the ever-recurring cycle of nature,
whieh had before been irritating and disturbing,
n* whispers the same lesson. If we scfffer, others
tavt suffered before us (iii. 15). God is seeking
KOOLESIASTES
647
out the past and reproducing it. If men lepeal
injustice and oppression, God also in the appointed
season repeats his judgments (iii. 16, 17). it is
true that this thought has a dark as well w *
bright side, and this cannot be ignored. If men
come and pass away, subject to laws and changes
like those of the natural world, then, it would seem,
man has no preeminence above the beast (iii. 19)
One end happens to all. All are of the dust and
return to dust again (iii. 20). There is no imme-
diate denial of that conclusion. It was to that
that the preacher's experience and reflection had
led him. But even on the hypothesis that the
personal being of man terminates with his death,
he has still the same counsel to give. Admit that
all is darkness beyond the grave, and still there is
nothing better on this side of it than the temper
of a tranquil enjoyment (iii. 22). The transition
from this to the opening thoughts of ch. iv. seems
at first somewhat abrupt. But the Preacher is
retracing the paths by which he had been actually
led to a higher truth than that in which he had
then rested, and he will not, for the sake of a
formal continuity, smooth over its ruggedness. The
new track on which he was entering might have
seemed less promising thau the old. Instead of the
self-centred search after happiness he looks out
upon the miseries and disorders of the world, and
learns to sympathize with suffering (iv. 1). At
first this does but multiply his perplexities. The
world is out of joint. Men are so full of misery that
death is better than life (ir. 2). Successful energy
exposes men to envy (iv. 4). Indolence leads to
poverty (iv. 5). Here too he who steers clear of
both extremes has the best portion (iv. 6). The
man who heaps up riches stands alone without
kindred to share or inherit them, and loses all the
blessings and advantages of human fellowship (iv.
8-12). And in this survey of life on a large scale,
as in that of a personal experience, there is a cycle
which is ever being repeated. The old and foolish
king yields to the young man, poor and wise, who
steps from his prison to a throne (iv. 13, 14). But
he too has his successor. There are generations
without limit before him, and shall be after him
(iii. 15, 16). All human greatness is swallowed
up in the great stream of time. The opening of
ch- v. again presents the appearance of abruptness,
but it is because the survey of human life takes a
yet wider range. The eye of the Preacher passes
from the dwellers in palaces to the worshippers in
the Temple, the devout and religious men. Have
they found out the secret of life, the path to wisdom
and happiness? The answer to that question is
that there the blindness and folly of mankind show
themselves in their worst forms. Hypocrisy, un-
seemly prayers, idle dreams, broken vows, God's
messenger, the Priest, mocked with excuses — that
was what the religion which the Preacher witnessed
presented to him (v. 1-6). The command " Fear
thou God," meant that a man was to take no part
in a religion such ss this. But that command also
suggested the solution of another problem, of that
prevalence of injustice and oppression which had
before weighed down the spirit of the inquirer.
Above all the tyranny of petty governors, above the
might of the king himself, there was the power of
the highest (v. 8); and his judgment was manifest
even upop earth. Was there after all so great an
inequality t Was God's purpose that the <***>
should be for all, really counteracted (v. 9)? Wss
the rich man with his cares and fears happier thia
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ECCLESIASTE8
the laboring mau whose deep was sweet without
riches (v. 10-12) ? Was there anything permanent
in that wealth of his? Did he not leave the world
naked as he entered it? And if so, did not all this
bring the inquirer round to the same conclusion as
before? Moderation, self-control, freedom from all
disturbing passions, these are the conditions of the
maximum of happiness which is possible for man
on earth. Let this be received as from God. Not
the outward means only, but the very capacity of
enjoyment is his gift (v. 18, 19). Short as life
may be, if a man thus enjoys, be makes the most
of it- God approves and answers his cheerfulness.
Is not this better than the riches or length of days
on which men set. their hearts (vi. 1-5) ! All are
equal in death ; all are nearly equal in life (vi. C).
To teed the eyes with what is actually before them
is better than the ceaseless wanderings of the spirit
(vi. 9).
(3.) Ch. vi. 10-viii. 15. So far the lines of
thought all seemed to converge to one result. The
ethical teaching that grew out of the wise man's
experience had in it something akin to the higher
forms of Epicureanism. But the seeker could not
rest in this, and found himself beset with thoughts
at once more troubling and leading to a higher
truth. The spirit of man looks before and after,
and the uncertainties of the future vex it (vi. 12).
A good name is better, as being more permanent,
than riches (vii. 1); death is better than life, the
house of mourning than the house of feasting (vii.
2). Self-command and the spirit of calm endur-
ance are a better safeguard against vain specula-
tions than any form of enjoyment (vii. 8, 9, 10).
This wisdom is not only a defense, as lower things,
in their measure may be, but it gives life to them
that have it (vii. 12). So far there are signs of a
clearer insight into the end of life. Then comes
an oscillation which carries him back to the old
problems (vii. 15). Wisdom suggests a half-so-
lution of them (vii. 18). suggests also calmness,
caution, humility in dealing with them (vii. 22 ) ;
but this again is followed by a relapse into the
bitterness of the sated pleasure-seeker. The search
after wisdom, such as it had been in his experience,
had led only to the discovery that though men
were wicked, women were more wicked still (vii.
86-29). The repetition of thoughts that had ap-
peared before, is perhaps the natural consequence
of such an oscillation, and accordingly in ch. viii.
we find the seeker moving in the same round as
before. There are the old reflections on the misery
of man (viii. 6), and the confusions in the moral
order of the universe (viii. 10, 11), the old conclu-
sion that enjoyment (such enjoyment as is coro-
|atible with the fear of God) is the only wisdom,
ui. 15.
(4.) Ch. viii. 16-xii. 8. After the pause im-
plied in his again arriving at the lesson of v. 15,
the Preacher retraces the last of his many wan-
derings. This time the thought with which he
started was a profound conviction of the inability
of man to unravel the mysteries by which he is
surrounded (viii. 17); of the nothingness of man
when death is thought of as ending all things (ix.
3-6); of the wisdom of enjoying life while we may
fix. 7-10); of the evils which affect nations or in-
dividual man (ix. 11, 12). The wide experience of
lie Preacher suggests sharp and pointed sayings as
c these evils (x. 1-20), each true and weighty in
Itself, but not leading him on to any firmer stand-
tig -ground or clearer solution cf the problems
ECOLESIASTES
which oppressed him. It is here that the trace* of
plan and method in the book seem most to fail us
Consciously or unconsciously the writer teaches m
how clear an insight into the follies and sins of
mankind may coexist with doubt and uncertainty
as to the great ends of life, and give him no help
in his pursuit after truth. In ch. xi., however, the
progress is more rapid. The tone of the Preacher
becomes more that of direct exhortation, and he
speaks in clearer and higher notes. The conclu-
sions of previous trains of thought are not ortra-
dicted, but are placed under a new law and biougnt
into a more harmonious whole. The end of man's
life is not to seek enjoyment for himself only, but
to do good to others, regardless of the uncertainties
or disappointments that may attend his efforts (xi.
1-4). His wisdom is to remember that there are
things which he cannot know, problems which he
cannot solve (xi. 5), to enjoy, in the brightness of
bis youth, whatever blessings God bestows on him
(xi. 9). But beyond all these there He the days
of darkness, of failing powers and incapacity for
enjoyment ; and the joy of youth, though it is not
to be crushed, is yet to be tempered by the thought
that it cannot last for ever, and that it too is sub-
ject to God's law of retribution (xi. 9, 10). The
secret of a true life is that a man should consecrate
the vigor of his youth to God (xii. 1). It is well
to do that before the night comes, before the slow
decay >f age benumbs all the faculties of sense (xii.
2, 6), before the spirit returns to God who gave
it. The thought of that end rings out once more
the knell of the nothingness of all things earthly
(xii. 8) ; but it leads also to '< the conclusion of the
whole matter," to that to which all trains of thought
and all the experiences of life had been leading the
seeker after wisdom, that •' to fear God and keep
his commandments " was the highest good attain-
able; that the righteous judgment of God would in
the end fulfill itself and set right all the seeming
disorders of the world (xii. 13, 14).
If one were to indulge conjecture, there would
perhaps be some plausibility in the hypothesis that
xii. 8 had been the original conclusion, and that
the epilogue of xii. 9-14 had been added, either by
another writer, or by the same writer on a subse-
quent revision. The verses (9-12) have the char-
acter of a panegyric designed to give weight to
the authority of the teacher. The two that now
stand as the conclusion, may naturally have orig-
inated in the desire to furnish a clew to the per-
plexities of the book, by stating in a broad intelli-
gible form, not easy to be mistaken, the truth which
had before been latent.
If the representation which has been given of
the plan and meaning of the book lie at all a true
one, we find in it, no less than in the hook of Job,
indications of the struggle with the doubts and
difficulties which in all ages of the world have pre-
sented themselves to thoughtful observers of the
condition of mankind. In its sharp sayings and
wise counsels, it may present some striking affinity
to the Proverbs, which also bear the name of the
son of David, but the resemblance is more in form
than in substance, and in its essential character it
agrees with that great inquiry into the mysteries of
God's government which the drama of Job brings
before us. There are indeed characteristic differ-
ences. In the one we find the highest and boldes;
forms of Hebrew poetry, a sustained unity of de-
sign; in the other there are, as we have seen
changes and oscillations, and the styk> seldom haa
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KOOLBSIASTES
i the rhythmic character of prowbial forms
af speech. The writer of tiu book of Job deals
with the gnat mystery presented by the sufferings
of the righteous, and writes as one who has known
those sufferings in their intensity. In the words
of the Preacher, we trace chiefly the weariness or
satiety of the pleasure seeker, and the failure of all
schemes of life but one. In spite of these differ-
ences, however, the two books illustrate each other.
In both, though by very diverse paths, the inquirer
is led to take refuge (as all great thinkers have ever
done) in the thought that God's kingdom is infi-
nitely great, and that man knows but the smallest
fragment of it; that he must refrain from things
which are too high for him and be content with
that which it is given him to know, the duties of
his own life and the opportunities it presents for
his doing the will of God.
Literature. — Every commentary on the Bible
as a whole, every introduction to the study of the
O. T., contains of course some materials for the
history and interpretation of this as of other books.
It is not intended to notice these, unless they pos-
sess some special merit or interest. As having
that claim may be specified the commentary by
Jerome addressed to Paula and Eustochium, as
giving an example of the Patristic interpretation of
the book now before us ; the preface and annota-
tions of Grotius (Opp. vol. Hi.) as representing the
earlier, the translation and notes of Ewald (Poet.
Bnch. vol. Iv.) as giving the later results of phil-
osophical criticism. The Critici Sacri here, as
elsewhere, will be found a great storehouse of the
opinions of the Biblical scholars of the 16th and
17th centuries. The sections on Ecclesiastes in the
Introductions to the 0. T. by Eichhom, De Wette,
■labn, Havernick, Kail, Davidson, will furnish the
reader with the opinions of the chief recent critics
of Germany as to the authorship and meaning of
the book. Among the treatises specially devoted
to this subject may be mentioned the characteristic
Commentary by Luther already referred to ( Opp.
vol. ii. Jena, 1580); that by Anton. Corranus in
the 16th century, interesting as one of the earliest
attempts to trace a distinct plan and order in it,
and as having been adopted by Bishop Patrick as
the basis of his interpretation ; the Armotationes in
Koheleth by J. Drusius, 1635; the Translation and
Note* of Hoses Mendelssohn, published in German
by Rabe (Anspach, 1771); the Philosophical and
Critical Essay on Ecclesiastes by Desvoeux (Load.
1760), written chiefly to meet the attacks of skep-
tics, and to assert that the doctrine of the book is
that of the Immortality of the Soul; the Scholia
of Maldonatas, better known for his Commentary
on the Gospels (Paris, 1767), the commentaries of
Knobel (Leipzig, 1836), Zirkel (Wurzb. 1793),
Schmidt, J. E. Ch. (1794), Nachtigal, J. Ch. (Halle,
1708), Van der Palm (1784), Kaiser (Erlang. 1823),
Koster (1831), Umbreit (Gotha, 1818); and the
article by Vaihinger, in the Stud, and KriL of
1848 [translated, with modification, in the Meth-
yiist Quif. Ret. for April and July, 1843]. Eng-
lish Biblknl literature is comparatively barren in
natation to this book, and the only noticeable recent
wntributions to its exegesis are the Commcntiry
ty Stuart, the translation of Mendelssohn with
••rolegotaenu, Ac, by Preston (Cambridge, 1853)
sod the Attempt to illustrate the Book of Ecclesi- '
Wes by Holden. As growing out of the attempt ]
o fathom its meaning, though not taking the form
is* criticism W exegesis, may be mentioned the me-
KOCLJESIASTES
649
trical paraphrases which are found among the works
of the minor English poets of the 17th century, of
which the most memorable are those by Quark*
(1645) and Sandys (1648). E. H. P.
* Other works or later editions. — Prof. Short
( Commentary on Ecclesiastes, edited and revised
by R. D. C. Robbins, 1864), without admitting all
the objections to Solomon's authorship of the booV
to be valid, regards the arguments urged for that
view insufficient to establish the claim. lie sup-
poses the author of the book to be unknown, but
maintains its canonicity to be unquestionable. "The
book of Ecclesiastes ... has a claim to the place
which it holds as one of the inspired writings. . . .
There the book is, in the midst of the Hebrew
Scriptures; and there it has been, at least ever
since the period when the Hebrew canon was closed.
There at all events it was, when our Saviour and
the Apostles declared the Jewish Scriptures to be
of Divine origin and authority." For his views on
this point expressed more fully, see his Hist, of til
0. T. Canon, p. 138 ff.
We have commentaries also, in addition to thoa*
mentioned above, from Ewald, Die Dichter des Al-
len Bmdes, Theil iv. (Gutting. 1837, 2* And.
TheU ii., 1867), Henfeld (1838), Hitrig (in the
Kurzgef. Exeg. Handb. Lief, vii., 1847), Heilig-
stedt (continuation of Maurer, iv. sect. ii. 1848),
Burger (1854), Philippton (Die IsraeUUsche Bibel,
iii. 1854), Elster (1855), Wangenmann (1856),
Vaihinger (1858), Hengstenberg (1859, Eng. trans,
in Clark'* For. TheoL Liar. Edin. I860), L. Young
(Phila. 1866), D. CasteUi (11 Hbro del Cohelet,
trad, dot testo ebraico con introd. criL e note, Pisa,
1866), and G. R. Noyes (A New Trans, of Job,
Ecclesiastes and Canticles, with Introductions and
Notes, 3d ed., Boston, 1867). The Historical and
Critical Commentary of Ginsburg (Lond. 1861),
a valuable work, contains a good history of the
earlier and later literature of the book. Ginsburg
writes also the article Ecclesiastes in Kitto's Cyct
of Biol Literature (8d ed., 1862). Vaihinger
writes the article Prediger Salomo in Herzog's
ReaUEncykL xii. 92-106, worthy of attention es-
pecially for its minute analysis of the contents of
Koheleth. Keek's section ( EM. in das A. T. p. 641
ff.) summarizes the results of a careful study of the
questions relating to this book. (See also Herbst's
Einl. in die heil. Schriften, ii. 241-254, edited by
Welte, 1852.) Dr. Nordheimer has an elaborate
article on the Philosophy of Ecclesiastes in the
Amer. BibL Repos. for July 1838, xii. 197-219.
See also Gurlitt, Zur Erkl&rung des Buches Ko-
heleth, in the TheoL Stud. u. KriL, 1865, pp. 321-
343. The LXX. translation of Ecclesiastes, says
Bleak, is remarkable for its literal adherence to the
Hebrew text. It is so slavish at times in this re-
spect (e. g. vii. 29) as to be ungranunatical and
unintelligible. Such translations hare a special
value as vouchers for the condition of the text on
which they are founded.
Dean Stanley's remarks on this composition
evince his characteristic critical skill, as well as
power of elegant expression. As to the author,
he understands that the anonymous writer or
" Preacher " in Ecclesiastes personates Solomon.
'• 1 uere can be no doubt that Ecclesiastes embodies
the sentiments which were believed to have pro-
ceeded from Solomon at the close of his life, and
therefore must be taken as the Hebrew, Scriptural
representation of his last lessons to the world "
(History of the Jewish Church, ii. 384). H<
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ECCLESIASTICUS
Sawmoteriies the aoope and structure of the writ-
ing thus: " Ai the book of Job is ooucbed in the
fcrm of a dramatic argument between the patri-
arch and his friends — as the Song of Souga is a
dramatic dialogue between the Lover and the Be-
loved One, so the book of Ecclesiastes is a drama
of a still more tragic kind. It is an interchange
of voices, higher and lower, mournful and joyful,
within a single human soul. It is like the struggle
between the two principles in the Epistle to the
Romans. It is like the question and answer of
the ' Two Voices ' of our modern poet It is like
the perpetual strophe and antistropbe of Pascal's
Penteet. . . . Every speculation and thought of the
human heart is heard, and expressed, and recog-
nized in turn. The conflicts which in other parts
of the Bible (oomp. especially Ps. lxxxviii. 5, 6, 12,
18, and lxxxix. 46-50) are confined to a single
verse or a single chapter, are here expanded to a
whole book " (pp. 282, 283). We hare space only
for the concluding paragraph. " There is a yet
simpler and nobler summary of the wide and varied
experience of the manifold forms of human life, as
represented in the greatness and the (all of Solomon.
It is not ' vanity of vanities,' it is not ' rejoice and
be merry,' it is not even 'wisdom and knowledge,
and many proverbs, and the words of the wise, even
words of truth.' ' Of making many books there is
no end, and much study is a weariness of the flesh.
Let us hear the conclusion of the whole matter.'
For all students of ecclesiastical history, for all
students of theology, for all who are about to be
religious teachers of others,- for all who are entangled
in the controversies of the present, there are no
better words to be remembered than these, viewed
in their original and immediate application. They
are the true answer to all perplexities respecting
Ecclesiastes and Solomon ; they are no less the true
answer to all perplexities about human life itself.
' Fear God and keep his commandments ; for this
is the whole duty of man. For God shall bring
every work into judgment, with every secret thing,
whether it be good, or whether it be evil ' (Eccl.
xii. 12-14)." H.
ECCLESIASTICUS, the title given in the
Latin Version to the book which is called in the
Septuagint The Wisdom of Jesus the Son op
Sirach (2o<pla 'Iijo-oB vlov itp&x L Sm - S«V> a x]>
A. C. ; 3ofla ~2.up6.Xi B* Kufinus, I'ers. Orig.
Horn, in Num. xviii. 8: "In libro, qui apud nos
quidem inter Salomonis volumina haberi solet, et
EcclesintUcui die!, apud Gnecos vera Sapientia
Jaujilii Sirach appellator, acriptum est . . .").
The word, like many others of Greek origin, ap-
pears to have been adopted in the African dialect
((. g. Tertull. de Pwtic. c. 22, p. 435), and thus it
may have been applied naturally in the Vttut La-
Una to a church reading-book; and when that
translation was adopted by Jerome (Prof, m Libro
Saljuxta LXX. x. 401, ed. Higne), the local title
became current throughout the West, where the
tuva was most used. The right explanation of the
word is given by Kufinus, who remarks that " it
does not designate the author of the book, but the
character of the writing," as publicly used in the
« The reading of Cod. A. and six other MSS. Is
remarkable: 'Iiprovt vl Sipd* 'BAtifap (2 MSS EAea-
faxx; Aid. 1 MS. 'EAta^xni) i 'U/m. Cf. EVhh. p.
38, o. Toe words are wanting In the Syrlac and
Vwlse. but are supported by all other authorities.
• • Vast the work was written In Hebrew and not
ECCLESIASTICUS
services of the Church (Com*. s» Sgntb. f M
" Sapientia, qua; dicitur filii Sirach . . . apod
Latinos hoc ipso general! vocabulo E ee i c m a t tici J
appellator, quo vocabulo non auctor libelli sea
scripture; quahtas cognominaU est"). The specie,
application by Kufinus of the general name of the
class (tccletiaitici as opposed to canonid) to the
single book may be explained by its wide popularity.
Athanasius, for instance, mentions the book (Ep.
FuL sub fin.) as one of those "framed by the
fathers to be read by those who wish to be in-
structed (Kcrrnycirdeu) in the word of godliness."
According to Jerome (Prof, m Libr. Sal a.
1242) the original Hebrew title was Prottrbt
(B^btDO, cf. inf. § 9); and the Wisdom of Si
rach shared with the canonical book of Proverbs
and the Wisdom of Solomon the title of The
Book of all Virtues (} rardptrot cofla, ri nurd
arret. Hieron. I c Cf. Routh, Rtll Sacr. I 278).
In the Syriac version the book is entitled The
Boot of Jetut the mm of Simeon Anro (i. t. the
bound); and the tame book it called the Witdom
of Out Son of Asiro. In many places it is simply
styled Witdom (Orig. tn Matt. xiii. § 4; cf. Clem.
Al. Pad. i. 8, §§ 69, 72, Ac), and Jetut Sirach
(August, ad Simplic. 1. 20).
2. The writer of the present book describes him-
self as Jetut (i. e. Jeshua) the ton of Sirach, of
Jerutalem' 1 (ch. 1. 27), but the conjectures whick
have been made to fill up this short notice are
either unwarranted (e. g. that he was a physician
from xxxviii. 1-15) or absolutely improbable. There
is no evidence to show that he was of priestly
descent; and the similarity of names is scarcely a
plausible excuse for confounding him with the He!-
lenizing high-priest Jason (2 Mace. iv. 7-11 ; Georg.
Sync. Chivnogr. 276). In the Talmud the name
of Ben Sira (rTVD p, for which pTVD is a
late error, .lost. GescA. d. Judenth. 1. 811) occurs in
several places as the author of proverbial sayings
which in part are parallel to sentences in Ecciesias-
ticus (cf. § 4 ), but nothing is said as to his date or
person [Jews the Son of Sirach], and the
tradition which ascribes tne authorship of the book
to Eliezer (n. c. 260) is without any adequate
foundation (.lost, a. a. O . ; yet see note 1). The
Palestinian origin of the author is, however, sub-
stantiated by internal evidence, e. g. xxiv. 10 f.
3. The language in which the book was originally
composed was Hebrew ('Eflpaio-rf; this may mean,
however, the vernacular Aranuean dialect, John v.
2, xix. 18, 4c.). 6 This is the express statement
of tne Greek translator, and Jerome says (Praf. in
IJbr. Sal 1. c.) that he had met with the « He
brew " text; nor is there any reason to doubt thai
be taw the book in its original form. The internal
character of the present book bears witness to its
foreign source. Not only is the style Hebraistic in
general form (cf. Lowth, de tacra Poen, xxiv.) and
idiom (e. g. StiiiKutr alifos, 1 15; rriofia aiivos
xxxviii. 34; orb xooo-oJrou \iryov, xix. 11; cf.
Eichbom, EM in a. Apok. p. 57) as distinguished
from the Greek of the Introduction, but in several
instances it is possible to point out mistakes and
Aranuean Is shown by the feet that the numerous
quotations from It preserved In Aramman wriimgt, as
the Talmud and MMrasbim, are nearly all m psw»
Hebrew. See Zmu, GwetdiemU. Yortr. d. Ma, [
104 ; Otasburg, art. Xeetuiastiaa In Kltto's Or*- %
BiU. Lit., 8d ed., I. 724. A.
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BC0LESIASTICU8
I which an cleared up by the rft oot'rucUon
xf the Hebrew phrases: e. y. xxiv. 26-27, it e)e>i,
•. «. "T***^ for "lV^J, as Am. rili. 8; xKii. 8,
fTCl, «*4r, CHJ. ©•«».*>» («?• Eichhorn, 1 c ,-
EwaJd, Oaeh. d. Vulke* ftr. if. 399 n.).
4. Nothing however remains of the original
proverbs of Ben Sire except the few fragments in
pure Hebrew (Jost, Cach. d. Jutknlh. i. 811 n.)
which occur in the Talmud and later Rabbinic
writers ; and even these may have been derived
from tradition and not from any written collection.
11m Greek translation incorporated in the LXX.,
which is probably the source from which the other
translations were derived, was made by the grand-
son of the author in Egypt "in the reign of
Kuergetes, " * for the instruction of those "is i
strange country («V a-aoourfa ) who were previously
prepared to live after the law." The date which
is thus given is unfortunately ambiguous- Two
kings of Egypt bore the surname Kuergetes. PtoL
[II., the son and successor of 1'tol. II. Philadelphus,
B. c. 247-222; and Ptol. VII. Phytoon, the brother
of Ptol. VI. Philometor, b. c. 170-117. And the
noble eulogy on "Simon the sou of Onias, the
high-priest," who is described as the last of the
great worthies of Israel (ch. 1.), and apparently re-
moved only by a short interval from the times of
the author, is affected by a similar ambiguity, so
that it cannot be used absolutely to fix the reign
in which the translation was made. Simon I., the
son of Onias, known by the title of the Just, was
high-priest about 310-290 B. c, and Simon II.,
also the son of Onias, held the same office at the
time when PtoL IV. Philopator endeavored to force
an entrance into the Temple, B. c. 217 (3 Mace,
i. 2). Some have consequently supposed that the
reference is to Simon the Just, and that the grand-
son of Ben Siraeh, who is supposed to have been
his younger contemporary, lived in the reign of
Ptolemy HI. (Jahn, Vaihinger in Herzog's Hncykl.
a. v.); others again have applied the eulogy to
Simon II., and fixed the translation in the time of
rtolemyVn. (Eichhorn, EM p. 38). But both sup-
positions are attended with serious difficulties. The
•Inscription of Simon can scarcely apply to one so
little distinguished as the second high-priest of the
name, while the first, a man of representative dig-
nity, is passed over without notice in the list of the
BOOLESIASTIOU8
651
o The " AtpMbti" or « Book of Ben Sim,'- which
exists at present, Is a later compilation (lata, Ootttsd.
Yortr. d. Jmdtn, pp. 100-106) of proverbs In Hebrew
and Clialdee, containing some genuine fragments,
smong much that is worth lew (Bakes, Rntbinisdu
Btumtnltu, p. 81 ff.). Ben Sirs is called in the preface
the son of Jeremiah The sayings are collected by
Dukes, I.e. p. 87 ff. They otter parallels to Bcclus.
HI. 21, vi. «, Ix. 8 ff., st 1, xtti 16. xxv. 2, xxvi.
1, xxx. 28, xxxvtU. 1, 4, 8, xlil. 9 f.
» Bine. Brol. ir yip vy fryse> ««• vsuuceVry htt
r»i rev Ewpyrrov Smo-tXeut, waparfwaMt etc Atylnrvov
.... It Is strange that any doubt should have been
raised about the meaning of the words, which eon
only be, that the translator <* In his thirty-eighth year
same toKgypt during the reign of Kuergetes," though
It is Impossible now to give any explanation of the
sseeuVmtion of his age. The translation of sVhhorn
?. c. p. 40), and several others, "in the thirty-eighth
rear of the reign of Kuergetes," Is absolutely at vari-
jscs with the grsmmstiesl structure of the sentence.
* The Septuagint famishes abundant exampns of
'heeuwtrustion wbVh is hers pronounced Impossible.
(he fbUi-wlng list contains some which do not appear
benefactors of his nation. And on the other hand
the manner in which the transistor speaks of the
Alexandrine version of the Old Testament, and the
familiarity which he shows with its language (e. o.
xliv. 16, >Ev&x /uTtreVn, Gen. v. 34; of. Unci,
ap. Eichhorn, p. 41, 43) is scarcely consistent with
a date so early as the middle of the third century.
From these considerations it appears best to coin
bine the two views. The grandson of the author
was already past middle age when be came to
Egypt, and if his visit took place early in the reign
of Ptolemy Physcoo, it is quite possible that the
book itself was written while the name and person
of the last of " the men of the great synagogue "
were still familiar to his countrymen. ° Even if
the date of the book be brought somewhat lower,
the importance of the position which Simon the
Just occupied in the history of the Jews would be
a sufficient explanation of the distinctness of his
portraiture; and the political and social troubles
to which the book alludes (ii. 6, 12, xxxvi. ff.) seem
to point to the disorders which marked the trans-
ference of Jewish allegiance from Egypt to Syria
rather than to the period of prosperous tranquillity
which was enjoyed during the supremacy of the
earlier Ptolemies (c B. c. 200).
6. The name of the Greek translator is unknown.
He is commonly supposed to have borne the same
name as his grandfather, but this tradition rests
only on conjecture or misunderstanding (Jerome,
I. c inf. § 7; [PsevaVAthanasius,] Synopt. S.
Script, printed as a Prologue in the Comp. ed.
and in A. V.).
6. It is a more important feet that the book
itself appears to recognise the incorporation of
earlier collections into its text. Jesus the son of
Siraeh, while he claims for himself the writing of
the book (eWpafa), characterizes his father as one
" who poured forth a shower of wisdom (ovoWipr/o-t
oo/piay) from his heart; " and the title of the book
in the Vatican MS. and in many others may be
more than a familiar abbreviation (atxpia 2c ipdV.
Yet Cod C has wpiKoyot Sipdx combined with
the usual heading, 2oa>. 'Ino-ov vi. X.). From the
very nature of his work the author was like " a
gleaner after the grape-gatherers " (xxxiii. 16), and
Bretschneider has endeavored to show (p- 28 ff.)
from internal discrepancies of thought and doctrine
that he made use of several smaller collections,
to have been hitherto noticed. See Hagg. 1, 1, <V v*>
Brvripy vrvi «rt Aopniov AaaiA«»c ; 11. 1 (1. 16). 11 (10) ;
Zecb. 1. 1, cr rd eyW*» fiigft from ocvrepou e»V Aaptiov ;
1. 7 ; vli. 1, eV rf rrropry fr«i cVt Aapct'ov tow pWiAeuc ;
Dan. ix. 1 (LXX.), erovc rpairov hX Oaptiov, where
Theodotlon has h> v$ *p»Tf> mi Aopatov, though even
here the Comp. edition and the Alex. MS. Insert iwi
before Aapeiov ; 1 Mace. xlil. 42, rrovt irpwrov hel
2uu>m ipx«pJ~* ; xiv. 27 ; Jer. xlvi. [Heb. xxxix.J
2, Aldtne ed. Comp. 1 Bear, ii. 16 (16), JrUmibi
'Apra{epfov rur fUpawr flamMti xpovotc. As Mr
Weetcott admits that no reason can be given for the
translator's specification of bis own age, it is not surpris-
ing that Bchhorn's construction of the passage should
be adopted by many recent writers, ss Bruoh ( Weisbeits-
Uhn der Hcbntr, p. 267), Palfrey, Davidson, Bwald,
Fritasche (Rug Hondo, v. p. xlil.), sad Uorowltv
(Das But A Jestu SinuA, p. 20, n.). A.
e If indeed the Inscription In B. "IV Wisdom of
Shark" (SO slso Bplpt Hot. vlil. i) cr<*t>L* TOV Sipax),
as dvunguished from the prayer In c 11. ('Iwo-ov vi. Z.)
Is baaed upon any historic tradition, another geaeratloa
will be sdded to carry us back to the first foments of
the book. See f 6.
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659 HOOLESUSTIOUS
Having widely in their charaeter, though all were
purely Hebrew in their origin.
7. The Syriac and Old Latin versions, which
latter Jerome adopted without alteration (Praf.
inLibr. SaL jvxta LXX. i. e. . . . "in Ecclesias-
tioo, quern esse Jen fiKi Slrach nullns ignorat,
ealaino temperavi, tantummodo Canonicas scriptures
emeudare deeiderans "), differ considerably from the
present Greek text, anil it is uncertain whether
they were derived from some other Greek recension
(Eicbliorn, p. 84) or from the Hebrew original
(rJertboldt, p. 8804 ff.).« The language of the
Latin version presents great peculiarities. Even
in the first two chapters the following words occur
which are found ui no other part of the Vulgate :
dvftmctiv (i. 13), rdigiotiUu (i. 17, 18, 86), com-
partioi- (i. 84), mhmoratio (i. 88), obductio (ii. 3,
v. 1, 10), receptibilu (ii. 5) The Arabic version
is directly derived from the Syriac (Breteehn. p.
708 (.).
8. The existing Greek MSS. present great dis-
crepancies in order, and numerous interpolations.
The arrangement of cc. in. 85 — xxxvi. 17 in the
Vatican and Complutensian editions is very dif-
ferent. The English version follows the latter,
which is supported by the Latin and 8yriac versions
against the authority of the Uncial MSS. The
extent of the variation is seen in the following
table: —
Ed. Comp. Lot. Syr. E. V.
xxx. 26
xxxl., xxxii
mill. 1-16, Vrypihmpra
XXXtil 17 ff. «af KaAafUuficvov
IIllT., XXXV
xxxvi. 1-11, yvMt 'Ia«i0 ■
xxxvi. 12 B. koX KarticAi)-
pov6p.ifra.
Ed. Tat. A. B. C.
xxxiii. 18, kofiM/A cap&a,
k. r. A.
xxxtv., XXXV.
xxxvi. 1-16.
xxx. 25 B.
xxxl., xxxii.
xxxlU. 1-18.
xxxvi. 17 ff.
1T«e most important interpolations are: i. 5, 7;
184, 31; iii. 86; iv. 23*; vil. 386; x. 21; xii. 6c;
xiii. 35*; xvi. 15, 16, 33c; xvU. 6, 9, 16, 17n, 18,
r 81, 32c, 366; xviil. 86, 8, 87c, 83c; xlx. 66, 6«,
136, 14m, 18, 19, 31, 35c; xx. 8, 146, 176, 33; xxU.
9, 10, 33c; xxiii. 3e, 4c, 56, 38: xxiv. 18, 34; xxv.
13, 36c; xxvi. 19-37; 1. 296. All these passages,
which occur in the A. V. and the Comp. texts, are
wanting in the best MSS. The edition of the
Syro-Hexaplaric MS. at Milan, which is at present
reported to be in preparation (1858), will probably
uontrihute much to the establishment of a sounder
rat.
9. It is impossible to make any satisfactory plan
if the book in its present shape. The latter part,
jh. xlii. 15-L 21, is distinguished from all that
precedes in style and subject ; and " the praise of
noble men " drorspwr (pros) seems to form a
complete whole in itself (ch. xliv.-L 34). The
words of Jerome, Praf. in i«6r. Sakm. ("Quorum
priorem [ircwiptTor Jesu filii Sirach hbrum] He-
braicum reperi, non KccUnatticttm ut apud Latinos,
wd Parabobi prsenotatum, cui Juncti erant Ec-
a • That the Latin version was derived from the Greek
Frltasche (Exe?. Handb. v. p. xxiv.) regards as beyond
all question. He Justly remarks that the supposition
that a Lmtln v-nioo was made from the Hrbrttv at so
ssrly a date (ttw second century) would be an anach-
ronism, or at taut without a parallel, and that all the
Niternal evidence Is against It He considers the Syriac
fTskm, on the other hand, as a loose paraphrase of
'Jx> Greek, with many arbitrary alterations, omissiona,
BOOLBSLASTIOUS
ehstosfeset Caittieum CmUieorwn, nt iiiiii'illlwllif
Salomonis non solum Ebronrm nomero, sad atiem
materiarum genera ooasquant"), which do not
appear to have received any notice, imply that tht
original text presented a triple character answering
to the three works of Solomon, the Proverbs, Ee-
clesiastes, and Canticles; and it is, perhaps, possible
to trace the prevalence of the different types of
maxim, reflection, and song in successive parts of
the present book. In the central portion of the
book (xviil. 29, iyicpdrtta >ln>xv*< xxxii. (xxx*.
«/>! fi-youufWf) several headings are introduced
in the oldest MSS., and similar title* preface ch.
xliv. (nertpor S/uvs) ""d ch .li. (Tpoamxh 'Ivroi
vlov ittpdx)- These sections may nave contributed
to the disarrangement of the text, but they do not
offer any sufficient clue to its true subdivisions.
Eichhom supposed that the book was made up
of three distinct collections which were after-
wards united: i.-xxiii.; xxiv.-xlii. 14; xlii. 15-L
34 (AV«t p. 50 ff.). Bretachneider sets aside this
hypothesis, and at the same time one which he had
formerly been inclined to adopt, that the r e curren ce
of the same ideas in xxiv. 32 ff.; miii. 16, 17
(xxx.); 1. 37, mark the conclusion of three parts.
The last five verses of ch. L (1. 35-29) form a natural
conclusion to the book: and the prayer, which
forms the last chapter (Ii. >, is wanting in two MSS.
Some have supposed that it was the work of the
translator; but it is more probable that he found
it attached to the larger work, though it may not
have been designed originally for the place which
it occupies.
10. The earliest clear coincidence with the con-
tents of the book occurs In the epistle of Barnabas
(o. *9 = Eeclus. W. 31; cf. ConU. Apart, vil. II),
but in this case the parallelism consists in the
thought and not in the words, and there Is no
mark of quotation. The parallels which have been
discovered in the New Testament are too general
to show that they were derived from the written
text, and not from popular language; and the same
remark applies to the other alleged coincidences
with the Apostolic fathers (e. y. Ecclus. r. 13 =
James i. 19 ; xi. 18, 19 = Ijike xii. 19). There is
no sign of the use of the book in Justin Martyr,
which is the more remarkable as it offers several
thoughts congenial to his style. The first distinct
quotations occur in Clement of Alexandria; but
from the end of the second century the book was
much used and cited with respect, and in the same
terms as the canonical Scriptures ; and its author-
ship was often assigned to Solomon from the sim-
ilarity which it presented to his writings (August.
De Cum pro Mart. 18). Clement speaks of it
continually as Sayiture (Pad. i. 8, § 62; ii. 3, $
34; 5, § 46; 8, § 69, Ac.), as the work of Solomon
(Strom. 11. 5, $ 84), and as the voice of the great
Master (vattaytrris, P<»&- ii- 10, J 98). Origea
cites passages with the same formula as the canon-
ical books (yiypaxrai. In Joham. xxxii. § 14; In
Matt. xvi. § 8), as Scripture (Comm. in Mutt. §
and additions. But Dr. J. Horowits in a recant essay
(see the addition to this article) maintains that the
Syriac translator bad a Hebrew text before htm, though
interpolated and corrupted, and finds In this vartfcm
the means of restoring the original Hebrew, and of
explaining the mistakes of the Greek translator, in not
a few passages which, ss they now stand, yield as
good sense. Olnsburg takes the same view (art. Jbsw
tiamau in Kltto's Ogd. o/ BM. 1st , 8d ed.). A.
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EOCLBSIAflTICUS
BCCLESIASTICU8
668
M<
/■ i)i. ad Ran. is. J 17, Ac), and as the
MM of "ftU dkime word" (c. Cefc. rili. 50).
The other write™ of the Alexandrine school follow
the same practice. Dlonysuis calk its wordi
"dwrne oroefes " (Fray, de JVafc ft. p. 1258, ed.
Mlgne), and Peter Martyr quota it a* the work
of '• Ike Preacher " (Frag. i. § 6, p. 615, ed.
Migne). The passage quoted from Tertullian (de
Exhort. Cast. 2, " neat acriptum est: ecce potui
ante le bonum et malum ; gustasti enim de arbore
agrdtionia " cf. Eoclus. xr. 17, Vulg.) is
Dot absolutely conclusive [see Dent, xxx. 15] ; but
Cyprian constautly brings forward passages from
the book as Scripture (de Bono Pat. 17; de Mor-
tatitate, 9, § 13) and as the work of Solomon (Ep.
Ixt. 9). The testimony of Augustine sums up
briefly the result which follows from these isolated
authorities, lie quotes the book constantly him-
self as the work of a prophet (Serm, xxxix. 1), the
word of God (Serm. hxxrii. 11), "Scripture"
(Lib. tie If at. 33), and that even in controversy (c
Jul Pelag. v. 36), but he expressly notices that it
was not in the Hebrew Canon (De Curapro Mort.
18) " though the Church, especially of the West,
had received it into authority " (Dt Civii. xvii. 20,
cf. Speculum, iii. 1137, ed. Paris). Jerome, in like
manner (I c § 7), contrasts the book with " the
Canonical Scriptures " as •' doubtful," while they
are "sure; " and in another place (ProL Oaleat.)
he says that it "is not in the Canon," and again
(ProL itt Libr. SaL* that it should be read " for
the instruction of the people (plebit), not to support
the authority of ecclesiastical doctrines." The book
is not quoted by Ireneus, Hippolytus, or Eusebius ; "
and is not contained in the Canon of Helito, Origan,
Cyril, Laodieea, Hilary, or Rufinus. [Cahos.] It
was never included by the Jews among their
Scriptures; for though it is quoted in the Talmud,
and at times like the Kethubim, the study of it
was forbidden, and it was classed among " the outer
book," (O^ISY] On?!?), that is probably,
those which were not admitted into the Canon
(Dukes, Habb. Blumenlete, pp. 24, 25).
11. But while the book is destitute of the highest
canonical authority, it is a most important monu-
ment of the religious state of the Jews at the period
of its composition. As an expression of Palestinian
theology it stands alone; for there is no sufficient
reason for »— uming Alexandrine interpolations or
direct Alexandrine influence (Gfrtirer, Phito, ii. 18
ff.). The translator may, perhaps, have given an
Alexandrine coloring to the doctrine, but its great
outlines are unchanged (cf. Daehne, Rtlig.-Philoe.
ii 129 ft). The conception of God as Creator,
Preserver, and Governor is strictly conformable to
the old Mosaic type; but at the same time his
mercy is extended to all mankind (xviii. 11-13).
Little stress is laid upon the spirit-world, either
good (xlviii. 21, xlv. 2, xxxix. 28?) or evil (xxi.
27?); and the doctrine of a resurrection lades away
(xiv. 16, xvii. 27, 38, xliv. 14, 15. Yet cf. xlviii.
11). In addition to the general hope of restoration
(xxxvi. 1, Ac.) one trait only of a Messianic frith
Is preserved in which the writer contemplates the
future work of Ellas (xlviii. 10). Tne ethical pre-
aspts are addressed to the middle class (Eichborn,
kitU p. 44 ft*.). The praise of agriculture (vii. 15)
kid medicine (xxxviii. 1 ft".), and the constant ex-
hortations to cheerfulness, seem to speak of a time
when men's thoughts were turned inwards with
feelings of despondency and perhaps (Dukes, L c
p. 27 ff.) of fatalism. At least the book marks las
growth of that anxious legalism which was con-
spicuous in the sayings of the later doctors. Lift
is already imprisoned in rules; religion is degen-
erating into ritualism; knowledge has taken refuge
in schools (cf. Ewald, Geteh, 4 Volleet I$r. iv
298 ff.).
12. Numerous commentaries on Eoelesiasticus
appeared in the 16th and 17th centuries (cf.
Bretachnekter, Lib. Sirac. Prssf. x. note, for a list
of these), of which the most important were those
of Camerarius (Liptia, 1570, 8vo), Com. a Lapide
(Antmrpia, 1687, Ac., fol), and Drusius (Fran-
tkera, 1596, 4to); [Dav. HoeecbeTs edition (Aug.
Tind. 1604) was also of some importance for its
huge collection of various readings;] but nothing
more was done for the criticism of the book till the
editions of Linde (a German translation and notes,
Liptia, 1786, 1795, 8vo, followed by a Greek text,
Gedam, 1795, 8ro). Linde's labors left much to
be supplied, and in 1806 Bretaohneider published
his edition, which still remains the most complete
(Liber Jetu Uracida Grace ad fidem Codd. et
vera, emend. U itrpct. comm. illuttratut a Car.
GottL Brettekneider . . . Ratitbona, mdcccvi.);
but this will probably be superseded by the prom-
ised (1858) Commentary of Fritasebe in the Kurtg
Exeg. Ucmdbucii, for both in style und sch ol a r s h ip
it labors under serious defects. B. F. W.
• Additional Literature. — Besides the works
already referred to in this article, or under the art.
Afocrtpha, as Amald's Commentary, the fol-
lowing deserve notice: Jan van Gilse, Commen-
talio de Libri qui Sap. Jet. Sirac. itucribitur
Argvmento et Doctrina Fonte, Groning. 1832, 4to;
J. F. Rablger, Ethice Librorum Apoc. V. T.,
Vratisl. 1888; J. F. Bruch, Weuheitt-Lthre der
Hebraer, Strassh. 1861, pp. 266-319; Ewald, in
his Jahrb. d. Bibl mittentch., 1851, iii. 125-140,
and Getch. d. Volket Itr., 3* Ann. (1864), iv. 340
ff.; Welte (Cath.), in Herbst's EM. ii. pt. iii. pp.
203-237 ; Palfrey, LtcL on the Jewith Sayituret,
iv. 343-350 (Bost. 1852): Geiger, Warum geh&H
dm Buck Sirach zu den Apuhyphen, in the
ZeUtchr. d. Dtuttch. MorgaU. GeteUsch., 1858,
iii. 536-543; Davidson, Introd. to the OU Te$t.
iii. 411-422. A translation of chapters i.-xxx.
by the Rev. Thomas Hill, D. D., now President of
Harvard College, was published in the Monthly
Religiout Magaane (Boston) for 1852 and 1863
Far the most important work on this book, how-
ever, is the Commentary and Translation of O. F.
Fritzeche, with a full Introduction, forming the
5th Lie/erung of the Kurzgef. exegcL Unndb. m
den Apolc det A. T. (Leipz. 1859). A Gorman
translation of the Apocrypha by D. Cassel (the
Apokrumhtn. Nock dem yritch. Text* ibertettt,
u. s. w.) was published in Berlin, 1866.
An essay of some value has recently appeared by
Dr. J. Horowitz (Dae Buck Jetm Sirach, Uresbu,
1866, first printed in Frankel's Monatttekrift f.
Getch. u. Witt, dee Judeutkumt), which discusses
the principal questions respecting the original
author and the different translations of the wurk.
Aonnrding to Horowitz, the Simon mentioned in
• • It it quoted by BUiipoiTtaM {Opp. p. 182, 1. IS,
id. lafai ile), and by Kuasbiut < Dt Sola. Thiol, i. 12 ;
Dem. Bmmc.I. 1, Opp.lr. 21 a, ed. Hlgae ; Dt Van
Qinu L U i and Comm. in Pt. lri. 2). A _
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864
ECLIPSE OF THE SUN
eh. L Is the famous Simon the Just, and the de-
scription in that chanter is so vivid that it must
represent what the writer had seen and heard ; the
book was probably composed at different periods
daring the long life of Abe author, the original con-
elusion being the last verse of oh. xHx. ; chapters 1.,
li. were added afterwards, possibly as late as B. C.
850, whence the strangely placed invective against
the Samaritans (1. 96, 28), who about this time
were harassing the Jews (Joseph. Ant. xii. 4, § 1).
The translator came to Egypt in the 88th year of
Ptolemy Euergetes IL (Physcon), that is, about
139 B. c. But how then could be call the author,
who is supposed to have died about 130 years
before, his grandfather t Horowitz meets this dif-
ficulty by taking wrfinrot in the wider sense of
amcator. Further, he does not regard the language
in the Prologue respecting the books of the Old
Testament as necessarily implying that the col-
lection mi then complete, and the Canon closed.
The essay contains some happy conjectural restora-
tions of the original text in corrupted passages,
chiefly by the aid of the Syriac version. A.
ECLIPSE OF THE SUN. No historical
notice of an eclipse occurs in the Bible, but there
are passages in the prophets which contain manifest
allusion to this phenomenon. They describe it in
the following terms : " The sun goes down at
noon," "the earth is darkened in the clear day"
(Am. viii. 9), •< the day shall be dark " (Hie. iii.
6), •> the light shall not be clear nor dark " (Zech.
xiv. 6), "the sun shall be dark " (Joel ii. 10, 31,
iii. 15). Some of these notices probably refer to
eclipses that occurred about the time of the re-
spective compositions : thus the date of Amos coin-
cides with a total eclipse, which occurred Feb. 9,
B. c. 784, and was visible at Jerusalem shortly
after noon (Hitzig, Comm. in Proph.); that of
Micah with the eclipse of June 5, B. c 716, referred
to by Dionys- Hal. ii. 56, to which same period the
latter part of the book of Zechariah may be prob-
ably assigned. A passing notice in Jcr. xv. 9 coin-
cides in date with the eclipse of Sept. 30, b. c.
610, so well known from Herodotus' account (L 74,
103). The darkness that overspread the world at
the crucifixion cannot with reason be attributed to
an eclipse, as the moon was at the full at the time
of the Passover. [Dauknbss.] The awe which
U naturally inspired by an eclipse in the minds of
those who are unacquainted with the cause of it,
rendered it a token of impending judgment in the
prophetical books. W. L. B.
ED, •'. e. <> witness," a word inserted in the
A. V. of Josh. xxii. 34 [brought along from the
earlier Fjigliih versions] apparently on the authority
of a few MSS., and also of the Syriac and Arable
Versions, but not existing in the generally-received
Hebrew Text. The passage is literally as follows:
'And the children [sons] of Reuben and the
children [sons] of Gad named (I JCX. tmtviiuurtv)
the altar: because that is a witness (Ed) between
us that Jehovah is God." The rendering of the
LXX, though in some respects differing materially
from the present text, shows plainly that at that
Mme the word Ed (T7) stood In the Hebrew in
'*» present place. Hie word H^P, to call or pro-
This Bdsr may have been a well known watch- Hooks. Bethlehem la
won which the shepherds overlooked their toe number of shnuar
EDEN
chum, has not invariably (though generally) s
transitive force, but is also occasionally aa intntv
sitive verb. (For a farther Investigation of (hi.
passage, see Keil, Jatlma, ad loo.) G.
* The sense is better if we make ^3 In the last
clause recitative like Sri, not causal, as above:
It (t e. the altar) is a witness between us that
Jehovah is God." The entire sentence and not
"witness" merely (A. V.) was inscribed on the
altar and formed its name. So in De Wette's
Uebartetamg (1868) and in that of the Soaete Hb-
Uque Protestanto de Paru (1866). Ed therefore
is not a proper name any more than the other
words. H.
E'DAR, TOWER OF (aocur. Edkb, VjpQ
"TT£ : Tat. omits; Alex. [» in eharaet minora"]
iripyos TaSfp- turrii grtgit), a place named only
in Gen. xxxv. 91. Jacob's first batting-place between
Bethlehem and Hebron was "beyond (n^/HO)
the tower Eder." According to Jerome (Onomas-
ticon, Bethlehem) it was 1000 psoas from Beth-
lehem. The name signifies a " flock " or " drove,"
and is quits in keeping with the pastoral habits of
the district." Jerome sees in it a prophecy of the
announcement of the birth of Christ to the shep-
herds ; and there seems to have been a Jewish
tradition that the Messiah was to be born there
(Targum Pa. Jon.). G.
EDDI'AS ('Ifftaj i [Tat. -At-;] Alex. l*Mw>;
[Aid. 'E»8(oj:] Veddias), 1 Esdr. ix, 36. [Jc-
ZIAII.]
EDEN fl}? [;>fca«an<n<«i] : 'EJsm [see be-
low]), the first residence of man. It would be
difficult, in the whole history of opinion, to find
any subject which has so invited, and at the same
time so completely baffled, conjecture, as the Garden
of Eden. The three continents of the old world
have been subjected to the most rigorous search;
from China to the Canary isles, from the Mountains
of the Moon to the coasts of the Baltic, no locality
which in the slightest degree corresponded to the
description of the first abode of the human race has
been left unexamined. The great rivers of Europe,
Asia, and Africa, have in turn done service as the
Pison and Gibon of Scripture, and there remains
nothing but the New World wherein the next
adventurous theorist may bewilder himself in the
mates of this most difficult question.
In order more clearly to understand the merit
of the several conjectures, it will be necessary to
submit to a careful examination the historic nar-
rative on which they are founded. Omitting those
portions of the text of Gen. ii. 8-14 which do not
bear upon the geographical position of Eden, the
description is as follows: "And the Lord God
planted a garden in Eden eastward. . . . And a
river goeth forth from Eden to water the garden;
and from thence it is divided and becomes four
heads (or arms). The name of the first it Pison:
that u it which eompaaseth the whole land of
Havilah, where u the gold. And the gold of that
land it good : there u the bdellium and the onyx
stone. And the name of the second river is Gibon;
that is it which eompasseth the whole land of Cash.
at the present day la
in Its neighborhood
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EDEN
And (be MO* of the third river w Hiddekel; tint
is stwMeh floweth before Assyria. And the fourth
river, that u Euphrates." hi the eastern portion
than of the region of Eden m the garden planted.
The river which flowed through Eden watered the
garden, and thence branched off into four distinct
streams. The first problem to be solved then la
this : To find a river which, at some atage of its
oouree, ia divided into four streams, two of which
are the Tigris and Euphrates. The identity of
these rivers with the Hiddekel and P'rath has never
been disputed, and no hypothesis which omits them
is worthy ui consideration. Setting aside minor
differences of detail, the theories which have been
framed with regard to the situation of the terrestrial
paradise naturally divide themselves into two classes.
The first class includes all those which place the
garden of Eden below the junction of the Euphrates
and Tigris, and interpret the names Pison and
Uihon of certain portions of these rivers : the second,
those which seek tor it in the high table-land of
Armenia, the fruitful parent of many noble streams.
These theories have been supported by roost learned
men of all nations, of all ages, and representing
every shade of theological belief; but there is not
one which is not based in some degree upon a
forced interpretation of the words of the narrative.
Those who contend that the united stream of the
Euphrates and Tigris is the " river " which " goeth
forth from Eden to water the garden," have com-
mitted a fatal error in neglecting the true meaning
of NSJ, which ia only used of the course of a river
from its source downward) (cf. Ec. xlvii. 1). Fol-
lowing the guidance which this word supplies, the
description in ver. 10 must be explained in this
manner: the river takes its rise in Eden, flows into
the garden, and from thence is divided into four
branches, the separation taking place either in the
garden or after leaving it. If this be the case, the
Tigris and Euphrates before junction cannot, in
this position of the garden, be two of the four
' branches in question. But, though they have
avoided this error, the theorists of the second class
have been driven into a Charybdis not less destruc-
tive. Looking tor the true site of Eden in the high-
lands of Armenia, near the sources of the Tigris
Hid Euphrates, and applying the names Pison and
Uihon to some one or other of the rivers which
spring from the same region, they have been com-
pelled to explain away the meaning of "1713, the
" river," and to give to D , tPrn a sense which is
not supported by a single passage. In no instance
'» WH (lit. " head ") applied to the source of a
river. On several occasions (cf. Judg. vii. 16, Job
i. 17, Ac.) it is used of the detachments into which
the main body of an army is divided, and analogy
therefore leads to the conclusion that O^SftO
lenotos "the branches" of the parent stream.
There are other difficulties in the details of the
several theories, which may be obstacles to their
aitire reception, but it is manifest that no theory
which fails to satisfy the above-mentioned oondi-
:ious can be allowed to take its place among things
hat are probable.
The old versions supply us with little or n»
assistance. The translators appear to have haued
tetwaen a mystical and literal interpretation. The
■md )TV ill rendered by the LXX. as a proper
EDEN
666
name In three passages only, Gen. it. 8, 10, It. 16.
where it is represented by 'Et«> In all others, with
the exception of Is. li. 3, it ia translated rov^s}.
In the Vulgate it never oocura as a proper name.
but is rendered " eokiptat," " Iochs volaptalu," ot
" dtUeim." The Targum of Onkelos gives it uni-
formly XVS, and in the Peshito-Syriao it is the
same, with the slight variation in two passages of
v^*-^* for \*-^«
It would be a hopeless task to attempt to chron
icle the opinions of all the commentators upon this
question: their name is legion. Philo (de MumM
Opif. § 64) is the first who ventured upon an
allegorical interpretation. He conceived that by
paradise is darkly shadowed forth the governing
faculty of the soul; that the tree of life signifies
religion, whereby the soul ia immortalized; and by
the faculty of knowing good and evil the middle
sense, by which are discerned things contrary to
nature. In another passage (de PhnlaL § 9) he
explains Eden, which signifies " pleasure," as u
symbol of the soul, that sees what is right, exults
in virtue, and prefers one enjoyment, the worship of
the Only Wise, to myriads of men's chief delights.
And again (Ltgum AlUgor. i. { 14) he says, " now
virtue ia tropically called paradise, and the site of
paradise is Eden, that ia, pleasure.'' The four
rivers he explains (§ 19) of the several virtues of
prudenoe, temperauoe, courage, and justice; while
the main stream of which they are branches is the
generic virtue, goodness, which goeth forth from
Eden, the wisdom of God. The opinions of Philo
would not be so much worthy of consideration,
were it not that he has been followed by many of
the Fathers. Origen, according to Luther ( Comm.
in Gen.), imagined paradise to be heaven, the trees
angels, and the rivers wisdom. Papias, Iresueus,
Pantamus, and Clemene Alexandrinua have all
favored the mystical interpretation (Huet, Origtn-
iina, ii. 167). Ambrosius followed the example of
Origen, and placed the terrestrial paradise in the
third heaven, in consequence of the expr ession of
St. Paul (3 Cor. xii. 3, 4); but elsewhere he distin-
guishes between the terrestrial paradise and that to
which the Apostle was caught up (Ot Parad: e.
3). In another passage (JCp. ad Satmum) all this
is explained as allegory. Among the Hebrew tra-
ditions enumerated by Jerome (Trad. Htbr. m
(Jen.) ia one that paradise was created before the
world was formed, and is therefore beyond its limits.
Moses Bar Cepha (Ot Parad.) assigns it a middle
place between the earth and the firmament. Some
affirm that paradise was on a mountain, which
reached nearly to the moon; while others, struck
by the manifest absurdity of such an opinion, held
that it was situated in the third region of the air,
and was higher than all the mountains of the earth
by twenty cubits, so that the waters of the flood
could not reach it. Others again have thought
that paradise was twofold, one corporeal and the
other incorporeal : others that it was formerly on
earth, but had been taken away by the judgment
of God (Hopkinson, Otter. Parad. in UgoL 7"Aes.
vii.). Among the opinions enumerated by Marinas
(Diet, de Parad. TerrttU UgoL The*, vii.) is one,
that, before the fall, the whole earth was paradise,
and was really situated in Eden, in the midst of
a_ kiiids of delights. Ephraem Syrus ( Comm. is
Gen., expresses himself doubtfully upon this point
Whether the trees of paradise, being spiritual, drank
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656 EDEN
of spiritual water, he does not undertake to deckle;
bat be seems to be of opinion that toe four riven
hare lost their original virtue in consequence of the
mrse pronounced upon the earth for Adam's trans-
ij.ii— iini
Conjectures with regard to the dimensions of the
garden have differed as widely as those which as-
sign its locality. Ephraem Syrus maintained that
it surrounded the whole earth, while Johannes
Tostatus restricted it to a circumference of thirty-
six or forty miles, and others have nude it extend
over Syria, Arabia, and Mesopotamia. (HopUn-
aon, aa above.) But of speculations like these
there is no end.
What is the river which goes forth from Eden
to water the garden ? is a question which has been
often asked, and still waits for a satisfactory an-
swer. That the ocean stream which surrounded
the earth was the source from which the four rivers
flowed was the opinion of Joaephus (Ant. i. 1, § 3)
and Johannes Damasceuus (De Oiihod. Fid. ii.
9). It was the Shnt-tLArab, aeceording to those
who place the garden of Eden below the junction
of the Tigris and Euphrates, and their oonjecture
would deserve consideration were it not that this
stream cannot, with any degree of propriety, be
said to rise in Eden. By those who refer the po-
sition of Eden to the highlands of Armenia, the
"river" from which the four streams diverge is
conceived to mean " a collection of springs," or a
well-watered district It is scarcely necessary to
say that this signification of "VT^ (ndhar) is
wholly without a parallel; and even if it could,
under certain circumstances, be made to adopt it,
such a signification is, in the present instance, pre-
cluded by the fact that, whatever meaning we may
assign to the word in ver. 10, it must ue the same
as that which it has in the following verses, in
which it is sufficiently definite. Sickler (Augusta,
TlieoL Monatsschrifl, i. 1, quoted by Winer), sup-
posing the whole narrative to be a myth, solves the
difficulty by attributing to its author a large nieas-
lre of igui ranee. The " river " was the Caspian
Sea, which in bis apprehension was an immense
itream from the east, Bertheau, applying the ge-
ographical knowledge ut the ancients as a test of
'hat of the Hebrews, arrived at the same oouclu-
iiou, on the ground that all the people south of
the Armenian and Persian highlands place the
dwelling of the gods in the extreme north, and
the regions of the Caspian were the northern limit
of the horizon of the Israelites (Knobel, Genesis).
But he allows the four rivers of Eden to have been
real rivers, and not, as Sickler imagined, oceans
which bounded the earth east and west of the
Vile.
That the Hiddekel* is the Tigris, and the Phrath
he Euphrates, has never been denied, except by
those who assume that the whole narrative is a
myth which originated elsewhere, and was adapted
by the Hebrews to their own geographical notions.
As the former is the name of the great river by
which Daniel sat (Dan. x. 4), and the latter is the
term uniformly applied to the Euphrates in the
Old Testament, there seems no reason to suppose
that the appellations in Gen. ii. 14 are to be uuder-
Muud in any other than the ordinary sense. One
a lids name Is said to be still m was among the
trie** who live upon Its banks (Cot Cuasney, Ezp. to
fight and FufJaatrt, 1. U).
EDEN
cjreo-natance in the description Is worthy of ob-
servation. Of the four riven, one, the T*nulnaa»s,
is mentioned by name only, as if that were suffi-
cient to identify it The other three an defined
according to their geographical positions, and it is
fair to conclude that they were therefore riven with
which the Hebrews were less intimately acquainted.
If this be the case, it is scarcely possible to imagine
that the Gihou, or, as some say, the Pison. is the
Nile, for that must have been even more familiar U
the Israelites than the Euphrates, and have stood
aa little in need of a definition.
With regard to the Piscu, the most ancient and
most universally received opinion .deutifiea it with
the Ganges. Josephus (Ant. i. 1, § 3;, Eusebiua
(OnomasL a v.), Ambrosius (de Parad. c. 3),
Epiphanius (Anror. c 58), Ephr. Syr. (Opp. Syr.
i. 23), Jerome (Ep. * ad Riot, and Quest (fed. w
Gen.), and Augustine (de Gen. ad Lit. viii. T) held
this. But Jarchi (on Gen. ii. 11), Saadiah Gaon,
R. Moses ben Nachman, and Abr. PeriUol (Ugol.
Thes. vii.), maintained that the Pison was the
Nile. The first of these writers derives the word
from a root which signifies "to increase," "to
overflow " (cf. Hab. i. 8), but at the same time
quotes an etymology given in Brrethith moon, § 16,
in which it is asserted that the river is called Pison
"because it makes the flax (jntDD) to grow."
Josephus explains it by r^ifiis, Scaliger by tA^m-
fiupa. The theory that the Pison is the Ganges *s
thought to receive some confirmation from the
author of the book of Ecclesiasticus, who mentions
(xxiv. 25, 27) in order the Pison, the Tigris, the
Euphrates, Jordan, and Gihon, and is supposed to
have commenced his enumeration in the east and
to have terminated it in the west. That the Pison
was the Indus was an opinion currant long before
it was revived by Ewald (Gesch. d. VoUe. Itr. i.
331, note 2) and adopted by KaHsch (Genesis, p.
96). Philostorgius, quoted by Huet (TJgoL vol.
vii.), conjectured that it was the Hydsspes: and
Wilford (As. Res. vol. vi.), following the Hindoo
tradition with regard to the origin of mankind,
discovers the Pison in the I-andi-Sindh, the Ganges
of Igidorus, called also NilAb from the color of its
waters, and known to the Hindoos by the name of
Nila-Ganga or Gangs simply. Severianua (de
Standi Great.) and Ephraem Syrus (Comm. on
6'rti.) agree with Cesarius in Identifying the Pison
with the Danube. The last-mentioned father seems
to hare held, in common with others, some singular
notions with regard to the course of this river.
He believed that it was also the Ganges and Indus,
and that, after traversing Ethiopia and Bymais,
which he identified with Havilah, it fell into the
ocean near Cadiz. Such is also the opinion of
Epiphanius with regard to the course of the Pison,
which he says is the Ganges of the Ethiopians and
Indians sud the Indus of the Greeks (Ancor. c
58). Some, aa Hopkinson (Ugol. vol. vii.;, nave
found the Pison in the Nabarmalca, one of the
artificial canals which formerly joined the Euphrates
with the Tigris. This canal is the flmtm reman
of Aram. Marc, (xxiii. 6, § 25, and xxiv. 1, J 1),
and the Armakkar of Pliny (B. N. vi 30). Gro-
tius, on the contrary, considered it to be the Gihon.
Even those commentators who agree in placing the
terrestrial Paradise on the Shiit-ei-Arab, the stream
formed by the junction of the Tigris and Eu-
phrates, between Ctesiphou and Apamea, are by M
means unanhnous as to which of the brsiusSsSi nts
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EDEN
•Men this stream it again divided, the names Pison
and Gabon are to be applied. Calvin ( Cbntm. m
Cea.) was the first to conjecture that the Pison was
the most euterij of then channels, and in this
opinion be ia {allowed by Soaliger and many others.
Hues, on the other hand, conceived that he proved
beyond doubt that Calvin waa in error, and that
the Pison waa the westernmost of the two channels
by which the united stream of the Euphrates and
Tigris falls into the Persian Gulf. He was con-
firmed by the authority of Bochart (Uieroz. pt. ii.
1. 5, c 5). Junius (Pixel ia Gen.) and Kask dis-
covered a relic of the name Pison in the Pasitigris.
The advocates of the theory that the true position
of Eden is to be sought for in the mountains of
Armenia have been induced, from a certain resem-
blance in the two names, to identify the Pison with
the Phasis, which rises in the elevated plateau at
the foot of Mount Ararat, near the sources of the
Tigris and Euphrates. Reland (de Situ farad,
terr. UgoL vol. vii.), Calmet (Diet. s. v.J, Link
(Uratlt, i. 307), Rosenmuller (llandb. d. BibL
Alt.), and Hartmann hare given their suffrages in
favor of this opinion. Raumer (quoted by De-
litzsch, Genua) endeavored to prove that the Pison
was the Phasis of Xenophon (Anib. iv. 6), that is,
the Aras or Araxes, which flows into the Caspian
Sea. There remain yet to be noticed the theories
of Le Clere (Cumin, ia Urn.) that the Pison was
the Chrysorrhoaa, the modern Barada, which takes
its rise near Damascus; and that of Buttmann
(xEU. Erdk. p. 33) who identified it with the Be-
rynga or Irabatti, a river of Ava. Mendelssohn
(Coiwn. on Gen.) mentions that some affirm the
Pison to be the Gozau of 3 K. xvii. 8 and 1 Chr.
r. 26, which is supposed to be a river, and the same
with the Kizil-Uzen in Hyrcania. Colonel Ches-
ney, from the results of extensive observations in
Armenia, was " led to infer that the rivers known
by the comparatively modern names of links and
Araxes are those which, in the book of Genesis,
have the names of Pison and Gihon; and that the
country within the former is the land of Havilah,
x hilst that which bonders upon the latter is the still
more remarkable country of Cuah." (i-'xji. to
£uphr. ami Tiyiit, i. 267.)
Such, in brief, is a summary of the various con-
jectures which have been advanced, with equal
decrees of confidence, by the writers who hare
attempted to solve the problem of Eden. The
majority of them are characterized by one common
sefecb In the narrative of Genesis the river Pison
s defined as that which surrounds the whole land
if Havilah. It is, then, absolutely necessary to
fix the position of Havilah before proceeding to
identify the Pison with any particular river. But
the process followed by moat critics has been first
to find the Pison and then to look about for the
land of Havilah. The same inverted method is
characteristic of their whole manner of treating the
problem. The position of the garden is assigned,
the rivers are then identified, and lastly the coun-
ties mentioned in the description arc so chosen is
u> coincide with the rest of the theory.
With such diversity of opinion as to the river
which is intended to be represented by the Pison,
it waa warcely possible that writers on this subject
should be unanimous in their selection of a country
possessing the attributes of Havilah. In Gen. ii.
11, 12, it is described as the land ahere the best
gold was found, and which was besides rich in the
treasures of the b'dolach and the stone thoham. A
42
EDEN
1367
country of the same name is mentioned as fosnlng
one of the boundaries of Iahmael's iIiiiikssIsSiIs
(Gen. xxv. 18), and the scene of Saul's war of
extermination against the Amalekites (1 Sam. xr.
7). In these passages Havilah seems to denote
the desert region southeast of Palestine. But the
word occurs also as the proper name of a son of
Joktan, in close juxtaposition with Sheba and
Ophir, also sons of Joktan and descendants of
Shem (Gen. x. 29), who gave their names to the
spice and gold countries of the south. Again,
Havilah is enumerated among the Hamites as one
of the sons of Cush; and in this enumeration hia
name stands in close connection with Seba, Sheba,
and Dedan, the first founders of colonies in Etbi
opia and Arabia which afterwards bore their names.
If, therefore, the Havilah of Gen. ii. be identical
with any one of these countries, we must look fii
it on the east or south of Arabia, and probably not
far from the Persian Gulf. In other respect*, too,
this region answers to the conditions required.
Bochart, indeed, thought the name survived in
Chnuti, which was situated on the east side of the
Arabian Gulf, and which he identified with the
abode of the Shemitic Joktanites ; but if hia ety-
mology be correct, in which he connects Havilah
with the root vin "sand," the appellation of
"the sandy" region wouW not necessarily be re-
stricted to one locality. That the name is derived
from some natural peculiarity is evident from the
presence of the article. Whatever may be the true
meaning of b'dolach, be H carbuncle, crystal, bdel-
lium, ebony, pepper, cloves, beryl, pearL diamond,
or emerald, aU critics detect its presence, under one
or other of these forms, in the country which
they select as the Havilah most appropriate to then-
own theory. As little difficulty is presented by the
thuham : call it onyx, sardonyx, emerald, sapphire,
beryl, or sardius, it would be hard indeed if
some of these precious stones could not be found
I in any conceivable locality to support even the most
l far-fetched and improbable conjecture. That Havi-
lah is that part of India through which the Ganges
; flows, and, more generally, the eastern region of
the earth ; that it is to be found in Susiana (Hop-
kinson), in Ava (Buttmann), or in the Ural region
(Haumer), are conclusions necessarily following upon
the assumptions with regard to the Pison. Hart-
mann, Keland, and Rosenmuller are in favor of
Colchis, the scene of the legend of the Golden
Fleece. The Phasis waa said to flow over golden
sands, and gold was carried down by the moun
tain-torrents (Strabo, xi. 2, § 19). The crystal
(b'dolach) of Scythia was renowned (Solinus, c.
xx.), and the emeralds (thohaia) of this country
were aa far superior to other emeralds as the latta
were to other precious stones (Piin. H. N. xxxvii.
17), all which proves, say they, that Havilah was
Colchis. Rosenmuller argues, rather strangely, if
the Phasis be the Pison, the land of Havilah must
be Colchis, supposing that by this country the He-
brews had the idea of a Pontic or Northern India
In like mannner I* Clerc, having previously deter-
mined that the Pison must be the Chrysorrhoaa,
finds Havilah not far from Coele-Syria. Haase
(Entdtck. pp 49, 50, quoted by KosenmuQer)
compares Harilah with the T\ala of Herodotus
(iv 9), in tht neighborhood of the Arimaapiana,
an! the dragon which guarded the land of gold.
For all these hypotheses there is no mare i
than the merest conjecture.
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668
EDEN
H» second river of Paradise presec'a difficulties
Mt Ion insurmountable than toe Pison. Those
who maintained that the Pison is the Ganges held
also that the Gihon was the Nile. One objection
to this theory has been already mentioned. An-
other, equally strong, is, that although in the books
of the Old Testament frequent allusion is made to
this river, it nowhere appears to have been known
to the Hebrews by the name Gihon. The idea
seems to have originated with the LXX. rendering
of "YirPH? by rqAr in Jer. ii. 18; but it is clear
from the manner in which the translators have given
the latter clause of the same passage that they had
no conception of the true meaning. Among mod-
em writers, Bertheau (quoted by Delitzsch, Utnriu)
and Kalisch (Genesis) have not hesitated to support
this interpretation, in accordance with the principle
they adopt, that the description of the garden of
Eden is to be explained according to the most an-
cient notions of the earth's surface, without refer-
ence to the advances made in later times in geo-
graphical knowledge. If this hypothesis be adopted,
it certainly explains some features of the narrative;
but, so far from removing the difficulty, it intro-
duces another equally great It has yet to be
proved that the opinions of the Hebrews on these
points were as contradictory to the now well-known
relations of land and water as the recorded impres-
sions of other nations at a much later period. At
present we have nothing but categorical assertion.
Pausanias (ii. 5), indeed, records a legend that the
Euphrates, after disappearing in a marsh, rises
again beyond Ethiopia, and flows through Egypt as
the Nile. Arrian (Exp. Alex, vi 1) relates that
Alexander, on finding crocodiles in the Indus, and
beans like those of Egypt on the banks of the
Acesines, imagined that he had discovered the
sources of the Nile; but he adds, what those who
make use of this passage do not find it convenient
to quote, that on receiving more accurate informa-
tion Alexander abandoned his theory, and cancelled
Met letter he had written to his mother Olympias
on the subject. It is but fair to say that there was
at one time a theory afloat that the Nile rose in a
mountain of Lower Mauritania (PUn. H. N. v.
10).
The etymology of Gihon (ITJ, to ours* forth)
seems to indicate that it was a swiftly flowing, im-
petuous stream. According to Golius (Lex. Arab.),
ji* 1 ,-^- (Jichoon) it the name given to the
Oxus, which has, on this account, been assumed by
SosenmiiUer, Hartmann, and Michaelis to be the
jihon of Scripture. But the Araxes, too, is called
>y the Persians Jichoon ar-Rai, and from this cir
jumstance it has been adopted by Reland, Cahnet,
and Col. Chesney as the modern representative of
the Gihon. It is clear, therefore, that the question
is not to be decided by etymology alone, as the
name might be appropriately applied to many rivers
That the Gihon should be one of the channels by
which the united stream of the Tigris and Euphrates
falls into the Persian Gulf, was essential to the
theory which places the garden of Eden on the
Shal-tl-Arab. Bochart and Huet contended that
H was the easternmost of these channels, while Cal-
vin considered it to be the most westerly. Hop-
kmaon and Junius, conceiving that Eden was to he
fonnd in the region of Auranitis (= Avdnnitis,
jmam F.<km&») on the Euphrates, were compelled
to make the Gihon coincide with the Naharsar. the
KDBN
Manes of Amm. Male (xriii. 6, § 86). That it
should be the Orontes (Le Clare ., the Ganges (BoH-
mann and EwaM), the Kur, or Cyras, which rises
from the side of the Saghanlou mountain, a few
miles northward of the sources of the Araxes (link)
necessarily followed from the exigencies of toe sev-
eral theories. Rask and Verbrugge are in favor of
the Gyndes of the ancients (Her. i. 189), now caBed
the Diyalah, one of the tributaries of the Tigris.
Abraham Peritaol (Ugol. vol. vii.) was of ophwn
that the garden of Eden was situated in the region
of the Mountains of the Moon. Identifying the
Pison with the Nile, and the Gihon with a river
which his editor, Hyde, explains to be the Niger
he avoids the difficulty which is presented by the
nut that the Hiddekel and Froth are rivers of
Asia, by conceiving it possible that these rivers
actually take their rise in the Mountains of the
Moon, and run underground till they make their
appearance in Assyria. Equally satisfactory is the
explanation of Ephraem Syrus that the four rivers
have their source in Paradise, which is situated in
a very lofty place, but are swallowed up by the
surrounding districts, and after passing underneath
the sea, come to light again in different quarters of
the globe. It may be worth while remarking, by
the way, that the opinions of this father are fre-
quently misunderstood in consequence of the very
inadequate Latin translation with which his Syriac
works are accompanied, and which often does not
contain even an approximation to the true sense.
(For an example, see Kalisch, (Jenrtiii, p. 96.)
From etymological considerations, Huet was in-
duced to place Cush in Chusistan (called Cutha.
2 K. xvii. 24), Le Clerc in Cassiotis in Syria, and
Reland in the "regio Cossieonim." Bochart iden-
tified it with Susiana, Link with the country about
the Caucasus, and Hartmann with Bactria or Bnlkh,
the site of Paradise being, in this case, in the cel-
ebrated rale of Kashmir. The term Cush is gen
erally applied in the Old Testament to the countries
south of the Israelites. It was the southern limit
of Egypt (Ex. xxix. 10), and apparently the most
westerly of the provinces over which the rule of
Ahasuerus extended, " from India, even unto Ethi-
opia" (Esth. i. 1, viii. 9). Egypt and Cash are
associated in the majority of instances in which the
word occurs (Ps. Ixviii. 31 ; Is. xviii. 1 ; Jer. xlri.
9, Ac.); but in two passages Cush stands in dose
juxtaposition with Elam (Is. xi. 11) and Persia
(Ex. xxxviii. 6). The CushHe king, Zerah, was
utterly defeated by Asa at Mareahah, and pursued
as far as Gerar, a town of the Philistines, on the
southern border of Palestine, which was apparently
under his sway (2 Chr. xhr. 9, Ac.). In 2 Chr.
xxi. 16, the Arabians are described as dwelling
" beside the Cushites," and both are mentioned in
connection with the Philistines. The wife of Moats,
who, we learn from Ex. ii., was the daughter of a
Midianite chieftain, is in Num. xil. 1 denominated
a Cusbite. Further, Cush and Seba (la xlHi. S\
j Cush and the Sabeeans (Is. xlv. 14) are associated
I in a manner consonant with the genealogy of tfci
| descendants of Ham (Gen. x. 7), in which Seba is
the son of Cush. From all these circumstances it
is evident that under the denomination Cush were
included both Arabia and the country south of
Egypt on the western coast of the Ked Sea. It is
possible, also, that the vast derert tracts west of
Egypt were known to the Hebrews as the land of
Cush, but of this we have no certain proof. The
Targumist on Is. xi. 11 sharing the prevailing
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EDBK
r of Mi time, translates Cush by India but that
a better knowledge of the relative position* of tbeae
countries wa> anciently possessed is clear from
Estb. i. 1. With all this evidence For the southern
situation of Cosh, on what ground* are Roeenmuller
and others justified in applying the term to a more
northern region on the banks of the Oxua ? We
are told that, in the Hindoo mythology, the gardens
and metropolis of India are placed around the
mountain M<ni, the celestial north pole; that,
among the Babylonians and Medo-Persians, the
gods' mountain, Albordj, "the mount of the con-
gregation," was believed to be " in the sides of the
north" (Is. xiv. 13); that the oldest Greek tra-
ditions point northwards to the birthplace of gods
and men ; and that, for all these reasons, the Par-
adise of the Hebrews must be sought for in some
far distant hyperborean region. Guided by such
unerring indications, Hasse (Enidechmgen, pp.
49, 50 n.) scrupled not to gratify his national feel-
ing by placing the trarden of Eden ou the coast of
the Baltic ; Kudbeck, a Swede, found it in Scandina-
via, and the inhospitable Siberia has not been with-
out its advocates (Morren, KoseninUller's Otog. i.
96). But, with all this predilection in favor of
the north, the Greeks placed the gardens of the
HesperideB in the extreme west, and there are
strong indications in the Pur Anas " of a terrestrial
paradise, different from that of the general Hindu
system, in the southern parts of Africa " (At. Ret.
iii. 300). Even Meru was no further north than
the Himilayan range, which the Aryan race crossed
in their migrations.
In the midst of this diversity of opinions, what
is the true conclusion at which we arrive? Theory
after theory has been advanced, with no lack of
confidence, but none has been found which satisfies
the required conditions. All share the inevitable
fate of conclusions which are based upon inadequate
premises. The problem may be indeterminate be-
cause the data are insufficient. It would scarcely,
an any other hypothesis, have admitted of so many
apparent solutions. Still it is one not easy to be
abandoned, and the site of Eden will ever rank,
with the quadrature of the circle and the interpre-
tation of unfulfilled prophecy, among those un-
lolved, and perhaps insoluble, problems, which pos-
sess so strange a fascination.
It must not be denied, however, that other
methods of meeting the difficulty, than those above
mentioned, have been proposed. Some, ever ready
10 use the knife, have unhesitatingly pronounced
.he whole narrative to be a spurious interpolation
of a later age (Granville Penn, Min. and Mot.
tieoL p. 184). But, even admitting this, the
words are not mere unmeaning jargon, and demand
optanation. Ewald (Gctch. i. 331, note) affirms,
arid we have only bis word for it, that the tradition
originated in the for East, and that in the course
sf its wanderings the original names of two of the
hers at least wen changed to others with which
oe Hebrews were oetter acquainted. Hartmann
regards it as a product of the Babylonian or Per-
sian period. Luther, rejecting the forced interpre-
tations on which the theories of his time were
•seed, gave it as his opinion that the garden re-
named under the guardianship of angels till the
time of the deluge, and that its site was known to
'he descendants of Adam; but that by the Hood
aU traces of it were obliterated. On the stpposi-
tfcm that this is correct, there is still a difficulty to
as explained. The narrative is so woreW a* to
EDEN
669
convey the idea that the countries and rivers spoken
of were still existing in the time of the historian
It has been suggested that the description of the
garden of Eden is part of an inspired antediluvian
document (Morren, KoaenmiiUer's Geogr. L 93).
The conjecture is beyond criticism; it is equally
incapable of proof or disproof, and has not much
probability to recommend it The effects of the
flood in changing the face of countries, and alter-
ing the relations of land and water, are too little
known at present to allow any inferences to be
drawn from them. Meanwhile, as every expression
of opinion results In a confession of ignorance, it
will be more honest to acknowledge the difficulty
than to rest satisfied with a fictitious solution.
The idea of a terrestrial paradise, the abode of
purity and happiness, has formed an element in the
religious beliefs of all nations. The image of
" Eden, the garden of God," retained its hold upon
the minds of the poets and prophets of Israel as a
thing of beauty whose joys had departed (Ex. xxvili.
13 ; Joel ii. 3 ), and before whose gates the cherubim
still stood to guard it from the guilty. Arab legends
teO of a garden in the East, on the summit of a
mountain of jacinth, inaccessible to man; a garden
of rich soil and equable temperature, well watered,
and abounding with trees and flowers of rare colors
and fragrance. In the centre of Jambu-dwfpa, the
middle of the seven continents of the Puranas, is
the golden mountain Meni, which stands like the
seed-cup of the lotus of the earth. On its summit
is the vast city of Brahma, renowned in heaven,
and encircled by the Ganges, which, issuing from
the foot of Vishnu, washes the lunar orb, and
falling thither from the skies, is divided into four
streams, that flow to the four corners of the earth.
These rivers are the Bhadra, or Oby of Siberia; the
Sfta, or Hoangho, the great river of China; the
Alakananda, a main branch of the Ganges; and
the Chakshu, or Oxus. In this abode of divinity
is the Nandana, or grove of India ; there too is the
Jambu tree, from whose fruit are fed the waters of
the Jambu river, which give life and immortality
to all who drink thereof. ( Vishnu Purdna, trans.
Wilson, pp. 166-171.) The enchanted gardens of
the Chinese are placed in the midst of the summits
of Houanlun, a high chain of mountains further
north than the Himalaya, and further east than
llindukuah. The fountain of immortality which
waters these gardens is divided into four streams,
the fountains of the supreme spirit, Tychiu. Among
the Medo-1'ersiana the gods' mountain Albordj is
the dwelling of Ormuzd, and the good spirits, and is
called " the navel of the waters." The Zend books
mention a region called Seden, and the place of
Zoroaster's birth is called ffedtneth, or, according to
another passage, Airjana I'eedjv (Knobel, Gtnttuf).
All these and similar traditions are but mere
mocking echoes of the old Hebrew story, jarred and
broken notes of the same strain ; but, with all their
exaggerations, " they intimate how in the back-
ground of man's visions lay a Paradise of holy joy,
— a Paradise secured from every kind of profanation,
and made inaccessible to the guilty ; a Paradise full
of objects that were calculated to delight the senses
and to elevate the mind ; a Paradise that granted
to its tenant rich and rare immunities, and that
fed with its perennial streams the tree of life and
immortality' (Hard wick, Christ and other Matters,
pt ii p. 188,. W. A. W.
• This difficult subject should not be dismissed
without additional suggestions. 1. The stateoraoU
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080
BDHH
I to be interprated in a manner eon~
t with themselves and with other known bete.
We eeecpt it a* a true history. In so doing, we
•bereey est aeide ell theories which And hen the
Gangs*, the Indue, or the Mile. All such inter-
pretation* come from men who regard the paaaage
aa a myth or cage. We get no help from them
here. Known law* of h jdroatatic* and known bete
concerning the Tigria and Euphrate* ah» forbid
onr understanding that an; one rictr in the derated
region where these stream* riee, divided itself into
four riven, of which these were two. 2. " Eden "
wa* a region or territory, we know not how exten-
sive, in tchich God planted a garden, and from
which went forth then water*. It was not the
garden, but the region in which the gardec lay.
3. It would not appear that the Deluge wholly
changed the bee of the country. The sacred writer
wa* evidently describing a region that might be
still recognized when he wrote, and he made speci-
fications for the aake of recognition. Moreover,
two of the river* are now well known. 4. The
general situation of the territory is fxtd by the
rising of the rivers Tigris and Euphrates, m the
highlands of Armenia. It is generally conceded,
as the result of ethnographical researches, that the
early home (or one of the early burne* of the
nations) is to be sought around that region. 6.
The writer seems to be describing the river-system
of the territory and the tour great rivers into which
these various waters became united. No one lie-
brew word would so well describe the case as "^}
wed collectively. The word fVj denotes a fount-
ain ; D19 bodies of water. But "lPTJ is a stream,
or used collectively, streams, the river-system. It
is commonly employed in the plural when more
than one stream is designated. Here however the
whole are viewed together. A similar use is found
in Jonah ii. 4, where the same word in the singular
and connected with a singular verb, designates the
ocean streams or ootids that surrounded Jonah.
Now in the high regions of Armenia there are
still to be found four great streams with numerous
branches, rising within a short distance of each
other and flowing into three different seas. Two
if these rivers are unquestionably among the four
mentioned in Genesis; and of these two the Tigris
-ises within four or Ave miles of the Euphrates,
fhe latter is 1600 miles in length, and the former
.186 miles long before its junction with it. Now
nidway between the two main sources of the
Euphrates, and about ten miles from each, rises the
Araxes and flows a thousand miles to the Caspian
Sea: while at no great distance from the Euphrates
is the origin of the Halys (now Kvdl lnmtk),
which runs a winding course of 700 miles north-
westerly to the Black Sea. That the Gihon is the
iraxes was long ago maintained by ReUnd and
Koseiuniiller; and the explorations of Col. Chesney,
who adopts the same view, bring no little weight to
.he opinion. His suggestion that the I'iaon is the
ilalys is also favored by the relation of the several
streams, and by the striving similarity of the names
Hevflah, nV VI, and Colchis, Kakxit, "* rf 8 ion
■ the Golden Fleece, which lay on the eastern end
rf the Mack Sea. Krland, Kosenmiiller and others
saw the resemblance in the names of the country,
oat suggests"! the Phasis as the river. Its remote-
ness would seem to set it aside. The main objection
EDKH
to identifying the Araxes with the Gihon, la as
the sl s l ement that the river mrnmn ss w a the wh o !*
land of Cush. But Geaenin* hisasetf waa obliged
to retract his statement that Cush waa to be found
only in Flhinraa, and to admit an Arabian Cosh,
while Rawiiraien has shown (Haad. i. 353, Asa.
ed.) a remarkable connection between the Olenites
of Ethiopia and the earlier inhabitants of Babyksna
and Assyria. [Clan.] Dr. Robinson baa well
said that " the Cuahites occupied the immense
region stretching from Assyria in the N. E. through
laa tiru Arabia into Africa" (Gesen. Utb. Lex.
WKB). The Araxes thus apparently by beyond
or compassed " the ic/iolr land " of the Cuahites in
Asia. Without going into further details, or be-
coming responsible for this theory, we may aay that
it holds fast certain central (acts of the narrative,
offers a plausible solution of its chief statement*,
and introduces no mythic or impossible elements.
The unsatisfactory state of our knowledge concern-
ing the regions Havilah and Cush, with the reasons,
by no means insuperable, for finding them else-
where, are the chief objections. It deserves con-
sideration in this, at least, that it treats the sacred
narrative with respect. S. C. B.
EDEN, 1. (J7S [pUamtlnfu] : tMp ;
[Alex. EsW:] Eden; omitted by LXX. in la.
xxxvii. 13, and Ea. xxvii. 23), one of the marts
which supplied the luxury of Tyre with richly em-
broidered stuffs. It is associated with Haran,
Sheba, and Asshur; and in Am. I. 6, Beth-Eden,
or u the house of Eden," is rendered in the LXX.
by Xoyi^dV. In 3 K. xix. 12, and Is. xxxvii. 12,
" the sons of Eden " are mentioned with Goran,
Haran, and Reeeph, as victims of the Assyrian
greed of conquest. Telassar appears to have been
the bead-quarters of the tribe ; and Knobd'a
(Comm. on Itaiiih) etymology of this name would
point to the highlands of Assyria as their where-
abouts. But this ha* no sound foundation, although
the view which it supports receives confirmation
from the version of Jonathan, who gives S^TTt
(Chadib) as the equivalent of Eden. Boehart
proved (PhaUg, pt. i. p. 274) that this term wa*
applied by the Talmudic writers to the mountain-
ous district of Assyria, which bordered on Media,
and waa known as Adiabene. But if Goran be
Uausauitia in Mesopotamia, and Haran be Carrhse,
it seems more uatural to look far Eden somewhere
in the same locality. Keil ( Oman, on Autos, ii.
97, English translation) thinks it may be y* . "vSO
(Ma'don), which Assemani (Bibl Or. ii. 224)
places in Mesopotamia, in the modern province of
Diarliekr. Hochart, considering the Eden of Genesis
end Isaiah as identical, argues that Goran, Haran,
Rezeph, and Eden, are meutioned in order of
geographical position, from north to south; and,
identifying Guxan with Gauaanitia, Haran with
Carrhte, a little below tiauaanitia on the Chaos?,
and Rezeph with Keseipha, gives to Eden a still
more southerly situation at the confluence of the
Euphrates and Tigris, or even lower. According
to him. it may be Addan, or Addana, which geog-
raphers place on the Euphrates. Michaelia (.Stay*.
No. 182fi> is in favor of the modern Aden, calks
by ltolemy 'Apcu31ar itaripuv, as the Eden of
KaekieL In the absence of positive evidence, areh
ability seems to point to the N. W.of F "
aa the locality of this Eden.
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EDEN
2. Bru-Kaeh (11^ i"P2, A«n* <<f,4<*.,urt
Ikame of Aden, A. V.']': •>&>« XcuUeV; [Comp.
t 'AMJ^O dwnw uoi^arii), probably the name
if a country residence of the king* of Damascus
(Am. i. 5). Michaelis (SuppL ad Lex. Hear. s. v.),
Sallowing baroque's description, and milled by an
apparent reeembtance in name, identified it with
Ekden, about a day'« journey from Baalbek, on the
eastern slope of the Libanus, and near the old
oedara of Hthirrai. Baur (Amot, p. 394), in ac-
cordance with the Mohammedan tradition, that one
of the four terrestrial paradises was in the valley
between the ranges of the Libanus and Anti-
libanus, is inclined to favor the same hypothesis.
Bat Grotins, with greater appearance of probability,
pointed to the wapittuns of Ptolemy (t. 15) as
the locality of Eden. The ruins of the village of
Jdrith et-K'utlmth, now a paradise no longer, are
supposed by Dr. Kobinson to mark the site of the
ancient Paradlsus, and his suggestion is approved
by Mr. Porter (llindb. p. 577). Again, it has been
conjectured that Beth-Eden is no other than Btit-
Jtm. "the house of Paradise," not far to the
southwest of Damascus, on the eastern slcpe of the
Hermon, and a short distance from MuljeL It
stands on a branch of the ancient Pharpar, near its
source (Roseuniiiller, BiU. All. ii. 291; Hitzig,
Amot, in loc.; Porter, Dumtucut, i. 311). But all
this is mere conjecture; it is impossible, with any
degree of certainty, to connect the Arabic name,
bestowed since the time of Mohammed, with the
more ancient Hebrew appellation, whatever be the
apparent resemblance. W. A. W.
ETJEN (,£?? [pleattmtnett]: '1cmJo>; [Vat.
M.l IttdSov ; [Vat. U. Alex. Imtar; Comp. fleWr:]
Eden). 1. A Gershonite Levite, son of Joah, in
the days of Hezekiah (8 Chr. xiix. 12). He was
one of the two representatives of his family who
took part in the purification of the Temple.
2. ('05«V; [Comp. 'ASaV.]) Abo a Levite,
contemporary and probably identical with the pre-
ceding, who under Kore the son of [mnah was over
the freewill offerings of God (2 Chr. xxxi. 15).
W. A. W.
KDER 0"n£, a Jiock: Vat. omiU [rather,
with Rom., reads 'Apdj ; Alex. Ztpmv, [Aid. with
90 M88. 'ESpuf; Comp. 'ES>p:] Edtr). one of the
towns of Judah iii the extreme south, and on the
borders of Edom (Josh. xv. 91). No trace of it
has been discovered in modern times, unless, as has
been suggested, it is identical with Arad, by a
transposition of letters.
2. ('EoVo: Eder.) A Levite of the family of
Maari, in the time of David (1 Chr. xxiii. 93,
ixiv. 30). G.
ET>ES ('H Jots; [Vat., including the next
word, HJmtouijA; Aid. 'HoVi: Sedmi] Earn [?]),
. lisdr. ix. 35. [Jadac]
BD'NA CE8w,«'.e. nyflj,pka*tre: Annn),
*e wife of Ragnel (Tob. vu\ 3, 8, 14, 16, [viii.
19,] x. 12, xi. 1). B. F. \V.
EDOM, IDTJME'A, or IDUM&'A
.'3^t rtd'- 'EMp, fttopafaO N. T. ntovua'a,
sjulj in Mark iii. 8). The name Kdoin was girm
to Esau, the first-bom son of Isaac, and twin
orother of Jacob, when he sold bis birthright to
.he latter for a meal of lentife pottage. TV peculiar
jokw of the pottags gave rise to the name Edom,
EDOM
661
which signifies " red." " And Esau said to Jacob,
reed me, I pray thee, with that same red pottage;
for 1 am faint; therefore was his name called Edom"
(Gen. xxv. 39-34). The country which the Lord
subsequently gave to Esau was hence called the
field of Edom " (DHTJ? HTtp, Gen. xxxii. 3)
or "land of Edom" (01"$ V$?> Gen. xxxvi
16; Num. xxxiii. 37). Probably its physical aspect
may have had something to do with this. The
Easterns hare always been, and to the preset t day
are, accustomed to apply names descriptive of the
localities. The ruddy hue of the mountain-range
given to Esau would at once suggest the word
Edom, and cause it to be preferred to the better-
known Esau. The latter was also occasionally used,
as in Ubad. 8, 9, 19; and in 21, we have "the
Mount of Esau" (1^5 inTl**).
Edom was previously called HewU Sar CH$?t
rugged ,- Gen. xxxii. 3, xxxvi. 8), from Seir the
progenitor of the Horitea (Uen. xlv. 6, xxxvi. 20-
22). The uame Seir was perhaps adopted on ac-
count of its being descriptive of^he "rugged"
character of the territory. Josephus (Ant. i. 18, ,
1) conic unds the words Seir and Amu, and seems
to affirm that the name Seir was also derived from
Isaac's son ; but this idea is opposed to the express
statement of Moses (Gen. xiv. 6). The original
inhabitants of the country were called Horitet,
from Mori, the grandson of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 20,
22), because that name was descriptive of their
habits as '• Troglodytes," or "dwellers in caves"
("nh, Hoitrro). Tlmna, the daughter of Seir
and aunt of Hori, became concubine to Kliphaz,
Esau's oldest son, and bare to him Amalek, the
progenitor of the AmalrkUet (Geo. xxxvi. 12, 20,
•22). Immediately after the death of Isaac, Esau
left Canaan and took possession of Mount Seir (Gen.
xxxv. 28. xxxvi. 6, 7, 8). When bis descendants
increased they extirpated the Horitea, and adopted
their habits as well as their country (Deut. ii. 12;
Jer. xHx. IB; Ubad. 3, 4).
The boundaries of Edom, tbongh not directly,
are yet incidentally denned with tolerable distinct-
ness in the Bible. The country lay along the
route pursued by the Israelites from the peninsula
of Sinai to rUdesh-bamea, and thence back again
to Elath (Deut. i. 2, ii. 1-8); that is, along the
eatt side of the great valley of Arabah. It reached
southward as fer as Elath, which stood at the
northern end of the gulf of Elath, and was the sea-
port of the Edomitet ; but it docs not seem to have
extended further, as the Israelites on passing Elath
struck out eastward into the desert, so as to pass
round the land of Edom (Deut. ii. 8). On the
north of Edom lay the territory of Moab, through
which the Israelites were also prevented from going,
and were therefore compelled to go from Kadssh
by the southern extremity of Edom (Judg. xi. 17,
18; 2 K. iii. 6-9). The boundary between Moab
and Edom appears to have been the " brook Zend"
(Dent, it 13, 14, 18), probably the modern Wady-
eUAhty, which still divides the provinces of Kerai
(Moab) and Jebdl (GebaleneK But Edom was
wholly a mountainous country. "Mount Seir"
(Gen. xiv. 6, xxxvi. 8, 9; Deut i. 2. ii. 1, 5, Ac.)
and "the Mount of Esau" (Obad. 8, 9, 19, 91)
are names often given to it hi the Bible, while
Josephus <mi later writers called it Gebnlene ("the
mountainous "). "n> shows that it only embrace*
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862
EDOM
(at narrow moantaiuotu tract (about 100 mils
long by 90 broad) extending along the eastern aide
af the Anbah from the northern end of the gnh*
rf Elath to near the southern end of the Dead Sea.
A glance at the mora modem divisions and names
corroborates this view. Josephus divides Edom,
or Iduuuea, into two provinces; the one he calls
(iotiolith (ro/3oAfrij), and the other Amalddtia
(Ant. ii. 1, § 3). The farmer ia Edom Proper, or
Mount Seir; the latter is the region south of Pal-
estine now called the desert of tt-TIk, or " Wan-
Bering," originally occupied by the Amalekites
(Num. xiii. 29; 1 Sam. zv. 1-7, zxvii. 8), but
afterwards, as we shall see, possessed by the hdom-
ttea. Eusebius also gives the name GabaUme, or
Gebalene, as identical with Edom (Onom. s. t.
Seir, fdumaa. Alius, Ac.), and in the Samaritan
Pentateuch the word Giiila is substituted for Srir
in Deut. xxxiii. 2. Gebalene is the Greek form of
the Hebrew 6< Lai ( 733, mountain), and it is still
retained in the Arabic Jtlidl ( \j\JkS*, mountains).
The mountain range of Kdom is at present divided
into two districts. The northern is called Jebdl
It begins at TYady-tl-Ahsy (the ancient brook
Zered), which separates it from Ktrak (the ancient
Moab), and it terminates at or near Petra. The
southern district is called tth-Shirah, a name
which, though it resembles, bears no radical rela-
tion to the Hebrew Seir.
The physical geography of Edom is somewhat
peculiar. Along the western base of the mountain-
range are low calcareous hills. To these succeed
lofty masses of igneous rock, chiefly porphyry, over
which lies red and variegated sandstone in irregular
ridges and abrupt cliffs, with deep ravines between.
The latter strata give the mountains their most
striking features and remarkable colors. The
average elevation of the summits is about 2000 feet
above the sea. Along the eastern side runs an
almost unbroken limestone ridge, a thousand feet
or more higher than the other. This ridge sinks
down with an easy slope into the plateau of the
Arabian desert. While Edom is thus wild, rugged,
and almost inaccessible, the deep glens and flat
terraces along the mountain sides are covered with
rich soil, from which trees, shrubs, and flowers now
spring up luxuriantly. No contrast could be greater
than that between the bare, parched plains on the
east and west, and the ruddy cliffs, and verdant,
flower -spangled glens and terraces of Edom. This
illustrates Uible topography, and reconciles seem-
triply discordant statements in the sacred volume.
While the posterity of Esau dwelt amid rocky fast-
lesses and on mountain heights, making their
jotises like the eyries of eagles, and living by their
sword (Jer. xlix. 16; Gen. xxvii. 40), yet Isaac, in
his prophetic blessing, promised his disappointed
son that his dwelling should be " of the fatness of
the earth, and of the dew of heaven from above "
(Gen. xxvii. 30). Some other passages of Scripture
ire also illustrated by a glance at the towering
precipices and peaks of Edom. The border of the
Amorites was from " the ascent of scorpions (Ak-
rabbim), from the rock " — that is, from the rocky
boundary of Edom (Judg. i. 36). And we read
that Amasiah, after the conquest of Seir, took ten
thousand of the captives to the " top of the cliff,"
mid thence cast them dovn, dashing them all to
pieces (3 Chr. xxv. 11, 12).
The ancient capital of Edom was Bosrah [Boz-
«AnJ, the site if which is most probably marked
KDOM
by the village of Butrirth, near the n.ithern hot
der, about 25 miles south of Kerak (Gen. xxxvi
33; Is. xxxiv. 6, briii. 1; Jer. xlix. 13, S3). Bui
Sela, better known by its Greek name Petra, ap-
pears to have been the principal stronghold in the
days of Amasiah («. c. 838; 2 K. xiv. 7; see
Pktha). Elath, and its neighbor Eaion-geber,
were the sea-ports; they were captured by king
David, and here Solomon equipped his merchant-
fleet (2 Sam. viii. 14: 1 K. ix. 96).
When the kingdom of Israel began to decline,
the Edomites not only reconquered their lost cities,
but made frequent inroads upon southern Palestine
(2 K. xvi. 6; where EdomitM and not Syrians
{Annua me) a evidently the true reading; 9 Chr.
xxriii. 17). It was probably on account of these
attacks, and of their uniting with the Chaldeans
against the Jews, that the Edomites wen so fear-
fully denounced by tie later prophets (Obad. 1 ff.;
Jer. xlix. 7 ff.; Ez. xxv. 12 ff., xxxv. 8 ff.). Dur-
ing the Captivity they advanced westward, occupied
the whole territory of their brethren the Amalekites
Gen. xxxvi. 12; 1 Sam. xv. 1 ff.; Joseph. AM. ii.
1, J 2), and even took possession of many towns in
southern Palestine, including Hebron (Joseph. Ant.
xii. 8, $ 6; B. J. iv. 9, $ 7; c Apian, ii. 10).
The name Edom, or rather its Greek form, Iduuuea,
was now given to the country lying between the
valley of Arabah aud the shores of the Mediter-
ranean. Thus Josephus writes (Ant. v. 1, § 32) —
" the tot of Simeon included that part of Idumasa
which bordered upon Egypt and Arabia;" and
though this is true, it does not contradict the lan-
guage of Scripture — "I will not give you of their
land, no, not so much as a footbreadth, because I
have given Mount Seir unto Esau for a possession "
(Deut. ii. 5). Not a footbreadth of Edom Proper,
or Mount Seir, was ever given to the Jews. Je-
rome also (in Obad.) says that the Edomites pos-
sessed the whole country from Eleutheropolis to
Petra and Elath; and Koman authors sometimes
give the name Idumtea to all Palestine, and even
call the Jews Idumseana (Virg. Georg. xii. IS:
J nven. viii. 160; Martial, Ii. 3).
While Iduuuea thus extended westward, Edom
Proper was taken possession of by the Nabatbjeans,
an Arabian tribe, descended from Nebaioth, Ish-
mael's oldest son and Esau's brother-in-law (Gen.
xxv. 13; 1 Chr. I. 29; Gen. xxxvi. 3). The Na-
bathfeans were a powerful people, and held a great
part of southern Arabia (Joseph. Ant. i. 12, § 4).
They took Petra and established themselves there
at least three centuries before Christ, for Antigonus,
one of the successors of Alexander the Great, after
conquering Palestine, sent two expeditions against
the Nabathieans in Petra (Diod. Sic. xix). This
people, leaving off their nomad habits, settled
down amid the mountains of Edom, engaged in
commerce, and founded the little kingdom called
by Koman writers Arabia Petraa, which embraced
nearly the same territory as the ancient Edom.
Some of its monarchs took the name Aretas (2
Mace. v. 8; Joseph. Ant. xiii. IS, § 1, 2; xiv. 5, §
1), and some Obodas (Joseph, ..In*, xiii. 13, $ 6).
Aretas, king of Arabia, was father-in-law of Herod
Antipas (Matt. xiv. 3, 4), and it was the same wbx
captured the city of Damascus and held it at tot
time of Paul's conversion (3 Cor. xi. S3; Acts u
25). The kingdom of Arabia was finally subdues:
by the Romans in A. v. 105. Under the Romans
the transport trade of the Nahathsaana increessd
Roads were constructed through the mcantauvH*
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EDOM
JUes from Ebth on the coast to Petra, and thence
northward and westward. Traces of them (till
remain, with ruir.ous military stations at intervals,
wd fallen mile-atones of the times of Trajan and
Manas AureKus (Pevungtr Tablet; Leborde's
Voyage; Bnrckhardt's Syria, pp. 374, 419; Irbj
und Mangles' TrrweU, pp. 371, 377, 1st ed.). To
the NabaSueana Petra owes those great monument*
which are still the wouder of the world.
When the Jewish power revived under the war-
like Asmonean princes, that section of Idumna
which lav south of Palestine fell into their hands.
Judas Maocabteus captured Hebron, Maris**, and
Ashdod; and John Hyrcanus compelled the inhab-
itants of the whole region to conform to Jewish
law (Joeej-h. AnL xii. 8, § 6, xiu. 9, $ 9; 1 Mace,
v. 85, 68). The country was henceforth governed
by Jewish prefects; one of these, Antipater, an
Idunuean by birth, became, through the friendship
of the Roman emperor, procurator of all Judiea,
and his son was Herod the Great, " King of the
Jews" (Joseph. Ant. liv. 1, § 3, 8, J 5, xv. 7, § 9,
xvii. 11, f 4).
Early in the Christian era Edom Proper was in-
cluded by geographers in Palestine, but in the fifth
century a new division was made of the whole
country into Paktttmn Prima, Seaman, and Ter-
tia. The last embraced Edom and some neighbor-
ing provinces, and when it became an ecclesiastical
division its metropolis was Petra. In the seventh
century the Mohammedan conquest gave a death-
blow to the commerce and prosperity of Edom.
Under the withering influence of Mohammedan
rule the great cities fell to ruin, and the country
became a desert. The followers of the false prophet
were here, as elsewhere, the instruments in God's
hands for the execution of his judgments. " Thus
saith the Lord God, Behold, O Mount Seir, I am
against thee, and I will make thee most desolate-
I will lay thy cities waste, and when the whole
earth rejoiceth I will make thee desolate. ... 1
will make Mount Seir most desolate, and cut off
from it him that passeth out and him that returneth.
... I will make thee perpetual desolations, and
thy cities shall not return, aud ye shall know that
I am the Lord " (Ex. xxxv. 3, 4, 7, 9, 14).
The Crusaders made several expeditions into
Edom, penetrating as far as Petra, to which they
gave the name it still bears, Wady Mien, " Valley
of Moses" (Getla Dei per Franc, pp. 406, 518,
556, 681). On a commanding height about 12
miles north of Petra they built a strong fortress
called Mons Regalis, now Shibek (Oeeta Dei, p.
111). At that time so little was known of the
geography of the country that the Crusaders occu-
pied and fortified Ktrak (the ancient Kir Moab)
under the impression that it was the site of Petra.
From that time until the present century Edom
remained an unknown land. In the year 1819
Durckhardt entered it from the north, passed down
Jirough it, and discovered the wonderful ruins of
Petra. In 1828 Laborde, proceeding northward
from Akabih through the defiles of Edom. also
visited Petra, and brought away a portfolio of
splendid drawings, which proved that the descrip-
tions of BurckUardt had not been exaggerated.
Many have since followed the footsteps of the first
explorers, and a trip to Petri now forms a necessary
part of the eastern traveller's grand tour.
For the ancient geography of Edom consult Re-
em* Pahntmi, pp. 48, 06 ft'., 78, 89; for the
tlatarjr and commerce of the Nabathssans, Vincent's
EDOMITES
60S
Commerce and Navigation of Ike Ancient*, vo»
ii.; for the present state of the country and an
scriptions of Petra, Burckhardt's Traveie m Syria
Laborde's Voyage, Robinson's Biblical Reeearekee
Porter's Handbook for Syria and Palestine.
J. L.P.
ETJOMITES PB*11«, &>&% pL; and
Up}! , 35 [sow of Ike luury), Pent. ii. 4: 'I8ov-
fuuoi), the" descendants of Esau or Edom. [Edom].
Esau settled in Mount Seir immediately after the
death of his father Isaac (Gen. xxxvi. 6, 8). Be-
fore that time, however, he had occasionally visited,
and even resided in, that country ; for it was to the
" land of Seir " Jacob sent messengers to acquaint
his brother of his arrival from Padan-aram (Gen.
xxxii. 3). The Edomites soon became a numerous
and powerful nation (Gen. xxxvi. 1 ft). Their
first form of government appears to have re s em bled
that of the modern Bedawtn; each tribe or clan
having a petty chief or sheikh (F^lvH, " Duke " in
the A. V., Gen. xxxvi. 15). The Horites, who in-
habited Mount Seir from an early period, and
among whom the Edomites still lived, had their
sheikhs also (Gen. xxxvi. 29 ff.). At a later period,
probably when the Edomites began a war of exter-
mination against the Horites, they felt the neces-
sity of united action under one competent leader,
and then a king was chosen. The names of eight
of their kings are given in the book of Genesis
(xxxvi. 31-39), with their native cities, from which
it appears that one of them was a foreigner (" Saul
of Rehoboth-by-the river"), or, at least, that his
family were resident in a foreign city. (See also 1
Ohr. i. 43-60.) Against the Horites the children
of Edom were completely successful. Having either
exterminated or expelled them they occupied their
whole country (Deut. ii. 12). A statement made
in Gen. xxxvi. 31, serves to fix the period of the
dynasty of the eight kings. They " reigned in the
land of Edom before there reigned any king over
the children of Israel ; " that is, before the time of
Moses, who may be regarded as the first virtual king
of Israel (comp. Deut. xxxiii. 6; Ex. tviii. 16-19).
Other circumstances, however, prove that though
the Edomite kings had the chief command, yet the
old patriarchal government by sheikhs of tribes was
still retained. Most of the large tribes of Bedawin
at the present day have one chief, with the title of
Amir, who takes the lead in any great emergency;
while each division of the tribe enjoys perfect inde-
pendence under its own sheikh. So it would seem
to have been with the Edomites. Lists of duket
(or eheikke, ^IvM) are given both before and after
the kings (Gen. xxxvi. 15 ff.; 1 Chr. i. 51 ff.), and
in the triumphant song of Israel over the engulfed
host of Pharaoh, when describing the effect this
fearful act of divine vengeance would produce on
the surrounding nations, it is said: "Then »•>•
dulcet of Edom shall be amazed" (Ex. xv. lb,,
while, only a few years afterwards, Moses "sent
messengers from Kadesh unto the king (TT /Q)
of Edom " to ask permission to pass through his
country (Judg. xi. 17).
Esau's bitter hatred to his brother Jacob for
fraudulently obtaining his blessing appears to have
been inherited by his latest posterity. The Edom-
ites peremptorily refused to permit the Israelites to
pass through their land, though addressed in the
most friendly terms — "th'is taith thy brother
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664 EDOMITES
Israel" (Num xx. H) — and though secured that
they would neither drink of their waters nor tres-
pass on their fieldj or vineyards (ver. 17). The
Israelites were expressly oonmiiiided by God neither
to resent this conduct, nor even to entertain feel-
ing! of hatred to the Edomitee (Deut. ii. 4, 5, xziii.
7). The Edomitee did not attempt actual hostil-
ities, though tbejr prepared to reaitt by force an;
intruiiun (Num. xx. 20). Their neighbors and
brethren (Gen. zzztL 12), the Amalelutea, were
probably urged on by them, and proved the earliest
and most determined opponents of the Israelite*
during their Journey through the wilderness (Ex.
itU.8,9).
For a period of 400 years we hear no more of
the Edomites. They were then attacked and de-
bated by Saul (1 8am. xiv. 47). Some forty years
later David overthrew their army in the " Valley
of Salt," and his general, Joab, following up the
victory, destroyed nearly the whole male population
(1 K. xi. 15, 16), and placed Jewish garrisons in
all the strongholds of Edom (2 Sam. viii. 13, 14;
in ver. 13 the Hebrew should evidently be OVtH,
instead oftTJH; comp. 14; 2 K. xiv. 7; and
Joseph. .Int. vii. 6, $ 4). In honor of that victory
the Psalmist-warrior may have penned the words
in l's. Ix. 8, "over Edom will I cast my shoe."
Hadad, a member of the royal family of Edom,
made his escape with a few followers to Egypt, where
he was kindly received by Pharaoh. After the
death of David he returned, and tried to excite his
countrymen to rebellion against Israel, but failing
in the attempt he went on to Syria, where he be-
came one of Solomon's greatest enemies (1 K. xi.
14-22; Joseph. Ant. viii. 7, § 6). The Edomites
continued subjee* to Israel from this time till the
reign of Jehoshaphat (B. c. 914), when they at-
tempted to invade Israel in conjunction with Amnion
and Moab, but were miraculously destroyed in the
valley of Berachah (2 Chr. xx. 22). A few years
later they revolted against Jehonun, elected a king,
and for half a century retained their independence
(2 Chr. xxi. 8). They were then attacked by
Auiaxiah, 10,000 were slain in battle, Sela, their
Krent stronghold, was captured, and 10,000 more
were dashed to pieces by the conqueror from the
cliffs that surround the city (2 K. xiv. 7 ; 2 Chr.
xxv. 11, 12). Yet the Israelites were never able
attain completely to subdue them (2 Chr. xxviii.
17). When Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem
the Edomites joined him, and took an active part
in the plunder of the city and slaughter of the poor
Jews. Their cruelty at that time seems to le spe-
cially referred to in the 137th Psalm — " Remem-
ber, O I-ord, the children of Edom in the day of
Jerusalem ; who said, Raze it, raze it, even to the
foundation thereof." As the first part of Isaac's
prophetic blessing to Esau — " the elder shall serve
the younger " — was fulfilled in the long subjection
of the Edomites to the kings of Israel, so now the
second part was also fulfilled — " It shall come to
pass when thou shalt have the dominion that thou
shalt break his yoke from off thy neck " (Gen.
xxvii. 40). It was on account of these acts of
cruelty committed upon the Jews in the day of
sheir calamity that the Edomites were so fearfully
denounced by the later prophets (Is. xxxiv. 5-8,
Ixiii. 1-4; Jer. xlix. 17; Lam. iv. 21; Ez. xxr. 13,
14; Am. i. 11, 12; Obad. 10 ff.).
Oft the conquest of Judah by the Babylonian*,
EDOMITES
the Edomites, probably in reward for their sxnijsj
during the war, were permitted to settle it south-
ern Palestine, and the whole plateau between it ana
Egypt; but they were about the same time driven
out of Edom Proper by the NabaUueans. [Eoom-
Neraioth.] For more than four »— ''"tht Ussy
continued to prosper, and retained their new pos-
sessions with the exception of a few towns which
the Persian monarchs compelled them to restore to
the Jews after the Captivity. But during toe war-
like rule of the Maccabees they were again com-
pletely subdued, and even forced to conform to
Jewish laws and rites (Joseph. Ant. xJi. 8, § 6, siiL
9, $ 1; 1 Msec. v. 66), snd submit to the govern-
ment of Jewish prefects. The Edomites were now
incorporated with the Jewish nation, and the whose
province was often termed by Greek and Roman
writers /daman (Ptol. (J tog. v. 16; Mar. iii. 8).
According to the ceremonial law an Edomite was
received into " the congregation of the Lord " —
that is, to sll the rites and privileges of s Jew — "in
the third generation " (Deut xxiii. 8). Antipater,
a clever and crafty Iduma-an, succeeded, through
Roman influence, in obtaining the government of
Judsea (Joseph. A >U. xiv. 8, $ 5). His oldest son,
Phaaaelua, he msde governor of Jerusalem, and to
bis second son Herod, then only in his loth year,
he gave the province of Galilee. Herod, afterwards
named the Great, was appointed "king of the
Jews " by a decree of the Roman senate (n. r. 37 ;
Joseph. Ant. xiv. 14, § 5; Matt. ii. 1). Imme-
diately before the siege of Jerusalem by Titus, in
consequence of the influence of John of Giscbata,
20,000 Idtinueans were admitted to the Holy City,
which they filled with robbery and M~»<«b«J
(Joseph. B. J. iv. 4 and 8). From this time the
Edomites, ss a separate people, disappear from the
page of history, though the name Idumsea still con-
tinued to be applied to the country south of Pales-
tine as late as the time of Jerome (in Obad.).
The character of the Edomites was drawn by
Isaac in his prophetic blessing to Esau — "By thy
sword shalt thou live" (Geu. xxvii. 40). War and
rapine were the only professions of the Edomites
By the sword they got Mount Seir — by the sword
they exterminated the Horites — by the sword they
long battled with their brethren of Israel, and
finally broke off their yoke — by the sword they
won southern Palestine — and by the sword they
performed the last act in their long historic drama,
massacred the guards in the' temple, and pillaged
the city of Jerusalem.
Little is known of their religion ; but that little
shows them to have been idolatrous. It is probable
that Esau's marriage with the " daughters of
Canaan," who " were a grief of mind " to his father
and mother (Gen. xxvi. 34, 35), induced him to
embrace their religion, and when Esau and his
followers took possession of Mount Seir they seem
to have followed the practice common among ancient
nations of adopting the country's gods, for we read
that Amaziah, king of Judah, after his conquest
of the Edomites, " brought the gods of the children
of Seir, and set them up to be his gods " (2 Chr.
xxv. 14, 15, 20). Joaepbus also refers to both the
idols and priests of the ldiima-ans (Ant xv. 17
§ 9).
The habits of the Idumieans were singular. Th.
Horites, their predecessors in Mount Seir, were, a*
their name implies, troglodyte*, or dwellers in eaves
and the Edomites seem to have adopted their dwn l
ings as well as their country. Jeremiah and Oka
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EDREI
tbkh both speak of them as " dwelling in the clefts
sf the rocks," and making their habitatirns high
m the cliUs, like the eyries of eagles (Jer. xlix. 16 ;
Otad. 3, 4), language which is strikingly illustrated
by a surrey of the mountains and glens of Kdom.
Everywhere we meet with cares and grottoes hewn
in the soft sandstone strata. Those at Petra are
well known. [Petra.] Their form and arrange-
ments show that most of them were originally in-
tended for habitations. They hare closets and
recesses suitable for family uses, and many hare
windows. The nature of the rock and the form
of the cliffs made excavation an easier work than
erection, besides the additional security, comfort,
and permanence of such abodes. Indeed there is
reason to believe that the commercial Nabatheana
were the first who introduced buildings into Kdom.
It is worthy of remark also that the Edomites, when
they took possession of southern Palestine, followed
even there their old mode of life, and excavated
taves and grottoes everywhere through the country.
So Jerome in his Commentary on Obadiah writes
— " Omnia Australia regio Idunueorum de Eleu-
theropoli usque ad Petram et Ailam (base est pos-
tussio Esau) in specubus habitotiunculas habet: et
propter nimios calores solis, quia meridiona pro-
vincia est, subterraueis tuguriis utitur." During
a visit to this region in 1857, the writer of this
article had an opportunity of inspecting a large
number of these caverns, and has no hesitation in
ranking them among the most remarkable of then-
kind in the world. [Electheropolis.] The
nature of the climate, the dryness of the soil, and
their great size, render them healthy, pleasant, and
commodious habitations, while their security made
them specially suitable to a country exposed in every
age to incessant attacks of robbers. J. L. P.
EDREI, 1. Py?^? t*' ro "?> "»*%]: [Ron>-
'Etpaty, exc. Deut. iii.* i, 10, -lp; Joch. xix. 37,
'Aaaapt; Vat. ESpati», -tip, Aaaapta Alex. E8-
paeiv, -«p, -ifi, in Josh. xiii. 12 corrupt, xix. 3/,
with Aid. ESfKMii] Koseb. Onom. 'A8f>os(: Arab.
Ciil: [Edrai]), one of the two capital cities
of Bashan (Num. xxi. 33; Deut. i. 4, iii. [1,] 10;
Josh. xii. 4 [xiii. 19, 31, xix. 37 J). In Scripture
it is only mentioned in connection with the victory
gained by the Israelites over the Amorites under
Og their king, and the territory thus acquired.
Not a single allusion is made to it in the subse-
quent history of God's people, though it was within
the territory allotted to the half tribe of Manasseh
(Num. xxxii. 33), and it continued to be a large
uid important city down to the seventh century
}f our era.
The ruins of this "ancient city, still bearing the
lame Kdr'a, stand on a rocky promontory which
projects from the S. W. corner of the I^ejah. [ Ak-
uou.] The site is a strange one — without water,
without access, except over rocks and through defiles
til but impracticable. Strength and security seem
to have been the grand objects in view. The rocky
promontory is about a mile and a half wide by two
miles and a hah* long; it has an elevation of from
twenty to thirty feet above the plain, which spreads
sut from it on each side, flat as a sea, and of rare
fertility. The ruins are nearly three miles in cir-
ai inference, and have a .strange wild look, rising
i|i in black shattered masses from the midst of a
wilderness of black rocks. A number of the old
jihuus still remain; they are low, massive, and
EDREI
666
gloomy, and some of them are half buried bsueatk
heaps of rubbish. In these the present inhabitants
reside, selecting such apartments as are best fitted
for comfort and security. The short Greek in-
scriptions which are here and there seen over the
doors prove that the houses are at least as old as
the time of Roman dominion. Kdr'a was at one
time adorned with a considerable number of public
edifices, but time and the chances of war hare left
most of them shapeless heaps of ruin. Many Greek
inscriptions are met with; the greater part of them
are of the Christian age, and of no historic value.
The identity of this site with the Edrei of Script-
ure has been questioned by many writers, who
follow the doubtful testimony of Eusebius ( Onom.
s. v. Ktdrei and Attaroth), and place the capital
of Bashan at the modern Der'a, a few miles further
south. The following reasons have induced the
present writer to regard Kdr'a as the true site of
Edrei. (1.) The situation is such as would nat-
urally be selected for a capital city in early and
troublous times by the rulers of a warlike nation
The principles of fortification were then little known,
and consequently towns and villages were built on
the tops of hills or in the midst of rocky fastnesses.
The advantages of Kdr'a in this respect are seen
at a glance. Der'a, on the other hand, lies in the
open country, without any natural advantages, ex-
posed to the attack of every invader. It is difficult
to believe that the warlike Rephaim would have
erected a royal city in such a position. (2.) The
dwellings of Kdr'a possess all the characteristics
of remote antiquity — massive walls, stone roofs,
stone doors. (3.) The nsme Edrei, "strength," is
not only descriptive of the site, but it corresponds
more exactly to the Arabic Kdr'a than to Dtr'a
In opposition to these we have the statement in
Eusebius that Edrei was in bis dsy called Adara,
and was 24 Roman miles from Bostra. There can
be no doubt that be refers to Dtr'a, which, as
lying on a great road, was better known to him
than Kdr'a, and thus be was led hastily to identify
it with Edrei.
It is probable that Edrei did not remain long in
possession of the Israelites. May it not be that
they abandoned it in consequence of its position
within the borders of a wild region infested by
numerous robber bands ? The Lejah is the ancient
Argob, and appears to have been the stronghold
of the Geshurites; and they perhaps subsequently
occupied Edrei (Josh. xii. 4, 5). The monuments
now existing show that it must hare been an im-
portant town from the time the Romans took pos-
session of Bashan ; and that it, and not Dtr'a, was
the episcopal city of Adraa, which ranked next to
Bostra (Reland, Pal pp. 219, 223, 648). In a. ■>
1142, the Crusaders under Baldwin III. made a
sudden attack upon Adraa, then popularly called
Cirilas Btrnardi de Slampis, but they encountered
such obstacles in the difficult nature of the ground,
the scarcity of water, and the valor of the inhab-
itants, that they were compelled to retreat. At the
time of the visit of the present writer in 1854 the
population amounted to about fifty families, of
which some eight or ten were Christian, snd the
rest Mohammedan. A full account of the history
and antiquities of Edrei is given in Porter's Fire
fears in Damascus, rol. ii. p. 220 ft*., and Hand-
book for Syiw and Palestine, p. 532 ft". See aisc
Burckhardt's Travels in Syria, p. 57 ft*.; Buck-
.ngham'» Traeels among the Arab Tribes, p. 274
[Porter's Uiant Cities of Balkan, p. 94 ft]
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EDUCATION
S. A town of northern Palatine, allotted to the
Mb* of Naphtali, and situated near Kedesh. It ia
jnijr once mentioned in Scripture ( Josh. six. 37).
rhe name signifies " strength," or a " stronghold."
About two utiles south of Kedeah is a conical rocky
hill called TeU AAurui*«A, the " TeU of the ruin ; "
with some remains of ancient buildings on the
summit and a rock-hewn tomb in its aide. It is
evidently an old site, and it may be that of the
long-lost Edrei. The strength of the position, and
its nearness to Kedesh, give probability to the sup-
position. Dr. Kobinson (Bibi. Ret. vol. iii. p. 365)
suggests the identity of TeU Khuraibth with
iiazor. For the objections to this theory see Porter's
HamUoJs far Syria and Palettinc, p. 443.
J. L. P.
EDUCATION. Although nothing is more
carefully inculcated in the Law than the duty of
parents to teach their children its precepts and
principles (Ex. xii. 2ft, xiii. 8, 14; Deut. ir. 5,9,
10, vi. 2, 7, 20, xi. IS, 21; Acts xxil. 3; 2 Tim.
iii. 16; Hist, of Susanna, 3; Joseph, e. Ap. ii. 16,
17, 25), yet there ia little trace among the Hebrews
in earlier times of education in any other subjects.
The wisdom, therefore, and instruction, of which
so much is said in the Book of Proverbs, is to be
understood chiefly of moral and religious discipline,
imparted, according to the direction of the Law,
by the teaching and under the example of parents
(Prov. i. 2, 8, ii. 2, 10, iv. 1, 7, 20, viii. 1, ix. I,
10, xii. 1, xvi. 22, xvii. 24, xxxi.). Implicit ex-
ceptions to this statement may perhaps be found
in the instances of Moses himself, who was brought
up in all Egyptian learning (Acta vii. 22); of the
writer of the book of Job, who was evidently well
versed in natural history and in the astronomy of
the day (Job xxxviii. 31, xxxix., xl , xii.); of Daniel
and his companions in captivity (Dan. i. 4, 17);
and above all, in the intellectual gifts and acquire-
ments of Solomon, which were even more renowned
than his political greatness (1 K. iv. 29, 34, x. 1-9;
2 Chr. hi. 1-8), and the memory of which has,
with much exaggeration, been widely preserved in
oriental tradition. The statement made above
may, however, in all probability be taken as repre-
senting the chief aim of ordinary Hebrew education,
both at the time when the Law was best observed,
and also when, after periods of national decline from
the Mosaic standard, attempts were made by mon-
srchs, as Jehoshaphat or Josish, or by prophets, as
Elijah or Isaiah, to enforce, or at least to inculcate
reform in the moral condition of the people on the
basis of that standard (2 K. xvii. 13, xxii. 8-20; 2
Chr. xvii. 7, 9; 1 K. xix. 14; Is. i. ft".).
In later times the prophecies, and comments on
them as well as on the earlier Scriptures, together
with other subjects, were studied (ProL to Eeclus.,
•nd Eeclus. xxxviii. 24, 26, xxxix. 1-11). St
. erome adds that Jewish children were taught to
•ay by heart the genealogies (Hieronym. m TiUu,
Iii. 9; Calmet, Diet, art. Oauabgie). Parents
were required to teach their children some trade,
and he who failed to do so was said to be virtually
teaching his 'child to steal (Mishn. Kidthuh. ii. 2,
ml. iU. p. 413, Surenbus. ; Lightfoot, Chron.
Temp, on Acts xviii. vol. ii. p. 79).
The sect of the Essenes, though themselves ab-
juring marriage, were anxious to undertake, and
careful in carrying out, the education of children,
rat confined its subject matter chiefly to morals
.id the Divine Law (Joseph. B. J. ii. 8, f 12:
EDUCATION
PhQo. Quod o uMJj prvimt Bber, vol ii. p. 448, ad
Mangey; § 13, TauchnA
Previous to the Captivity, the chief depositarici
of learning were the schools or colleges, frntn which
in most cases (see Am. vii. 14) proceeded that suc-
cession of public teachers, who at various times
endeavored to reform the moral and religious con-
duct of both rulers and people. [Pbophkt, n.]
In these schools the Law was probably the chief
subject of instruction ; the study of languages waa
little followed by any Jews till after the Captivity,
but from that time the number of Jews residing
in foreign countries must have made the knowl-
edge of foreign languages more common than
before (see Acts xxi. 37). From the time of the
outbreak of the last war with the Romans, parents
were forbidden to instruct their children in Greek
literature (Mishn. Sotah, c ix. 15, vol. iii. pp. 807,
1308, Surenh.).
Besides the prophetical schools, instruction waa
' given by the priests in the Temple and elsewhere,
1 but their subjects were doubtless exclusively con-
cerned with religion and worship (Lev. x. 1 1 ; Em.
xliv. 23, 24; 1 Chr. xxv. 7, 8; Mai. ii. 7). Those
sovereigns who exhibited any anxiety for the main-
tenance of the religious element in the Jewish polity,
were conspicuous in enforcing the religious educa-
tion of the people (2 Chr. xvii. 7, 8, 9, xix. 5, 8,
11; 2 K. xxiil. 2).
From the 'time of the settlement in Canaan there
must have been among the Jews persons skilled in
writing and in accounts. Perhaps the neighbor-
hood of the tribe of Zebulun to the commercial
district of Phoenicia may have been the occasion of
their reputation in this respect. The " writers "
of that tribe are represented (Judg. v. 14) by the
same word "1SD, used in that passage of the levy-
ing of an army, or, perhaps, of a military officer
(Gesen. p. 966), as is applied to Ezra, in reference
to the Law (Ezr. vii. 6); to Seraiah, David's scribe
or secretary (2 Sam. viii. 17); to Shebna, scribe to
Hezekiah (2 K. xviii. 37): Shemaiah (1 Chr. xxiv.
6); Baruch, scribe to Jeremiah (Jer. xxxvi. 32),
and others filling like offices at various times. The
municipal officers of the kingdom, especially in the
time of Solomon, must have required a staff of
well-educated persons in their various departments
under the recorder ("VStyD) or historiographer,
whose business was to compile memorials of the
reign (2 Sam. viii. 16, xx. 24; 2 K. xviii. 18; 2
Chr. xxxiv. 8). Learning, in the sense above men-
tioned, was at all times highly esteemed, and edu-
cated persons were treated with great respect, and,
according to Rabbinical tradition, were called " soar
of the noble," and allowed to take precedence of
others at table (Lightfoot, Chr. Temp. Acts xvii.
vol. ii. p. 79, «.; liar. Hebr. Luke xiv. 8-24, ii.
540). The same authority deplores the degeneracy
of later times in this respect (Mishn. Sctnh, ix. 15,
vol. iii. p. 308, Surenh.).
To the schools of the prophets succeeded, after
the Captivity, the synagogues, which were either
themselves used as schools or had places near th-tn
for that purpose. In most cities there was at least
one, and in Jerusalem, according to some, 394,
accordingto others, 460 (Calmet, Dice art. EcolttV
It was from these schools and the doctrines of the
various teachers presiding over them, of whom
Gamaliel, Sammai, and Hillel were anang taw
most famous, that many of those traditions mat
refinements proceeded by which the Law wan at
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BOOS
Mr Lord's time encumbered and obfcured. and
which may be considered as represented, though in
» highly exaggerated degree, by the Talmud. After
the destruction of Jerusalem, colleges inheriting
ind probably enlarging the traditions of their pred-
ecessors, were maintained for a long time at .laphne
in Galilee, at Lydda, at Tiberias, the most famous
of all, and Sepphoris. These schools in process of
time were dispersed into other countries, and by
degrees destroyed. According to the principles laid
down in the Miahna, boys at five years of age were
to begin the Scriptures, at ten the Miahna, at
thirteen they became subject to the whole Law (see
Luke ii. 46), at fifteen they entered the Gemara
(Miahna, 1'irk. Ab. iv. 20, v. 21, vol. iv. pp. 460,
482, 486, Surenhus.). Teachers were treated with
great respect, and both pupils and teachers were
exhorted to respect each other. Physical science
formed part of the course of instruction (ib. Hi. 18).
Unmarried men and women were not allowed to be
teachers of boys {Kitiduth. iv. 13, vol. iii. p. 383).
In the schools the Rabbins sat on raised seats, and
the scholars, according to their age, sat on benches
below or on the ground (Ligbtfoot on Luke ii. 46;
PhUo, ibid. 12, ii. 468, Mangey).
Of female education we have little account in
Scripture, but it is clear that the prophetical schools
included within their scope the instruction of
females, who were occasionally invested with au-
thority similar to that of the prophets themselves
(Juilg. iv. 4; 2 K. xxii. 14). Needle-work formed
a large but by no means the only subject of in-
struction imparted to females, whose position in
society and in the household must by no means be
considered as represented in modern oriental —
including Mohammedan — usage (see Prov. xxxi.
16, 26; Hist, of Sus. 3; Luke viii. 2, 3, x. 39;
Acts xiii. 50; 2 Tim. i. 5).
Among modern Mohammedans, education, even
of boys, is of a most elementary kind, and of females
still more limited. In one respect it may be con-
sidered as the likeness or the caricature of the
Jewish system, namely, that besides the most com-
mon rules of arithmetic, the Kuran is made the
staple, if not the only subject of instruction. In
oriental schools, both Jewish and Mohammedan,
the lessons are written by each scholar with chalk
on tablets which are cleaned for a fresh lesson.
All recite their lessons together aloud; faults are
(sually punished by stripes on the feet. Female
tuldren are, among Mohammedans, seldom taught
, read or write. A few chapters of the Kuran are
learnt by heart, and in some schools they are taught
embroidery and needle-work. In Persia there are
many public schools and colleges, but the children
of the wealthier parents are mostly taught at home.
The Kuran forms the staple of instruction, being
regarded as the model not only of doctrine but of
style, and the text-book of all science. In the col-
leges, however, mathematics are taught to some
utent (John, Arch. BibU §§ 106, 166, Engl Tr.;
Shaw, Travels, p. 194; Rauwolff, 1:-atils, c. vii. p.
60; Burckhardt, Syria, p. 326; Tmrds in Arabia,
1. 276: Porter, Damascus, ii. 96; Lane, Mod.
Egypt. 1. 89, 93; Englishtc. m Egypt, U. 28, 31-
Wellsted, Arabia, ii. 6, 895; Chardin, Voytgu, iv
124 (Langles); Okarius, Travels, pp. 214, 215;
Pietrc della VaUe, Viaggi, ii. 188). [See Prophet,
I ] H. W. P.
• BOGS. [Fowls; Ostrich.]
TOXAH (n^JlJ, a *«#«•• AlydA and
BOLON
067
'Ky\i [Vat. AAa]; [Alex, in 2 Sam., Kiymt
Conip. in 1 Chr. E-yAa:] Egla), one of David'
wives during his reign in Hebron, and the mother
of his son Ithream (2 Sam. iii. 6; 1 Chr. iii. 8).
In both lists the same order is preserved, EgUtfc
being the sixth and last, and in both is she distin-
guished by the special title of David's " wife."
According to the ancient Hebrew tradition pre-
served by Jerome. ( Quasi. Hebr. on 9 Sam. iii. 5,
vi. 23) she was Michol, the wife of bis youth; and
she died in giving birth to Ithream. A name of
this signification is common amragst the Arabs at
the present day.
EOLA1M (0^3^, too pond,: AToAWjai
[Alex. AToAAeyt; Sinl AyaAA«/»:] Gallim), •
place named only in Is. xv. 8, and there apparently
as one of the most remote points on the boundary
of Moab. It is probably the same as En-eglaim.
A town of this name was known to Eusebiua
( (Mom. Agallini), who places it 8 miles to the south
of AreopoUs, «'. e. Ar-Moab (Habba). Exactly in
that position, however, stands Ktrak, the anciunt
Kir Moab.
A town named Agalla is mentioned by Joaephus
with Zoar and other places at in the country of th»
Arabians (Ant. xiv. 1, § 4).
With most of the places on the east of the Dead
Sea, Eglaim yet awaits further research for its
identification.
BGXOH (flVj^ [cal/-me,vituUne] : •£•>*»>;
[Comp.] Joseph. 'T.yKiy- Eylon), a king of the
Moabites (Judg. iii. 12 ff.), who, aided by the Am-
monites and the Amalekites, crossed the Jordan
and took "the city of palm-trees," or Jericho
(Joseph.). Here he built himself a palace (Joseph.
Ant. v. 4, § 1 fl*.), and continued for eighteen years
(Judg. and Joseph.) to oppress the children of
Israel, who paid him tribute (Joseph.). Whether
he resided at Jericho permanently, or only during
the summer months (Judg. iii. 20; Joseph.), ha
seems to have formed a familiar intimacy (o-wtjSjji,
Joseph., not Judg.) with Ehud, a young Israelite
(vtaylas, Joseph.), who lived in Jericho (Joseph.,
not Judg.), and who, by means of repeated presents,
became a favorite courtier of the monarch. Josephus
represents this intimacy as having been of long
continuance; but in Judges we find no mention of
intimacy, and only one occasion of a present being
made, namely, that which immediately preceded
the death of Eglon. The circumstances attending
this tragical event are somewhat differently given
in Judges and in Josephus. That Ehud had the
entree of the palace is implied in Judges (iii. 19),
but more distinctly stated in Josephus. In Judges
the Israelites send a present by Ehud (iii. 15); in
Josephus Ehud wins his favor by repeated presents
of his own. In Judges we have two scenes, the
offering of the present and the death scene, which
are separated by the temporary withdrawal of Ehud
(18, 19) ; in Josephus there is but one scene. The
present is offered, the attendants are dismiatod, and
the king enters into friendly conversation (6/uAlay)
with Ehud. In Judges the place seems to change
from the reception-room into toe "summer-parlor"
[probably a cool room on the roof is meant], where
Ehud found him upon his return (cf. 18, 90). In
Josephus the entire action takes place in the sum-
mer-parlor (Saftiriov)- In Judges the king ex-
poses himself to the dagger by rising apparently in
respect for the divine message which Ebud professed
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6<J8
EGLUN
to oonrninnicalfl (Patrick, ad be.); In Joaephiu it
j a dream which Ehud pretends to reveal. aud the
king, in delighted anticipation, springs up from his
throne. The obesity of Eglon, and the cousequent
impossibility of recovering the dagger, are not men-
tioned by Joeephus (vid. Judg. iii. 17, fat, lurrtws,
LXX.; but "crassus," Vulg., and soGeaen. Lex.).
After this desperate achievement Ehud repaired
to Seirah (improp. Seirath; vid. Geaen. Lex. sub
v.), in the mountains of Epnraim (iii. 26, 27), or
Mirimt Ephraim (.lush. xix. 60). To this wild
central region, commanding, as it did, the plains
E and W., he summoned the Israelites by sound
of horn (a national custom according to Joseph. ;
A. V. " a trumpet"). Descending from the hills
they fell upon the Moabites, dismayed and demor-
alized by the death of their king (Joseph., not
Judg.). The greater number were killed at once,
but 10,000 men made for the Jordan with the view
of crossing into their own country. The Israelites,
however, had already seized the ford; and not one
of the unhappy fugitives escaped. As a reward for
his conduct Ehud was appointed Judge (Joseph.,
not Judg.).
Note. — The "quarries that were by Gilgal"
[A. V.] (iii. 19): in the margin better, as in Deut.
vii. 25, "graven images" (Patrick ad he.: cf.
Uesen. Heb. Lex. sub v. D^Vpp), [See Quar-
ries, Amer. ed.] " T. E. B.
EGTjON (lV?35 [see above]: in Josh, x.,
[Rom.] Vat. and Alex. [ , 0<oAX«#i "• 34, 36, 37,
Comp. 'ZyKA»\ w. 5, 23, 84, 87, Aid. 'ky\6v\
ver. 3, 'Oto\iu.\ Josh. iii. 12,] Klxifi, [Alex. Aid.
Comp.] 'Eykip; [Josh. xv. 39, Kom. Vat. corrupt;
Alex. ty\M/ii Comp. with 17 MSS. 'Ay\iiy.]
Eylon), a town of Judah in the Shefelah or low
country (Josh. xv. 89). During the struggles of
the conquest, Egkui was one of a confederacy of
fire towns, which under Jerusalem attempted re-
sistance, by attacking (jibeon after the treaty of
the Utter with Israel. Eglon was then Amorite,
and the name of its king Debir (Josh. x. 3-5).
The story of the overthrow of this combination is
too well known to need notice here (x. 23-25, Ac.).
Eglon was soon after visited by Joshua and de-
stroyed (x. 34, 85, xii. 12). The name doubtless
survives in the modern Ajtnn, " a shapeless mass
of ruins," " potsherds," and •• scattered heaps of
unhewn stone," covering a " round hillock " (Porter,
Handb. ; Van de Velde, ii. 188; Kob. ii. 49), about
10 miles from Beit Jibrin (Eleutheropolis) and 14
from Gaza, on the south of the great maritime
plain.
In the Onomasticon it is given as EyUm qua el
'JdoUam ; and its situation stated as 10 miles east
of Eleutheropolis. The identification with AdulUni
arose no doubt from the reading of the LXX. in
Josh, x., as given above; and it is to the site of
that place, and not of Eglon, that the remarks of
Eusebius and Jerome refer. This will be seen on
comparing Adollam. No reason has been assigned
for the reading of the LXX. G.
e'gypt (n:^a,,n:ri?i? v?$ ""sp-
tent. n. ^H^O : Afywrroj: j£gyptut), a country
jeeupying the northeastern angle of Africa, and
ymg between N. 1st 31° 37' and 24° 1', and E.
" Ths svstam of transcribing ancient Egyptian Is
itut given by the wrltar, in ths Bncyclvjxtdia Britan-
»«a, 8th eft., art, Huwglypkiu.
BGYPT
loug. 27° 13' and 34° 1ST. Its Bmlte
have been always very nearly the same. In I
(xxix. 10, xxx. 6), according to the obviously cor-
rect rendering [Migdol], the whole country is
spoken of as extending from Migdol to Syene, which
indicates the same limits to the east and the south
as at present. Egypt seems, however, to have been
always held, except by the modern geographers, to
include no more than the tract irrigated by the
Nile lying within the limits we have specified. The
deserts were at all times wholly different from the
valley, and their tribes, more or less independeni
of the rulers of Egypt.
Name*. — The common name of Egypt in the
Bible is " Mixraim," or more fully " the land of
Mizraim." In form Mizraim is a dual, and ac-
cordingly it is generally joined with a plural verb.
When, therefore, in Gen. x. 6, Mizraim is men-
tioned as a son of Ham, we must not conclude that
anything more is meant than that Egypt was col-
onized by descendants of Ham. The dual number
doubtless indicates the natural division of the coun-
try into an upper and a lower region, the plain of
the Delta and the narrow valley above, as it has
been commonly divided at all times. The singnlar
Mazor also occurs, and some suppose that it indi-
cates Lower Egypt, the dual only properly meaning
the whole country (thus Gesenius, Tka. s. vv.
"llSO, BHSO), but there is no sure ground for
this assertion. The mention of Mizraim and Pathros
together (Is. xi. 11 ; Jer. xliv. 1, 18'. even if we
adopt the explanation which supposes Mizraim to
be in these places by a late usage put for Mazor,
by no means proves that since Pathros is a part of
Egypt, Mizraim, or rather Mazor, is here a part
alw. The mention together of a part of a country
as well as the whole is very usual in Hebrew
phraseology. Gesenius thinks that the Hebrews
supposed the word TISD to mean a limit,
although he admits it may have had a different
Egyptian origin. Since we cannot trace it to
Egyptian, except as a translation, we consider it s
purely Semitic word, as indeed would be most likely.
Gesenius finds the signification "limit" in the
«
Arabic name of Egypt, yOjO ; but this word also
means "red mud " the color intended being either
red or reddish brown.
Egypt is also called in the Bible Dll Y7&
" the land of Ham " (Ps. cv. 23, 27 ; comp. hxviii.
51), a name most probably inferring to Ham the
son of Noah [Ham]; and 2rn, Kahab, "the
proud " or >• insolent " [Rahab] : both these ap-
pear to be poetical appellations. The common
ancient Egyptian name of the country is written
in hieroglyphics KEM, which was perhaps pro-
nounced Chem; the demotic form is KEMrJE"
(Brugsch, Gtoyrnphische Jruchriflrn, i. p. 73. No
868); and the Coptic forms are j£&Mll,
;XMUii<Mv, joule, khjulh <&,**»
jgHjaj (B>» This name signifies, alike in the
ancient language and in Coptic, •' black," and may
be supposed to have been given to the land ox
» The letters M, S, and B denote here ■
where the Memphitk, SahMfc, and Baahnvirto
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EGYPT
■moon', of the blackness of its alluvial soil (curap.
Plot de It. el Orir. o. 33, Iti tV Alyuwroy if
n i pdAurra iukJr)yiuni olvtw, Sxrwtp to pi-
\&v too 6*p6a\jjLOv t XrtfAay Ka\ov<rt)- It would
Mem, as thus descriptive of the physical character
of the land, to be the Egyptian equivalent of Mazor,
if the meaning we have assigned to that word be
the true one. In this ease it would appear strange
that it should correspond in sound to Ham, and in
sense to Mazor or Mizraim. It is probable, how-
ever (coinp. PluU L e. ), that it also corresponded
in sense to Ham, implying warmth as well as dark-
ness. In Arabic we find the cognate word ' >fis»;
'black fetid mud" (Kamooe), or "black mud"
(Sl/itih, MS.), which suggests the identity of Ham
•nd Mazor. Therefore we may reasonably con-
jecture that Kein is the Egyptian equivalent of
Ham, and also of Mazor, these two words being
similar or even the same in sense. The name Ham
may have been prophetically given to Noah's son
as the progenitor of the inhabitants of Egypt and
neighboring hot or dark countries. The other
hieroglyphic names of Egypt appear to be of a
poetical character.
Under the Pharaohs Egypt was divided into
Upper and Lower, "the two regions" TA-TKK?
called respectively "the Southern Region" TA-KrX,
and "the Northern Region" TA-MKH KKT.
There were different crowns for the two regions,
that of Upper Egypt being white, and that of
l>ower Egypt red, the two together composing the
pschent. The sovereign had a special title as ruler
of each region: of Upper Egypt he was SUTEN,
" king," and of Lower Egypt SHEBT, » bee," the
two combined forming the common title SUTEN -
SHEBT. The initial sign of the former name is
a bent reed, which illustrates what seems to have
l«en a proverbial expression in Palestine as to the
danger of trusting to the Pharaohs and Egypt (2
K. xviii. 21; Is. xzxri. 6; Ez. xxix. 6); the latter
name may throw light upon the comparison of the
king of Egypt to a fly, and the king of Assyria to
a bee (In. vii. 18). It must be remarked that
Upper Egypt is always mentioned before I»wer
Egypt, and that the crown of the former in the
pschent rises above that of the latter. In subsequent
times this double division obtained. Manetho
•peaks of t»> r* ira vol k<Itv x^f"** (*P- ^"V*-
c. Apiuit. i. 14), and under the Ptolemies /SatriAt if
rmf T« tun* «al Tic iciru x"^' (Rosette Stone)
occurs, a* equivalent to the title mentioned above.
In the time of the Greeks and Romans Upper
Egypt was divided into the Heptanomis aid the
Thebals, making altogether three provinces, hut
the division of the whole country into two was even
then the most usual.
Superjiati. — Egypt has a superficies of about
9582 square geographical miles of soil, which the
Nile either does or can water and fertilise. This
computation includes the river and lakes as well as
sandy tracts which can be inundated, and the whole
•pace either cultivated or fit for cultivation is no
tore than about 5620 square miles. Anciently
735 square mike more may have been cultivated,
ind auw it would be possible at once to reclaim
About 12U5 square miles. These computations are
those of Colonel Jacotin and M. Keti've, given in
the Memoir of the former in the great French work
[Uttcriptim de t kgypte, 2d ed. xviii. pt ii. pp.
101 ft). They must be very nearly trot if the
EGYPT
669
actual state of the country at the pieaent time
Mr. Lane calculated the extent of the cultivated
land in A. h. 777, a. ii. 1375-41, to be 5500 square
geographical miles, from a list of the cultivated
lands of towns and villages appended to De Sacy's
Abd Atlttif. He thinks this list may be underrated.
M. Mengin made the cultivated land much leu in
1821, but since then much waste territory has been
reclaimed (Mrs. Poole, En<jlithm>min in Kgypt, i.
85). The chief differences in the character of the
surface in the times before the Christian era were
that the long valley through which flowed the canal
between the Nile and the Red Sea was then t ult\-
vated. and that the (Julf of Suez extended n uca
further north than at present.
Nomte. — From a remote period Egypt was
divided into Nomas, HESI'U, sing. H ESP, each
one of which had its special objects of worship.
The monuments show that this division was as old
as the earlier part of the Twelfth Dynasty, which
began B. c. cir. 2082. They are said to hare bent
at first 36 hi number. Ptolemy enumerates 44, and
Pliny 46 ; afterwards they were further increased.
There is no distinct reference to them in the Bible.
In the LXX. version indeed, nj v!pB (Is. xix. 2>
is rendered by ripm, but we have no warrant for
translating it otherwise than "kingdom." It is
probable that at that time there were two, if not
three, kingdoms in the country. Two provinces
or districts of Egypt are mentioned in the Bible,
Pathros and Capbtor; the former appears to have
been part of Upper Egypt, the latter was certainly
so, and must be represented by the Coptite Nome,
although no doubt of greater extent. [PtrriRoa;
Cafmtiih.J
(ItnertU Apprarnnce, Climate, <fc. — The general
appearance of the country cannot bare greatly
changed since the days of Moms. The Delta was
always a vast level plain, although of old more
perfectly watered than now by the branches of the
Nile and numerous canals, while the narrow valley
of Upper Egypt must have suffered still less alter-
ation. Anciently, however, the rushes must hare
been abundant; whereas now they have almost dis-
appeared, except in the lakes. The whole country
is remarkable for its extreme fertility, which espe-
cially strikes the beholder when the rich green of the
fields is contrasted with the utterly-bare yellow
mountains or the sand-strewn rocky desert on either
side. Thus the plain of Jordan before the cities
were destroyed was, we read, " well watered every
where "...." [even] like a garden nf the Lord,
like the land of Egypt " (Gen. xiii. 10). The climite
is equable and healthy. Rain is not very unfrequent
on the northern coast, but inland very rare. Culti-
vation nowhere depends upon it. This alnence of
rain is mentioned in Deut. (xi. 10, 11) as rendering
artificial irrigation necessary, unlike the case cf
Palestine, and in Zech. (xiv. 18) as peculiar to the
country. Egypt has been visited hi all ages by
severe pestilence, but it cannot be determined that
any of those of ancient times were of the character
of the modern Plague. The plague with which the
Egyptians are threatened in Zech. (L c ) is described
by a word, n^3Q, which is not specially applicable
to a pestilence of their country (see rer- 12). Cu-
taneous disorders, which have always been very
prevalent in Egypt, are distinctly mentioned as
peculiar to the country (Deut. vii. 15. xxviil. 97,
35, 6C. and perhaps Ex. xv. 26, though here the
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BQYPT
reference may be to the Plague of Boili), and as
punishments to the Israelite! in case of disobedience.
•berea* if they obeyed they were to be preserved
bom them The Egyptian calumny that made the
lamelites a body of lepers and unclean (Joseph, c.
Apwn.) is thus refuted, and the traditional tale as
to the Exodus given by Manetho shown to be
altogether wrong in its main met*, which depend
upon the truth of this assertion. Famines are
frequent, and one in the middle ages, in the time
of the Katimee Khaleefeh Et-Mustansir-bilUh, seems
t > have been even more severe than that of Joseph.
[Famine.]
Gsology — The fertile plain of the DetU and
the valley of Upper Egypt are bounded by rocky
deserts covered or strewn with sand. On either
side of the plain they are low, but they overlook
the valley, above which they rise so steeply as from
the river to present the aspect of cliffs. The forma-
tion is limestone as far as a little above Thebes,
where sandstone begins. The First Cataract the
southern limit of Egypt, is caused by granite and
other primitive rocks, which rise through the sand-
stone and obstruct the river's bed. In Upper Egypt
the mountains near the Nile rarely exceed 300 feet
in their height, but far in the eastern desert they
often attain a much greater elevation. The highest
is Uebel GkArib, which rises about 6000 feet above
the sea. Limestone, sandstone, and granite were
obtained frem quarries near the river; basalt, brec-
cia, and porphyry from others in the eastern desert
between the Thebols and the Red Sea. An im-
portant geological change has in the course of cent-
uries raised the country new the bead of too Gulf
of Suez, and depressed that on the northern side
of the isthmus. Since the Christian era the head
of the Gulf has retired southwards, as prophesied
by Isaiah— "The Lord shall utterly destroy the
tongue of the Egyptian sea," (xL 15); " the waters
shall fail from the sea " (xix. 5). The Delta is of
a triangular form, its eastern and western limits
being nearly marked by the courses of the ancient
Pelusiac and Canopic branches of the Nile; Upper
Egypt is a narrow winding valley, varying in
breadth, but seldom more than 13 miles across, and
generally broadest on the western side. Anciently
there was a fertile valley on the course of the Canal
of the Red Sea, the Land of Goshen, now called
Wddi-t Tumeyidt : this is covered with the sands
sf the desert. [Goshkh.] To the south, on the
>ppns ite side, is the oasis now called the Friyaom,
the old Arsinolte Nome, connected with the valley
by a neck of cultivated land.
The Nik. — The Nile is called in the Bible
Shihor, "VsTttf, or "the black (river);" 1"«V,
"WJ, "ity, "the river," probably derived from
th* Egyptian ATUB, AUK; D^?D TTC,
« thr river of Egypt; " and 0^?O bnj, either
•' the brook," if the first word be not a proper name,
v else the " Nahal (Nile) of Egypt," to which, if
the latto rendering be correct, vPD alone must
be added These names sre discussed in another
irticle. [Nilk.] In Egyptian the Nile bore the
sacred appellation HAPEE or HAPEE-MU, "the
abyss," or " the abyss of waters." As Egypt was
divided into two regions, we find two Noes,
H APEE-RES, <> the Southern Nile," and HAPEE-
HEHEFT "the Northern Nile," the farmer name
eing given to the river in Upper Egypt and in
BOYPT
I Nubia. The common appellation is AT UR. ot
1 AUR, " the river," which may be compared to the
Hebrew }«Sr. This word has been pre s erve d in
the Coptic appellation eiepO, MJpO,
I&p09 OC), lepO (8), which likewise also
signifies " the river." The inundation, HAPEE-
UR, "great Nile," or "high Nile," fertiiires and
sustains the country, and makes the river its chief
blessing; a very low inundation or failure of rising
being the cause of famine. The Nile was on this
account anciently worshipped, and the plague in
which its waters were turned into blood, while
injurious to the river itself and it* fish (Ex. vii. 31;
Ps. cv. 29), was a reproof to the superstition of the
Egyptians. The rise begins in Egypt about the
summer solstice, and the inundation commences
about two months later. The greatest height is
attained about or somewhat after the autumnal
equinox. The inundation lasts about three months.
During this time, and especially when near the
highest, the river rapidly pours along its red turbid
waters, and spreads through openings in its banks
over the whole valley and plain. The prophet Amos,
speaking of the ruin of Israel, metaphorically says
that " the land . . . shall be drowned, as [by] the
flood [river] of Egypt " (viii. 8, ix. 5). The rata
at which the Nile deposits the alluvial soil of Egypt
has been the subject of interesting researches, which
have as yet led to no decisive result.
CulHmUm, Agriculture, c*c. —The ancient
prosperity of Egypt is attested by the Bible as well
as by the uumerous monuments of the country. As
early as the age of the Great Pyramid it must have
been densely populated and well able to support its
inhabitants, for it cannot be supposed that there
was then much external traffic. In such a climate
the wants of man are few, and nature is liberal in
necessary food. Even the Israelites in their hard
bondage did •' eat freely " the fish and the vegetables
and fruits of the country, and ever afterwards they
longed to return to the idle plenty of a land where
even now starvation is unknown. The contrast of
the present state of Egypt to its former prosperity
is more to be ascribed to political than to physical
causes. It is true that the branches of the Nile
have failed, the canals and the artificial lakes and
ponds for fish are dried up; that the reeds and
other water-plants which were of vslue in commerce,
and a shelter for wild-fowl, have in most parts
perished ; that the land of Goshen, once, at least
for pasture, " the best of the land " (Gen. xhrii. 6,
1 1 ), is now sand-strewn and un watered so as scarcely
to lie distinguished from the desert around, and
that the predictions of the prophets have thus re-
ceived a literal fulfillment (see especially Is. xix. b-
10), yet this has not been by any irresistible aggres-
sion of nature, but because Egypt, smitten and
accursed, has lost all strength and energy. The
population is not large enough for the cultivation
of the land now fit for culture, and long oppressor,
has taken from it the power and the will to ad-
vance.
Egypt is naturally an agricultural country. As
far back as the days of Abraham, we find that when
the produce failed in Palestine, Eg] ft was the
natural resource. In the time of Joseph it was
evidently the granary — at least during famines —
of the nations around, lie inundation, u takxnj
the place of rain, has always rendered the sysssst
of agriculture peculiar; and the artificial iiilgattss
during the time of low Nile is necessarily on th*
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EGYPT
) principle. \Ve read of the Land of Promise
that it is " not aa the land of Egypt, from whence
ye came out, where thou sowedst thy seed, and
wateredat [it] with thy foot, as a garden of herbs:
but the land whither thou goest in to possess it,
[Is] a land of hills and valleys, [and] drinketh
water of the rain of heaven" (l)eut. zi. 10, 11).
Watering with toe foot may refer to some mode
of irrigation by a machine, but we are inclined to
think that it is an idiomatic expression implying a
laborious work. [Foot, watering with.] The
monuments do not afford a representation of the
supposed machine. That now called the shadoof,
KOYFT
671
Shadoof, or pole and bucket, for watering the garden.
(Wilkinson.)
which is a pole baring a weight at one end and
a bucket at the other, so hung that the laborer
is aided by the weight in raising the full bucket,
Is depicted, and seems to have been the common
means of artificial irrigation. There are detailed
pictures of breaking up the earth, or plough-
Granary, showing how the grain was put In, and that
the doors a 6 wen Intended for taking It out.
(Wilkinson.)
.ng, sowing, harvest, thrashing, and storing the
wheat in granarir*. The thrashing was simply
treading out by oxen or cows, unmuzzled (comp.
Dent xxv. 4). The processes of agricultur- began
as soon as the water of the inundation had sunk
into the *<il, about a month after the autumnal
equinox, and the harvest time was about and soon
after the verral equinox (Ex. ix. 31, 32). Vines
were extensively cultivated, and there were several
imrrent kinds *>f wine, one of which, the Mareotlc,
was famous among the Romans. Of other fhrit-
trees, the date-palm was the most common aua
valuable. The gardens resembled the fields, beii g
watered in the same manner by irrigation. On the
tenure of land much light is thrown by the history
of Joseph. Before the famine each city and large
village — for "VV must be held to have a wider
signification than our "city" — had its field (Geo.
(li. 48); but Joseph gained for Pharaoh all the
land, except that of the priests, in exchange for
food, and required for the right thus obtained a
fifth of the produce, which became a law (xlvii. 90-
26). The evidence of the monuments, though not
very explicit, seems to show that this law was ever
afterwards in force under the Pharaohs. The ear-
liest records afford no information as to the tenurs
of land ; but about Joseph's time we find frequent
mention of villages with their lands, the two being
described under one designation, as held by the
great officers of the crown, apparently by the royal
gift. There does not seem to have been any hered-
itary aristocracy, except perhaps at an earlier time,
and it is not impossible that these lands may have
been held during tenure of office or for life. The
temples had lands which of course were inalienable.
Diodorus Siculus states that all the lands belonged
to the crown except those of the priests and the
soldiers (i. 73). It is probable that the latter, when
not employed on active service, receivad do pay,
but were supported by the crown-lauds, and occu-
pied them for the time as their own. [Joseph.]
The great lakes in the north of Egypt were anciently
of high importance, especially for their fisheries and
the growth of the papyrus. Lake Menzeleh, the
most eastern of the existing lakes, has still large
fisheries, which support the people who live on its
islands and shore, the rude successors of the inde-
pendent Egyptians of the ltucolia. Lake Mceris,
anciently so celebrated, was an artificial lake be-
tween Benee-Suweyf and Medeenet Kl-Keiyoom. It
was of use to irrigate the neighboring country, and
its fisheries yielded a great revenue. It is now
entirely dried up. The canals are now far less
numerous than of old, and many of them are choked
and comparatively useless. The Bahr Voosuf, or
"river of Joseph" — not the patriarch, but the
famous Sultan Voosuf Salah-eddeen, who repaired
it — is a long series of canals, near the desert on
the west side of the river, extending northward
from Karshout for about 360 miles to a little below
Memphis. This was probably a work of very ancient
times. There con be no doubt of the high antiq-
uity of the Canal of the lied Sea, upon which the
land of Goshen mainly depended for its fertility.
It does not follow, however, that it originally eon -
netted the Nile and the Red Sea.
Botany. — The cultivable land of Egypt consist*
almost wholly of fields, in which are very few trees.
There are no forests and few groves, except of date-
palms, and in Lower Egypt a few of orange and
lemon-trees. There are also sycamores, mulberry-
trees, and acacias, either planted on the sides of
roads or standing singly in the fields. The Thehan
palm grows in the Thebals, generally in clumps.
These were all, except, perhaps, the mulberry-tree,
of old common in the country. The two palms an
represented on the monuments, and sycamore and
acacia-wood are the materials of various objects
made by the ancient inhabitants. The chief fruits
are the date, grape, fig, sycamore-fig, pomegranate,
banana, many kinds of melons, and the oHvn; and
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672 EGYPT
there are many othen leas common or important.
These were alio of old produced in the country.
Anciently gardens aeem to have received great at-
ceuti hi, to have been elaborately planned, and well
Vineyard. (Wilkinson.)
filled with trees and shrub*. Now horticulture is
EGYPT
neglected, although the modern inhabitant* are *#
fond or flower* a* were their predecessor*. Tot
vegetable* are of many kind* and exceJent, ane
form the chief food of the common people. An-
ciently cattle aeem to have been more numerous
and their meat, therefore, more usually eaten, bo
never as much so as in colder climate*. The Israel-
ites in the desert, though they looked back to thr
time when they " (at by the flesh pot* " (Ex. xvi
3 ), aeem a* much to have regretted the vegetable*
and fruits, a* the flesh and fish of Egypt. " Wh<
shall give \u flesh to eat. We remember the fiab
which we did eat in Egypt freely, the cucumber*
and the melon*, and the leeks, and the onions, and
the garlick " (Num. xi. 4, 5). The chief vegetable
now are beans, peas, lentils, of which an excellent
thick pottage is made (Gen. xxv. 84), leeks, onion*
garlic, radishes, carrots, cabbages, gourds, cucum-
bers, the tomato, and the egg-fruit. There an
many besides these. The most important field-
| produce in ancient time* was wheat ; « after it must
be placed tarley, millet, flax, and among the vege-
tables, lentils, peas, and beans. At the present day
the same is the case; but maize, rice, oats, clover,
the sugar-cane, roses, the tobacco-plant, hemp, and
cotton, most be added; some of which are not
indigenous. In the account of the Plague of Hail
Making a papyrus tost (VTUkmsoa.)
Boat of the Nile, showing how the sal] was fastened to the yards, and the nature of ths
rigging. (Wilkinson.)
27). It la doubted whether the but be a cereal or
a leguminous product: we incline to the former
opinion. (See Rvk.) It is clear from the evidence
of the monuments and of ancient writers that, of
old, reeds were far more common in Egypt thai
four kinds of field-produce are mentioned — flax,
barley, wheat, and n^P? (Ex. ix. 31, 32), which
Is variously rendered In the A. V. "rye" (/. c),
'• spelt " (Is. xxviii. 25), and " fitches " (Is. xxviii.
o It may be well to mention that the writer knows Egypoan tombs having germinated on hstog sows as
as aatisueterv instance of wheat found In ancient our own 1
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EGYPT
now. The Djbhis or papyrus is aJniort or quite
unknown. Anciently it vna a common ami most
important plant: boats were made of its j'-Jka, and
of their thin leaves the famous paper was msnu-
faetnred. It appears to be mentioned under two
names in the Bible, neither of which, however, can
be proved to be a peculiar designation for it. (1.)
The mother of Moses made WJJ3 rQF\, "an. ark"
or '* skiff" "of papyrus " in which to put her child
(Ex. ii. 3), and Isaiah tells of messengers sent
apparently from furthest Ethiopia in NQ3"" 1 V?,
" vessels of papyrus " (xviii. 2), in both which cases
S!22 must mean papyrus, although it would seem
in other places to signify " reeds " genetically.' 1
(8.) Isaiah prophesies "the papyrus-reeds (DTny)
in the river C"TO?)> on the edge of the river, and
everything growing [lit. sown] in the river shall be
dried up, driven away [by the wind], and [shall]
not be " (xix. 7). Gesenius renders TVVf a naked
or bare place, here grassy places on the banks of
the Nile. Apart from the fact that little grass
grows on the banks of the Nile, in Egypt, and that
little only during the cooler part of the year, instead
of those sloping meadows that must have been in
the European scholar's mind, this word must mean
some product of the river which with the other
water-plants should be dried up, and blown away,
and utterly disappear. Like the fisheries and the
flax mentioned with it, it ought to hold an im-
portant place in the commerce of ancient Egypt.
It can therefore scarcely be reasonably held to intend
anything but the papyrus. The marine and fluvial
product ffO, from which the Bed Sea was called
fpD~Dj will be noticed in art. Bed Sea. The
lotus was anciently the favorite flower, and at feasts
it took the place of the rose among the Greeks and
Arabs : it is now very rare.
Zoology. — Of old, Egypt was far more a pastoral
country than at present. The neat cattle are still
excellent, but lean kine are more common among
them than they seem to have been in the days of
Joseph's Pharaoh (Gen. xli. 19). Sheep and goats
have always been numerous. Anciently swine were
kept, but not in great numbers; now there are
none, or scarcely any, except a few in the houses
of Copts and Franks." * Under the Pharaohs the
nones of the country were in repute among the
neighboring nations, who purchased them as well
as chariots out of Egypt. Thus it is commanded
respecting a king of Israel : " He shall not multiply
horses to himself, nor cause the people to return to
Egypt, to the end that he should multiply horses :
forasmuch as the Lord hath said unto you, Ye shall
henceforth return no more that way " (Deut xvii.
18), — which shows that the trade in horses was
with Egypt, and would necessitate a close alliance.
" Solomon had horses brought out of Egypt, and
linen yarn : the king's merchants received the linen
a la Job vtll. 11, Ps. xxxv. 7, the word Is probably
used generlcally.
6 In a tomb near the Pyramids of Kl-Geeseb, of the
time of Shaf-re, second King of Che Vth dynasty, the
nocks and herds of the ch>f occupant are represented
and their numbers thus given : 685 oxen, 22J cows
with their calves, 2234 goats, 760 asses with their
young, and 974 sheep. Job had at the lint 7000
■hasp, 8000 camels, 600 yoke of oxen, GOO sbe-ams
43
EGYPT 678
yarn at a price. And a chariot came up and went
out of Egypt lor six hundred [shekels] of silver, and
an horse for an hundred and fifty ; and so for all
the kings of the Hittites and for the kings of Syria
did they bring [them J out by their hand " (1 K.
x. 28, 39). The number of horses kept by this
king for chariots and cavalry was large (iv. 26, x.
26; 2 Chr. i. 14, ix. 25). c Some of these horses
came as yearly tribute from his vassals (1 K. x. 25).
In later times the prophets reproved the people for
trusting in the help of Egypt, and relying on the
aid of her horses and chariots and horsemen, that
is, probably, men in chariots, as we shall show in
speaking of the Egyptian armies. The kings of
the Hittites, mentioned in the passage quoted above,
and in the account of the close of the siege of
Samaria by Benhadad, where we read — " The
Lord hath made the host of the Syrians to hear a
noise of chariots, and a noise of horses, [even] the
noise of a great host: and they said one to another,
Ijo, the king of Israel hath hired against us the
kings of the Hittites, and the kings of the Egyp-
tians to come upon us " (2 K. vii. t>) — these kings
ruled the Hittites of the valley of the Cronies,
who were called by the Egyptians SHETA ot
KHEl'A. The Pharaohs of the XVIIlth, XlXth,
and XXth dynasties waged fierce wars with these
Hittites, who were then ruled by a great king and
many chiefs, and whose principal arm was a force
of chariots resembling those of the Egyptian army.
Asses were anciently numerous: the breed at the
present time is excellent. Dogs were formerly
more prized than now, for being held by most of
the Muslims to be extremely unclean, they are only
used to watch the houses in the villages. The
camel has nowhere been found mentioned in the
inscriptions of Egypt, or represented on the monu-
ments. In the Bible Abraham is spoken of as
having camels when in Egypt, apparently as a gift
from Pharaoh (t. : en. xii. 19), and before the Exodus
the camels of Pharaoh or his subjects were to be
smitten by the murrain (Ex. ix. 3, comp. 6). Both
these Pharaohs were probably Shepherds, ilia
Iahmaelites or Midianites who took Joseph into
Egypt, carried their merchandise on camels (Uen
xxx vii. 25, 28, 36), and the land-traffic of the
Arabs must always hare been by caravans of
camels; but it is probable that camels were not
kept in Egypt, but only on the frontier. On the
black obelisk from Nimrood, now in the British
Museum, which is of Shalmanubar, king of Assyria,
contemporary with Jehu and Hazael, camels aie
represented among objects sent as tribute by Egypt:
They are of the two-humped sort, which, though
perhaps then common in Assyria, has never, as far
as is known, been kept in Egypt. The deserts
have always abounded in wild animals, especially
of the canine and antelope kinds. Anciently the
hippopotamus was found in the Egyptian Nile, and
hunted. This is a fact of importance for those who
suppose it to be the behemoth of the book of Job,
especially as that book shows evidence of a knowl-
edge of Egypt. Now, this animal is rarely seen even
(1. 8), and afterwards double in each case (xlil. 12).
The numbers are round, but must be taken as an
estimate of a large property of this kind In the
patriarchal tunes.
c The number of Solomon's chariots Is given as
1400, and his horsemen 12,000. The stalls of hones
are stated as 40,000 (1 K. Iv. 26), <r 4000 (2 Chr
Ix. 25); the former would seem to be the eetreet
number.
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EGYPT
In Lower Nubia. The elephant may have been, in the
remotest historical period, an inhabitant of Egypt,
and, as a land animal, have been driven further
south than his brother pachyderm, for the name of
the Inland of KJepliantine, just below the first (.ata-
ract in hieroglyphics, AB . . " Elephant-land,''
•eems to show that he was anciently found there.
Bats abound in the temples and tombs, filling the
dark and desecrated chambers and passages with
the unearthly whir of their wings. Such desola-
tion is represented by Isaiah when he says tliat a
man shall cast his idols " to the moles and to the
bats " (ii. 20).
The birds of Egypt are not remarkable for beauty
of plumage : in so open a country this is natural.
The K<ipacts are numerous, but the most common
are scavengers, as vultures and the kite. The
(SraUntortt and Amtret abound on the islands
and sandbanks of the river and in the aides of the
mountains which approach or touch the stream.
Among the reptiles, the crocodile must be espe-
cially mentioned. In the Bible it is usually called
W3> E*W> "dragon," a generic word of almost
as wide a signification as "reptile," and is used
as a symbol of the king of Egypt." Thus in Eee-
kiel, " Behold I am against thee, Pharaoh king of
Egypt, the great dragon that lieth in the midst of
his rivers, which hath said, My river [is] mine
own, and I have made [it] for myself. But I will
put hooks in thy jaws, and I will cause the fish of
thy rivers to stick unto thy scales, and I will bring
thee up out of the midst of thy rivers, and all the
fish of thy rivers shall stick unto thy scales. And I
will leave thee [thrown] into the wilderness, thee
and all the fish of thy rivers. ... 1 have given thee
for meat to the beasts of the field and to the fowls
of the heaven " (mix. 3, 4, 5). Here there seems
to be a retrospect of the Exodus, which is thus
described in Is. Ii. 9, 10, and 15? and with a more
close resemblance in Ps. lxxiv. 13, 14, " Thou didst
divide the sea by thy strength : thou brakest the
heads of the dragons (D^'Sn) in the waters.
Thou brakest the beads of leviathan ()D'lb) in
pieces, [and] gavest him [to be] meat/to the
dwellers in the wilderness " (C , *y, {. r. to the wild
beasts, comp. Is. xiii. 21). The last passage is
important as indicating that whereas f^D is the
Hebrew generic name of reptiles, and therefore
used for the greatest of them, the crocodile, frVlb
is the special name of that animal. The description
of leviathan in Job (xli.) fully bears out this opin-
ion, and it is doubtful if any passage can be ad-
duced in which a wider signification of the latter
word is required.* In Job (xxvi. 12) also there is
an apparent allusion to the Exodus in words similar
» It Is supposed by commentators to mean the
country also ; but this cannot, we think, be proved.
b Oesenius (Tka. s. v.) would take JlTl 1 ? tar a
serpent in Job ill. 8, Is. xxvil. 1, and In the latter
ease supposes the king of Babylon to be meant. In
the Brat passage the meaning " crocodile " Is, how-
ever, especially applicable. The patriarch speaks of
lesperate men as those " who are ready to stir up
evlathan " : comp. xli. 2 ; A. V. 10, " None [Is so]
Berc* u to stir him up. Who then can stand before
si!" The argument Is, that if the creature be so
terrible, who shall resist ths Creator? The second
EGYPT
to those in Isaiah (H. 9, 10, and 15?), but with
out a mention of the dragon. In this case tfaf
division of the sea and the smiting of SHI, the
proud or insolent, are mentioned in connection with
the wonders of creation (w. 7-11, 13) : so too in Is.
(w. 13, 15). The crossing of the Bed Sea could
be thus spoken of as a signal exercise of the Divine
power. Frogs are very numerous in Egypt, and
their loud and constant croaking in the autumn in
"the streams," rhrJJ, "the rivers," D v l)*\
and " the ponds" or " marshes," D^BJH ' (Ex.
viii. 1, A. V. 5) makes it not difficult to' picture
the Plague of Frogs. Serpents and snakes are also
common, but the more venomous have their hone,
like the scorpion, in the desert (comp. Deut viii.
15). The Nile and lakes have abundance of
fishes; and although the fisheries of Egypt have
very greatly fallen away, their produce is still a
common article of food. Among the insects the
locusts must be mentioned, which sometimes come
upon the cultivated land in a cloud, and, as in the
plague, eat every herb and fruit and leaf where
they alight; but they never, as then, overspread the
whole land (Ex. x. 3-6, 12-19). Tbey disappear
as suddenly as they come, and are carried away by
the wind (ver. 19). As to the lice and flies, they
are now plagues of Egypt; but it is not certain
that the words Djl3 and 2^ designate tbeni
(Ex. vUi. 16-31).
Ancient Inhabitants. — The old inhabitants of
Egypt appear from their monuments and the testi-
mony of ancient writers to have occupied in race
a place between the Nigritians and the Caucasians.
The constant immigrations of Arab settlers have
greatly diminished the Nigritian characteristics in
the generality of the modem Egyptians. The an-
cient dress was far more scanty than the modern
and in this matter, as in manners and character,
the influence of the Arab race is also very apparent.
The ancient Egyptians in character were very relig-
ions and contemplative, but given to base super-
stition, patriotic, respectful to women, hospitable,
generally frugal, but at times luxurious, very sen-
sual, lying, thievish, treacherous, and cringing,
and intensely prejudiced, thiough pride of race,
against strangers, although kind to them. This
is very much the character of the modern inhabit-
ants, except that Mohammedanism bos taken away
the respect for women. The ancient Egyptians are
indeed the only early eastern nation that we know
to have resembled the modern westerns in this par-
ticular; but we find the same virtue markedly t£
characterize the Nigritians of our day. That the
Egyptians, in general, treated the Israelites with
kindness while they were in their oountiy, even
during the oppression, seems almost cert&Ui from
passage seems to refer not to the king of Babylon,
but to the enemies of God's people at a remots ami
(Is. xxiv., xxv., xxvi., cap. ver. 19, and xxvil. esp. vv.
12, 18: comp. the similar use of Egypt, fcc, In Rev.
xl. 8).
< Oesenius (Thes. s. v.) understands this word hers
and in Ex. vil. 19 to mean the stagnant pools left by
the Nile after the Inundation. At the season to wblcs
the narrative refers, these would hare been dried up
although there would be many marshy plaros, espe-
cially near the north coast and towards the i
head of the Red Sea.
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EGYPT
In privilege of admission iuto the oong- e%*Xx m in
to third generation, granted to them in the Law.
with the Edomites, while the Ammonites and
Moabites were absolutely excluded, the reference
in three out of the four cases being to the stay in
Egypt and the entrance into Palestine (Deut. zxiii.
3-8). This supposition is important in its bearing
on the history of the oppression.
Language. — The ancient Egyptian language,
from the earliest period at which it is known to us,
is an agglutinate monosyllabio form of speech. It
is expressed by the signs which we call hieroglyph-
ics. The character of the language is compound :
it consists of elements resembling those of the Ni-
gritian languages and the Chinese language, on the
ana hand, and those of the Semitic languages on
the other. All those who have studied the African
languages make a distinct family of several of those
languages, spoken in the northeast quarter of the
continent, in which family they include the ancient
Egyptian ; while every Semitic scholar easily recog-
nizes in Egyptian Semitic pronouns and other ele-
ments, and a predominantly Semitic grammar. As
in person, character, and religion, so in language
we find two distinct elements, mixed but not fused,
and here the N igritian element seems unquestion-
ably the earlier. Bunsen asserts that this language
is " ante-historical Serai tism ; " we think it enough
to say that no Semitic scholar has accepted his
theory. For a full discussion of the question see
The Genesu of the Earth and of Man, ch. vi. As
early as the age of the XX Vlth dynasty a vulgar
dialect was expressed in the demotic or enchorial
writing. This dialect forms the link connecting
the old language with the Coptic or Christian
Egyptian, the latest phasis. The Coptic does not
very greatly diner from the monumental language,
distinguished in the time of the demotic as the
■acred dialect, except in the presence of many
Greek words.
Religion. — The basis of the religion was Ni-
gritian fetishism, the lowest kind of nature-worship,
differing in different parts of the country, and hence
obviously indigenous. Upon this were engrafted,
first, cosmic worship, mixed up with traces of
primeval revelation, as in Babylonia; and then, a
system of personifications of moral and intellectual
abstractions. The incongruous character of the
religion necessitates this supposition, and the ease
with which it admitted extraneous additions in the
historical period confirms it. There were three
orders of gods — the eight great gods, the twelve
lesser, and the Osiriah group. They were repre-
sented in human forms, sometimes having the
heads of animals sacred to them, or bearing ou their
leads cosmic or other objects of worship. The
fetishism included, besides the worship of animals,
that of trees, rivers, and hills. Each of these
creatures or objects was appropriated to a divinity.
There was no prominent hero-worship, although
•ceased kings and other individuals often received
nvine honors — in one case, that of Sesertesen III.,
if the Xllth dynasty, the old Sesostris, of a very
special character. Sacrifices of animals, and offer-
ings of all kinds of food, and libations of wine, oil,
and the like, were made. The great doctrines of
the immortality of the soul, man's responsibility,
utd future rewards and punishments, were taught
Among the rites circumcision is ths most remari- -
able: it is as old as the time of the IVth dynasty
The Israelites in Egypt appear during the op-
, for the most part, to na-e adopted the
EGYPT 875
Egyptian religiuu (Josh. xxiv. 14; Ex: xx. 7, %\
The golden calf, or rather steer, 7%2, was prob-
ably taken from the bull Apis, certainly from one
of the sacred bulls. Bemphan and Chiun were
foreign divinities adopted into the Egyptian Pan-
theon, and called in the hieroglyphics RENPU
(probably pronounced REMPU) and KEN. It can
hardly be doubted that they were worshipped by
the Shepherds; but there is no satisfactory evidence
that there was any separate foreign system of
idolatry. [Rkmphan.] Asbtoreth was worshipped
at Memphis, as is shown by a tablet of Amenoph
II., H. c. cir. 1400, at the quarries of Tura, oppo-
site that city (Vyse's Pyramids, iii. " Tourah
tablet 2 "), in which she is represented as an Egyp-
tian goddess. The temple of " the Foreign Venus "
in " the Tyrian camp " in Memphis (Herod, ii.
112) must have been sacred to her. Doubtless
this worship was introduced by the Phoenician
Shepherds.
As there are prominent traces of primeval reve-
lation in the ancient Egyptian religion, we cannot
be surprised at finding certain resemblances to the
Mosaic Law, apart from the probability that what-
ever was unobjectionable in common belief and
usages would be retained. The points in which
the Egyptian religion shows strong traces of truth
are, however, doctrines of the very kind that the
Law does not expressly teach. The Egyptian relig-
ion, in its reference to man, was a system of respon-
sibility, mainly depending on future rewards and
punishments. The Law, in its reference to man,
was a system of responsibility mainly depending on
temporal rewards and punishments. All we learn,
but this is of the utmost importance, is that every
Israelite who came out of Egypt must have been
fully acquainted with the universally-recognized
doctrines of the immortality of the soul, man's
responsibility, and future rewards and punishments,
truths which the I -aw does not, and of course could
not, contradict. The idea that the Law was an
Egyptian invention is one of the worst examples of
modern reckless criticism.
Loot. — We have no complete account of the
laws of the ancient Egyptians either in their own
records or in works of ancient writers. The pas-
sages in the Bible which throw light upon the laws
in force during the sojourn of the Israelites in
Eiypt most probably do not relate to purely native
law, nor to law administered to natives, for during
that whole period they appear to have been under
Shepherd rulers, and in any case it cannot be
doubted that they would not be subject to abso-
lutely the same system as the Egyptians. The
paintings and sculptures of the monuments indicate
a very high degree of personal safety, showing u>
that the people of all ranks commonly went un-
armed, and without military protection. We must
therefore infer that the laws relating to the main-
tenance of order were sufficient and strictly enforced.
The punishments seem to have been lighter than
those of the Mosaic Law, and very different in their
relation to crime and in their nature. Capital
punishment appears to have been almost restricted,
in practice, to murder. Crimes of violence were
more severely treated than offenses against religion
and morals. Popular feeling seems to have taken
the duties of the judge upon itself in the case of
impiety alone. That in early times the Egyptian
popuUce acted with reference to any offense against
its region as it did under the Greeks and Romans
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676 EGYPT
Is evident from the answer of Moms when Pharaoh
propond that the Hebrews should sacrif ce in the
(and. " It is not meet so to do ; for we shall sacri-
fice the abomination of the Egyptians to the Lord
our God : lo, shall we sacrifice the abomination of
the Egyptians before their eyes, and will thev not
stone us? " (Ex. viii. 26).
Government — The government was monarchic-
al, but not of an absolute character. The sovereign
was not superior to the laws, and the priests had
the power to check the undue exercise of his
authority. The kings under whom the Israelites
lived, seem to have been absolute, but even
loseph's Pharaoh did not venture to touch the in-
dependence of the priests. Nomes and districts
were governed by officers whom the Greeks called
nomarchs and toparchs. There seems to have been
no hereditary aristocracy, except perhaps at the
earliest period, for indications of something of the
kind occur in the inscriptions of the IVtb and
XTJth dynasties.
Foreign Policy. — The foreign policy of the
Egyptians must be regarded in its relation to the
admission of foreigners into Egypt and to the treat-
ment of tributary and allied nations. In the former
aspect it was characterized by an delusiveness which
sprang from a national hatred of the yellow and
white races, and was maintained by the wisdom of
preserving the institutions of the country from the
influence of the pirates of. the Mediterranean and
the Indian Ocean, and the robbers of the deserts.
Hence the jealous exclusion of the Greeks from the
northern ports until Naucratis was opened to them,
and hence too the restriction of Shemite settlers in
earlier times to the land of Goshen, scarcely re-
garded as part of Egypt It may be remarked as
a proof of the strictness of this policy that during
the whole of the sojourn of the Israelites they
appear to have been kept to Goshen. The key to
the policy towards foreign nations, after making
allowance for the hatred of the yellow and white
races balanced by the regard for the red and
black, is found in the position of the great oriental
■ivals of Egypt. The supremacy or influence of the
Pharaohs over the nations lying between the Nile
ind the Euphrates depended as much on wisdom
ji policy as prowess in arms. The kings of the
IVth, Vlth, and XVth dynasties appear to have
uninterruptedly held the peninsula of Sinai, where
tablets record their conquest of Asiatic nomads. But
with the XVIIIth dynasty commences the period
of Egyptian supremacy. Very soon after the acces-
sion of this powerful line most of the countries
between the Egyptian border and the Tigris were
reduced to the condition of tributaries. The empire
seems to hare lasted for nearly three centuries, from
about B. c. 1500 to about 1200. The chief opponents
of the Egyptians were the Hittites of the valley of the
Orontes, with whom the Pharaohs waged long and
fierce wars. After this time the influence of Egypt
declined ; and until the reign of Shishak (b. c. cir.
990-967 ), it appears to have been confined to the
western borders of Palestine. No doubt the rising
greatness of Assyria caused the decline. Thence-
forward to the days of Pharaoh Necbo there was a
constant struggle for the tracts lying between
Egypt, and Assyria and Babylonia, until the dis-
astrous battle of Carchemisli finally destroyed the
supremacy of the Pharaohs. It is probable that dur-
ing the period of the empire an Assyrian or Baby-
lonian king generally supported the opponents of
'h» mien of Egypt Great aid from a powerful ally
EGYPT
can indeed alone explain the strong resistance effect
by the Hittites. The general policy of the Egyp-
tians towards their eastern tributaries teems to have
been marked by great moderation. The Pharaohs
intermarried with them, and neither forced upon
them Egyptian garrisons, except in some important
positions, nor attempted those deportations that are
so marked a feature of Asiatic policy. In the case
of those nations which never attacked them they do
not appear to hare even exacted tribute. So long as
their general supremacy was uncontested, they would
not be unwise enough to make fnrorable or neutral
powers their enemies. Of their relation to the
Israelites we have for the earlier part of this period
no direct information. The explicit account of the
later part is fully consistent with what we have said
of the general policy of the Pharaohs. Shishak and
Zerab, if the latter were, as we believe, a king of
Egypt, or a commander of Egyptian forces, are the
only exceptions in a series of friendly kings, and
they were almost certainly of Assyrian or Babylo-
nian extraction. One Pharaoh gave his daughter
in marriage to Solomon ; another appears to have
been the ally of .lehoram, king of Israel (2 K. vii.
6); So made a treaty with Hoshen; Tirhakah aided
Hezekiah ; Pharaoh Nechn fought Josiali against
his will, and did not treat Judah with tbe severity
of the oriental kings; and his second successor,
Pharaoh llophra. maintained the alliance, notwith-
standing this break, as firmly as before, and al-
though foiled in his endeavor to save Jerusalem
from the Chaldeans, received the fugitives of Judah,
who, like tbe fugitives of Israel at the capture of
Samaria, took refuge in Egypt. It is probable that
during the earlier period the same friendly relations
existed. The Hebrew records of that time afford
no distinct indication of hostility with Egypt, nor
have the Egyptian lists of conquered regions and
towns of the same age been found to contain any
Israelite name, whereas in Shishak's list the king-
dom of Judah and some of its towns occur. The
route of the earlier Pharaohs to the east seems
always to have been along tbe Palestinian coast,
then mainly held by the Philistines and Phoeni-
cians, both of whom they subdued, and across Syria
northward of the territories occupied by the He-
brews. With respect to the African nations a
different policy appears to have been pursued. Tbe
Rebu (l.ebu) or Lubim, to the west of Egypt, on
the north coast, were reduced to subjection, and
probably employed, like the Shayretana or Chere-
thim, as mercenaries. Ethiopia was made a purely
Egyptian province, ruled by a viceroy, " the Prinx
of Kesh (Cush)," and the assimilation was so com-
plete that Ethiopian sovereigns seem to have been
received by the Egyptians as native rulers. Further
south, the Negroes were subject to predatory
attacks like the slave hunts of modern limes, con-
ducted not so much from motives of hostility as to
obtain a supply of slaves. In the Bible we find
African peoples, Lubim, Phut, Sukkiim, Cush, at
mercenaries or supporters of Egypt, but not a singk
name that can be positively placed to the eastward
of that country.
Army. — There are some notices of the Egyptiai
army in the O. T. They show, like the monuments
that its most important branch was the chariot
force. The Pharaoh of the Exodus led 600 cboaec
chariots besides his whole chariot-force In pursaH
of the Israelites. The warriors fighting in charioti
are probably the "horsemen" mentioned in Uw
relation of this event and elsewhere, for in EgyptiM
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EGYPT
Utoyare called the "horse" or "cavalry." We
hare no subsequent indication in the Bible of the
soostitution of an Egyptian army until the time of
(he XXIId dynasty, when we find that Shishak's
invading force waa partly composed of foreigners ;
whether mercenaries or allies, cannot as yet be
positively determined, although the monuments
make it most probable tiat they were of the former
sharacter. The army of Necho, defeated at Car-
•hemiah, seems to have been similarly composed,
EGYPT
071
although it probably contained Greek mercenaries
who soon afterwards became the most important
foreign element in the Egyptian forces.
Dviuestic lAft. — The sculptures and painfingj
of the tombs give us a very full insight into the
domestic life of the ancient Egyptians, as may be
seen in Sir (J. Wilkinson's great work. What most
strikes us in their manners is the high position
occupied by women, and the entire absence of the
hareem-system of seclusion. The wife is called
Phalanx of heavy Infantry. (Wilkinson.)
' Uie lady of the bouse." Marriage appears to have \ especially the priests, soldiers, artisans, and hero*
seen universal, at least with the richer class; and , men, with laborers. A man of the upper dan
If polygamy were tolerated it was rarely practiced. | might, however, both hold a command in the army
~yt marriage-ceremonies no distinct account has and be a priest; and therefore the caste-system
Veen discovered, but there is evidence that some- cannot have strictly applied in the case of the
feing of the kind was usual in the case of a queen subordinates. The general manner of life does not
3e Rouge*, Kuii sur une Stele iSygplitrme, pp. much illustrate that of the Israelites, from its great
*3, 64). (incubinage was allowed, the concubines essential difference. The Egyptians from the days
'•king the place of inferior wives. There were no of Abraham were a settled people, occupying a land
although great classes wen very distinct, ' whbh they had held for centuries without question,
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678
EGYPT
except through the aggression of foreign binders.
The occupations of the higher class were the super-
tctendence of their fields and gardens; their diver-
EOYPT
•ions, the punuit of game In the deaata, or oa saw
liter, and fishing. The tending of cattle waa left
to the most despised of the lower class. The [anew
Disciplined troops of the time of the XTinth Dynasty. (Wilkinson.)
ilea on the contrary were from the very first a
pastoral people: in time of war they lived within
walls ; when there was peace they " dwelt in their
tents " (2 K. xiii. 6). The Egyptian feasts, and
the dances, music, and feats which accompanied
them, for the diversion of the guests, as well as the
common games, were probably introduced among
the Hebrews in the most luxurious days of the
kingdoms of Israel and Judali. The account of the
noontide dinner of Joseph (Gen. xliii. 16, 81-34)
agrees with the representations of the monuments,
although it evidently describes a far simpler re-
past than would be usual with an Egyptian min-
ister. The attention to precedence, which seems
to have surprised Joseph's brethren (ver. 33), is
perfectly characteristic of Egyptian customs. Hie
Weral ceremonies were far more important than
any events of the Egyptian life, as the tomb was
regarded as the only true home. The body of
the deceased was embalmed in the fo*m of Osiris,
the judge of the dead, and conducted t 'he burial-
place with great pomp and much display of lamenta-
tion. The mourning lasted seventy-two days or
Seas. Both Jacob and Joseph were embalmed, and
the mourning for the former continued seventy
days.
Literature and Art. — The Egyptians were a
vary literary people, and time has preserved to us,
flies the inscriptions of their tombs and temples,
many papyri, of a religious or historical character,
and one tale. They bear no resemblance to the
books of the 0. T., except such as arises from their
sometimes enforcing moral truths in a manner not
wholly different from that of the Book of Proverbs.
The moral and religious system is, however, essen-
tially different in its principles and their application.
Some have imagined a great similarity between the
0. T. and Egyptian literature, and have given a
show of reason to their idea by dressing up Egyptian
documents in a garb of Hebrew phraseology, in
which, however, they have gone so awkwardly that
no one who bad not prejudged the question could
for a moment be deceived. In science, Egyptian
influence may be distinctly traced in the Pentateuch.
Moses was " learned in all the wisdom of lb*
Egyptians" (Acts vii. 22), and probably derived
from them the astronomical knowledge which was
necessary for the calendar. [Chronoi-ooy.] Hi*
acquaintance with chemistry is shown in the man-
ner of the destruction of the golden calf. The
Egyptians excelled in geometry and mechanics : tht
earlier books of the Bible, however, throw no light
upon the degree in which Moses may have made
use of this part of his knowledge. In medicine and
surgery, the high proficiency of the Egyptians was
probably of but little use to the Hebrews after the
Exodus : anatomy, practiced by the former from thr
earliest ages, was repugnant to the feelings of
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Ibanttat, and the ampin of Egypt anil of Palestine
would be as different as the ordinal-} diseases of
the country. In the art* of architecture sculpture,
and painting, the former of which was the chief,
there seems to have been but a very alight and
material influence. This was natural, for with the
Egyptians architecture was a religious art, embody-
ing in its principles their highest religious convic-
tions, and mainly devoted to the service of religion.
Durable construction, massive and grand form, and
rich, though sober, color, characterize their temples
and tombs, the anodes of gods, and " homes " of
men. To adopt such an architecture would have
been to adopt the religion of Egypt, and the pastoral
Israelites had no need of buildings. When they
same into the lYomisfd I .and they found cities
ready for their occupation, and it was not until the
days of Solomon that s temple took the place of
the tent, which was the sanctuary of the pastoral
people. Detail* of ornament were of course bor-
rowed 60m Egypt; but separated from the vast
system in which they were found, they lost their
significance, and became harmless, until modem
sciolists made them prominent in support of a
theory which no mind oapable of broad views can
for a moment tolerate.
Mngicinnt. — We find frequent reference in the
Bible to the magicians of Egypt. The Pharaoh of
Joseph laid his dream before the magicians, who
could not interpret it (Gen. xli. 8); the Pharaoh of
the Exodus used them as opponents of Moses and
Aaron, when, after what appears to have been a
seeming success, they failed as before (Ex. rii. II,
13, 33, viii. 18, 19, ix. 11; 9 Tim. iii. 8, 9). The
monuments do not recognize any such art, and we
most conclude that magic was secretly practiced,
not because it was thought to be unlawful, but in
order to give it importance. [See Magic; Jam-
bkbk; Jasnks.]
Indmtrial Art*. — The industrial arts held au
important place in the occupations of the Egyptians.
The workers in fine flax and the weavers of white
liuen are mentioned in a manner that shows they
were among the chief contributors to the riches of
the country (Is. xix. 9). The fine linen of Egypt
found its way to Palestine (Prov. vii. 16). Pottery
was a great branch of the native manufactures, and
appears to have furnished employment to the lie-
brews during the bondage (Ps. lxxxi- 6, lxviii. 13;
romp. Ex. i. 14).
Festival*. — The religious festivals were numer-
ous and some of them were, in the days of Herod-
otus, kept with great merry-making and license.
His description of that of the goddess Bubastis,
kept at the city of Bubastis in the eastern part of
the Delta, would well apply to some of the great
Mohammedan festivals now held in the country
(ii. 59, 60). The feast which the Israelites cele-
brated when Aaron had made the golden calf seems
to have been very much of the same character: first
offerings were presented, and then the people ate
and danced and sang (Ex. xxxiii. 5, 6, 17, 18, 19),
and even, it seems, stripped themselves (ver. 25),
as appears to have been not unusual at the popular
vicient Egyptian festivals.
Afttmtr* of Modem Muibilnnlt. — The man-
Mrs of the modern inhabitants are, we are disposed
to believe after much consideration, more similar to
■hose of the ancient Hebrews, on account of Arab
xdhience, than the manners of then predecessors.
3ow remarkably they illustrate the Bible is seen
a the numerous references given in the Modern
EGYPT
679
KgypHnnt (see its Index), and in the great |
value of that work in Biblical criticism.
Chkonoukjy and History. — In treating oi
the chronology and history of ancient Egypt it u
our endeavor to avoid as much as possible the state-
ment of doubtful matters, and to give the greater
prominence to those points on which the generality
of sound Egyptologers are virtually agreed. The
subject may be divided into three main branches,
technical chronology, historical chronology, and
history: —
1. Technical Chronology. — It is impossible here
to treat in much detail the difficult subject of
Egyptian technical chronology. That the Egyptians
used various periods of time, and made astronomical
observations from a remote age, is equally attested
by ancient writers, and by their monuments. It is,
however, very difficult to connect periods mentioned
by the former with the indications of the same kind
offered by the latter; and what we may term the
recorded observations of the monuments cannot be
used for the determination of chronology without a
previous knowledge of Egyptian astronomy that we
have not wholly attained. The testimony of ancient
writers must, moreover, be carefully sifted, and we
must not take their statements as a positive basis
without the strongest evidence of correctness.
Without that testimony, however, we could not at
present prosecute the inquiry. The Egyptians do
not appear to have had any common era. Every
document that bears the date of a year, gives the
year of the reigning sovereign, counted from that
current year in which he came to the throne, which
was called his first year. There is therefore no gen-
eral means of testing deductions from the chrono-
logical indications of the monuments.
There appear to have been at least three years
in use with the Egyptians before the Koman domi-
nation, the Vague Year, the Tropical Year, and the
Sothic Year; but it is not probable that more than
two of these were employed at the same time. The
Vague Year contained 365 days without any addi-
tional fraction, and therefore passed through all the
seasons in about 1500 years. It was both used
for civil and for religious purposes. Probably the
Israelites adopted this year during the sojourn in
Egypt, and that instituted at the Exodus appears
to have been the current Vague Year fixed by the
adoption of a method of intercalation. [Chronol-
ogy.] The Vague Year was divided into twelve
months, each of thirty days, with five epagomense,
or additional days, after the twelfth. The months
were assigned to three seasons, each comprising
four months, called respectively the 1st, 3d, 3d,
and 4th of those seasons. The names by which the
Egyptian months are commonly known, Thotb,
Paophi, Ac., are taken from the divinities to which
they were sacred. The seasons are called, according
to our rendering, those of Vegetation, Manifestation
and the Waters or the Inundation : the exact mean
ing of their names has however been much disputed.
They evidently refer to the phenomena of a Tropical
Year, and such a year we must therefore conclude
the Egyptians to have had, at least in a remote
period of their history. If, as we believe, the third
season represents the period of the inundatkn, it*
beginning must be dated about one month before
the autumnal equinox, which would place the be-
ginning o' the year at the Winter Solstice, an
especially ft' time In Egypt for the commencement
of a tropical year. The Sothic Year was a sup-
posed sidereal year of ■ > «6J days, commenciug with
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EGYPT
the so-called heliacal rising of Sothis. The Vague
Year, having no intercalation, constantly retreated
through the Sothic Year, until a period of 1461
yean of the former kind, and 1460 of the latter had
elapsed, from one coincidence of commencements to
another
The Egyptians are known to have used two great
cycles, the Sothic Cycle and the Tropical Cycle.
The former was a cycle of the coincidence of the
Sothic and Vague Years, and therefore consisted
of 1460 years of the former kind. This cycle is
mentioned by ancient writers, and two of its com-
mencements recorded, the one, called the Era of
Menophres, July 20, B. C. 1322, and the other, on
the same day, A. D. 139. Menophres is supposed
to be the name of an Egyptian king, and this is
most probable. The nearest name is Men-ptah, or
Men-phthah, which is part of that of Sethee M»n
ptah, the father of Rameses II., and also that of the
son of the latter, all these being kings of the XlXth
dynasty. We are of opinion that chronological
indications are conclusive in favor of the earlier of
the two sovereigns. The Tropical Cycle was a cycle
of the coincidence of the Tropical and Vague Years.
We do not know the exact length of the former
year with the Egyptians, nor indeed that it was
used in the monumental age; bnt from the mention
of a period of 500 years, the third of the cycle, and
the time during which the Vague Year would
retrograde through one season, we cannot doubt
that there was such a cycle, not to speak of its
analogy with the Sothic Cycle. It has been sup-
posed by M. Hiot to have had a duration of 1505
years; but the length of 1500 Vague Years is
preferable, since it contains a number of complete
lunations, besides that the Egyptians could scarcely
have been more exact, and that the period of 61X1
years is a subdivision of 1500. Ancient writers do
not fix any commencements of this cycle. If the
characteristics of the Tropical Year are what we
suppose, the cycle would have begun u. c. 2005
and 507 : two hieroglyphic inscriptions record, as
we believe, the former of these epochs (tlm-a
Jigyptiaca, p. 12 ff., pi. I. Nos. 5, 6)." The
return of the Phoenix has undoubtedly a chronolog-
ical meaning. It has been supposed to refer to
the period last mentioned, but we are of opinion
that the l'hcenix Cycle was of exactly the same
character, and therefore length, as the Sothic, its
commencement being marked by the so-called
heliacal rising of a star of the constellation BEN N V
HESAR, " the Phoenix of Osiris," which is placed
in the astronomical ceiling of the Rameseum of El-
Kurueh six mouths distant from Sothis. The
monuments make mention of Panegyrical Months,
Which can only, we believe, be periods of thirty
years each, and divisions of a year of the same kind.
We have computed the following dates of com-
mencements of these Panegyrical Years : 1st. b. c.
2717, first dynasty, era of Menes (not on nionu-
jienU); 2d. B. c 2352, lVth dynasty, Suphis, I.
and II. ; 3d. B. c. 1986 (Xllth dynasty, Seaertesen
.II.? not on monuments); the last mentioned date
being also the beginning of a Phoenix Cycle, which
appears to have comprised four of these Panegyrical
Years. The other important dates of the system
9f Panegyrics which occur on the monuments are
». c. 1442, XVIIIth dynasty, Queen Amen-nemt;
md n. o. 1412, XVIIIth dynasty, Thothmes III.
« IV* the reasons for fixing on these years,
UfnJBg.le.
EGYPT
Certain phenomena recorded on the monuments
have been calculated by M. Biot, who has obtained
the following dates: Rising of Sothis in reign of
Thothmes III., XVIIIth dynasty, b. c. 1445; sup
posed Vernal Equinox, Thothmes III., b. c, cir
1441; rising of Sothis, Rameses III., XXth dynasty,
B. c. 1301; star-risings, Rameses VI. and IX,
XXth dynasty, B. c. cir. 1241. Some causes of
uncertainty affect the exactness of these dates, and
that of Rameses III. is irreconcilable with the tin
of Thothmes III., unless we hold the calendar in
which the inscription supposed to record it cecum
to be a Sothic one, in which case no date could be
obtained.
Egyptian technical chronology gives us no direct
evidence in favor of the high antiquity which some
assign to the foundation of the first kingdom. The
earliest record which all Egyptologers are agreed
to regard as affording a date is of the fifteenth cent-
ury B. c, and no one has alleged any such record
to be of any earlier time than the twenty-fourth
century it. c. The Egyptians themselves seem to
have placed the beginning of the 1st dynasty in the
twenty-eighth century it. c, but for determining
this epoch there is no direct monumental evidence.
2. Historical Chi onuli»jy. — The materials for
historical chronology are the monuments and the
remains of the historical work of Manetho. Since
the interpretation of hieroglyphics has been dis-
covered the evidence of the monuments has been
brought to bear on this subject, but as yet it has
not been sufficiently full and explicit to enable us
to set aside other aid. We have had to look else-
where for a genera) frame-work, the details of which
the monuments might fill up. The remains of
Manetho are now generally held to supply this want.
A comparison with the monuments has shown that
he drew his information from original sources, the
general authenticity of which is vindicated by
minute points of agreement. The information
Manetho gives us, in the present form of his work,
is, however, by no means explicit, and it is only by
a theoretical arrangement of the materials that they
take a definite form. The remains of Manetho's
historical work consist of a list of the Egyptian
dynasties and two considerable fragments, one re-
lating to the Shepherds, the other to a tale of the
Exodus. The list is only known to us in the
epitome given by Africanus, preserved by Syncellua,
and that given by Eusebius. These present such
great differences that it is not reasonable to hope
that we can restore a correct text. The series of
dynasties is given as if they were successive, in
which case the commencement of the first would be
placed full 6000 years B. c, and the reign of the
king who built the Great Pyramid, 4000. The
monuments do not warrant so extreme an antiquity,
and the great majority of Egyptologers have there-
fore held that the dynasties were partly contem-
porary. A passage in the fragment of Manetho
respecting the Shepherds, where he speaks of \ia
kings of the Thebais and of the rest of Egypt rising
against these foreign rulers, makes it almost certain
that he admitted at least three contemporary lines
at that period (Joseph, c. A/riim. i. 14). The naming
of the dynasties anterior to the time of a certuir
single kingdom, and that of the later ones, which we
know to have generally held sway over all Eg},*, of
the first seventeen, and the XVIIIth and louowing
dynasties, lends support to this opinion. The former
are named in groups, first a group of Thinites, thee
one of Memphites, broken by a dynasty of Elephant
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BGYPT
■sua, next a Hecacfeopolite line, Ac., die dynasties
as* a particular city being grouped together; whereas
the tatter generally present but one or two together
of the «ame name, and the dynasties of different
cities recur. The earlier portion seems therefore
to represent parallel lines, the later, a succession.
To* evidence of the monuments leads to the same
conclusion. Kings who unquestionably belong to
different dynasties are shown by them to be con-
temporary. In the present state of Egyptology this
evidence has led to various results as to the number
of contemporary dynasties, and the consequent
duration of the whole history. One great difficulty
is that the character of the inscriptions makes it
impossible to ascertain, without the explicit men-
tion of two sovereigns, that any one king was not
a sole ruler. For example, it has been lately dis-
covered that the Xllth dynasty was for the greatest
part of its rule a double line. Yet its numerous
monuments in general give no hint of more than
one king, although there was almost always a rec-
ognized colleague. Therefore, d fortiori, no notice
would be taken, if possible, on any monument of a
ruler of another house than that of the king in
whose territory it was made. We can therefore
scarcely expect very full evidence on this subject.
Mr. I-ane, as long ago as 1830, proposed an arrange-
ment of the first seventeen dynasties based upon
their numbers and names. This scheme the writer
believes to be strikingly confirmed by the monu -
meats. The table in the following page contains
the dynasties thus arranged, with the approxima-
tive dates we assign to their commencements, and
the dates of chief events in Hebrew history con-
nected with that of Egypt, according to the system
preferred in art. Chroxoloot.
The monuments will not, in our opinion, justify
any great extension of the period assigned in the
table to the first seventeen dynasties. The last
date, that of the commencement of the XVIIIth
dynasty, cannot be changed more than a few years.
Baron Bunsen and Or. Lepsius indeed place it
much earlier, but they do so in opposition to positive
monumental evidence. The date of the beginning
of the 1st dynasty, which we are disposed to place
a little before B. c. 2700, is more doubtful, but a
concurrence of astronomical evidence points to the
twenty-eighth century. The interval between the
two dates cannot therefore be greatly more or less
than twelve hundred years, a period quite in accord-
ance with the lengths of the dynasties according to
the better text, if the arrangement here given be
correct. Some have supposed a much greater an-
tiquity for the commencement of Egyptian history.
1 -opsins places the accession of Menes n. c. 38<J2,
and Runsen, two hundred years later. Their sys-
tem is founded upon a passage in the chronological
work of SynceHus, which assigns a duration of 3555
to the thirty dynasties ( Chron. p. 51 B). It is by
no means certain that this number is given on the
authority of Hanetho, but apart from this, the
whole statement is unmistakably not from the true
Manetho, but from some one of the fabricators of
chronology, among whom the Pseudo-Manrtho held
a prominent place (A'nc "'rt*. 8th ed. Egypt, p.
459; Quarterly Revim Ho. 210, p. 895-7). If
(his number be discarded as doubtful or spurious,
there is nothing definite to support the extended
tyttem so confidently put forth by those who
adopt it
- - i Hhlnry. — Passing from chronology to hls-
'•(T.wa have first tc notice the indications in the
BGYPT
681
Bible which relate to the earliest period. Thai
Egypt was colonized by the descendants of Noah
| in a very remote age is shown by the mention of
the migration of the Philistines from Caphtor
which had taken place before the arrival of Abraham
in Palestine. Before this migration could occur,
the Caphtorim and other Mizraites must have occu-
pied Egypt for some time. A remarkable passage
points to n knowledge of the date at which an
ancient city of Egypt was founded : " Hebron was
built seven years before Zoan in Egypt" (N'um
xiii. 22). YVe find that Hebron was originally
called Kirjath-arba, and was a city of the Anakim
(Josh. xiv. 15), and it is mentioned under that
appellation in the history of Abraham (Gen. xxiii.
2) ; it had therefore been founded by the giant-race
before the days of that patriarch.
The evidence of the Egyptians as to the primeval
history of their race and country is extremely in-
definite. They seem to have separated mankind
into two great stocks, and each of these again into
two branches, for they appear to have represented
themselves and the Negroes, the red and black
races, as the children of the god Horns, and the
Sbemites and Europeans, the yellow and white
races, as the children of the goddess Pesht (conip.
Brugsch, Geogr. Jruchr. ii. 90, 91). They seem
therefore to have held a double origin of the
species. The absence of any important traditional
period is very remarkable in the fragments of
Egyptian history. These commence with the divine
dynasties, and pass abruptly to the human dynas-
ties. The latest portion of the first may indeed be
traditional, not mythical; and the earliest part of
the second may be traditional and not historical,
though this last conjecture we are hardly disposed
to admit. In any case, however, there is a very
short and extremely obscure time of tradition, and
at no great distance from the earliest date at which
it can be held to end we come upon the clear light
of history in the days of the pyramids. The indi-
cations are of a sudden change of seat, and the
settlement in Egypt of a civilized race, which,
either wishing to be believed autochthonous, or
having lost all ties that could keep up the traditions
of its first dwelling-place, filled up the commence-
ment of its history with materials drawn from
mythology. There is no trace of the tradition of
the Deluge which is found in almost every other .
country of the world. The priests are indeed re-
ported to have told Solon when he spoke of one
deluge that many had occurred (i'lat. Tim. 23),
but the reference is more likely to have been to
great floods of the Nile than to any extraordinary
catastrophes.
The history of the dynasties preceding the
XVIIIth is not told by any continuous series of
monuments. Except those of the I Vth and Xllth
dynasties there are scarcely any records of the age
left to the present day, and thence in a great measure
arises the difficulty of determining the chronology.
From the times of Menes, the first king, until the
Shepherd-invasion, Egypt seems to have enjoyed
perfect tranquillity. During this age the MemphiU
line was the most powerful, and by it, under the
IV th dynasty, mm the most famous pyramids raised.
The Shepherds were foreigners who came from Uk
East, and, in some manner unknown to Manetho,
gained the rule of Egypt. Those whose kings com-
posed the XVth dynasty were the first an-i most im-
portant They appear to hare been Phoenicians, and
it is probable that their migration into Egypt, and
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682
EGYPT
TABU Ot TBI FIBST SEVENTEEN DYNASTM8.
M.O.
tkixitss.
ROD
(araofMMua)
mfmni*
MOO
BOO
in.cir.j«ao
uinuii-
Ultll.
.
It air. SCO
MOO
tmo
IV.dr.Mtf
V.dr.M*?
SMB. Date In
reign of
Bnphleea.
BOO
aoo
BKRAOl KO-
muTsa.
atos-
roMTig.
VI. dr. aoo
IX. dr. 2J»
XI. dr. 2S0O
ZOITSS.
aran
■BBS.
JOOO
XII. tlr. JWi
WIS. Date
n r«i|tn of
Amenemha
II. I!mi. Date
In reign of
9wru-wn
m.r
XIV. dr. saw
xv. cir. mo
XVI. dr. S»0
clr. S0BI
Abraham
rWUK»jpt
uoo
Xm.dr.1190
.
IWS. Joeepa
CD VW 11 Of .
IW. Jaeot
■pee late
Esypt
1800
vn.ar.um
rm.dr.ino
(Hljreara).
MOO
X.dr.UtO
•
ooo
«•
XVI11. air
las.
1
I—
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I as hat Into Palestine, ni part uf the gnat
t to which the coming of the Phoenician!
bom the Erythman Sea, and the Philistines from
Caphtor, belong. It ia not impossible that the war
of the four kings — Chedorlaomer and his allies —
was directed against the power of the kings of the
X Vth dynasty. Host probably the Pharaoh of Abra-
ham was of this line, which lived at Memphis, and
at the great fort or camp of Avaris on the eastern
frontier. The period of Egyptian history to which
the Shepherd-invasion should be assigned is a point
of dispute. It is generally placed after the Xllth
dynasty, for it is argued that this powerful line
could not hare reigned at the same time as one or
more Shepherd-dynasties. We are of opinion that
this objection is not valid, and that the Shepherd-
invasion was anterior to the Xllth dynasty. It is
not certain that the foreigners were at the outset
hostile to the Egyptians, for they may have come
in by marriage, and it is by no means unlikely
that they may have been long in a position of
secondary importance. The rule of the Xllth dy-
nasty, which was of Thebans, lasting about ISO
years, was a period of prosperity to Egypt, but
after its dose those calamities appear to have
occurred which made the Shepherds hated by the
Egyptians. During the interval to the XVIIIth
dynasty there seems to have been no native line
of any importance but that of the Thebans, and
more than one Shepherd dynasty exercised a severe
rule over the Egyptians. The paucity of the
monuments proves the troubled nature of this
period.
We must here notice the history of the Israelite*
in Egypt with reference to the dynasty of the
Pharaohs who favored them, and that of their
oppmtsors. According to the scheme of Biblical
Chronology which we believe to be the most prob-
able [Chbosology], the whole sojourn in Egypt
would belong to the period before the XVIIIth dy-
nasty. The Israelites would have come in and
gone forth during that obscure age for the history
of which we have little or no monumental evidence.
This would explain the absence of any positive
mention of them on the Egyptian monuments.
Some aswrt that they were an unimportant Arab
tribe, and therefore would not be mentioned, and
that the calamities attending their departure could
not be commemorated. These two propositions are
contradictory, and the difficulties are unsolved. If,
as Lepsius supposes, the Israelites came in under the
XVIIIth dynasty, and went out under the XlXth,
or if, as Bunsen holds, they came in under the Xllth,
and (after a sojourn of 1434 years I) went out under
the XlXth, the oppression in both cases falling in
a period of which we have abundant contemporary
monuments, sometimes the records of every year,
t ia impossible that the monuments should be
vholly silent if the Biblical narrative is true. Let
is examine the details of that narrative. At the
ime to which we should assign Joseph's rule, Egypt
was under Shepherds, and Egyptian kings of no
great strength. Since the Pharaoh of Joseph must
have been a powerful ruler and held Lower Egypt,
there can be no question that ne was, if the dates be
correct, a Shepherd of the X Vth dynasty. How does
the Biblical evidence affect this inference? Nothing
w more striking throughout the ancient Egyptian
tanriptions and writings than the bitter dislike of
most foreigners, especially Easterns. They are con-
stantly spoken of in the saite terms as the inhabit-
«ata of the infernal regions, not alone when at war
KGxTT
688
with the Pharaohs, but in time of peace and in tat
case of friendly nations. It is a feeling alone para!
leled in our days by that of the Chinese. Tbt
accounts of the Greek writers, and the whole history
of the later period, abundantly confirm this estimate
of the prejudice of the Egyptians against foreigners.
It seems to us perfectly incredible that Joseph
should be the minister of an Egyptian king. In
lesser particulars the evidence is not lees strong
The Pharaoh of Joseph is a despot, whose will is
law, who kills and pardons at his pleasure, who not
only raises a foreign slave to the head of his ad-
ministration, but through his means makes all thr
Egyptians, except the priests, serfs of the crowu.
The Egyptian kings on the contrary were restrained
by the laws, shared the public dislike of foruigneis,
and would have avoided the very policy Joseph fol-
lowed, which would have weakened the attachment
of their fellow-countrymen by the loosening of local
ties and complete reducing to bondage of the popu-
lation, although it would have greatly strengthened
the power of an alien sovereign. Pharaoh's conduct
towards Joseph's family points to the same conclu-
sion. He gladly invites the strangers, and gives
them leave to dwell, not among the Egyptians, but
in Goshen, where his own cattle seem to hare been
(Gen. xlvi. 34, xlvii. 6). His acts indicate a fellow-
feeling and a desire to strengthen himself against
the national party.
The " new king " " which knew not Joseph," m
generally thought by those who hold with us as to
the previous history, to have been an Egyptian, and
head of the XVIIIth dynasty. It seems at first
sight extremely probable that the king who
crushed, if he did not expel, the Shepherds, would
be the first oppressor of the nation which they pro-
tected. Plausible as this theory appears, a dose
examination of the Bible-narrative seems to us to
overthrow It. We read of the new king that —
" he said unto his people, Behold, the people of the
children of Israel [are] more and mightier than
we: come on, let us deal wisely with them; lest
they multiply, and it come to pass, that, when there
fatleth out any war, they join also unto our enemies,
and fight against us, and [so] get them up out of
the land " (Ex. i. 9, 10). The Israelites are there-
fore more and stronger than the people of the
oppressor, the oppressor fears war in Egypt, and
that the Israelites would join his enemies; he is not
able at once to adopt open violence, and he therefor*
uses a subtle system to reduce them by making
them perform forced labor, and «ns after takes the
stronger measure of killing their male children.
These conditions point to a divided country and a
weak kingdom, and cannot, we think, apply to the
time of the XVIIIth and XIX th dynasties. The
whole narrative of subsequent events to the Exodus
is consistent with this conclusion, to which the use
of universal terms does not offer any real objection.
When all Egypt is spoken of. it is not necessary
either in Hebrew or in Egyptian that we should
suppose the entire country to be strictly intended.
If we conclude therefore that the Exodus most
probably occurred before the XVIIIth dynasty, we
have to ascertain, if possible, whether the Pharaohs
of the oppression appear to have been Egyptians or
Shepherds. The change of policy is in favor of
their having been Egyptians, but u> by no means
conclusive, for there is ne reason that all the for-
eigners should have had the same feeling towards
the Israelites; and we have already seen that th*
Egyptian Pharaohs and their suljects seem in
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684 EGYP1
general to have been friendly t > them throughout
their history, and that the Egyptians were privi-
leged by the Law, apparently on this account. It
may be questioned whether the friendship of the
two nations, even if merely a matter of policy,
would hare been as enduring as »e know it to have
been, had the Egyptians looked back on their con-
duct towards the Israelites as productive of great
national calamities, or bad the Israelites looked
back upon the persecution as the work of the Egypt-
ians. If the chronology be correct, we can only
decide in favor of the Shepherds. During the
time to which the events are assigned there were no
Important lines but the Theban, and one or more of
Shepherds. Lower Egypt, and especially its eastern
part, must have been in the hands of the latter.
The land of Goshen was in the eastern part of tawer
Egypt: ft was wholly under the control of the op-
pressors, whose capital, or royal residence, at least
in the case of the Pharaoh of the Exodus, lay very
near to it. Manetho, according to the transcript
of Africanus, speaks of three Shepherd-dynasties,
the XVth, XVIth, and XVIIth, the last of which,
according to the present text, was of Shepherds and
Thebans, but this is probably incorrect, and the
dynasty should rather be considered as of Shepherds
alone. It is difficult to choose between these three:
a passage in Isaiah, however, which has been
strangely overlooked, seems to afford an indication
which narrows the choice. " My people went
down aforetime into Egypt to sojourn there; and
the Assyrian oppressed them without cause " (lii.
4). This indicates that the oppressor was an
Assyrian, and therefore not of the XVth dynasty,
which, according to Manetho, in the epitomes, was
of Phoenicians, and opposed to the Assyrians (Jo-
seph, c. Apian, i. 14). Among the names of kings
of this period in the Royal Turin Papyrus (ed. Wil-
kinson) are two which appear to be Assyrian, so
that we may reasonably suppose that some of the
foreign rulers were of that race. It is not possible
at present to decide whether they were of the XVIth
or the XVIIth dynasty. It cannot be objected
to the explanation we have offered that the title
Pharaoh is applied to the kings connected with the
Israelites, and that they must therefore have been
natives, for it is almost certain that at Wist some of
the Shepherd-kings were Egyptianizpd, like Joseph,
who received an Egyptian name, and Moses, who
was supposed by the daughters of Jethro to be an
Egyptian (Ex. ii. 19). It has been urged by the
opponents of the chronological schemes that place
the Exodus before the later part of the fourteenth
century n. c, that the conquests of the Pharaohs
of the XVII Ith, XlXth, and XXth dynasties would
have involved collisions with the Israelites had they
been in those times already established in Palestine,
whereas neither the Bible nor the monuments of
Egypt indicate any such event. It has been over-
looked by the advocates of the Rabbinical date of
the Exodus that the absence of any positive Pales-
tinian names, except that of the Philistines, in the
lists of peoples and places subject to these Pharaohs,
and in the records of their wars, entirely destroys
Iheir argument, for while it shows that they did
u>t conquer Palestine, it makes it impossible for us
to decide on Egyptian evidence whether the He-
brews were then in that country or not. Shishak's
Oat, on the contrary, presents several well-known
names of towns in Palestine, besides that of the
kingdom of Judah. The policy of the Pharaohs, as
enviously explained, is the key to their conduct
BOYPT
towards the Israelites. At the same thne the Hur
actor of the portion* of the Bible relating to tins
period prevents our being sure that the Egyptians
may not have passed through the country, and even
put the Israelites to tribute. It is illustrative of
the whole question under consideration, that in
the most nourishing days of the sole kingdom of
Israel, a Pharaoh should have marched unopposed
into Palestine and captured the Canaanite city
Geser at no great distance from Jerusalem, and that
this should be merely incidentally mentioned at a
later time instead of being noticed in the regular
course of the narrative (1 K. ix. 16, 16).
The main arguments for the Rabbinical or latest
date of the Exodus have been discussed in a prencu
article (Chronology). The objections to a much
earlier date, that of n. c. 1653, may be considered
as favorable to the latest rather than to Usher's date,
although not unfavorable to both. The main
objection to these, in our opinion, is that the details
of the Biblical narrative do not, even with the utmost
latitude of interpretation, agree with the history
of the country if the Exodus be supposed to have
taken place under the XVIIIth or XlXth dynasty.
As to the account of the Exodus given by Manetho,
it was confessedly a mere popular story, for he
admitted it was not a part of the Egyptian records,
but a tale of uncertain authorship (trip ay i
Mayt9ur ovk «7c r&r rap' Atyxnrrlois ypafifiiiTtiiy,
iW' As atrrbt lino\byt)K*v, 4k t&v iinr*6ra>t
fivBoXtryovfiivmif vpoorVlffater, K. r. \. Joseph, c.
Apion. i. 16). A critical examination shows that it
cannot claim to be a veritable tradition of the Exo-
dus: It is indeed, if based on any such tradition, so
distorted that it is impossible to be sure that it
relates to the king to whose reign it is assigned.
Yet upon the supposition that the king Is really
Menptah, son of Kameses II., the advocates of the
Rabbinical date entirely base their adjustment of
Hebrew with Egyptian history at this period.
The history of the XVIIIth, XlXth, and XXth
dynasties is that of the Egyptian empire. Aahmes,
the head of the first of these (b. c. cir. 1525), over-
threw the power of the Shepherds, and probably
expelled them. Queen Amen-nemt and Tbothmes
II. and III. are the earliest sovereigns of whom
great monuments remain in the temple of El-
Kamak, the chief sanctuary of Thebes. The last
of these rulers was a great foreign conqueror, and
reduced Nineveh, and perhaps Babylon also, to bis
sway. Amenoph in., his great-grandson, states
on scaral aei, struck apparently to commemorate his -
marriage that his northern boundary was in Meso-
potamia, his southern in Kara (Chokxj ?). By him
was raised the great temple on the vest bank at
Thebes, the site of which is now only marked by
the gigantic pair, the Vocal Memuon and its fol-
low. The head of the XlXth dynasty, Setbee L, or
Sethos, b. c. cir. 1340, waged great foreign wars,
particularly with the Hittites of the valley of the
Orontos, whose capital Ketesh, situate near Emesa,
he captured. By him the great hypostyle hall of
El-Kamak was built, and on its northern wall b a
most interesting series of bas-reliefs recording his
successes. His son Rameees II. was the most illus-
trious of the Pharaohs. If be did not exceed all
others in foreign conquests, he far outshone them in
the grandeur and beauty of the temples with which
he adorned Egypt and Nubia. His chief campaigr:
was against the Hittites and a great confederacy
they had formed. He defeated their army, caps
ured Ketesh. and forced them to conclude a ties*}
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EtJYPT
with Urn, though this hut object does not Mem to
km been immediately attained. Menptah, the son
and sneeesaor of Rameaes II., is supposed by the
advocates of the Rabbinical date of the Exodus to
bare been the Pharaoh in whose time the Israelites
went out. One other king of this period must he
noticed, Rameses HI., of the XXtb dynasty, b. c.
dr. 1200. "hce conquests, recorded on the walls of
his great aemple of Medeenet Haboo in western
Thebes, seem to have been not less important than
those of Rameses II. The most remarkable of the
sculptures commemorating them represent, a naval
victory In the Mediterranean, gained by the Kgypt-
ian fleet over that of the Tokkaree, probably the
Carians, and Shairetana (Khairetana) or Cretans.
Other Shairetana, whom we take to correspond to
the Cherethim of Scripture, serve in the Egyptian
forces, This king also subdued the Philistines and
the Rebu (Lebu), or Lubim, to the west of Kgypt.
Under his successors the power of Egypt evidently
declined, and towards the close of the dynasty the
country seems to have fallen into anarchy, the high-
priests of Amen having usurped regal power at
Thebes, and a I/nrer Egyptian dynasty, the XXIst,
having arisen at Tania. Probably the Egyptian
EGYPT
685
princess who became Solomon's wife was a daughter
of a late king of the Tanite dynasty. The head of
the XXIId dynasty, Sheshonk I., the Shishak
of the Bible, restored the unity of the kingdom
and revived the credit of the Egyptian arms, n. c.
dr. 990. Early in his reign he received Jero-
boam, the enemy of Solomon (1 K. xi. 40), ana
perhaps it was by his advice that ho afterwards
attacked Judah. It is doubtful, however, whether
Jeroboam did not sutler by the invasion as well as
Rehoboam. On the outside of the south wall of the
temple of El-Karnak is a list of the conquests of
Sheshonk I., comprising "the kingdom of Judah,"
and several Hebrew towns, some of which must h*ve
been taken from Jeroboam. [Shishak.] Probably
his successor, Osorkon I., is the Zerah of Scripture,
defeated by Asa. The army that Zerah led cab
only have been that of Egypt, and his overthrow
will explain the decline of the house of Sheshonk.
[Zerah.] Egypt mokes no figure in Asiatic history
during the XXIIId and XXIVth dynasties: under
the XXVth it regained, in part at least, its ancient
importance. This was an Ethiopian line, the war-
like sovereigns of which strove to the utmost to
repel the onward stride of Assyria. So, whom we
The son of King Barneses with his ohariotser. (Wilkinson.)
are disposed to identify with Shebek II. or Sehichus,
the second Ethiopian, rather than with Shebek I.
or Sabaco, the first, made an alliance with Hoshea
the last king of Israel. [So.] Tehrak or Tirbakah,
the third of this house, advanced against Sennach-
erib in support of Hezekiah. [Tirhakak.] After
this, a native dynasty again occupied the throne,
the XXV Ith, of Salte kings. Psametek I. or Psam-
metichus I. (b. c. 664), who may be regarded as the
head of this dynasty, warred in Palestine, and took
tahdod, Azotus, after a siege of twenty-nine years
i Herod. 11. 157). Probably it was held by an Assyr-
ian garrison, having been previously taken from the
Egyptians by Sargon (Is. xx.). Neku or Necho, the
son of Psammetichus, continued the war in the East,
and marched along the coast of Palestine to attack
the king of Assyria- At Megiddo .Ionian encount-
ered him (b.c. 608-7), notwithstanding the remon-
■trance of the Egyptian king, which is very illustra-
tive of the policy of the Pharaohs in the East (2 Chr.
otxv. 81) no less than is his lenient conduct after the
Meat and death of the king of Judah. The army of
Neebo was after a short space routed at Carchemish
•y Nebuchadnezzar, B. c. 6C j-4 (Jer. xlvi. 9',. We
•sad of a time not long subsequent that "the king
of Egypt came not again any more out of hit
land : for the king of Babylon had taken from the
river of Egypt unto the river Euphrates all that
pertained to the king of Egypt" (9 K. xxiv. 7)
[Piiaraoh-Necho.] The second successor of
Necho, Apries, or Pharaoh-Hophra, sent his army
into Palestine to the aid of Zedekiah (Jer. xxxvii.
5, 7, 11), so that the siege of Jerusalem was
raised for a time, and kindly received the fugitives
from the captured city. He seems to hare been
afterwards attacked by Nebuchadnezzar in bis own
country. There is, however, no certain account of
a complete subjugation of Egypt by the king of
Babylon, and it is probable that the prophecies of
Ezekiel (for the fulfillment of which commentator)
have looked to this time) refer to a later period,
and chiefly to the conquest by Cambyses and the
calamities which followed the revolt of Inaros
[Pharaoh-Hophra.] Amasis, the successor of
Apries, had a long and prosperous reign, and taking
advantage of the weakness and fall of Babylon
somewhat restored the weight of Egypt in the East.
But the new power of Persia was to prove ra
more terrible to nis hwse than Babylon had bear
to the house of Psetuartichus; and the son of
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686 EGYPT
*,m— Is bad reigned but six months when Cambyses
reduced the country to the condition of a province
of his empire, n. c. 526.
It ia not necessary here to give an outline of the
subsequent history of Egypt. Its connection with
the history and literature of the Jews is discussed
in the articles on the Greek kings of Egypt
[Ptoi-emy] and Alkxakdkia. The relation of
Egypt and Palestine during the period from the
accession of the first Ptolemy until the age of the
Apostles is mil of interest, but it does not offer any
serious difficulties that require it to be here dis-
cussed. It would not be within the province of
this article to enter upon a general consideration
of the prophecies relating to Egypt : we must, how-
ever, draw the reader's attention to their remark-
able fulfillment. The visitor to the couutry needs
not to be reminded of them: everywhere he is
struck by the precision with which they have come
to pass. We have already spoken of the physical
changes which have verified to the letter the words
of Isaiah. In like manner we recognize, for in-
stance, in the singular disappearance of the city of
Memphis and its temples in a country where several
primeval towns yet stand, and scarce any ancient
site is unmarked by temples, the fulfillment of
the words of Jeremiah : " Noph shall be waste
and desolate without an inhabitant " (xlvi. 19), and
those of EzekieL " Thus saith the tard God ; I will
also destroy the idols, and I will cause [their]
images to cease out of Noph " (xxx. 13). Not less
signally are the words immediately following the
last quotation — "And there shall be no more a
prince of the land of Egypt" (tc.) — fulfilled in
the history of the country, for from the second
Persian conquest, more than two thousand years
ago, until our own days, not one native ruler has
occupied the throne.
Literature. — The following are the most useful
works upon Egypt, excepting such as relate to its
modern history: for a very full list of the literature
of the subject the reader is referred to Jolowicz's
(Dr. H.) BMiotheca A!gyptiaca, 1858 [and Sup-
plement I., 1861]. Egypt generally: Detcription
it tEgypte, 2d ed. 1821-9; Encychpaxlia Britan-
mat, 8th ed. art. Egypt. Description, Productions,
and Topography: Abd-Allatif, Relatimde tEgypte,
ed. Silvestre de Sacy, 1810; D'Anville, Memoiret
nr tEgypie, 1766; Belzoni (G.), Narratite of
Operation, 1820; Brugsch (H.), (jtographischt
JfntekrifUn aUai/yptitcfier DenkmSlcr; 1857 [-60] ;
Reiieberichte am Mgypten, 1855 ; ChampoUion le
Jeune, L'£gypte sous let Pharaont, 1814; Let-
trei icritei ptndant ton Voyage en Hgyptc, 2de M.
1833; Ehrenberg, Ch. G., und Hemprich, F. W.,
Naturgeschichriiche Reiten — Arisen in jEgypten,
tc., 18*28 — Symbol* Phytic*, 1829-1845; Korskal.
Pt, D'tenptumet Am'matium, dsc., 1775-6; Flora
A^gyptiaeo-arabica, 1775; Harris, A. C, Hiero-
qlyphical Standard*, 1852; Linant de BeUefonds,
Memoire tur le Lac de ifcerii, 1843; Makreezee
sl-Takee-ed-deen, Khitat: Quatremere, E., Me-
moiret Geographiquet tt Hiitoriquei, 1811; Rus-
•sgger, Reiten, 1841-8 ; Vyse, H., Col., and Perring,
I. S., Pyramid! of Vizeh, 1839-42: Perring, J.
8., 68 Large Weirs, <fe., of the Pyramidt of (lizeh ;
Wilkinson, Sir J. G., Modern Egypt and Thibet,
1843; Handbook for Egypt, 2d ed. 1858; Surrey
tf Thebtt (plan); On the Eattern Dttert, Joum.
Qeogr. Soc. H. 1832, p. 28 ft' Monuments and
Irscrirvions: ChampoUion le Jeune, Monument t,
18*9 47: Notices detcriptivet, 1844; Lepsius, R.
EGYPT
Denkmaler, 1549, in progress [plates completed ii
12 vols, in 1859]; Letronne, J. A., Rtcutil tkt
incription grecquet tt latinet dEyyptt, 1843.
Kosellini, Monument* ; Select Papyri, 1844. Lan-
guage: Brugsch, H., Grammaire Demotigue, 1865*
ChampoUion le Jeune, Grammaire Egyptiemc,
1836-41: Dictumnairt Egyptien, 1841; Encyc
Brit. 8th ed. art. Bieroglyphict ; Parthey, G.,
Vocabularium Cqptico-Latinum, Ac.; Peyron, A.,
Grammatica Lingua Coptic*, 1841 ; Lexicon,
1835; Schwartze, M. G., Dot All* JCgypUn, 1843
Ancient Chronology, History, and Manners: Bui.
sen, C. C. J., Egypt t Place, voL i-UL 1848-69 [vol
iv. 1860, vol. v. 1867]; Cory, I. P., Ancient Frag-
ments, 2ded. 1832; Herodotus, tA. [trans.] Bawlic-
soc, vols, i.-iii. ; Hengstenberg, E. W., Egypt an.
the Bookt of Motet, 1843; Ideler, L., Handbuch
der Chronotogie, 1826; Lepsius, K., Chronologie
der AZgypter, voL 1. 1849; KSnigtbuch der ahtn
jEgypter, 1858; Poole, R. 8., Uor* jEpyptiaca,
1851; Wilkinson, Sir J. G., Manners and CutUma
of the Ancient Egyptian, 1837, 1841 ; Popular
Account of the Ancient Egyptian, 1865. To these
must be added, for the manners of the modern
inhabitants: Lane, E. W., Modern Egyptian, ed.
1842 [new ed. 1861]; Thousand and One Nights,
2d ed., by E. S. Poole, 1859 ; Poole, Mrs., English-
woman *n Egypt, 1844. It is impossible to specify
a large number of valuable papers by Dr. Hindu,
Mr. Birch, M. de Rouge\ and others. K. S. P.
* Since the first publication of Mr. Poole's arti-
cle, ui 1860, numerous works have appeared in al-
most every department of Egyptology, of which the
following are the more important : —
Language. — Brugsch, H., Hierogluphitch-Dt-
motuchet Wbrterbuch, 1867. This is a scientific
arrangement of the most common words and groups
of both the sacred and the popular languages of an-
cient Egypt, with definitions in French, German,
and Arabic, and a statement of their affinities with
corresponding words of the Coptic. Rouge', Vi-
coinle Emmanuel de, Chrettomathit Sgyptienne, a
selection of Egyptian texts, translated and accom-
panied with a running commentary; also a gram-
matical compendium. Birch, S., Dictionary of
Hieroglyphics, Hieroglyphic Grammar, andtelected
Egyptian Text* ; published in voL v. of Bunsen's
Egypt 't Place. The same volume contains Profes-
sor Dietrich's Companion of the Old Egyptian
and Semitic Roolt, and Bunsen's Companion of
Old and New Egyptian Wordi Kith the Semitic
and Iranian. Brugsch, H., A. Henry Rhinds
ticei bilingue Papyri, hieratitch und demotiich,
1865. The same, translated by Dr. S. Birch, 1863.
Lepsius, Richard, Dm bilingue Dekrtt con Kan-
oput, 1867. This is an Inscription of the ninth
year of Ptolemy III. Euergetes I. found at Tania,
in 1866. It contains 37 lines of hieroglyphics,
and 76 lines of Greek, both in excellent preserva-
tion. This addition to the Egypto-Greek vocab-
ulary confirms the previous reading of the hiero-
glyphics by the school of ChampoUion. The same
inscription has been published by I)r. S. I-eo
Reinisch and E. R. Roesler, under the title Die
zweitprachige Intchrift ton Tanit, 1867. Chabas
F., L' Inscription Hieroglyphigue de Rotette, fln-
alytie. el comparet a la IVrsion Grecgue, 1867.
This new translation of the Rosetta inscription it
made for the purpose of philological comparison
with that of Tanis. A valuable Egypto-Greel
glossary Is appended to the text.
MonumenU and Incrietiun. - ■ L Irnltaen
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BGYPT
fobannee, Atidgyptische Tempehntchr^ien, espe-
muly from Kdfu, and the famous beitle-toenes
ef y ""»'■•, and the triumphal gates of Medinet-
Habu, 1867. Roagi, E. de, Recherche* tur let
Monument! ou'onpeut attribuer aum six premieres
Dynasties de Manilhon, 1866; a work of chroo-
elogical value. Lcemans, Dr. C, Monuments
iZyyjitient du Musee ttAntiquitet des Pays-Bos a
Leide ; Monuments de la Vie Civile, 1S66. Brugich,
H., Recneti de Monuments Egyptian, 1862-63.
Rolnii-h, 8., Die jEgyptitchen Uenkmdler in Mir-
mnar, 1865. These antiquities are chiefly fune-
real. Rhind, A. Henry, Thibet, Us Tombs and
their Tenants, 1862. Clark, Edward L., Daleth,
or the Homestead of the Nations, 1864, a popular
account of Egyptian discoveries
History and Geography. — DUmichen, J., Geo-
araphische Intchrtflen altdgyptitcher Denlcmdler,
1866, and Historische lnichr\fien aUdgyptischer
Denlcmdler, 1867. Brugach, H., Uittarc dFtigyptt,
toL L 1859, comprising Egypt under her native
sovereigns; toI. ii. is now in press. Hartmann, Dr.
B., Geographic und Naturgeschichte der Nil-
Idnder, 1865. Kremer, Alfred von, AVgypten;
Physische Geographic, Ethnographic, Agrthdlur,
1868. This work ia devoted chiefly to modern
Egypt Partbey, G., Zur Erdkunde des alien
Mgyptent, 1859; with maps according to Herodo-
tus, Strabo, Ptolemy, Pliny, and other ancient au-
thorities. Petherick, John, Egypt, the Soudan,
and Central Africa, 1861. Chabaa, F., Voyage
ifun ligyptien en Syrie, en Phemcie, en Palestine,
mi XIV"* sUele avant noire ire, traduction an-
alytigue dun papyrus du Music Britanmquc,
1866.
Chronology.— Hindu, E., On the Various Years
and Months in use among the Egyptians, 1866.
Lauth, Fr. Jos., Der 30 Dynastiecn Manetho't,
von Menu bis Amotis, 1865. Brugach, H., Ma.
teriaux pour server a la Reconstruction du Calen-
drier des Ancient Egyptians, 1864. Palmer, Wil-
liam, Egyptian Chronicles, uith a Harmony of
Sacred and Egyptian Chronology; — an attempt
to revive the authority of the "Old Chronicle,"
snd to fix the era of Menes at 2224 b. c, about
the time of Terah. Henne von Sargans, Dr. An-
ton, Manethot, die Originet unterer Gctchichte
und Chronologic, 1865; a highly fanciful work.
Lieblein, J., jEgyptitche Chronologic, 1863. Lep-
dus, K., Vber eimge Berahrungtpunhte der
Xgyptischen, Grieckischen, und Rimtschm Chro-
m logic, 1859. Also, by the same, a monograph,
Ober die Manethomschc Bestimmung des Umfangs
der J'gyptitchen Gctchichte, 1857. DUmichen, J.,
Altaijyptitche Kalenderintchriften, 1866. Smyth,
C. l'iazzi, Life, and Work at the Great Pyramid,
1867. Professor Smyth, of the University of
Edinburgh, and Astronomer-Royal for Scotland,
spent the months of January, February, March,
aud April, 1866, at the Great Pyramid, devoting
his whole attention to mathematical measurements
uid astronomical observations. For this work he
had prepared himself by a careful study of all pre-
vious measurements and observations, and he was
furnished with the best instruments of modern
icience. His results, in the main confirming, and
Hi some points correcting, those of CoL Howard
v"yse and Mr. Perring, are of scientific value, and
may hereafter contribute to the settlement of chron-
ological and historical questions, though their au-
thority is weakened by the fanciful and extravagant
Hswtlea of the author. So exact is the orientation
EGYPT
68?
of the Great Pyramid that Professor Smyth found
the difference between the direction of its entrance
passage and the present astronomical meridian tc
be leas than 6'. His determination of the latitude
of the pyramid ia 29° 58' 51". He regards the
whole structure aa a symbolical standard for a uni-
versal metrology, anticipating by thousands of years
the exactest determinations of modern science, -
" the linear standard founded on the earth's axis
of rotation ; the weight and capacity measure on
an employment of the whole earth's mean density;
the temperature standard on the mean surface tern
perature of the whole earth ; and the time stand
aid on the precession of the equinoxes, assisted by
meridian observations combining a well-chosen puloi
with an equatorial star." All these standards
Professor Smyth believes that be has found ex-
pressed in the form, materials, and proportions of
the entrance passage, the king's chamber, and the
coffer therein contained; and he traces to this
source the Hebrew cubit, and the dimensions it the
sacred ark and the molten sea. A metrology so
recondite and exact, the Professor ascribes to a di-
vine inspiration in the mind of the original archi-
tect or founder of the pyramid. The date of the
pyramid he fixes upon astronomical grounds at
2170 b. a Following the theory of Sir John
Herschel that a Draamit was the star to which
the builders of the pyramid had reference in the
angle or dip of its entrance or tube, he finds that
this star was in the prescribed position at about
2200 b. a and 3400 B. c.; but at the former
date the Pleiades, whose "sweet influences" wen
so noted among the ancients, were also crossing the
meridian above the pole, and from a comparison of
the right sscensiou and declination of n Taun
with the right ascension and north polar distance
of a Draconis, he reaches the mean date of 217V
b. c.
But if the builder of the Great Pyramid was
the Soupbis or Chefre of Manetho's fourth dynasty,
this date would place Menes at nearly 3000 b. c,
long before the flood, according to the Hebrew
chronology. Prof. Smyth endeavors to meet this
difficulty by impeaching Manetho's list; aud, fol-
lowing Mr. William Osburn in his Monumental
History of Egypt, he abbreviates and condenses
the earlier dynasties. But monumental evidences
unknown to Osburn, and overlooked by Smyth,
point to a different conclusion. The most impor-
tant reoent additions to the ""*«"«'■ of Egyptian
Chronology are the " Tablet of Memphis or Sak-
kirah " discovered by M. Marietta, and the " Se
that Tablet," discovered at Abydos by M. Dilnu-
chen. These tablets, collated with each other and
with the Turin papyrus, furnish an almost un-
broken list of kings from Menes to Sethos I. Lep-
sius, Brugach, and others, place Sethos I. about (lie
middle of the 15th century before Christ ; Mr.
Poole, a century later, in 1340 B. c. But era
this latter date will require that Egyptian chronol-
ogy be carried back somewhat beyond the limit*
assigned in the foregoing article, in order to pro
vide for the seventy-six consecutive reigns from
Menes to Sethos. That these reigns are to be
taken consecutively, the tablet of Sethos I. clearly
indicates. This monarch, accompanied by his son
Kameeea, is offering homage to his royal predeces-
sors, whose cartouches are arranged in three par-
allel lines, that of Menea heading the first column;
and wherever the list can be verified by a compar-
ison with other monuments, the order of the ear
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888 EGYPTIAN
touches b found to be strictly historical. This
ablet must be accepted as an official list of the
regular and legitimate dynasties of old Egypt, as
these were recognized at the beginning of the nine-
teenth dynasty. The tablets of Sakkarah and
Sethos, with the Turin papyrus, fill out the earlier
dynasties with great completeness and accuracy;
and an average for the seventy-six reigns prior to
Sethos I. will place Meues at least 3000 B. c.
Thus monumental data for the determination of
Egyptian chronology are accumulating, and the
conclusions of Mr. Poole should be held in sus-
pense until some surer light is gained.
Religion. — Sharpe, Samuel, Egyptian Mythol-
ogy and Egyptian Christianity, 1863. Lepsius,
K., JEUtUe. Texte des Todtenbuchs, 1867. Koogi,
E. de, Le Rituel Funeraire da Ancitnt Egypt-
ian, 1866. Chabas, ¥., Le ChajAtte VI. du
Rituel Eggjtien, 1863. Pleyte, W., Etude sur U
Chapitre 125 du Rituel Funeraire, 1866. liirch,
S., The Funereal Ritual, the first complete trans-
lation of this important text-book of the Egyptian
faith ; see vol. v. of Bunsen's Egypts Place in
Universal History. Pleyte, W., Im Rtligion des
Pre- Israelites, 1862. Beauregard, Olivier, Lee
Divinites Egyptiennes, leur Origine, lew Culte, et
ton Expansion dans le Monde, 1866. The work of
Dr. Lepsius is based chiefly upon the inscriptions
of sarcophagi in the Berlin Museum, and gives the
earliest known text of the Book of the Dead.
This text, though much more brief than that of
the Turin papyrus, contains the important doc-
trines of the immortality of the soul, the rehabil-
itation of the body, the judgment of both good
and bad, the punishment of the wicked, the justifi-
cation of the righteous and their admission to the
blessed state of the gods. These doctrines are
amplified and repeated under various forms, in the
larger text translated by Dr. Birch.
Valuable articles on Egi ptology may be found
in the Revue Archeologique, the Journal of Sacred
Literature, the Bibtiutheca Sacra, the Melanges
Egyptologigues of M. Chabas, the Transactions of
the Royal Irish Academy, the Abhandlungen del-
Akad. d. Wissemchafttn vt Berlin, and especially
n the Zeitschrift fur Agyptische Sprache und
Atterthumskunde, published monthly at Berlin, and
jditod by Drs. Lepsius and Brugsch. J. P. T.
EGYPTIAN Cn?0, mascj rVn?D, fern.:
Mybrrwt, hryvnla: 'JEgypHus), EGYPTIANS
vD'H^O, mue-i rVVtyfO, fem.j On$»:
Klyiwrtoi, yvvaaus ArytWow! jEgyptM, ASgyptbx
muUeres). Natives of Egypt The word most
sorumonly rendered Egyptians (Mittraim) is the
name of the country, and might be appropriately
to translated in many cases. W. A. W.
* In Acts xxi. 38, an Egyptian is mentioned
who headed a popular tumult in the procuratorship
of Felix, whom the Roman chiliarch at first sup-
posed might be Paul, whom he had rescued from
the rage of the Jews. Josephus (rivje an account
of the same Egyptian, whom he likewise represents
as having appeared in the time of Felix (B. J, ii.
13, § 6, and Ant. xx. 7, § 6). In some other
respects the Jewish historian seems to be hardly
less si variance with himself in the two passu
than with Luke's account. In B. J. ii. 13, f 6,
Josephus relates that a juggler (ytnt), whom he
also denominates i Atyiwrtot, having procured for
*f the reputation if a prophet, led a multitude
EHUD
of about 30,000 men out of the desert to the Mow. I
of Olives, and promised them that the walls of
Jerusalem would fall down at his command; but
Felix fell upon them, the Egyptian fled with a few
men (utr' b\lyar), most of bis followers were glair,
or taken prisoners, and the rest of the crowd (rl
Xonrof sA>)0o») dispersed. In his Ant xx. 7, §
6, Josephus states that this Egyptian came tc
Jerusalem, that he persuaded the populace to gc
out with bini to the Mount of Olives, where he
would exhibit to them the wonder before mentioned ;
and then he speaks of the attack of Felix, and in
that connection says merely that 400 of the Egyp-
tian's adherents were slain, and 200 were token cap-
tive, without adding any thing further. The points
of apparent disagreement here are, that in one ease
the Egyptian brings the people from the desert to
the Mount of Olives, in the other, from Jerusalem :
in one case that the greater part of 30,000 people
are slain or taken prisoners; in the other, that the
number of the slain amounts to only 400, that of
the prisoners to only 200.
Here now is an example, as Thohick argues
(Glaubairdigkeit der evanyel. (Jtschichte, pp.
169, 170), which snows how reasonable it is, if a
writer's general credibility be acknowledged, that
we should reconcile such differences by having re-
course to supposition or combination. Under this
rule, we may view the case thus: " The Egyptian
at first bad a band of sicarii (Luke's cutipun),
and a rabble had also attached themselves to him;
these people he leaves behind on the Mount of
Olives, and leads thither out of Jerusalem an ad-
ditional crowd, so that the entire multitude might
amount to about 30,000 men. As usually happens
in such cases, curiosity merely had drawn together
most of them. Only a smaller company belonged
to the train of his followers, and among these were
the sicarii ; the attack of the Komari was directed
properly against these, of whom Felix slew 400,
and made 200 prisoners. With a small number,
i. e., with the 4000 of whom Luke speaks, be escaped
into the desert ; the remaining mass, i. e., rb
r\rj0os, of which the first passage of Josephus
speaks, dispersed. In this, or in a similar way,
the Jewish historian may be reconciled with him-
self, and with the writer of the Acts." H.
E"HI (TJ# [brother. It. friend, of Jehovah,
Gee.]: Mt; [Alex. A"vx««:] Fchi), head of
one of the Benjamite houses, according to the list
in Gen. xlvi. 21, and son of Bekh according to the
I AX. version of that passage. He seems to be the
same as Ahi-ram, D^n& in the list in Num.
xxvi. 38, and if so, Ahiram is probably the right
name, as the family were called Ahiramiles. In 1
Chr. viii. 1, the same person seems to be called
rnrjfcl, Abarah, and perhaps also nSntf, Ahosh,
in vef. 4 ('Ax«£, LXX., and In Cod. Vatic. [?]
'AxvdV), Hjng CAx«f ). Ahiah, ver. 7, and "UTtf
fAe>), Aher, 1 Chr. vii. 12. These fluctuations
in the orthography seem to indicate that the original
copies were partly effaced by time or injury
[Bkchek; Chbonicuu.] A. C. H.
E'HUD ("PinM [union] : [VU*\j As»; [Ale*.
A/uiS, n»;| Joseph. 'H<(«8i»»: Aod, [Ahod]), like
Gem, an hereditary name among the Benjamites.
L Ehud, the son of BUhan, and great-grandsot
of Benjamin the Patriarch (1 Chr. vii. 10, viii. 6'.
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BKBB
*■ I'AM: Aod.] Ehud, the ion of Gen (N?2 :
FTipi- Vera ; three others of the name. Gen. xlvi.
II; 9 Sua. xvi. 6; 1 Chr. vifi. 8), of the tribe of
Benjamin (Judg. liL IS, mug "ton of Jemini,"
but rid. Geeen. Iax. nib r. fZp^S), the second
Judge of the Israelites (b. a 1836). In the Bible
he is not called a Judge, but a deliverer (L c): so
Othniel (Judg. Ui. 9) and all the Judges (Neh. U.
17). As a Benjamite he was specially chosen to
destroy Eglon, who had established himself In Jer-
icho, which was included in the boundaries of that
tribe. [Eglom.] In Josephus he appears as a
young man (rtayias)- He was very strong, and
left-handed. So A. V. ; but the more literal ren-
dering is, as in margin, " shut of his right band."
The words are differently rendered: (1) left-
handed, and unable to use his right; (2) using his
left hand as readily as his right. For (1), are
Targum, Joseph., Syr. (impotem), Arab, (aridutn),
and Jewish writers generally; Cajet, Buxtorf,
Parkh., Geeen. (impedUiu): derivation of"^3M
from "1?1H, the latter only in Ps. lxix. 16, where
it — to shut For (2), LXX. (A/upiS^Mf), Vulg.
(fw utr&que manu pro dextri uttbatur), Corn, a
Lap., Bonfrer, Patrick (cf. w«pi8^{io», Horn. IL
xxi. 163, Hipp. Aph. 7, 43); Judg. xx. 16, sole re-
currence of the phrase, applied to 700 Benjamites,
the picked men of the army, who were not likely
to be chosen for a physical defect. As regards Ps.
lxix. 15, it is urged that ~HJ^ may = corono=
•Jpeno ; hence "TCSN = apertut = expeditut, q. d.
* expedUA dextri ; or if " clatuut," datum dextri
= cinctug dextri = wtpitQwt, ambidexter (rid.
Pot Syn.). The feint of drawing the dagger from
the right thigh (Judg. ill. 91) is consistent with
either opinion. For Ehud's adventures see Eo-
uos; and for the period of eighty years' rest
which his valor is said to have procured for the Is-
raelites, see Judges. T. E. B.
E'KEB ("T?.5 [arootmo-tp,perb..=oii«traai»-
planted, foreigner]: 'A«o>; [Comp. 'Udp:]
Achar), a descendant of Judah through the fami-
lies of Hezron and Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 27).
EK REBEL CE»p«04a.; [Vat. Sin. E-ype-
8»A:] Peah. a. «s; <\ x, EcrabaX: Vulg. omiU),
■* place named in Jud. vii. 18 only, as " near to
Chusi, which is on the brook Mocbmur; " appar-
ently somewhere in the hill country to the south-
east of the Plain of Esdraelon and of Dothain.
The Syriac reading of the word points to the place
Aerabbein, mentioned by Eusebiun in the Onomat-
(ieon ss the capital of a district called Acrabnttine,
and still standing as Akrabih, about 6 miles south-
last of Nabtie (Shechem), in the Wady Mnkfi-
riyeh, on the road to the Jordan valley (Van de
VeUe, ii. 804, and Hap). Though frequently
mentioned by Josephus (B. J. ii. 20, § 4, Ui. 8,
§ 6, Ac.), neither the place nor the district are
named in the Bible, and they must not be con-
EKBON
689
a * There Is a play on this meaning as well as the
sound of the name In Zeph. U. 4 (T1VR fnfjy),
July slightly apparent In the A. V. The Vulg. reminds
as of the verbal assonance In Its Aecaron eraauabihtr
H.
» TU LXX. In both M33., and Josephus (Ant. vt
*A.
founded with those of the same name in the ssuth
of Judah. [Akkabbim; Arabattine; Maaleh-
ACUABB1M.] G.
EK'ROK O'Tipy [eradication']: i, 'Avar
m; [1 Sam. v. 10,'xvil. 62>". Rom. Vat. Alex.
Ao-xdAvr ; so Bom. Vat 1 Sam. vi. 16, vii. 14;
Jer. xxv. 20, FA. 1 Axicaptf] Aecaron [in Josh.
xix. 43, Acrun] ), one of the fire towns belonging
to the lords of the Philistines, and the most north-
erly of the five (Josh. xiii. 3). Like the other
Philistine cities its situation was in the She/elah.
It fell to the lot of Judah (Josh. xv. [11,] 45, 46;
Judg. i. 18), and indeed formed one of the land-
marks on his north border, the boundary running
from thence to the sea at Jabneel ( Yebna). We
afterwards, however, find it mentioned among the
cities of Dan (Josh. xix. 43). But it mattered
little to which tribe it nominally belonged, for be-
fore the monarchy it was again in full possession
of the Philistines (1 Sam. r 10). Ekron was the
last place to which the ark was carried before its
return to Israel, and the mortality there in conse-
quence seems to have been more deadly than at
either Ashdod or Gath.' From Ekron to Beth-
shkuesh was a straight highway. Henceforward
Ekron appears to hare remained uninterruptedly in
the hands of the Philistines (1 Sam. xvii. 52; 9
K. i. 2, 16; Jer. xxv. 20). Except the casual
mention of a sanctuary of Boal-cebub existing there
(2 K. i. 2, 3, 6, 16), there is nothing to distinguish
Ekron from any other town of this district — it
was the scene of no occurrence, sod the native
place of no man of fame in any way. The follow-
ing complete the references to \C, [1 Sam. vi. 16,
17, vii. 14;] Am. i. 8; Zeph. ii. 4; Zech. ix.
5,7.
'AUr, the modem representative of Ekron, lie*
at about 5 miles S. W. of Rnmlth, and 3 due E.
of i'ebnn, on the northern side of the important
valley Wady Surnr. " The village contains about
50 mud houses, without a remnant of antiquity,
except two large finely built wells." The plain
south is rich, but immediately round the village it
has a dreary, forsaken appearance, only relieved by
a few scattered stunted trees (Porter, Hnndb. p.
275; and see Van de Velde, ii. 169; Rob. ii. 298).
In proximity to Jabneh ( Yebnn) and Beth-shemesh
(Ain Shemt), Akir agrees with the requirements of
Ekron in the O. T., and also with the indications
of the Onomieticon (s. v. Aecaron). Jerome
there mentions a tradition that the Tunis Strata
nis, Cssarea, was Ekron.
In the Apocrypha it appears as Accabon (1
Mace. x. 89, only) bestowed with its borders (ra
tpta ovrijs) by Alexander Baku on Jonathan Mac-
cabaeus as a reward for bis services. It was known
in the Middle Ages by the same name. (See
the quotation in Kob. ii. 228, note.)
The word Ekro.nites appears in Josh. xiii. 3,
and 1 Sam. v. 10. In the former it should be sin-
gular — » the Ekronite ; " in the latter O^fJJJ-
G.
J 1), substitute Aacalon for Ekron throughout this
passage (1 8am. v 10-12). In support of this It
should be remarked that, according to the Hebrew
text, the golden trespass offerings were given for Atke*
Ion, uough It Is omitted from the detailed narrative
of tl» Journeying* of the ark. Then an other lm*
portent diff er ences between the LXX. anl Hebnn
texts of this transaction. See especially ver. 6
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090 fcKBONITBS, THE
KK'BONITES, THE OaV^yTJ,
B*jSjpy^1: i'AKKap»tlnis, ol 'A«-icaA«Mm"a»;
Gat -ptf, Comp. 'AxuMWrratO .dcearoiiito).
e inhabitants of Ekron (Josh, xiii. 8; 1 Sam. r.
10). In the latter passage the LXX. read" Esh-
kalonitee." W. A. W.
BXA ('HXa: Jdaman), 1 Eadr. ix. 97.
[Elam.]
EL'ADAH (rrTy 1 ?^ [whom God adorn* ; or
Et$ (Gods) attire, Flint]: 'EKcM, [Vat AooJoi]
Alex. EAcaJa: t-'lada), a descendant of Ephraim
through Shuthelah (1 Chr. vil. 20).
EXAH. L (H^ [oaiortereAiirfA]: 'HXii
Joseph. "HAokoi: Ela), the son and successor of
Baaaha, king of Israel (1 K. xvi. 8-14); his reign
lasted for little more than a year (comp. ver. 8 with
10). Ue was killed, while drunk, by Zimri, in the
house of his steward Ana, who was probably a
confederate in the plot. This occurred, according
to Josephus (AnL viii. 12, § 4), while bis army and
officers were absent at the siege of Gibbethon.
2. Father of Hoshea, the last king of Israel (2
K. xr. 30, xvtt. 1). W. L. B.
EXAH. L (n^H[oaior(er«6MtA]:'HAaW;
[in 1 Chr. 'HAdr, Comp. Aid. 'HAd:] Eta), one
of the dukes of Edom (Gen. xxxri. 41; 1 Chr. i.
69). By Knobel (Genesis, ad loc.) the name is
compared with Elath on the Bed Sea. [Dukk.]
2. Shimei ben-Elah (accur. Els, frVJfjJ: 'HAd)
was Solomon's commissariat officer in Benjamin (1
K. iv. 18).
3. ('Aid"; [Vat. Hpatat, HAo; Comp. 'HAif :]
Alex. AAa). a son of Caleb tbe son of Jephunneh
(1 Chr. ir. 15). His sons were called Kenax or
Uknaz ; but the words may be taken as if Kenax
was, with Elan, a son of Caleb. The names of
both Elah and Kenaz appear amongst the Edomite
w dukes."
4. CHXeJj [Vat. om.;] Alex. HAo), son of
L*zi, a Benjamite (1 Chr. ix. 8), and one of the
chiefs of the tribe at the settlement of the country.
EXAH, THE VALLEY OV(rfy&np$$
= Valley of At Terebinth ; i, *oiAaj 'HAd, or
riji tpvit, on<» iyrp mmAoo'i: ValSs Terebinthi),
a valley in (not " by," as tbe A. V. has it) which
the Israelites were encamped against the Philistines
when David killed Goliath (1 Sam. xvii. 2, 19).
It is once more mentioned in the same connection
(rri. 9). We have only the most general indica-
tions of its position. It lay somewhere near Socoh
of Judah, and Azekah, and was nearer Ekron than
any other Philistine town. So much may be gath-
ered from the narrative of 1 Sam. xvii. Soooh has
been with great probability identified with Suwti-
teh, mar to Beit NeOf, some 14 miles S. W. of
Jerusalem, on the road to Beit Jibiin and Gaaa,
among the mote western of the hills of Judah, not
far from where they begin to descend into the great
Philistine Plain. The village stands on the south
slopes of tbe Wady et-SwU, or Valley of the Aca-
cia, which runs off in a N. W. direction across the
plain to the sea just above Ashdod. Below
Suaeikeh it is joined by two other wudys, large
though inferior in size to itself, and the junction
af the three forms a considerable open space of not
«as than a mile wide, cultivated In fields of grain.
In the centre is s wide torrent bed thickly strewed
with round pebbles, and bordered by the i
bushes from which the valley derives Hi
name.
There seems no reason to doubt that this is the
Valley of the Terebinth. It has changed its nam*
and fat now called after another kind of tree, but
the terebinth (Butm) appears to be plentiful in the
neighborhood, and one of tbe largest specimens in
Palestine still stands in the immAtli.t^ neighbor-
hood of the spot A mile down the ralley from
Suvaiek is Tell Zutariyeh, which Sehwan (p.
102) and Van de Veide propose to identify with
Azekah. If this could be ni»ln<»in«i the site of
the. ralley might be regarded as certain. Ekron i>
17 miles, and Bethlehem 12 miles, distant from
Socoh. For the ralley, aee Rob. ii. 90, 91; Van
de Velde, ii. 191; Porter, Handb. pp. 249, 250
980. [See also Hitter's 6'eoor. of Palestine,
Gage's trans, iii. 241; Porter's Crtaitf Cities, Ac,
p. 292; Rob, Phys. Gtoor. p. 117; and the refer-
ences under David, at the end.]
There is a point in the topographical indications
of 1 Sam. xvii., which it is very «WIi»>Jj. should
be carefully examined on the spot The Philistines
were between Soooh and Azekah, at Ephes-dam-
mim, or Pas-dammim, on the mountain on tbe S.
aide of the Wady, while the Israelites were in the
ralley" (P9?) of the terebinth, or rather on the
mountain on the N. aide, and "the ravine'* or
the glen " (H^H), was between the two armies
(ver. 2, 3). Again (ver. 52), the Israelites pursued
the Philistines "till yon come to 'the ravine'"
(the same word). There is evidently a marked
difference between the " valley " and the " ravine,"
and a little attention on the spot might do much
towards elucidating this, and settling the identifi-
cation of the place.
The traditional •> Valley of the Terebinth " la
the Wady Beit Hanlna, which lies about 4 miles
to the N. W. of Jerusalem, and is crossed by the
road to Nebi Samuel. The scene of David's con-
flict ix pointed out a little north of the " Tombs
of tbe Judges " and dose to the traces of the old
paved road. But this spot is in the tribe of Ben-
jamin, and otherwise does not correspond with the
narrative of the text G.
EXAM (OV? : [m Gen.,] 'EAd>, [Alex.
AiAo/t ; in 1 Chr., Jer. xKx., Ex., Dan. (Theodot),
Ai\d>; in Jer. xxv. 25, Alex.' KA.' omit, Alex.»
Aid. AaiSdV; in Is., Rom. EAa/urw; xi. 11, Vat
AiAeyieirai, Alex. AiAtyurai; xxi. 9, xxii. 6, Vat
Alex. EAcyuiru; Dan. riii. 2 (LXX.), 'EAvpotf :]
jElam [Gen. xir. Klamila; Jer. xxr. 25, Klnm\\
like Aram, seems to hare been originally the name
of a man — the son of Shem (Gen. x. 22; 1 Chr.
i. 17). Commonly, however, it is used as the ap-
pellation of a country (Gen. xir. 1, 9; Is. xi. 11,
xxi. 2, [xxii. 6;] Jer. xxr. 25, xlix. 34-39; Ex.
xxxii. 24; Dan. viii. 2), and will be so treated us
this article.
The Elam of Scripture appears to be the prov-
ince lying south of Assyria, and east af Persia
Proper, to which Herodotus gives the name of
Cissia (iii. 91, v. 49, Ac.), and which it termed
Susis or Susiana by the geographers (Strab. xr. 3,
§ 12; Ptolem. vi. 3, Ac). It includes a portion
of the mountainous country separating between tbt
Mesopotamian plain and the high table-land el
Iran, together with a fertile and valuable low trees
at the foot of the range, between it and the Tigria
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BLAM
fas passage of Daniel (viil. 2) which places Shu-
ihan (Sun) in " the provii.ce of Kh*n,'' may be
regarded as decisive of this identification, whijh is
further confirmed by the frequent mention of Ely-
nueans in this district (Strab. xi 13, § 6, xvi. 1,
§ 17; Ptolam. vi. 8; Plin. H. NM. 26, Ac.), «
well as by the combinations in which Elam is found
in Scripture (see Gen. xiv. 1; Is. xzi. 9; Ez. xxxii.
24). It appears from Gen. x. 22 that this coun-
try was originally peopled by descendants of Sbem,
closely allied to the Aranueans (Syrians) and the
Assyrians; and from Gen. xir. 1-12 it is evident
that by the time of Abraham a very important
power had been built up in the same region. Not
only is " Chedor-laomer, king of Elam," at the
head of a settled government, and able to make
war at a distance of two thousand miles from his
own country, hot he manifestly exercises a su-
premacy over a number of other kings, among
whom we even find AmrapheL king of Shintir, or
Babylonia. It is plain then that at this early time
the predominant power in Lower Mesopotamia was
Klam, which for a while held the place possessed
earlier by Babylon (Gen. x. 10), and later by either
Babylon or Assyria. Discoveries made in the coun-
try itself confirm this view. They exhibit to us
Susa, the Elamitic capital, as one of the most an-
cient cities of the East, and show its uionarchs to
have maintained, throughout almost the whole pe-
riod of Babylonian and Assyrian greatness, a quasi-
independent position. Traces are even thought to
have been found of Chedor-laomer himself, whom
some are inclined to identify with an early Babylo-
nian monarch, who is called the " Ravager of the
West," and whose name reads as Kudur-mapulo.
The Elamitic empire established at this time was,
however, but of short duration. Babylon and As-
syria proved on the whole stronger powers, and
Elam during the period of their greatness can only
be regarded as the foremost of their feudatories,
like the other subject nations she retained her own
monarchs, and from time to time, for a longer or a
shorter space, asserted and maintained her inde-
pendence. But generally she was content to ac-
knowledge one or other of the two leading powers
as her suzerain. Towards the close of the Assyrian
period she is found allied with Babylon, and en-
gaged in hostilities with Assyria; but she seems to
have declined in strength after the Assyrian empire
was destroyed, and the Median and Babylonian
arose upon its ruins. Elam is clearly a " province "
of Babylonia in Belshazzar's time (Dan. viil. 2),
and we may presume that it had been subject to
Babylon at least from the reign of Nebuchadnezzar.
[Elymais.] The desolation which Jeremiah (xlix.
80-34) and Ezekiel (xxxii. 24-25) foresaw, was
probably this conquest, which destroyed the last
semblance of Elamitic independence. It is uncer-
tain at what time the Persians added Elam to their
empire. Possibly it only fell under their dominion
together with Babylon ; but there is some reason
t> think that it may have revolted and joined the
Persians before the city was besieged. The prophet
lasiab in two places (xxi. 2, xxii. 6) seems to speak
of Klam as taking part in the destruction of Baby-
on; and unless we are to regara him with our
translators as using the word loosely for Persia, we
must suppose that on the advance of Cyrus and his
Investment of the Chaldasai, capital, Elam made
xnumon cause with the assailants. She now be-
came merged .n the Persian empire, forming a dis-
-nct satrapy (Herod. Hi. 81), and furnishing to the
ELAM
091
crown an annual tribute of 300 talents. Sua, ha
capital, was made the ordinary residence of the
court, and the metropolis of the whole empire, a
curious circumstance, the causes of which will be
hereafter considered. [Shushan.] This mark of
favor, did not, however, prevent revolts. Not only
was the Magian revolution organized and carried
out at Susa, but there seem to have been at least
two Elamitic revolts in the early part of the reign
of Darius Hystaspis (Behistun Inscr. col. i. par.
18, and col. ii. par. 3). After these futile efforts.
Elam acquiesced in her subjection, and, as a Per-
sian province, followed the fortunes of the empire.
It has been already observed that Elam is called
Cissia by Herodotus, and Susiaua by the Greek and
Roman geographers. The latter is a term formed
artificially from the capital city, but the former if
a genuine territorial title, and marks probably an
important fact in the history of the country. The
Elamites, a Semitic people, who were the primitive
inhabitants (Gen. x. 22), appear to have been in-
vaded and conquered at a very early time by a
Hamitic or Cushito race from Babylon, which was
the ruling element in the territory from a date
anterior to Chedor-laomer. These CtuMtee were
called by the Greeks C'utdans (Klaaioi), or C'oiMams
{Koaaatoi), and formed the dominant race, while
the Ffcmitpq or Elymaaana were in a depressed con-
dition. In Scripture the country is called by its
primitive title without reference to subsequent
changes; in the Greek writers it takes its name
from the conquerors. The Greek traditions of
Memnon and his Etliiopuiiis are based upon this
Cushite conquest, and rightly connect the Ciasiaus
or Cosssans of Susiana with the Cushite inhabitants
of the upper valley of the Nile. G. K.
8. ['I«Adp; Alex., by inclusion of prec name,
UvovriKu>\aii] A Korhite Levite, fifth son of
Meshelemiah; one of the liene-Asaph [sons of
Asaph], in the time of King David (1 Chr.
xxri. 3).
3. [AiAxfii; Alex. AqAsut-] A chief man of the
tribe of Benjamin, one of the sons of Shashak (1
Chr. viil. 24).
4. ('ArAap, [AkdV,] 'HAd>; [in Exr. ii. 7,
Vat MaXut; viil. 7, Vat. H\o; Neh. vii. 19, FA.
EKan; 1 Esdr. v. 12, Vat. Iv^uw; viil. 33, Alex.
EAou, Vat. (with foil, word) Aafttauu'-] JEiam
[in Ear. viil 7, Alam ; 1 Esdr. v. 12, Dam, viii.
33, Salii].) " Children [sons] of Elam," Bene-
£ltim, to the number of 1254, returned with Zerub-
babel from Babylon (Ezr. ii. 7; Neh. vii 12; 1
Esdr. v. 12), and a further detachment of 71 men
with Ezra in the second caravan (Exr. viii. 7; 1
Esdr. viii. 33). It was one of this family, Sbe-
chaniah, son of JehieL who encouraged Ezra in his
efforts against the indiscriminate marriages of the
people (x. 2, Cetib, OVw, Olam), and six of the
Bene-Elam accordingly put away their foreign
wives (x. 26). Elam occurs amongst the names
of those, the chief of the people, who signed the
covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 14). The lists
of Ezr. ii. and Neh. vii. contain apparently an
irregular mixture of the names of places and of
persons. In the former, ver. 21-34, with one or
two exceptions, are names of places; 3-19, on the
other hand, are not known as names of places, and
are probably of persons. No such place as Ehuo
la mentioned as in Palestine, either in the Bible at
in the Onomtutico* of Eusebius, nor low since bssm
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692 ELAMITES
u existing in the country. We may
) conclude that it in a person.
A. In the nunc lists is a tecond Elam, whoae
sons, to the same number u in the former case,
returned with Zerahbabel (Ear. ii. 81 j Neh. rii.
84), and which for the sake of distinction is called
« the other Bam " (~l£l$ D^J : 'HKaiutp,
'Hkafiada; [Comp. 'HAa> and AlAa> irtpos:)
JElam alter). The coincidence of the numbers is
curious, and also suspicious.
6. [Bom. Vat om.; Alex. AiAayt; Comp. Aid.
'EAayt: jEiam.] One of the priests who accom-
panied Nehemiah at the dedication of the new wall
of Jerusalem (Neh. xiL 49). G.
EXAM1TES (N^VS : [Vat. HAcutowx for
Aamubi; Comp. t\afurai(\ 'EAv/ioiw, Strab.
PtoL: A:lamiitx). This word is found only in
Ears, ir. 9; and is omitted in that place by the
Septuagint writers, who probably regarded it as a
gloss upon " Susanchites," which had occurred only
a little before. The Elamites were the original
inhabitants of the country called Elam ; they were
descendants of Shem, and perhaps drew their name
from an actual man, Elam (Gen. x. 22). It has
been observed in the preceding article that the
Elamites yielded before a Cossnan or Cuahite in-
vasion. They appear to have been driven in part
to the mountains, where Strabo places them (xi.
13, § 6; xvi. 1, § 17), in part to the coast, where
they are located by Ptolemy (vj. 3). Little is
known of their manners and customs, or of their
ethnic character. Strabo says they were skillful
archers (xv. 3, § 10), and with this agree the
notices both of Isaiah and Jeremiah, the latter of
whom speaks of " the bow of Elam " (xlix. 35),
while the former says that " Elam bare the quiver"
(xxii. 6). Isaiah adds also in this place, that they
fought both on horseback and from chariots. They
appear to have retained their nationality with
peculiar tenacity; for it is plain from the mention
of them on the day of Pentecost (Acts ii. 9), that
they still at that time kept their own language,
and the distinct notice of them by Ptolemy more
than a century later seems to show that they were
not even then merged in the Cosseans. In Jud.
i. 6 the name is given in the Greek form as Elt-
um\nb. G. R-
EI/ASAH (ntpyVy [Coif crtaitd]: "HA-
aai: Elata). L One of the Bene-Pashur [sons
of PashurJ, a priest, In the time of Ezra, who bad
married a Gentile wife (Esra, x. 22). In the apocry-
phal Esdras, the name is corrupted to Talsas.
*• CEAsturdV, Alex. EAutru; [FA. EAtafao;
Comp. 'EAsaVa] )■ Son of Shaphan ; one of the two
men who were sent on a mission by King Zedekiah
to Nebuchadnezzar at Babylon after the first de-
portation from Jerusalem, and who at the same
time took charge of the letter of Jeremiah the
Prophet to the captives in Babylon (Jer. xxix. 3).
Elasah is precisely the same name as Eleasah,
the latter being the more correct rendering of the
Hebrew word.
EXATH, ELOTH (nV«& rVlVfc* [trees,
oerh. palm4ret$, Gee.; the former a collective sin-
gular, and henoe=plural] : AlAaV, AlAdS; [AiAett;
i K. xiv. 22, Vat. AiAwp, Alex. EA««; 2 K. xvi.
6, 2 Chr. vHL 17, Alex. AiAop;] Joseph. AnL
AlAsvr): Elath, Ailath, jElnth, Aila), the name
■fa *owo of the land of Edom, commonly roen-
BLATH
tioned together with Eziohoem a, and siiaats at
the bead of the Arabian Gulf, which was thence
called the Elanitk Gulf. It first occurs in tht
account of the wanderings (Deut ii. 8), and in
later times must have come under the rule of David
in his conquest of the land of Edom, when u he
put garrisons in Edom, throughout all Edom put
he garrisons, and all they of Edom became David's
servants" (2 Sam. viii. 14). We find Uw place
named again in connection with Solomon's navy,
" in Erfongeber, which is beside Both, on the shore
«f the Ked Sea, in the land of Edom " (1 K, ix.
26; cf. 2 Chr. viii. 17). It was apparently included
in the revolt of Edom against Joram recorded in 2
K. viii. 20; but it was taken by Axariah, who
" built Elath, and restored it to Judah" (xiv. 22;
[2 Chr. xxvi. 2]). After this, however, " Reziu
king of Syria recovered Elath, and drave out the
Jews from Elath, and the Syrians came to Elath
and dwelt there to this day " (xvi. 6). From this
time the place is not mentioned until the Roman
period, during which it became a frontier town of
the south, and the residence of a Christian bisbtp.
' > *
The Arable name is Aye* (*J^><)-
In the geography of Arabia, Eyleh forms the
extreme northern limit of the province of the Htyas
(El-Makreezee, Khitat; and Mardnd, s. v.; cf.
Akabia), and is connected with some points of the
history of the country. According to several native
writers the district of Eyleh was, in very ancient
times, peopled by the Sameyda', said to be a tribe
of the Amalekites (the first Amalek). The town
itself, however, b stated to have received its name
from Eyleh, daughter of Midian (El-Makreezee's
Khitat, a. v. ; Caussin's Eutri tur t/JitL da Arabti,
i. 23). The Amalekites, if we may credit the
writings of Arab historians, passed in the earliest
times from the neighborhood of the Persian Gulf
through the peninsula (spreading over the greater
part of it), and thence finally passed into Arabia
Petrea. Future researches may trace in these
fragments of primeval tradition the origin of the
Phoenicians. Herodotus seems to strengthen such
a supposition when he says that the latter people
came from the Erythraean Sea. Were the Phoeni-
cians a mixed Cushite settlement from the Persian
Gulf, who carried with them the known maritime
characteristics of the peoples of that stock, developed
in the great commerce of Tyre, and in that of the
Persian Gulf, and, as a link between their extreme
eastern and western settlements, in the fleets that
sailed from Eziongeber and Elath, and from the
southern ports of the Yemen V [See Akabia;
Caphtok; Mizkaim.] It should be observed,
however, that Tyrian sailors manned the fleets cf
Solomon and of Jebosbaphat.
By the Greeks snd Romans, Elath was called
•EAdVa (PtoL v. 17, § 1), AtAaxa (Strabo, xvi.
768; Plin. v. 12, vi. 32). Under their rule it
lost its former importance with the transference of
its trade to other ports, such as Berenice, Hyos
Hormos, and Arsinoe ; but in Mohammedan time*
it again became a place of some note. It is uow
quite insignificant. It lies on the route of tht
Egyptian pilgrim-caravan, and the mountain-road,
or 'Akabah named after it, was improved, or recon-
structed, by Ahmad Ibn-Tooloon, who ruled Egypt
from about A. D. 840 to 8+8. E. S. P.
• Near the present 'Akabah, at the head of tat
EJaoittc Golf, are "extensive mounds of rubbrat
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Elr-BBTHBL
irllavUng that a very indent city has hen utterly
periahed," remain* which Dr. Robinson supposes
to mark the aite of EUtn {BUI Set. i. 341, 1st
ed.). Stanley (S. <f P. p. 84) thinks that Elath
stood on the spot where 'Akabah itself now stands.
See also burckhardt's Reiun, p. 828. It may be
correct to combine the two statements, inasmuch
as the ancient town may have embraced a wider
circuit than its modern successor. The propriety
of the ancient name (see its import above) is at-
tested by the palm-groves still found in that neigh-
borhood. H.
EL-BETH'EL (bftWS btf= God of
the Home of God: LXX., both HS8. omit the
" El," Bw6V)A; and so also Vulg., Domiu Dei, Syr.
and Arabic versions), the name which Jacob is said
to hare bestowed on the place at which God ap-
peared to him when he was flying from Esau (Gen.
zxxv. 7). This account diners from the more de-
tailed narrative in chap, xxviii., inasmuch as it
places the bestowal of the name after the return
from Mesopotamia. A third version of the trans-
action is given in xxxv. 16. [Bbthel, where see
note, Amer. ed.] G.
ELCI'A ('EAk(o), one of the forefathers of
Judith, and therefore belonging to the tribe of
Simeon (Jud. viii. 1); what Hebrew name the
word represents is doubtful. Hilkiah is probably
Chelkias, two steps back in the genealogy. The
Syriac version [with 6 Greek MSS.] has Elkana.
In the Vulgate the names are hopelessly altered.
EI/DAAH (ny^^M, whom God calk [Gee.;
the knowing one, Flint] : 'Z\layi, 'EAJoJVx;
[in 1 Chr. Vat., EXXoJo, Alex. EASoo:] Eldaa ;
Gen. xxr. 4; 1 Chr. i. 33), the last, in order, of
the sons of Midian. The name does not occur
except in the two hsts of Hidian's offspring; and
no satisfactory trace of the tribe which we may
suppose to have taken the appellation has yet been
found. E. S. P.
EI/DAD and MEDAD ("P^W [alum
God love*, Get.]: 'EX»4» xol MtttdS: ' Eldad et
ifetlad), two of the 70 elders to whom was com-
municated the prophetic power of Hoses (Num. xi.
16, 36 ). Although their names were upon the list
which Hoses had drawn up (xi. 36), they did not
repair with the rest of their brethren to the taber-
nacle, but continued to prophesy in the camp.
Hoses being requested by Joshua to forbid this,
refused to do so, and expressed a wish that the
gfc of prophecy might be diffused throughout the
people. The great fact of the passage is the more
general distribution of the spirit of prophecy, which
had hitherto been concentrated in Moses; and the
implied sanction of a tendency to separate the exer-
cise of this gift from the service of the tabernacle,
and to make it more generally available for the
enlightenment and instruction of the Israelites, a
tendency which afterwards led to the establishment
of "schools of the prophets." The circumstance
■ in strict accordance with the Jewish tradition
hat au prophetic inspiration emanated originally
from Hoses, and was transmitted from him by a
ecitimate succession down to the time of the Cap-
it ity. The mode of prophecy in the case of Eldad
■ml Medad was probably the extempore production
rf hymns, chanted forth to the people (Hammond):
tomp. the case of Saul, 1 Sam. x. 11.
From Num. x 25, it appears that the gift was
ELDER
69*
not merely intermittent, but a continuous
though only occasionally developed in action.
T. E. B.
ELDER Of??- wpwfiirepos: senior). The
term elder or old mom, as the Hebrew literally im-
ports, was one of extensive use, as an official title,
among the Hebrews and the surrounding nations.
It applied to various offices ; Eliezer, for instance,
is described as the " old man of the house," i. e.
the major-domo (Gen. xxiv. 2) ; the officers of Pha-
raoh's household (Gen. 1. 7), and, at a later period,
David's bead servants (3 Sam. xii. 17) were so
termed; while in E*. xxvii. 9, the "old men of
Uebal " are the master-workmen. As betokening
a political office, it applied not only to the Hebrews,
but afao to the Egyptians (Gen. L 7), the Hoabites
and Midianites (Num. xxU. 7). Wherever a pa-
triarchal system is in force, the office of the elda
will be found, as the keystone of the social and po-
litical fabric ; it is so at the present day among the
Arabs, where the Sheikh ( = the old man) is the
highest authority in the tribe. That the title
originally had reference to age, is obvious; and age
was naturally a concomitant of the office at all pe-
riods (Josh. xxiv. 31; IK. xll. 6), even when the
term had acquired its secondary sense. At what
period the transition occurred, in other words, when
the word elder acquired an official signification, it
is impossible to say. The earliest notice of the
elden acting in concert as a political body is at the
time of the Exodus. We need not assume that
the order was then called into existence, but rather
that Moses availed himself of an institution already
existing and recognized by his countrymen, and
that, in short, "we elders of Israel " (Ex. iii. 18,
iv. 29) had been the tenate (yepouola, LXX.) of
the people, ever since they had become a people.
The position which the elders held in the Mosaic
constitution, and more particularly in relation to
the people, is described under Congkko A rios ;
they were the representatives of the people, so much
so that eldert and peojile are occasionally used as
equivalent terms (comp. Josh. xxiv. 1, with 2, 19,
21, - 1 Sam. viii. 4, with 7, 10, 19). Their author-
ity was undefined, and extended to au matters con-
cerning the public weal ; nor did the people ques-
tion the validity of their acts, even when they
disapproved of them (Josh. ix. 18). When the
tribes became settled, the elders were distinguished
by different titles according as they were acting aa
national representatives (•' elders of Israel," 1 Sam.
iv. 3; 1 K. viii. 1, 3; "of the land," 1 K. xx. 7,
"of Judah," 3 K. xxiii. 1; Es. viii. 1), as district
governors over the several tribes (Deut xxxi. 38; 3
Sam. xix. 11), or as local magistrates in the pro
vincial towns, appointed in conformity with Deul
xvi. 18. whose duty it was to sit in the gate and
administer justice (Deut. xix. 12, xxi. 3 ft"., xxii.
15; Kuth iv. 9, 11; 1 K. xxL 8; Jud. X. 6);
their number and influence may be inferred from 1
Sam. xxx. 26 ff. They retained thjir position un-
der all the political changes which the Jews under-
went: under the Judges (Judg. ii. 7, viii. 14, xL
6; 1 Sam. iv. 3, viii. 4); under the kings (3 Sam.
xvi 1 4: 1 K. xii. 6, xx. 8, xxi. 11); during the
Captivity (Jer. xxix. 1; Es. viii. 1, xiv. 1, xx. 1);
subsequently to the return (Ear. v. 5, vi. 7, 14, x.
8, 14); under the Haccabeos," when they were de
a Soma difficulty arinea at this period from the no-
tles in 1 Mace. xtv. 28 of a doubl* body, am, wrtt
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394
EIJBAD
■Bribed smietimes as the ttnaie '.ytfovam, I Mace.
xii. 8; 3 Mace. i. 10, ir. 44, xi. 27; Joseph. Ant.
ul. 3, § 3), sometimes by their ordinary title (1
Mace. vii. 33, xi. 33, xii. 39); and, lastly, at the
commencement of the Christian era, when they are
noticed as a distinct body from the Sanhedrim, but
connected with it as one of the chases whence its
members were selected, and always acting in con-
junction with it and the other dominant classes.
[Sanhedrim.] Thus they are associated some-
times with the Chief Priests (Matt. xxi. 23), some-
times with the Chief Priests and the Scribes (Matt
xri. 21), or the Council (Matt. xxvi. 69), always
taking an active part in the management of public
affairs. St Luke describes the whole order by the
collective term wp*<r$ur4pioy (Luke xxii. 66; Acts
xxii. 5). In Matt xv. 2,and Heb.xi. 3, "elders "
is expressive of time rather than office. For the posi-
tion of the elders in the synagogue and the Christian
Church, see Synagogue, Bishop. W. L. B.
ETYEAD (Tfitf [God defender]: 'EA«ft:
Elad), a descendant of Ephraim (1 Chr. vii. 21),
but whether through Shuthelah, or a son of the
patriarch (the second Shuthelah being taken as a
repetition of the first, and Ezer and Elead as his
jrotbers) is not to be determined (see Bertheau,
Chronik, p. 82).
KtiKAXBH (n^^ [wKrter God at-
eendi, Gee.]: 'EAtoAj; [Num. zxxii. 37, Rom.
'EX«a\V< Vat EA«oAim»; Is., Alex. sAaAno-e?:]
Eleale), a place on the east of Jordan, in the pas-
toral country, taken possession of and rebuilt by
the tribe of Reuben (Mum. xxxii. 8, 37). We lose
tight of it till the time of Isaiah and Jeremiah, by
both of whom it is mentioned as a Moabite town,
and, as before, in close connection with Heshbon
(Is. xv. 4, xri. 9; Jer. xhlii. 34). The extensive
ruins of the place are still to be lean, bearing very
nearly their ancient name, Et-A'at, though with a
modem signification, " the high," a little more than
a mile N. of Heshbon. It stands on the summit
of a rounded hill, commanding a very extended
view of the plain, and the whole of the southern
Bttka (Burckh. Syr. p. 365; Seetzen, 1864, i. 467).
It is from this commanding altuatica that it doubt-
less derives its name, which, like many other names
of modern Palestine, is as near an approach to the
ancient sound as is consistent with an appropriate
meaning. Q.
ELK ASA CEX«o«r^; Alex. AAwro; [Sin.
CJuura-] Lawn), a place at which Judas Macca-
jsms encamped before the fatal battle with Bac-
shides, in which he lost his life (1 Mace. ix. 5). It
was apparently not far from Azotus (comp. 15).
Josephut [Art. xii. 11, § 1) has Bethzetho, by
which he elsewhere renders Bezeth. But this may
be but a corrupt reading of Berzetha or Bethzetha,
which is found in some MSS. for Bern in 1 Mace,
ix. 4. Another reading is Adasa, where Judas had
encamped on a former memorable occasion (vii. 40).
It is singular that Bezeth should be mentioned in
this connection also (see ver. 19). G.
* Some have proposed to change the reading to
ASoffa (Reland, Grotius), but no such reading is
sctually found. According to Ewald (Getch. hr.
ii 2, 370 IT.) the place must be sought not far
cortfc of Jerusalem. See Ruetschi in Herzog's
■, and wptvftOnpo* rift gwpaf j and again In 8
t 8, ytpomrta an 1 wptePvrtpot : the second term
star «a ths mint- pal authorities, as Is pmrbana
TCT.KAZAB,
RtaUEneyH. iii 760. Judas pursued Baeehida
as far as to Azotus (1 Mace ix. 15), but how far aw
followed him before approaching this place, aot
from what direction, is unknown. II.
BLB'ASAH (n^y 1 ?^ [Cod made]: EA»
o-i; [Vat-Euos:] Elan).' \. Son of Helez, one of
the descendants of Judah, of the family of Heme
(1 Chr. B. 39).
9. CEAcuni; Alex. EA«ura; [1 Chr. viii. 37,
Vat laXcuraS; ix. 43, Vat Sin. om.]) Son of
Kapha, or Rephaiah ; a descendant of Saul throogxt
Jonathan and Merib-baal or Mephibosbeth (1 Chr.
viii. 37, ix. 48).
This name is elsewhere rendered in the A. V.
Elasah.
ELEA'ZAB D*? 1 ?** {Gate Ae4»]: 'EArsr
(op: Eleamr). L Third son of Aaron, by EH-
sheba, daughter of Amminadab, who was descended
from Judah, through Pharez (Ex. vi. 23, 26; xxviii.
1 ; for his descent see Gen. xxxviii. 29, xlvi. 12;
Ruth iv. 18, 20). After the death of Nadab and
Abihu without children (Lev. x. 1 ; Num. iii. 4),
Eleazar was appointed chief over the principal Le-
vites, to have the oversight of those who had charge
of the sanctuary (Num. iii. 32). With bis brother
Ithamar he ministered as a priest during their
father's lifetime, and immediately before his death
was invested on Mount Hor with the sacred gar-
ments, as the successor of Aaron in the office of
high-priest (Num. xx. 28). One of his first duties
was in conjunction with Moses to superintend the
census of the people (Num. xxvi. 3). He also as-
sisted at the inauguration of Joshua, and at the
division of spoil taken from the Midianites (Num.
xxvii. 22, xxxi. 21 ). After the conquest of Canaao
by Joshua he took part in the distribution of the
land (Josh. xiv. 1). The time of bis death is not
mentioned in Scripture; Josephus says it took
place about the same time as Joshua's, 26 years
after the death of Moses. He is said to have been
buried in "the bill of Phinehas " bis son (Gee. p
280), where Josephus says his tomb existed (Ant
v. 1, § 29); or possibly a town called Gibeath-
Phinebas (Josh. xxiv. 33). The high-priesthood is
said to have remained in the family of Eleazar un-
til the time of Eli, a descendant of Ithamar, into
whose family, for some reason unknown, it passed
until it was restored to the family of Eleazar in
the person of Zadok (1 Sam. ii. 27; 1 Chr. vi. 8
xxiv. 8; 1 K. ii. 27; Joseph. Ant. viii. 1, § 3!.
[This Eleazar is mentioned 1 Esdr. viii. 2; Eoclus.
xhr. 23.]
9. The son of Abinadab, of the « hill " (H^ 32 )
of Kirjath-jearim, consecrated by the people of
that place to take care of the ark after its return
from the Philistines (1 Sam. vii. 1).
3. [In 2 Sam., Rom. Vat 'EAcordV] The son
of Dodo 'he Ahohite (*PbK"7^.), i. e. possibly a
descendant of Ahoah of the tribe of Benjamin (1
Chr. viii. 4); one of the three principal mighty
men of David's army, whose exploits are recorded
2 Sam. xxiii. 9; 1 Chr. xi. 12.
4. [In 1 Chr. xxiii. 21, Alex. EAiofas.] A
Merarite Levite, son of Mahli, and grandson of
Merari. He is mentioned as having had only
daughters, who were married by their " brethn" '
Implied in the term x «po. The Mentltj of to*
via and the wptvfiirtpoi In other passages, b
from 1 Msec. xll. 6, compared with 86.
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BLEAZUBTJS
f «. their eousins) (1 Chr. xxiii. 31, 82; xxiv.
»;.
5. [Rom. Vat. am.] A print who took part
In the feast of dedication under Nehemiah (Neh.
til. 48).
6. [In 1 Eedr., 'EAeoVeyot; in Err., Alex.
KA<afa: Volg. EHettr.] One of the aoni of Pa-
rosh; an Israelite (•'. e. a layman) who had mar-
ried a foreign wife, and had to put her away (Ear.
x. 35; 1 Eedr. ix. 36).
7. Son of Phinehaa a Levite (Exr. viii. 33; 1
Esdr. riii. 63).
* 7 a. ('K\td(apos: Eleatana.) One of the
"principal men and learned," who went op to
Jerusalem with Eos (1 Eedr. riii. 43). A.
8. Eleazar ('EA«4faf>; [3 Mace riii. 23, and]
Joseph. 'EA«ffapoj: [Eleuxartu, Eleasar]), sur-
named A varan (1 Maoc ii. 6, AuapdV, or AwdV,
»nd«o Joeeph.yliX.xii 6, §1; 9, §4. In 1 Maoc
ri. 43, the common reading i SouasaV arises either
from the insertion of C by mistake after 0, or from
a false division of 'E\si(apos AiaodV). The fourth
sou of Mattathias, who fell by a noble act of self-
devotion in an engagement with Antiochus Eupa-
tor, B. c. 164 (1 Mace. ri. 43 if.; Joseph. Ant. xii.
19, $ 4; B. J. i. 1, J 5; Ambr. dt Offic. Min.
i. 40). In a former battle with Nicanor, Eleazar
was appointed by Judas to read " the holy book "
before the attack, and the watchword in the fight
— " the help of God " — was his own name (2
Maoc. viii. 33).
The surname is probably connected with Arab.
kavara, " to pierce an animal behind " (Mich, tub
roc.). This derivation seems far better than that
of Rodiger (Ersch u. Gruber, «. v.) from Arab.
kJunaran, " an elephant-hide." In either case the
title is derived from his exploit.
9. A distinguished scribe ('Z\t&{apos • • • rote
tpwrtvirrw yoafifuxrimy, 2 Maoc. vi. 18) of
great age, who sufiered martyrdom during the per-
secution of Antiochus Epipbanes (2 Maoc ri. 18-
31). His death was marked by singular constancy
and heroism, and seems to have produced consider-
able effect. Later traditions embellished the nar-
rative by representing Eleazar as a priest (De Mace.
5), or even high-priest (Grimm, ad Mace. 1. c).
fie was also distinguished by the nobler title of
"the proto-martyr of the old covenant," "the
foundation of martyrdom " (Chrya. Horn. 3 m
Mace. inlt. Cf. Ambr. de Jacob, ii. 10).
For the general credibility of the history compare
Grimm, Exam flier 2 Mace. ri. 18-rii. in Extg.
Handb. ; also Ewald, Gesch. iv. 341, 533. [Mac-
cabees.]
The name Eleazar [ , EAf4fapor] in 3 Maoc. ri.
appears to have been borrowed from this Antio-
shian martyr, as belonging to one weighed down
by age and suffering and yet " helped by God."
(For the name eonip. Lazarus, Lake xri. 19-35.)
10. ['F.A»afa>oj: Eleatarus.] The father of
lason, ambassador from Judas Maccabanis to Rome.
Jl Mace rin. 17.)
IX The ton of Eliud, three generations above
Joseph, the husband of the Virgin Mary (Matt I
18). B. F. W.
ELEAZTJ RTJS Ct\taWt$os; Alex. EAuurr
tosi [Aid. 'EWfowpoj; Weohel(1597),'E<ii({ow-
srtO EKamb), 1 Esdr. ix. 34. [Euashib.j It
• duneult to see where the translators of the A. V.
fot the form of this name there given.
• The torn in the Bishop's Bible and the Geoe-
ELEUTHBROPOLIS
<M
tan version is EHozurus, which differs Li bat s
single letter from the reading of two of the edi-
tions uoted above. It may have easily arisen front
a misprint in one of the early editions derived from
the Aldine. A.
• ELECT LADY, THE («*A,irH) n V la:
electa domina), 2 John, 1. [John, Second and
Third Epistles op.]
EL EIXyHE IS-KAEL (Vf^? by
bhTluT = Almighty [Mighty one], Ood of Israel-
icol hetKaXioaro rbrttbr 'loya^A: Foriimmtm
Deum Israel), toe name bestowed by Jacob on the
altar which he erected facing the city of Shechem,
in the piece of cultivated land upon which he hac
pitched his tent, and which he afterwards purchased
from the Bene-llamor (Gen. xxxiii. 19, 20).
•ELEMENTS. The expression " the element!
of the world," to ctoix'So tou xiopov, in Gnl.
iv. 3 ("even so we, when we were children, were in
bondage under the elements of the world; " oomp.
ver. 9, and Col. ii. 8, 20, when <rroix«<o is trans-
lated rudiments), has received a wide diversity of
interpretations, which cannot be here specified.
(See Meyer, in toe.) It appears to refer particu-
larly to the outward observances and burdensome
rites common to Jewish and heathen worship (set
Gal. iv. 9, 10, and Col. ii. 30-33), and belonging
to a very imperfect state of religious knowledge,
— " the rudiments " or " elementary discipline of
the world," "weak and beggarly," in contrast with
the spirituality, renovating power, and enlight-
ened freedom of Christianity. A.
E'LETH (t^j^i=>the Ox: 2«Ai|ic«V, Alex.
2nAaA«o> — both by including the preceding name:
Eleph), one of the towns allotted to Benjamin, and
named next to Jerusalem (Josh, xviii. 28). The
signification of the name may be taken as an indi-
cation of the pastoral pursuits of its inhabitant*.
The LXX. read Zelah and Eleph as one name, pos-
sibly owing to the " and " between them having been
dropped ; but if this is done, the number of 14 cities
cannot be made up. The Peshito has )■ ' * "^ ^^
Uebiro, for Eleph; but what the origin of this can
be is not obvious. G.
ELEPHANT. The word does not occur in
the text of the canonical Scriptures of A. V., but
is found as the marginal reading to Behemoth, it
Job xl. 15. "Elephants' teeth " is the marginal
reading for " ivory " in 1 K. x. 33; 3 Cbr. ix. 21.
Elephants, however, are repeatedly mentioned in
the 1st and 2d books of Maccabees, ss being used
in warfare. The way bi which they were used in
battle, and the method of exciting them to fight, is
described in the 6th chap, of 1 Mace For the
meaning of Behemoth, see Behkmotb. For the
meaning of D^an^T, see Ivory. W. D.
ELEUTHEROP'OLIS ('EAfufl.oeVoA,.,
the jrte city), a town of southern Palestine, sit-
uated at the foot of the hills of Judah, on the bor-
ders of the great plain of Philistia. It is about
35 miles from Jerusalem on the road to Gaza. It
is not mentioned in Scripture; but it became in
the early centuries of the Christian era one of the
most important and nourishing towns in the coon-
try. Its ancient name was Betogabra (Bon-art
ftpa, At House of Oabra or Oabratt), which mat
ocean in the writings of Ptolemy in tl • beginning
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ELEUTHEROPOLI8
396
sf the 9d century (eh. xvi.l. Josephus refers to a
targe Tillage called B fa apis (in Rufinus's copy
B^TajPpui in this region, which mar be the eame
(B. J. it. 8, $ 1). It U found in the Peutinger
Tablet aa Betogabri (Relaod, Pal p. 491). IU
new name, Kleutlieropolia, first oecura upon eoina
in the time of the emperor Septimiua Severus (a. o.
202-3; Eckhel, iii. 488). That emperor during
hia visit to Palestine conferred important pririlegea
on aeveral cities, and thia waa one of the number.
Euaebiua ia the first writer who mentiona Eleuthe-
ropolia (Onoin. s. v.), which waa in hia time the
capital of a large province. It waa the teat of a
bishop, and waa so well known that he made it the
central point in Southern Palestine from which the
positions of more than 30 other towns were deter-
mined. Epiphanius, the well-known writer, was
horn in a Tillage three miles from the city, in the
beginning of the 4th century, and ia often called an
Eleutheropolitan (Kelond, pp. 761, 762). In the
year a, d. 796, little more than a century and a
half after the Saracenic conquest, Eleutheropolia
.waa razed to the ground, and left completely
desolate. The Greek language now gare place to
the Arabic; and thia city lost its proud name, and
its prouder rank together (Keland, p. 087). Like
ao many other cities, the old name, which had
probably never been lost to the peasantry, was re-
Tired among writers ; and we thus find Beigeberin,
or some form like it, constantly in use after the 8th
century. In the 12th century the Crusaders found
the place in ruins, and built a forties: on the old
foundations; the remains of which, ai:d the chapel
connected with it, still exist. After the battle of
Hattin, Beit Jibrin, for such ia its Arabic name,
foil into the hands of the Saracens. It was retaken
by King Richard of England, but it was finally
captured by Bibars (see Will. Tyr. 14, 22; Jac. de
Vit in Gesta Dei, pp. 1070, 1071; Bohaeddin, ViL
Salad, p. 229). It has since crumbled to ruin
under the blight of Mohammedan rule.
Several curious traditions have found a " local
habitation " at Beit Jibrin. One places here the
miraculous fountain which sprang from the jaw-
bone Samson wielded with such success against
Umi Philistines (Anton. Mart. Itin. 30, 32).
The modern village contains some 60 or 60
houses. It is situated in a little nook, in the side
of a long green valley. The ancient ruins are of
considerable extent ; they consist of the remains of
a strong fortress standing within an irregular in-
olosure encompassed by a massive wall. A great
part of this outer wall is completely ruinous ; but
the north side, which skirts the bank of the valley,
is still several feet high. The inclosure is about
600 ft. in diameter. The fortress is about 900 ft.
square, and is of a much later date than the outer
wall ; an Arabic inscription over the gateway bears
the date A. R. 958 (A. D. 1651). Along its south
side are the walls and part of the groined roof of a
line old chapel — the same, doubtless, which was
wilt by the Crusaders.
The valley, on the side of which the ruins of
Eleutheropolia lie, runs up among the hills for two
miles or more south-by-east. On each side of it
ire low ridges of soft limestone, which rises here
snd there in white bare crowns over the dark
shrubs. In these ridges are some of the roost
■ainarkabie caverns in Palestine. They are found
together in clusters, and form subterranean Tillages,
sot are rectangular, 100 ft. and more in length,
ar lb smooth walls and lofty arched roofs. Others
ELHANAN
an bell-shaped — from 40 to 70 ft. in diameter, bj
nearly 60 ft. in height — all connected together b)
arched doorways and winding subtenanean pas-
sages. A few are entirely dark; but moat of then
are lighted by a circular aperture at the top. They
occur at abort intervals along both sides of the
whole valley ; and the writer also saw them at eer-
eral other neighboring Tillages. We learn from
history that the Idumseans [Edomites] came,
during the Babylonish Captivity, and occupied the
greater part of southern Palestine. Jerome sayr
they inhabited the whole country extending from
Eleutheropolia to Petra and Elah ; and that Ihtf
dwelt in caret — preferring them both on account
of their security, and their coolness during the heat
•f summer (Cvmm. in Obad.). These remarkable
oaves, therefore, were doubtless the work of the
Idumseana. (See Handbook for Syria and Pales-
tine, p. 255 ff.; Robinson's Biblical Researches,
2d ed. ii. 23, 67 IT.) J. L. P.
ELEUTHERUS ('EA.itt.poi), a river of
Syria mentioned in 1 Mace. xi. 7, xii. 30. In early
ages It was a noted border stream. According to
Strabo it separated Syria from Phoenicia (xvi. 763),
and formed the northern limit of Coele-Syria. Jose-
phus informs us that Antony gave Cleopatra " the
cities that were within the river Eleutherus, sa far
as Egypt, except Tyre and Sidon " (Ant. xt. 4, § 1 ;
B. J. i. 18, § 5). A careful examination of the
passages in Num. xxxiv. 8-10 and Ex. xlrii. 15-
17, and a comparison of them with the features of
the country, lead the present writer to the conclu-
sion that this river also formed, for so far, the north-
ern border of the " Promised Land " (Fat Tears
in Damascus, ii. 354 f.). Pliny says that at a cer-
tain season of the year it swarmed with tortoises
(ix. 10).
Of the identity of the Eleutherus with the mod-
ern Nabr-eLKebir, " Great River," there cannot
be a doubt. Its highest source is at the northeast-
ern base of Lebanon ; it sweeps round the northern
end of the range, through the opening called in
Scripture " the entrance of Hamath " (Num. xxxiv.
8); and, after receiving several small tributaries
from the heights of Lebanon, it falls into the Med-
iterranean, about 18 miles north of Tripolia. It
still forms the boundary between the provinces of
Attar and tl-Hutn. During summer and autumn
it is but a small stream, easily forded; but in win-
ter it swells into a large and rapid river.
J.L.P.
• ELBU'ZAI (3 syl.) U the reading of the
A. V. ed. 1611 in 1 Chr. xii. 6 for Eiajzai. A.
ELHATTAN Ojll^ [Corfwaou oraeiow]:
'EA«orttV; [in 1 Chr., Vat. EAAoa>:] Adeodatus).
L A distinguished warrior in the time of King
David, who performed a memorable exploit against
the Philistines, though in what that exploit exactly
consisted, and who the hero himself was, it is not
easy to determine.
(1.) 2 Sam. xxi. 19 says that he was the " son of
Jaare Oregun the Bethlehemite," and that he " aa>w
Goliath the Gittite, the staff of whose spear waa
like a weaver's beam." Here, in the A. V. the
words " the brother of" are inserted, to bring tif
passage into agreement with,
(2.) 1 Chr. xx. 6, which states that " Hhanac
son of Jair (or Jaor), slew Lahmi, the brother a
Goliath the Gittite, the staff of whose near," As
Of these two statements the latter is nrtbaUt
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ELHANAN
correct — the differences betwteu them
Ming much muller in the original than in English.
We must refer the reader to the Hebrew for the
wmpariaon of the two, 11 the discrepancies in which
are not greater thau those known to exist in other
corrupt passages, but the follow Ing are the grounds
of our decision.
(a.) The word Oregim exists twice in the verse
in Samuel, first as a proper name, and again at the
end — " weavers." The former has probably been
taken in by an early transcriber from the latter,
i. e. from the next line of the MSS. To the end
of the verse it certainly belongs, since it is found
in the parallel passage of Chron., and also forms
part of what seems to have been a proverbial de-
scription of Goliath (comp. 1 Sam. xvii. 7). The
chances are very much against the same word —
and that not a common one — forming part of one
verse in two capacities.
(6.) The statement in 3 Sam. xxi. 19 is in con-
tradiction to the narrative of 1 Sam. xvii., accord-
ing to which Goliath the Gittite was killed by
David." True, Ewald (Guch. iii. 91, 98) — from
the fact that David's antagonist is, with only 3 ex-
ceptions (one of them in the doubtful verses, xvii.
18-39), called "the Philistine," and for other lin-
guistic reasons — has suggested that Elhanan was
the real victor of Goliath, and that after David be-
came king the name of Goliath was attached to the
nameless champion whom be killed in his youth.
But against this is the fact that Goliath it named
'hrice in 1 Sam. xvii. and xxi. — thrice only though
•t be; and also that Elhanan's exploit, from its po-
sition both in Samuel and in Chronicles, and from
other indications, took place late in David's reign,
md when he had been so long king and so long re-
nowned, that all the brilliant feats of bis youth
must have been brought to light, and well known
to his people. It is recorded as the last but one in
the series of encounters of what seems to have been
the closing struggle with the Philistine*. It was
10 late that David had acquired among his warriors
the fond title of " the light of Israel " (2 Sam. xxi.
17), and that his nephew .Jonathan was ok) enough
••o perform a feat rivalling that of his illustrious
nacle years before. It was certainly after David
was nude king, for he goes down to the fight, not
with bis "young men " ( N "|!S3)> C u ff hen he was
leading his band during Saul's life, but with bis
" servants " C'TSV), literally his " slaves," a term
almost strictly reserved for the subjects of a king.
The vow of his guard, on one of these occasions,
that it should be his last appearance in the field,
shows that it must have been after the great Am-
ajonite war, in which David himself had led the
soet to the storming of Rabbah (3 Sam. xii. 39).
It may have been between this last event and the
" It will be found rally examined In Keunlcott •
l/uicrtalion, p. 78.
b • This statement assumes that the two passages re-
tjrrod to must relate to the same occurrence. On that
icint see ranarks in the addition under David, note,
,. 664. Mr. Deutsch in his art. on « Blhanan " (Kit-
la's C)d. of BM. Literature, 3d ed.) deals with the
luestkm as one of textual emendation II.
c Nothing can be mora marked than wis distinction.
Ys'ar (T?3) U used almost InrarUbly for David's
Nlewers up to the death of Saul, and then at once
<M tana eoaofat, and Bbed v "Qy), a " slave," Is as
ELI
697
battle with Absalom beyond Jordan, though then
are other obvious reasons why David stayed within
the walls of Mahanaim on that occasion.
On the whole, therefore, though the question is
beset with difficulties, the just conclusion appears
to be that the reading in Chronicles is the more
correct one, according to which Elhanan is the son
of Jair,'' and slew Lachmi the brother of Goliath.
Jerome in his QuauL Htbr. on both passages —
he does not state whether from ancient tradition oi
not — translates Elhanan into Adtodatui, and adds
filiue taltm polymitarius Btthlthemita — " the son
of a wood, a weaver, a Bethlehemite." Adeoda-
tus, he says, is David, which he proves not only b)
arguments drawn from the meaning of each of the
above words, but also from the statement in the
concluding verse of the record that all these giants
" fell by the band of David and by the hand of his
servants," and as Elhanan slew Goliath, Klhanan
must be David.
2. [Elthnncin, Elchanan.] The son of Dodo
of Bethlehem, one of "the thirty" of David's
guard, and named first on the list (2 Sam. xxiii.
24; 1 Chr. xi. 36). See Kennicott's Diuertatkm,
p. 179.
The same name is also found with Baal substi-
tuted for El, — Baau-hanan. (Comp. Bekli-
ADA.) G.
E'LI vVp. [ascent, elevation, and concr. tin
highest, Gee.]: 'H\U [Vat. Alex. HXe<0 'HAst,
Joseph. : UeU), was descended from Aaron through
Ithamar, the youngest of his two surviving sons
(I-ev. x. 1, 8, 12), as appears from the fact that
Abiathar, who was certainly a lineal descendant of
Eli (1 K. ii. 37), had a son, Ahimelech, who is ex-
pressly stated to have been "of the sons of Itha-
mar " (1 Chr. xxiv. 8; cf. 2 Sam. viii. 17). With
this accords the circumstance that the names of
Eli and his successors in the high-priesthood up to,
and including, Abiathar, are not found in the gen-
ealogy of Eleazar (1 Chr. vi. 4-16; 'J. Ezr. vii.
1-6). As the history makes no men'jon of any
high-priest of the line of Ithanmr br/oro Eli, he is
generally supposed to have ben the first of that
line who held the office. ('Ha« VB-irov rairnr
[aoxiffMHrtlrna'] wapaAafHsrjs. Joseph. Ant. vili.
1, §3.) From him, his sous bivi-ig died before
him, it appears to have yvje-i to his grandson,
Ahitub (1 Sam. xiv. 3; Jotepjua, Iiowever, says
+h>«/ot)» 81 fjtn (coi Upim, red varpot ovry
wcuM»c«xe>pi)KeVoT 8i4 r'o 'fi'/on, Ant v. 11, § 3),
and it certainly remained in his family till Abiathar,
the grandson of Ahitub, r.as " thrust out from
being priest unto the I.ord " by Solomon for his
share in Adonijah's rebellion (1 K. ii. 26, 97, i. 7),
and the high-priesthood passed back again to the
family of Eleazar in the person of Zadok (1 K. ii.
36). How the office ever came into the younger
branch of the house of Aaron we are not informed,
though there is reason to suppose that its doing so
was sanctioned by God (1 Sam. ii. 30). Its return
| exclusively employed. Even Absalom 1 ' people go by
| the former name. This will be evf->- • 'o any one
who will look Into the quotations I'uid'i *' * 'Mr wirae
in that most instructive boos, Tm £***' Mi-at'e He-
' rnp Concordance.
I 1 Knld has overcome thr d'JBculty of the two dls-
l crepaot passages by a curious eclectic, proce s s. Kress
Jhronktes he accepts the dame " Jair," but leave*
■ 'Lahml, the brother of" from 8amnel he taaai
I che Bethlehemite," and rej-wU " Oregim."
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698
ELIAB
to the elder bnuich was one part of the punishment
which had been denounced against Eli during hia
lifetime, for hia culpable negligenoe in contenting
himself with mere verbal reprimand (1 Sam. ii. 22-
25) instead of active paternal and judicial restraint
(til. 13), when his sons, by their rapacity and li-
centiousness, profaned the priesthood, and brought
the rites of religion into abhorrence among the
people (1 Sam. ii. 27-36, with 1 K. Ii 27'.. An-
other part of the same sentence (ver. 31-33) ap-
pears to have been taking effect in the reign of
David, when we read, that " there were more chief
men found of the sons of Eleazar than of the sons
of Hhamar," sixteen of the former, and only eight
of the latter (1 Chr. xxiv. 4). Notwithstanding
this one great blemish, the character of Eli is
marked by eminent piety, as shown by his meek
submission to the divine judgment (1 Sam. iii.
18), and his supreme regard for the ark of God
(ir. 18). In addition to the office of high-priest
he held that of judge, being the immediate predc-
oessor of his pupil Samuel (1 Sam. vii. 6, 15-17),
the last of the judges. The length of time dur-
ing which be judged Israel is given as 40 years in
our present Hebrew copies, whereas the LXX. make
it 2(1 years (tUmrir *n>, 1 Sam. iv. 18). It has
been suggested in explanation of the discrepancy,
that he. was sole judge for 20 years, after having
been co judge with Samson for 20 years (Judg. xvi.
SI). He died at the advanced age of 98 years (1
Sam. iv. 15), overcome by the disastrous intelli-
gence that the ark of God had been taken in battle
by the Philistines, who had also slain his sons
Hophni and Phinebas. [Ablathar; Elea/.ak;
Ithamak.J (See Lightfoot's Works, vol. i. pp.
53, 907, fol. Lond. 1684; Selden, de Success, in
Fonttf. Heb,: lib. i. cap. 4.) T. T. P.
* Stanley (Jewish Church, 1. 421 ff.) has drawn
«. touching picture of the circumstances of Eli's sad
end. " In the evening of the same day [on which
the Philistines defeated the Hebrews] there rushed
through the vale of Shiloh a youth from the camp,
one of the active tribe of Benjamin, — his clothes
Vm asunder, and his hair sprinkled with dust, as
the two oriental signs of grief and dismay. A loud
wail, like that which on the announcement of any
great calamity runs through all Eastern towns,
rang Uirough toe streets of the expectant city. The
«ged high-priest was sitting In his usual place
beside the gate-way of the sanctuary. He caught
the cry ; he asked the tidings. He heard the de-
feat of the army ; he heard the death of his two
•ana; be heard the capture of the Ark of God. It
was this last tidings, 'when mention was made
of the Ark of God,' that broke the old man's heart.
He fell from his seat and died in the falL" H.
BLI'AB O^^ [Cod is father]: 'EA.40:
£Uab). L Son of Helon and leader of the tribe
of Zebulun at the time of the census in the wilder-
ness of Sinai (Num. I. 9, ii. 7, vii. 24, 29, x. 16).
2. A Keubenite, son of Pallu or Phaliu, whose
family wjs one of the principal in the tribe; and
father or progenitor of Dathan and Abiram, the
Haulers in the revolt against Moses (Num. xxri. 8,
9, xvi. 1, 12; Deut. xi. 6). Eliab had another son
jamed Nkhuel, and the record of Num. xxvi. is
hterrupted expressly to admit a statement regard-
ngr hit sons.
3. [In 2 Chr., Vat. EXuu-.] One of David's
Mothers, the eldest of the family (1 Chr. U. 13; 1
■sua. iH. », xvii- 13, 88). His daughter Abihail
ELIAH
married her second cousin Rehoboun, and tat Urn
three children (2 Chr. xi. 18): although, taking
into account the length of the reigns of David and
Solomon, it is difficult not to suspect that the word
" daughter " is here used in the Iras strict teats
of granddaughter or descendant. In 1 Chr. xxvii.
18, we find mention of " Elihu, of the brethren of
David," ai» ruler" (TO}), or "prince" (~fy)
of the tribe of Judab. According to the ancient
Hebrew tradition preserved by Jerome (QmaL
Ilebr. ad loc.), this Elihu was identical with Kliab.
" Brethren " is however often used in the sense of
kinsmen, t. g. 1 Chr. xii. 2.
4. [In 1 Chr. tv. 18, FA.i EA«/3a; FA.* Vat.
EAia£o-] A Levitr in the time of David, who was
both a "porter" Py'lB?, SMir, i. e. a door-
keeper) and a musician on the " psaltery " (1 Chr.
xv. 18, 20, xvi. 5).
5. [FA. EAsioj}-] One of the warlike GadiU
leaders who came over to David when be was in
the wilderness taking refuge from Saul (1 Chr.
xii. 9).
0. An ancestor of Samuel the Prophet; a Ko-
hathite Levite, son of Nahath (1 Chr. vi. 27, Heb.
12). In the other statements of the genealogy this
name appears to be given as Ei.ihc (1 Sam. I. 1)
and Ei.ikl (1 Chr. vi. 34, Heb. 19).
7. [Sin. Evo/J: Asm.] Son of Xathanad, one
of the forefathers of Judith, and therefore belonging
to the tribe of Simeon (Jud. viii. 1 ).
BLI'ADA (.&£?$ [G<*t bum] : 'EAioW
[Vat. EwioW), and 'repeated, BooAi/uItf [Vat
-*.«-] ; Chr. 'EAwJd; [Vat. £A«3a:) Alex. EAi<8«:
hliuda, KUada). X. One of David's sons; accord-
ing to the lists, the youngest but one of the family
born to him after his establishment in Jerusalem
(2 Sam. v. 16; 1 Chr. iii. 8). From the latter
passage it appears that he was the son of a wife
and not of a concubine. In another list of David's
family we find the name KUada changed to Beeliada,
Baal being substituted for El, the false god for the
true (1 Chr. xiv. 7). What significance there may
be in this change it is impossible to say; at any
rate the present is tbe only instance occurring, and
even there Eiiada is found in one Heb. MS., also
in the LXX. and Syr. versions. [Besuada.]
Tbe name appears to be omitted by Josephus in
his list of David's family (Ant ril. 3, § 3).
2. ['EAioScC; Vat. EAtiJa: Eiiada]. A might;
man of war (Vn 11312), a Benjamlte, who fed
200,000 of his tribe to the army of Jebosbaphat
(2 Chr. nil. 17).
ELI'ADAH 0?T T ,1 ?S I [ff«f tnotrs]: [Rom.
Vat-om.;] Alex. EAiaSac: i.'ti»da), apparently an
Aramito of Zobah ; father of Heron tbe captain of
a marauding band which annoyed Solomon (1 K.
xi. 23).
ELI'ADAS ('EAutSdt: Kliadas), 1 Esdr. is.
28. [Elioknai.]
ELI'ADTJN CHKiatoiS; [Vat. EiAiaSovyi
Alex. EAiooW; Aid. 'HAiatoSrO Vulg. omit*'
1 Esdr. v. 58. Possibly altered from Hkn.vdad.
BLI'AH (TVfy* [Ood-Jthomk] : Asm)
L CEpfel [Vat.] Akx-HAm; [AM. 'HAut*.])- i
Benjamite; one of the sons of Jeroham, and a chin
man (ttTrVl, literally " head "t of the tril e (1 Oh*
vin. 27).
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BUAHBA
1. ('HAJa; [Vat FA. HXsio.]) One of the Bene-
£km [sons of £fam] ; an Israelite (i. e. a layman)
to the times of Ekra, who had married a foreign
■rife (Ezr. x. 26).
This name is accurately Elijah, and the trans-
latora of the A. V. have so expressed it, not only
in the name of the prophet (most frequently spelt
with a final «), but in another case (Ear. x. 91).
[Elijah.]
BLI'AHBA (H^O^I [«*om Uod today.
[2 Sam.,] 'E/uuroo ; '[Alex.] EAiofl i [Comp.
'EAio^W; 1 Chr.] 'EAia/fcl: [Vat. corrupt; FA.
EA/ia0a:] Ehaba), a Shaalbonite. «. e. probably
from Shaalbim; one of the Thirty of David's
guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 32; 1 Chr. xi. 33). [The
A. V. ed. 1611, and other early editions, read
Ellhaba, with the Genevan version.]
BMAKIM (D*jJjV$» whom God will estab-
lish : [in 2 K.,] tAMKfp, [ Vat - A 1 "- -ftp..] and
[Is. xxii. 20,] 'Wcucslp.; [in I»- xxxvi., xxxvii.,
'EAuunfpO E&adm). 1. Son of Hilkiah ; master
of Hewkiah's household (rV$n""75 = " over the
house," as la. xxxvi. 3), 9 K. xviii. 18, 26, 37.
He succeeded Shebna in this office, after he had
been ejected from it (Orotius thinks by reason of
his leprosy) as a punishment for his pride (Is. xxii.
15-20}. Eliakim was a good man, as appears by
the title emphatically applied to him by God, " my
servant Eliakim " (b. xxii. 20), and as was evinoed
by his conduct on the occasion of Sennacherib's
invasion (2 K. xviii. 37, xix. 1-5), and also in the
discharge of the duties of his high station, in which
he acted as a " father to the inhabitants of Jerusa-
lem, and to the bouse of Judah " (Is. xxii. 21). It
was ss a special mark of the Divine approbation
of his character and conduct, of which however no
further details have been preserved to us, that he
was raised to the post of authority and dignity
which he held at the time of the Assyrian invasion.
What this office was has been a subject of some per-
plexity to commentators. The ancients, including
the LXX. and Jerome, understood it of the priestly
office, as appears by the rendering of |3D (Is.
xxii. 15, A. V. "treasurer") by murroQietoy,
the "priest's chamber," by the former, and of
JTBrP /5 by "propositus templi" by the latter.
Hence Nieephorus, as well as the author of the
Alexandrian Chronicle, includes in the list of high-
priests, Somnas or Sobnas (t. e. Shebna), and
Eliakim, identifying the latter with Shallum or
Meshulbun. Hi* 12th high-priest is, " Somnas,
Ule impius et perditug, regnante Ezechia," and his
3th, " Eliakim Muselum." But it is certain from
ne description of the office in Is. xxii., and espe-
v-auy from the expression in ver. 22, " the key of
the house of David will I lay upon his shoulder; "
(hat it was the King's house, and not the House
if God, of which Eliakim was prefect, as Abishar
.■ad been in the reign of Solomon, 1 K. iv. 6, and
Azrikam in that of Ahaz, 2 Chr. xxviii. 7. And
with this agrees both all that is said, and all that
is not said, of Eliakim's functions. The office
Menu to have been the highest under *h? king, as
was the case in Egypt, when Pharaoh said to Joseph,
"Than shalt be over my house OH^S'by) . . .
ally in the throne will I be greater than thou,"
3*n xli. 40, comp. xtxix. 4. In 9 Chr. xxviii. 7,
ELIAM
699
the officer is called ^ governor (T22) of the house.'
It is clear that the " Scribe " was inferior to him
for Shebna, when degraded from the prefecture of
the house, acted as scribe under Eliakim,' 2 h_
xviii. 37. The whole description of it too by Isaiah
implies a place of great eminence and power. This
description is transferred in a mystical or spiritual
sense to Christ the son of David in Rev. iii. 7; thus
making Eli akim in some sense typical of Christ.
This it is perhaps which gave rise to the interpre-
tatioif of Eliakim's name mentioned by Origen, t
Btii pou iyiorn- or as Jerome has it, Dei resur
rtciio, or Retuiyau thus; and also favored the
mystical interpretation of the passage in Isaiah
given by Jerome in his commentary, based upon
the interpretation of JJJD (A. V. "treasurer")
as " habitant in tabernaado," as if it imported tho
removal of the Jewish dispensation, and the setting
up of the Gospel in its place. The true meaning
of ] JD is very doubtful " Friend," i. e. of the
king, and " steward of the provisions," are the two
most probable significations. Eliakim's career was
a roost honorable and splendid one. Most com-
mentators agree that Is. xxii. 25 does not apply to
him, but to Shebna. Eliakim's name also occurs
2 K. xix. 2; Is. xxxvi. 3, 11, 22, xxxvii. 2. (See
further Jerome de Norn. Hebr. and Comm. on Is.
15 ff.; RosenmUll. ib. ; Bp. Lowth's Nota
on l». ; Selden, de Success, in Pontif. Hebr. ;
Winer, s. v.)
2. ['EAioxfp: Vat. Alex, -miu,: EUadm, EH-
(lii'm.J The original name of Jehoiakim king of
Judah (2 K. xxiii. 34; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 4). [Ja>
H01AK1M.]
3. [Kom. Vat. Alex. FA.» omit; Comp. Aid.
FA.» "EMtacip- Etiachim.] A priest in the days
of Nehemiah, who assisted at the dedication of the
new wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xli. 41).
4. ['EAuucff/i.] Eldest son of Ahiud, or Judah;
brother of Joseph, and father of Azor, Matt i. 13.
[Genbaiogy of Christ.]
5. ['EAuuttlp: EHaldm.] Son of Melea, and
father of Jonan, Luke in. 30, 31. [Iun>.]
A. C. H.
ELI'ALI ('EXioAf; [Vat KhaXtttQ Alex.
EAiaAtC Diehis), 1 Esdr. ix. 34. [Biswm.]
EM'AM (D^bS: 'EA«*0, Vat and Alex.;
[Comp. 'EAiaVO EUam). L Father of Bath-sheba,
the wife of David (2 Sam. xi. 3). In the list of 1
Chr. iii. 6, the names of both father and daughter
are altered, the former to Ammiel and the latter
to Bath-shua : and it may he noticed in passing,
that both the latter names were alsn tho«e of non-
Israelite persons, while Uriah was a Hittite. (Comp.
Gen. xxxviii. 12; 1 Chr. ii, 3; In both of which
» the daughter of Shua" is JltP H3, Bath-shua;
also 2 Sam. xvii. 27.) The transposition of the
two parts of the name El-i-am in Anim-i-el, does
not alter its Hebrew signification, which may b»
" God is my people."
2. [Alex. EAicup.] Son of Ahitbopbel the Gil-
onite; one of David's "thirty" warriors (2 Sam.
xxiii. 34). The name is omitted in the list of 1
Chi. xi., but is now probably dimly discernible at
"Ahiiah the Pebnite" (ver. 36) (see Kennicott,
« Bp. Lowth thinks, but without sufficient rssmn
that this Shebna is a different person from the other
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ELIAONIAS
Auswtociui, p.207). The andent Jewish tradition
l«eserved by Jerome ( Qu. Htbr. on 9 Sam. xi. 3,
and 1 Cbr. iii. 5) is that toe two Eliami ere one
■nd the tame person. An argument has been
bonded on this to account for the hostility of
Ahithophel to King David, as having dishonored
his house and caused the death of his son-in-law
(Blunt, Coincidence*, Pt II. x.). But such argu-
ments are frequently grounded on ignorance of the
habits and modes of feeling of Orientals, who often
see no shame iu that which is the greatest disgrace
to us.
ELIAO'NIAS ('EAi<u»*(a»; [Vat. EAioAar
ruitO MonlMonit, including preceding name), 1
Esdr. viii. 31. [Eubobkal]
ELI'AS ('HAtoi; [V«t> M. in Ecclus. xlviii.
1, HA«m; ver. 12, HAcuu;] in Maccabees, and
Lachm. [also Treg.] in N. T. 'Hxiasi [Tisch. in
N. T. 8th ed. 'HAclat:] Ettas, but in Cod. AmiaL
Helios), the form in which th* name of Elijah is
given in the A. V. of the Apocrypha and X. Test. :
Eeclus. xlviii. 1, 4, 12; 1 Mace ii. S8; Matt xi.
14, zvi. 14, xvii 3, 4, 10, 11, 13, xxvii. 47, 49;
Mark vi. 15, viii. 28, ix. 4, 5, 11, 12, 13, xv. 85,
36; Luke i. 17, iv. 25, 26, ix. 8, 19, 30, 33, 54
[ree. text] ; John i. 21, 25; Rom. xi. 2; James v.
17. In Rom. xi. 2, the reference is not to the
prophet, but to the portion of Scripture designated
by his name, the words being lv 'HAlo, " in Klias,"
not as in A. V. " of Elias." [Biblk, p. 306 a.]
ELI'ASAPH (^l?^ {added of God]:
'EAio-tup; [Vat M. ZKaveup, exc. Num. I. 14:]
EKataph). L Son of Deuel; head of the tribe
of Dan at the time of the census in the Wilder-
Mas of Sinai (Num. i. 14, li. 14, vii. 42, 47, x.
»)•
2. Son of Lael; a Levite, and "chief of the
nouse of the father of the Gershonite " at the same
time (Num. iii. 24).
ELI'ASHIB (a^tt?; 1 ?^ [«*o» God restores] :
'FAiatrt&dy, 'EXiaffl, "E\uur*l0, "EKtaoavB,
vi A.: ESatub, Eliasib), a common name at the
jiter period of the O. T. history.
1. I'ZKtafil, Vat-0i«; Alex. EAuurti/9: ElUi-
o6.] A priest in the time of King David, eleventh
In the order of the "governors" 0^W) of the
sanctuary (1 Car. xxiv. 12).
2. ['ZKuurt&6v\ Vat A<rci/3; Alex. EAuurujS:
EUasub.] A son of Elioenai; one of the latest
descendants of the royal family of Judah (1 Chr.
In. 24).
3. fEAuuroljS, -al$, 'EA.iaoii/3, eta: EHasib.]
High-priest at Jerusalem at the time of the re-
building of the walls under Nehenuah (Neh. iii.
1, 20, 21). His genealogy is given in iii. 10,
12, 23. Eliashib was in some way allied (3"np
= near) to Tobiah the Ammonite, for whom he
had prepared a room in the Temple, a desecration
which excited the wrath of Nehenuah (Neh. xiii.
«, 7). One of the grandsons of Eliashib hsd also
married the daughter of Sanballat the Horonite
(xiii. 28). There seems no reason to doubt that
th* same Eliashib is referred to in Ear. x. 6.
4. lEkurifi, FA. -<r<up\ Vat. EAciiraa): AoVi-
*ii.] A singer in the time of Ezra who had mar-
ried a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 2i). [Eleazukus.]
5. ['EAirouft Vat. -trovBnX, FA. •«»»] A
an of Zattu (En-, x. 27), [Elwimus] and
*. ['EA«urt«., Vat Ekematup, FA. -c««j8,
TCT.rBiZRK
Comp. Aid. 'EAiao-ijB, Alex, -cvifl-] A son el
Bani (x. 36), [Esasibus. Eliasis], both of when
had transgressed in the same manner.
BLI'ASIS ('EAl«ru, [V»*- Alex.] EA«r««
EliatU), 1 Esdr. ix. 84. This name answers U
Mattenai in Ear. x. 33; but is probably merely
a repetition of Enabibus, just preceding it [which
corresponds to Eliashib, 6].
ELI'ATHAH (nJT^bg and nn*h& [u,
idiom God comes]: 'EAta0d; [in ver. 4, Vat
HKiaSaB; in ver. 27, Vat AiuoOa, Alex. EA<a0Q
EliuUiu), one of the sans of Henian, a musician in
the Temple in the time of King David (1 Chr.
xxv. 4), who with twelve of his sons and brethren
had the twentieth division of the temple se rvi ce
(xxv. 27). In Jerome's Outsat. Htbr. on ver. 27,
the name is given as Eliaba and explained accord-
ingly ; but not so in the Vulgate.
ELIDAD (TybS Uoted °f God] : 'EA8si3:
Eluiad), son of Chislon; (he man chosen to repre-
sent the tribe of Benjamin in the division of the
land of Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 21).
E'LIEL (^tf ^ [to whom God is strength] :
'EA<4a; (Vat EA«"i(A:] Eliel). L One of the
heads of the tribe of Msnasseh — of that portion
of the tribe which was on the east of Jordan (1
Chr. v. 24).
2. [TatEA«mA; Aid. 'EAi40-] Son of Tosh
a forefather of Samuel the Prophet (1 Chr. vi. 34,
Heb. 19). Probably identical with Elihu, 2, and
Euau, 6.
3. ('EAinAi [Vat -A«; Comp. Aid. 'EXi^A.])
One of the Bene-Shimhi; a chief man in the tribe
of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 20).
*• ( EA«r)A.) Like the preceding, a Benjamua,
but belonging to the Bene-Shashak (1 Chr. viii.
»)•
5. (Alex. 'l«Ai«JA; [Vat FA. corrupt]) "The
Mahavite; " one of the heroes of David's guard in
the extended list of 1 Chr. (xi. 46).
0. (AaAi^A; [Vat FA. AoAsidA;] Alex.
AAiijA-) Another of the same guard, but without
any express designation (1 Chr. xi. 47).
7. ('EA«tj8; [Alex. Comp. AM. 'EAivJA.]) One
of the Gadite heroes who came across Jordan to
David when be was in the wilderness of Judah hid-
ing from Saul (1 Chr. xii. 11).
8. [Vat EAije, NqiqA; FA. EnjA, EAq*v] A
Kohathite Levite, "chief" (~1B7) of the Bene-
Chebron at the time of the transportation of th*
Ark from the House of Obed-edom to Jerusalem
(1 Chr. xv. 9, 11).
6. [Vat I«€H)\; Alex. UhnX-] A Levite in
the time of Hezekiah; one of the "overseen"
(CTrpSJof the offerings made in the Temple
(2 Chr.'xxxi. 13).
ELIETNAI CrF 1 ?*? [P«A- to God art mf
eyes] : 'EAivraf; [Vat EAwAiaai Alex. EAum»-
ytii] Attoenni), one of the Bene-Shimhi; a de-
scendant of Benjamin, and a chief man in the tribs
(1 Chr. viii. 20).
ELIE'ZER niF^ft "S God (is my) help
[or Cod of help]: 'EAitf**: [EHeter]). L Abra-
ham's chief servant, catted by him, as the p sssags
is usually translated, "Eliezer of Damascus," or
"that Damascene, EUner" (Gen. xv. 2/. Then
is a contradiction in the A. V., fcr it does not ap
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TtT. TBiZy.lt
for how, if he wu "of Daroasmw." be could be
■bora in Abraham's home" (ret. 3). But the
nhrase s n > 3*73, " eon of my house," only imports
that he was one of Abraham's household, not that
he was bora in hia house. In the preceding verse
VV3 P???} 73 A«-i should probably be rendered
" the son of possession," i. t. possessor, " of my
bouse, shall be . . . Eliezer." It was, most likely,
this same Kliezer who is described in Gen. xxiv. 2,
as the cLIest tetxanl of Abraham's house , that ruled
over all Hint he had, and whom his master sent to
Padan-Aram to take a wife for Isaac from among
his own kindred. With what eminent zeal and
faithfulness he executed his commission, and how
entirely be found the truth of what his own name
expressed, bi the providential aid he met with on
his errand, is most beautifully told in (Jen. xxiv.
It should, however, be said that the passage (Gen.
xv. 2), in which the connection of Eliezer with Da-
mascus seems to be asserted, is one of extreme ob-
scurity and difficulty. The sense above ascribed to
PQ7P (after Simonu and Gesenius) rests only upon
conjecture, the use of " Dimntau " for " Uiuiit-
cene " it very unusual, and the whole arrangement
of the sentence very harsh. There is prulably
something at the bottom of it all, besides the allit-
eration between Methtk and f) unmeshek, which
we are ignorant of, and which U wanting to clear
up the sense. The two passages, "Jwkr.it origo
IMmascen i, Syria nobiliaima civiUu . . . If omen
urbi a Ditmat<x> rege imlitum . . . Pott Dimrucum
Azelus, max Adores et Abraham et Itrahel rege*
faere" (Justin, lib. xxxvi. cap. 2): and 'Afipi-
unt WaaiXtuo* Aafiao-Kov . . . rov Si 'Aflod^iov
Iti Kal vvt> tV rp Aa+iaamitry TO iyo/ia 8o{d-
fercu- koI Kcifxri aw' airrov tflitrvTtu 'Afipi/ttv
•fKne-ii AryepeVn (Joseph. Ant. i. 7, % 2, quoting
Nicol. Damascen. ) have probably some relation to
the narrative in Gen. xv. (See Gesen. The*. s. v.
ptTPi Rosenmiiller on Gen. xv. ; Knobel, Gen-
ait.)
* Kaliscb {Genesis, p. 365) maintains that the
word* "1T5 ,l 7y ptTOI in Gen. xv. 2, cannot
possibly be' translated '" Eliezer of Damascus," but
most be taken as a compound proper name, " Dam-
mesek (or Damascus) Eliezer," like Hadad-ezer.
Chushan-Rishathaim. The LXX. reads Aafuurxos
"Z\i4(ep. A.
3. ['EKt4(ep, (not' EX.) in 1 Chr.] Second
son of Moses and Zipporah, to whom his rather
gave this name, "because, said he, the God of my
father was my help, that delivered me from the
sword of Pharaoh " (Ex. xviii. 4; 1 Chr. xxiii. 15.
17). He remained with his mother and brother
Gersbom, in the care of Jethro his grandfather,
when Moses returned to Egypt (Ex. iv. 18), she
having been sent back to her father by Moses (Ex.
xviii. 2), though she set off to accompany him, and
went part of the way with him. .lethro brought
lack Zipporah and her two sons to Muses iu toe
.rildemess, after be heard of the departure of the
(ataeines from Egypt (xviii.). Eliezer had one son,
Sehabiah, from whom sprang a numerous posterity
1 Chr. xxiii. 17, xxvi. 25, 26). SheLjiith in the
vigiis of Saul and David (ver. 28), who had the
an uf all the treasures of things dedicated to God,
•as descended from Eliezer in the 6th generation,
I U« genealogy in 1 Chr. xxvi 26 is oomplete.
BLIHU
701
3. One of the sons of Bechet. the son of Ben-
jamin (1 Chr. vii. 8).
4. A priest in the reign of David, one of thost
appointed to sound with trumpets before the Ark
on its passage from the house of Obed-edom to the
city of David (1 Chr. xv. 24).
5. Son of Ziehri, ''ruler" (Taj) of the Keu-
benites in the reign of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 16).
6. [Vat. EAtmSo.] Son of Dodavah, of Mire-
shah in Judah (2 Chr. xx. 37), a prophet, who re-
buked Jehoshaphat for joining himself with Abaziah
king of Israel, " who did very wickedly," in making
a combined expedition of ships of Tarshish to go
to Ophir for gold ; and foretold the destruction of
his fleet at Ezion-geber, which accordingly came to
pass. When Abaziah proposed a second expedi-
tion, Jeboshaphat refused (2 Chr. xx. 35-37; 1 K.
xxii. 48, 49). The combination of the names
Kliezer and Dodavah almost suggests that he may
have been descended from David's mighty man,
Eleazar the son of Dodo (2 Sam. xxiii. 9).
7. ['r.\fA(ap] A chief Israelite — a " man of
understanding " — whom Ezra sent with others
from Abava to Casiphia, to induce some Levites
and Nethinim to accompany him to Jerusalem (Ext.
viii. 16). In 1 Esdr. viii. 43, the name is given as
KUfAZAft.
8. 8, 10. [Ezr. x. 23, FA. EAiafop; ver. 31,
Vat EA.«i, Ef«p-] A priest, a Invite, and an
Israelite of the sons of Harim, who, in the time
of Ezra, had married foreUrn wives (Ezr. x. 18, 23,
31). The former is called Elkazar, the second
Elbazurcs, and the third Euo.nas, in 1 Esdr.
ix. 19, 24, 32.
1L Son of Jorim, 13th in descent from Nathan
the son of David, in the genealogy of Christ (Luke
iil. 29). A. C. H.
• ELI'HAB A U the reading of the A. V. ed.
1611, and other early editions, in 2 Sam. xxiii. 32,
and 1 Chr. xi. 33, for Eliauba. A.
ELIHOJfrNAI [5 syl] (^VT^ [ti
Jehovah my eyes] : 'EAianC, Alex. EAjaara: Eliot-
nai), son of Zerahiah, one of the liene-l'ahath-
moab, who with 200 men raturned from the Cap
tivity with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 4). In the apocrypha 1
Eadraa the name is Euaonlas.
ELIHOTftEPH (^TrTbS [««/ *« ream
liente, Ces.] : 'E\«f<p; Alex. Eva/»a>; [Comp.
'f.\ixiptip'] Klihoreph), son of Sbisha. He and
his brother Ahiah were scribes (CHSJD) to Sob
mon at the commencement of his reign (1 K
iv. 3).
ELITTTJ (MWT>^ [God it lie, i. e. Jeiu-
vnh]: 'EAiotij: Elm). 1. One of the interlocu-
tors in the book of Job. He is described as the
" son of Barachel the Buzite," and thus apparently
referred to the family of Buz, the son of Nahor,
and nephew of Abraham (Gen. xxii. 21). This
supposition suits well with the description of the
other personages [Euphaz; Bildad]," and the
probable date to be assigned to the scenes recorded.
) In his speech (cc. xxxii.-xxxvii.) he describes him-
I sell' at younger than the three friends, and accord-
ingly his presence is not noticed in the first chap-
ters. He expresses his desire to moderate between
I the disputants; and his words alone touch upon,
1 a The eoniMotioo of Dsdan and Tana with Sas sa
I Jar. xxv. 28. la also to b» notfea*
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ELIJAH
although they do uot thoroughly handle, that idea
of the disciplinal nature of suffering, which is the
key to Job's perplexity and doubt; but, aa in the
whole book, the greater stress is laid on God's un-
searchable wisdom, and tbe implicit fiaitfa which he
demands. [Job, Book op.] A. B.
3. ("HAioii [Vat. HA*«w; Alex. EAiov]-) Son
of Tohu; a forefather of Samuel the I*rophet (1
Sam. i. 1). In the statement* of the genealogy of
Samuel in 1 Chr. vi. the name Eliki. occurs in the
same position — son of Toah and father of Jero-
ham (vi. 84, Ueb. 19); and also Eliab (vi. 27,
lleb. 12), father of Jeroham and grandson of Zo-
phai. The general opinion is that Elihu is the
original name, and the two latter forms but copy-
ists' variations thereof.
3. (Vat. and Alex. E\ia£; [Comp. Aid. 'EAla,])
A similar variation of the name of Eliab, the eld-
est sou of Jesse, is probably found in 1 Chr. xxvii.
18, when Elihu "of the lirethren of David " is
mentioned as tbe chief of the tribe of Judah. But
see 1 Chr. xii. 3, where, in a similar connection,
the word " brethren " is used in its widest sense.
Tbe LXX. retains Eliab. [Eliab, 3.] In this
place the name is without the final Aleph —
•srbn.
4. ('EAi/iott; Alex. EAiovS; [Comp. Aid.
•KAjoS.]) One of the " captains" CtPKJ, i. t.
heads) of the " thousands of Manasseh " (1 Chr.
xii. 80) who followed David to Ziklag after he had
left tbe Philistine army on the eve of the battle of
Gilbua and who assisted him against the maraud-
ing band (THJ) of tbe Amalekites (comp. 1 Sam.
ixx.).
6. (UrbW: 'EAioS; [Vat. Ewou.]) A Kor-
hito Levite in the time of David; one of the door-
keepers (A. V. "porters") of the house of Jeho-
vah. He was a son of Sbemaiah, and of the
family of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 7). Terms are
applied to all these doorkeepers which appear to
Jidicate that they were not only <• strong men,"
as in A. V., but also fighting men. (See w. 6, 7,
8, 12, in which occur tbe words VT1 = army, and
^^33 = warriors or heroes.) G.
ELI'JAH. L (generally VrjbN, Etiyaku,
•ut sometimes H^vM, AViyoA [God-Jthovalt]:
« Bj Chrysostom and others the name is Oreclaed
otn 'HAtot , as if signifying tbe brightness of the sun.
» Stanley, 5. If P. p. 828. In the Acta Sanctorum,
1» is called Pmdigiaua Vutbitn.
c " Omnium sua? setatt* Prophetarum facile prtn-
erps ; et, si a Moee disceseeris, null! secundus " (Fiiach-
Baatb, in Oil. Sacri, quoting from Aberbanel).
<* The Hebrew text I* ">32?nO \3U7nn VrVH
'3. The third word may be pointed (1) as In the
present Hasoretic text, to mean " from the inhabitants
sf Uiiead," or (2) " from TIsbM of Ulleed ; " which,
with a alight change in form, is what the LXX. has.
n» latter is followed by Bwald (HI. 486, note). Light-
"oot assomes, bat without giving his authority, that
t^nU was from Jabesh Oilead. By Josephns he u
■aM to have come from Tbesbon — in wtSAmt Sraffai-
rvf rrjc roAaaSinoof x**?** (vH- 18, § 2). Perhaps
ihOs may have been read aa Hcehbon, a city of the
trlatts, and have given rise to tbe statement of Kpi-
sUa-naa, that he was " of the tithe of Aaron," and
ELIJAH
HAiou, [Vat. HXsiov, exc Hal. It 5, 'H»iiu;j
Aquila, H\lai a N. T. 'H\f«, ['"«*• 8th ad
'HAsfax:] £'&w). Elijah the Tishbite has
been well entitled " the grandest and the most ro-
mantic character that Israel ever produced." b Cer-
tainly there is no personage in the O. T. whose
career is more vividly portrayed, or who exercises
on us a more remarkable fascination. His rare,
sudden, and brief appearances, his undaunted cour-
age and fiery seal, the brilliancy of his triumphs,
the pathos of his despondency, the glory of his de-
parture, and the calm beauty of his reappearance
on the Mount of Transfiguration, throw such a
halo of brightness around him as is equalled by
none of his compeers in the sacred story. c The
ignorance in which we are left of the circumstances
and antecedents of the man who did and who suf-
fered so much, doubtless contributes to enhance our
interest in the story and the character. " EUjah
the Tishbite of the inhabitants of Gilead," is liter-
ally all that is given us to know of his parentage
and locality.'' It is in remarkable contrast to the
detail with which the genealogies of other prophet*
and leaders of Israel are stated.. Where the place
— if it was a place — lay, which gave him this ap-
pellation we know not, nor are we likely to know.
It is not again found in the Bible, nor has any
name answering to it been discovered since.'
[TlllSIIE.]
The mention of Gilead, however, is the key-note
to much that is most characteristic in the story
of the prophet. Gilead was tbe country on the
further side of the Jordan — a country of chase and
pasture, of tent-villages, and mountain-castles, in-
habited by a people not settled and civilized like
those who formed the communities of Ephraim and
Judah, but of wandering, irregular habits, exposed
to the attacks of the nomad tribes of the desert,
and gradually conforming more and more to the
habit* of those tribes ; making war with the Iia-
garites, and taking the countless thousands of tbeii
cattle, and then dwelling in their stead (.1 Chr. v.
10, 19-22). To an Israelite of the tribes west of
Jordan tbe title "Gileodite" must have conveyed a
similar impression, though in a far stronger degree,
to that which the title " Celt " does to us. What
the Highlands were a century ago to the towns in
the Lowlands of Scotland, that, and more than that,
must Gilead have been to Samaria or Jerusalem./
One of the most famous heroes in the early annate
grandson of Sfedok. See aim th« (V»s Patch, m
rabriciuisCW. Ptnulcp. V. T i 1070, fcc; and Qna-
reanriuK, Elurid. U. 005. According to Jewish tradi-
tion — grounded on a certain similarity between Uu
Uery seal of tbe two — Elijah was Identical whh Phln-
ehas tbe son of Kieasar the priest. He was also the
angel of Jehovah who appeared In Ore to Gideon
(lightfout on John i. 21 : Hsenmsnger, I. 686). Arab
tradition places fate birthplace at OilAad GiUiood, a
few miles N. of c.-Salt (Trby, p. 86), and his tomb naar
Damascus (Mlsllo. I. 4W).
'- The common assumption — perhaps originating
with Hiller (O*om p. 947) or Beland (Pat. p. 1085)—
is that he was born in the town Thisbs mentioned m
Tob. i. 2. But not to Insist on the tact that this
Ttaiabe was not In Oilead but in Naphtali, it is nearlv
certain that tbe name has no real existence In taal
passage, but arises from a mistaken translation of tht
same Hebrew word which is rendered « InbabitMrta '
in 1 K. xvti. 1. [Trass*.]
/ See s good passage Ulostrativa of this a* «•» Jtsa
chap. xlx.
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ELIJAH
4 Israel was " Jephthah the Gileadite,'' in whom
ill then characteristics ware prominent; and Pro-
fessor Stanley hu well remarked how impossible it
la rightly to estimate hie character without recol-
lecting this bet (8. <f P. p. 327).
With Elijah, of whom so much ia told, and
whose port in the history was so much more im-
portant, this is still more necessary. It is seen at
every turn. Of his appearance as he " stood be-
fore" Ahab — with the suddenness of motion to
this day characteristic of the Bedouins from his
native hills, we can perhaps realize something from
the touches, few, but strong, of the narrative. Of
his height little is to be inferred — that little is in
favor of its being beyond the ordinary size." His
chief characteristic was his hair, long and thick,
and hanging down his back,' and which, if not
betokening the immense strength of Samson, yet
accompanied powers of endurance <• no less remark-
able. His ordinary clothing consisted of a girdle
of skin •* round his loins, which he tightened when
about to move quickly (1 K. zviii. 46). But in
addition to this he occasionally wore the " mantle,"
or cape, < of sheep-skin, which has supplied us with
one of our most familiar figures of speech./ In this
mantle, in momenta of emotion, he would hide his
face (1 K. xix. 13), or when excited would roll it
up as into a kind of staff-P On one occasion we
find him bending himself down upon the ground
with his face between his knees.* Such, so far as
the scanty notices of the record will allow ua to
conceive it, was the general appearance of the great
Prophet, an appearance which there ia no reason
to think was other than uncommon even at that
time.' " Vir qui curationem et cultum corporis
despiceret; facie squalente, que multitudine suorum
crinium obumbraretur .... pelle caprina tantum
de corpora tegentem quantum abscondi decorum
erat, reliqua corporis ad era perdurantem " (Gregory
Nyss. quoted by Willemer de Paliio KSa in Cril.
Sacri).
The solitary life in which these external pecul-
iarities bad been assumed had also nurtured that
fierceness of zeal and that directness of address
which so distinguished him. It was in the wild
loneliness of the hills and ravines of Gilead that
the knowledge of Jehovah, the living God of Israel,
had been impressed on his mind, which was to
ELIJAH 70S
I form the subject of his mission It the ktoeafmsst
court and country of Israel.
The northern kingdom had at this time forsaken
almost entirely the faith in Jehovah. The worship
of the calves had been a departure from hint, it
was a violation of his command against material
resemblances; but still it would appear that even in
the presence of the calves Jehovah was acknowl-
edged, and they were at any rate a national insti-
tution, not one imported from the idolatries of any
of the surrounding countries. [Calk.] They were
announced by Jeroboam as the preservers of the
nation during the great crisis of its existence :
" Behold thy gods, Israel, that brought thee up
out of the land of Egypt " (1 K. xii. 38). But the
case was quite different when Ahab, not conta.t
with the calf-worship — "as if it bad been a light
thing to walk in the sins of Jeroboam, the son of
Nebat " — married the daughter of the king of
Sidon, and introduced on the most extensive scale
(Joseph. Ant. ix. 6, § 6) the foreign religion of his
wife's family, the worship of the Phoenician BaaL
What this worship consisted of we are ignorant — "
doubtless it was of a gay, splendid, and festal char-
acter, and therefore very opposite to the grave,
revere service of the Mosaic ritual. Attached to it
and to the worship of Asherah (A. V. " Ashtaroth,"
and "the groves") were licentious and impure
rites, which in earlier times had brought the heaviest
judgments on the nation (Num. xxv. ; Judg. ii. 13.
14, Hi. 7, 8). But the most obnoxious and evil
characteristic of the Baal-religion was that it was
the worship of power, of mere strength, as opposed
to that of a God of righteousness and goodness — a
foreign religion, imported from nations the hatred
of whom was inculcated in every page of the law,
as opposed to the religion of that God who had
delivered the nation from the bondage of Egypt,
had " driven out the heathen with his hand, and
planted them in ; " and through whom their fore-
fathers had "trodden down their enemies, and
destroyed those that rose up against them." It is
as a witness against these two evils that EUjah
comes forward.
1. What we may call the first Act in his life
embraces between three and four years — three
years and six months for the duration of the
drought, according to the statements of the New
Testament (Luke iv. 26; James v. 17), and three
a From a comparison of 2 K. It. 34 with 1 K. xrU.
SI, It would seem as If Klisha approached nearer than
EUJah to the stature of the child. But the Inference
Is not to be relied on. Chrysostom applied the same
epithet to him as to St. Paul, tpunixw Mpanr,
O 2 K. L 8, " a hairy man ; " literally, « a lord of
aalr." Ibis might be doubtful, even with the sup-
port of the LXX. and Jooephus — ivQpmuw aae-vr —
wd of the Tartrum Jonathan l^-PD "Q3 — the
fame word usee, lor Kan in Oen. xxril. 11. But its
ipplleatlon to the hair of his head is corroborated by
the word used by the children of Bethel when mock-
ing BUsha. " Bald-head "Is a peculiar term {TT\\))
tpplled only to want of hair at the back of the bead ;
wd the taunt was called forth by the dUfcrcnoe be-
tween the bare shoulders of the new prophet and the
■haggr locks of the old one. [BusHA.]
" dunning before Ahab's chariot; tie hardships
af tee Cherith ; the forty days' Out.
•I -H J7 (2 K. 1. 8), rendered " laath* in this one
■SMS only. Bet Oen. III. 21, to.
t AilderrtA, /VJ-JQ ! UX piftomft-, always used
for this garment of Bujah, but not for that of any
prophet before him. It is perhaps a trace of the
permanent impression which he left or. mhik- parts of
the Jewish society, that a balry cloak became after*
wards the recognized garb of a prophet oi Jehovah
(Zech. xiil. 4 ; A. V. " rough garment ; " where the
Hebrew word Is the same which in Elijah's Ustcry Is
rendered "mantle").
/ Various relics of the mantle are said to exiit
The list of claimants will be found in the Acta Sine-
•orum (July 20). One pleoe Is shown at Oviedo is
'Spain.
> ff Db| (2 K. 11. 8); "wrapped" Is a different
word.
* This Is generally taken as having been in prayer,
but kneeling apparently was not (oertainlv it not) an
attitude of prayer In the Bast. « When ye stand
praying, forgive " (Mark xi. 26 ; and eee Mart. vi. 5,
fce.).
i This Is to be Inferred, as we shall see afterwards
from king Aha-dah's recognition of him by mare o>
teijption.
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704 ELIJAH
Mr four months more for the journey to Horeb, and
the return to GUead (1 K. xvtt. 1-xix. 21). HU
introduction is of toe most startling description:
he suddenly appears before Ahab, as with the unre-
strained fireedom of Eastern manners he would have
uo difficulty in doing, and proclaims the vengeance
of Jehovah for the apostasy of the king. This he
does in the remarkable formula evidently character-
istic of himself, and adopted after his departure by
his follower EUsha — a formula which includes
everything at issue between himself and the king —
toe name of Jehovah, his being the God of Israel,
the living God, KUjah being his messenger, and
then — the special lesson of the event — that the
god of power and of nature should be beaten at
his own weapons. " As Jehovah, God of Israel,
liveth, before whom I stand," whose constant serv-
ant I am, " there shall not be dew nor rain these
yean, but according to my word." What imme-
diate action followed on this we are not told ; but
it is plain that Elijah had to fly before some
threatened vengeance either of the king, or more
■probably of the queen (comp. xix. 2). Perhaps it
wss at this juncture that Jezebel "cut off the
prophets of Jehovah " (1 K. xviii. 4). He was
directed to the brook Cherith, either one of the
torrents which cleave the high table-lands of bis
lative hills, or on the west of Jordan, more in the
Ttighborbood of Samaria. [Chbrith.] There in
(be hollow of the torrent-bed he remained, sup-
ported in the miraculous manner with which we
are all familiar, till the failing of the brook obliged
him to forsake it. How long he remained in the
Cherith is uncertain. The Hebrew expression is
simply " at the end of days," nor does Josephus
afford us any more information. A vast deal of
ingenuity has been devoted to explaining away
Elijah's " ravens." The Hebrew word, D' , 2"5^,
Orebim, has been interpreted as " Arabians," as
" merchants," as inhabitants of some neighboring
town of Orbo or Orbi." By others Ehjah has been
neld to have plundered a raven's nest — and this
twice a day regularly for several months! There
is no escape from the plain meaning of the words
— occurring as they do twice, in a passage other-
wise displaying no tinge of the marvellous — or
from the unanimity of all the Hebrew MSS., of
ELIJAH
all the ancient versions, and of Josephus. 6 [Cm
KITH.]
His next refuge was at Zarkphath, a Phoeni-
cian town lying between Tyre and Sidon, certainly
the last place at which the enemy of Baal would be
looked for.' The widow woman in whose house he
lived d seems, however, to have been an Israelite, and
no Baal-worshipper, if we may take her adjuration
by " Jehovah thy God " as an indication.' Here
Ehjah performed the miracles of prolonging the oil
and the meal ; and restored the son of the widow
to life after his apparent death./
Here the prophet is first addressed by the title
which, although occasionally before used to others,
is so frequently applied to Elijah as to become the
distinguishing appellation of himself and his suc-
cessor : " O thou man of God " — " Now I know
that thou art a man of God " (1 K. xvii. 18, 24).
In this, or some other retreat, an interval of
more than two years must have elapsed. The
drought continued, and at last the full horrors of
famine, caused by the failure of the crops, de-
scended on Samaria. The king and his chief do-
mestic officer divide between them the mournful
duty of ascertaining that neither round the springs,
which are so frequent a feature of central Palestine,
nor in the nooks and crannies of the most shaded
torrent-beds, was there any of the herbage left
which in those countries is so certain an indication
of the presence of moisture. No one short of the
two chief persons of the realm could be trusted
with this quest for life or death — " Ahab went
one way by himself, and Obadiah went another
way by himself." It is the moment for the reap-
pearance of the prophet. He shows himself first
to the minister. There, suddenly planted in his
path, is the man whom he and his master have
been seeking for more than three years. " There
is no nation or kingdom," says Obadiah with true
Eastern hyperbole, " whither my lord hath not sent
to seek thee; " and now here be stands when least
expected. Before the sudden apparition of that
wild figure, and that stern, unbroken countenance,
Jerome, quoted by Kennieott, p. 681. See these
Hypotheses brought together in Sell ad lac.
1 This subject is exhausted in a dissertation entitled
Slui torvorum convictor in the Critic* Saeri.
c Ughtfbot quaintly remarks on this that Elijah
was the fire* apostle to the Gentiles.
d The traditional scene of his meeting with the
widow was in a wood to the sooth of the town (Mislln
I. 682, who however does not give his authority). In
the tune of Jerome the spot was marked by a tower
■'Jerome, Ep. Paula). At a later period a church
dedicated to the prophet was erected over the boose
of the widow, in which bis chamber and her kneading-
trough were shown (Anton. Martyr, and Phocas, In
Reland, p. 981). This church was called to xv^ "
[A-ta Sanctorum).
(This mut not be much relied on. Zedeklah, son
of Chenaa-jah, one of Abac's prophets, uses a similar
form of wcrJs, " Thus saith Jehovah " (1 K. xxil. 11).
The apparent inference however from Luke It. 26 is
that she was one of the widows of Israel. In the
Jewish traditions her son was the Messiah (Risen
monger, Enid. Judenth. U. 726).
• "Jehovah thy God" (see just before) suggest!
sssra obviously a difference of worship ind nationality
between the Sareptan widow and the prophet See
Stanley, Jewish Outreh, li. 830. So also the exceptive
il pi), Luke Iv. 26, properly refers to cWp<f>6> and net
oxniyy. i. «., was sent nowhere txcrpi to Saicpta, which
lay out of Israel, and not was sent to none of the
widows In Israel except the one at Sarepta. We bars
the same idiom In ver. 27, where the opposition be-
tween Israelite and foreigner is beyond question.
On this use of rl pi} see especially Fritzscbe on Rom.
xlv. 14. and Meyer on Matt. xil. 4. H.
/ This Is warranted by the expression " his sick-
ness was so sore that there was no breath left in him,"
a form of words not elsewhere found : while lu tils
story of the Shunammlte's son it is distinctly said the
child "died." Josephus's language (vili. 18, § 3)
shows that he did not understand thr child to bars
died. The Jewish tradition, quoted by Jerome, waa
that this boy was the servant who afterwards accom-
panied Elijah, and finally became the prophet Jonah.
(Jerome. Pre f. to Jonah ; and sre the citations from ms
Talmud in Hseumenger, Entd. Jud. 11. 726 >
* That the child's death was real, not apparent, as
stated above, cannot well be questioned. The lan-
guage itself is sufficiently explicit The child's eras-
ing to breathe must mean the same thing as to die
go the Psalmist says: "Thou takest away their
breath, they die " (civ. 29). The two expressions ars
often Interchanged (comp. Gen. vii. 22 ; Josh. xi. 11
Ps. exxrv. 17, oxlvl. 4; E*ek. xxxvil. 10, etc.). Ss
also the prayer of the prophet which follows, suppose
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ELIJAH
Obadiah oould not but fall on hit bee.* Elijah,
however, soon calms bis agitation — "As Jehovah
of hosts liveth, before whom I stand, I will surely
show myself to Ahab; " and thus relieved of his
fear that, as on a former occasion, Ehjah would
disappear before he could return with the king,
Obadiah departs to inform Ahab that the man they
seek is there. Ahab arrived, Elijah makes his
charge — "Thou hast forsaken Jehovah and fol-
lowed the Baals." He then commands that all
Israel be collected to Mount Carmel with the four
hundred and fifty prophets of Baal, and the four
hundred of Asherah (Ashtaroth ), the latter being
under the especial protection of the queen. Why
Mount Carmel, which we do not hear of until now,
was chosen in preference to tbe nearer Ebal or Ger-
lzim, is not evident. Possibly Elijah thought it
wise to remove the place of the meeting to a dis-
tance from Samaria. Possibly in the existence of
the altar of Jehovah (xviii. 30) — in ruins, and
therefore of earlier erection — we have an indica-
tion of an ancient sanctity attaching to the spot.
On the question of the particular part of the ridge
of Carmel, which formed the site of the meeting,
there cannot be much doubt. It is el s e w here ex-
amined. [Carmel.]
There are few more sublime stories in history
than this. On the one hand the solitary servant
of Jehovah, accompanied by his one attendant;
with his wild shaggy hair, bis scanty garb, and
sheep-akin cloak, but with calm dignity of demeanor
and the minutest regularity of procedure, repair-
ing the ruined altar of Jehovah with twelve stones,
according to the number of the twelve founders of
the tribes, and recalling in bis prayer the still
greater names of Abraham, Isaac, and Israel — on
the other hand the 850 prophets of Baal and Ash-
taroth, doubtless in all the splendor of their vest-
ments (2 K. x. 22), with the wild din of their
" vain repetitions " and the maddened fury of their
disappointed hopes, and the silent people surround-
ing all — these things form a picture with which
we are all acquainted, but which brightens into
fresh distinctness every time we consider it. The
conclusion of the long day need only be glanced
at 6 The fire of Jehovah consuming both sacrifice
and altar— the prophets of Baal killed, it would
seem by Ehjah's own hand (xviii. 40) — the king,
with an apathy almost unintelligible, eating and
drinking in the very midst of the carnage of his
that result : " Hast thou also brought evil upon tbe
widow ... by slaying her son?" (1 K. xvtl. 29);
end, "0 Lord, let this child's soul come into him
again" (ver. 21). H
« The expressions of Obadiah, " lord " and " slave,"
show lu> fear of EUJah ; they are those ordinarily
■Me in addressing a potentate.
• The mora so aa the whole of this scene Is admi-
rably drawn out by Stanley (S. $• P. pp. 356, 866).
e Although to some It may seem out of place in a
work of this nature, yet the writer cannot resist re-
ferring to the Oratorio of Elijah by Mendelssohn, one
of the most forcible commentaries existing on the his-
tory of the prophet. Tbe soene in which the occur-
rences at Reer-ahoba, are embodied Is perhaps the most
dramatic and affecting In the whole work.
d TTp?9 b ho* a " messenger " and ar " angel."
ISX. ver.' 6, tw ; and so Jcasphus (vUL 18, J 7).
• *">tu Roltm tnt," Hebrew, IITbjl Q^h. (Not
certainly so emphatic, for the numeral may be ■« our
• or am , m often elMwhers — H.) The Ichotsd mek
45
ELIJAH 706
own adherents — the rising storm — the ride across
the plain to Jezreel, a distance of at least 16 miles;
the prophet, with true Bedouin endurance, running
before the chariot, but also with true Bedouin in-
stinct stopping short of the city, and garng no fur-
ther than the " entrance of Jezreel-"
So far the triumph had been complete; but the
spirit of Jezebel was not to be so easily overcome,
and her first act is a vow of vengeance against the
author of this destruction. " God do so to me,
and more also," so ran her exclamation, " if I make
not thy life as the life of one of them by to-rnor
row about this time." It was no duty of EUJah
to expose himself to unnecessary dangers, and, an
at his first introduction, so now, he takes refuge in
flight. The danger was great, and the refuge must
be distant. The first stage on tbe journey waa
Beer-sheba — " Beer-sheba which belongeth to Jn-
dah," says the narrative, with a touch betraying
its Israelitiah origin. Here, at the ancient haunt
of those fathers of his nation whose memory was
so dear to him, and on the very confines of culti-
vated country, EUjah halted. His servant — ac-
cording to Jewish tradition the boy of Zarephath
— he left in the town ; while he himself set out
alone into the wilderness — the waste uninhabited
region which surrounds the south of Palestine.
The labors, anxieties, and excitement of the last
few days had proved too much even for that iron
frame and that stern resolution. His spirit is quite
broken, and he wanders forth over the dreary sweeps
of those rocky hills wishing for death — "It is
enough ! Lord, let me die, for I am not better than
my fathers." « It is almost impossible not to con-
clude from the terms of the story that he was en-
tirely without provisions for this or any journey.
But God, who had brought his servant into this
difficulty, provided him with the means of escaping
from it Whether we are to take the expression of
the story literally or not is comparatively of little
consequence. In some way little short of mirac-
ulous — it might well seem to the narrator that it
could be by nothing but an angel rf — the prophet
was awakened from his dream of despondency be
neath the solitary bush « of the wilderness, was fed
with the bread and the water which to this day an
all a Bedouin's requirements,/ and went forward,
" in the strength of that food," a journey of forty
days "to the mount of God, even to Horeb."
opposite the gate of the Greek convent, Drir Mar
Sli/as, between Jerusalem and Bethlehem, which. Is
now shown to travellers as the spot on which the
prophet rested on this occasion (Bonar ; Porter, Kami,
book, Jtc), appears at an earlier date not to' have
been so restricted, but was believed to be the plate
on which he was "accustomed to sleep " (Sandys* Ub.
ill. p. 176 ; Haundrell, Bar. Trav. p. 466), and the
site of the convent as that where he was born (Geys-
fbrde, 1506, in Bonar, p. 117). Neither the older nor
the later story can be believed ; but it is possible that
they may have originated hi some more trustworthy
tradition of his having rested here oo his southward
Journey, In all probability taken along this very route.
See a curious statement by Quarestnlus of tbe extent
to which the rock had bean defaced In hi* own flow
" by the piety or Impiety " of the Christian pilgrim*.
(Etucutatio, 11. 606 ; eomp. Doubdan, Voyage, fcc, p
144.)
/ The LXX. adds to the description the only touch
wanting in the Hebrew text — "a cake of meal''-.
oAspfrat.
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706 ELIJAH
Hare, to " the cars," « one of the numerous aroma
to thon awful mountain*, perhaps some traditional
sanctuary of that hallowed region, at any rate well
known — he remained for certainly one * night In
the morning came the " word of Jehovah " — the
question, " What doest thou here, Elijah ? Driven
by what hard necessity dost thou seek this spot on
which the glory of Jehovah has in former times
been so signally shown? " In answer to this in-
vitation the prophet opens his griefs. He has been
very zealous for Jehovah ; but force has been vain ;
one cannot stand against a multitude; none follow
him, and he is left alone, flying for his life from
the sword which has slain his brethren. The reply
comes in that ambiguous and indirect form in
which it seems necessary that the deepest commu-
nications with the human mind should be couched,
to be effectual. He is directed to leave toe cavern
and stand on the mountain in the open air (tit to
owcufoor, Josephus), Sue to face OS??) with Je-
hovah. Then, as before with Moses (Ex. xxxiv.
«), "The Lord passed by; " passed in all the ter-
ror of his most appalling manifestations. The
fierce wind tore the solid mountains and shivered
the granite cliffs of Sinai; the earthquake crash
reverberated through the defiles of those naked
valleys; the fire burnt in the incessant Waxe of
eastern lightning. Like these, in their degree,
bad been Elijah's own modes of procedure, but
the conviction is now forced upon him that in none
of these is Jehovah to be known. Then, penetrat-
ing tho dead silence which followed these mani-
festations, came the fourth mysterious symbol —
the " still small voice." What sound this was,
whether articulate voice or not, we cannot even
conjecture; but low and still as it was it spoke in
fonder accents to the wounded heart of Elijah than
the roar and blaze which had preceded it. To
bin no less unmistakably than to Moses, centuries
before, it was proclaimed that Jehovah was " mer-
ciful and gracious, long-suffering and abundant in
grodness and truth." EUjah knew the call, and
at once stepping forward and hiding his face in his
mantle, stood waiting for the Divine communica-
tion. It is in the same words as before, and so is
bin answer; but with what different force must the
question have fallen on his ears, and the answer
left his lips! " Before his entrance to the cave, he
was comparatively a novice; when he left it he was
an initiated man. He had thought that the earth-
quake, the fire, the wind, must be the great wit-
.waeee of the Lord. But he was not in them ,- not
they, hut the still small voice bad that awe in it
-fhirh forced the prophet to cover his face with his
« The Hebrew word has the article, rT^TTpn ; and
•o too the LXX., re trwqkcuoy. The cave Is now shown
,( in the secluded plain below the hlghwt point of
Jtbel Mojo;" "a hole Just large enough for a man's
bodv," beside the altar in the chapel of Elijah (Stan-
ley. X If P. p. 48; Bob. 1. 10S, 2d ed.|.
» Hebrew, "\">\ A. V. " lodge ; " but in Got. xlx.
X, accurately, " tarry all night."
c The words of the text are somewhat obscured in
the A. V. They bear testimony at once to the solid
pocHJoo of Eliaha, and to the extent of the arable soil
ef the spot. Aocordlng to the Masoretic punctuation
the passage Is * " And he departed thence, and found
etteha the son of Shaphat, who was ploughing. Twelve
"4» wen before htm (#. e. either 12 ploughs were
I hlro with his servants, or 12 yoke of land were
ELIJAH
mantle. What a conclusion of al the past hkl
tory! What an interpretation of its meaning!'
(Maurice, Prophett and Kingt, p. 136). Not is
the persecutions of Ahab and Jezebel, nor in tot
slaughter of the prophets of Baal, but in the 7000
unknown worshippers who had not bowed the knee
to Baal, was the assurance that Elijah was not
alone as he had seemed to be.
Three commands were bud on him — three
changes were to be made. Instead of Ben-hadad,
Hazael was to be king of Syria ; instead of Ahab,
Jehu the son of Nimshi was to be king of Israel.
and Elisha the son of Shaphat was to be bis own
successor. Of these three commands the two first
were reserved for Elisha to accomplish, the last
only was executed by Elijah himself. It would
almost seem as if his late trials had awakened in
him a yearning for that affection and compeuion
ship which had hitherto been denied him. Hu
first search was for Elisha. Apparently he soon
found him ; we must conclude at his native place,
Abet-meholah, probably somewhere about the centre
of the Jordan valley. [A bel-meholah.] Elisha
was ploughing at the time,* and EUjah " passed
over to him " — possibly crossed the ri . er * — and
cast his mantle, the well-known sheep skin cloak,
upon him, as if, by that familiar ' action, claiming
him for his son. A moment of hesitation — but
the call was quickly accepted, and then commenced
that long period of service and intercourse which
continued tin Elijah's removal, and which after
that time procured for Elisha one of his best titles
to esteem and reverence — " Elisha the son of Sha-
phat, who poured water on the hands of Elijah."
2. Ahab and Jezebel now probably believed that
their threats had been effectual, and thst they had
seen the last of their tormentor. At any rate this
may be inferred from the events of chap. xxi.
Foiled in his wish to acquire Use ancestral plot of
ground of Naboth by the refusal of that sturdy
peasant to alienate the inheritance of his fathers,
Ahab and Jezebel proceed to possess themselves
of it by main force, and by a degree of monstrous
injustice which shows clearly enough how far the
elders of Jezreel had forgotten the laws of Jehovah
how perfect was their submission to the will of
their mistress. At her orders Naboth is falsely
accused of blaspheming God ant tbe king, is with
his sons/ stoned and killed, and his vineyard then
— as having belonged to a criminal — becomes at
once tbe property of the king. [Naboth.]
Ahab loses no time to entering on his new ac-
quisition. Apparently the very next day after the
execution he proceeds in his chariot to take pi ss es
already ploughed), and he was with the last" [Bet
note under Klisra, p. 714.}
<* The word is that always employed for etaasbf
the Jordan.
« See also Ruth Ul. 4-14. Bwald, AllerlMUmrr, p.
191, note. A trace of a similar custom survive* m
the German word ManuMtul.
/ " The blood of Naboth and the blood of Us sons '
(2 K. ix. 28 ; oomp. Josh. vil. 24). From another ex-
pression In this vers* — yrsteratgai (tTQ^?, * v
" yesterday "), we may perhaps conclude that Use s
later trial on a similar charge, also supported by two
nds* wt l a u ssis — the trial of our Lord— It was eon
ducted at night. Tbs same word — yesternight -»
prompts the Inference that Ahab'a visit and eneocalsi
with Elijah happened on the very day following the
murder.
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ELIJAH
■on of the coveted vineyard. Behind him, prob-
ibly in the back put of the chariot, ride his two
■ages Jehu and Bidkar (2 K. ix. 26). Bat the
xhnnph was a short one. Enjah had received an
atimation from Jehovah of what was taking place,
and rapidly as the accusation and death of Naboth
had been hurried over, he was there to meet his
ancient enemy, and as an enemy he does meet him
— as David went out to meet' Goliath — on the
very scene of his crime; suddenly, wbm least ex-
pected and least wished far, he confronts the mis-
erable king. And then follows the curse, in terms
fearful to any Oriental — peculiarly terrible to a
jaw — and, most of all, significant to a successor
of the apostate princes of the northern kingdom —
"I will take away thy posterity ; I will cut off from
thee even thy very dogs; I will make thy house
like that of Jeroboam and Baasha; thy blood shall
be shed in the same spot where the blood of thy
victims was shed last night; thy wife and thy
children shall be torn in this very garden by the
wild dogs of the city, or as common carrion de-
voured by the birds of the sky " — the large
vultures which in eastern climes are always wheel-
ing along under the clear blue sky, and doubtless
suggested the expression to the prophet. How tre-
mendous was this scene we may gather from the
fact that after the lapse of at least 20 years Jehu
was able to recall the very words of the prophet's
burden, to which he and his companion had list-
ened as they stood behind their master in the
chariot. The whole of Elijah's denunciation may
possibly be recovered by putting together the words
recalled by Jehu, 3 K. ix. 36, 36, 37, and those
given in 1 K. xxi. 19-36.
3. A space of three or four yean now elapses
(comp. 1 K. xxil. 1, xxii. 61; 8 K. i. 17), before
we again catch a glimpse of Elijah. The denun-
ciations uttered in the vineyard of Naboth have
been partly fulfilled. Ahab is dead, and his son
and successor, Ahaziah, has met with a fatal acci-
dent, and is on his death-bed, after a short and
troubled reign of less than two years (3 K. i. 1, 2;
1 K. xxii. 61). In his extremity he sends to an
oracle or shrine of Baal at the Philistine town of
Ekron to ascertain the issue of his illness. But
the oracle is nearer at hand than the distant Ekron.
An intimation is conveyed to the prophet, probably
at that time inhabiting one of the r ece sses of Car-
tas], and, as on the former occasions, be suddenly
appears on the path of the messengers, without
preface or inquiry utters his message of death, and
as rapidly disappears. The tone of his words is as
national on this aa on any former occasion, and, as
before, they are authenticated by the name of Je-
hovah — " Thus saith Jehovah, Is it because there
is no God in Israel that ye go to inquire of Baal-
atbub, god of Ekron?" The messengers returned
to the long too soon to have accomplished their
mission. They were possibly strangers; at any
late they were ignorant of the name of the man
«ho had thus interrupted their journey. But his
appearance had fixed itself in their minds, and their
fcscription at once told Ahaziah, who must have
ELIJAH
707
« The Hebrew worl Is the same.
* See p. 708, note b.
<• ~)n?l (2 K. 1. »), A. V., inaccurately, "an
»m.» TT
d •This passage prese n ts a very interesting prob-
«n In textual criticism, which It may be proper to
•site, though Its lull discussion would her" Be out
seen the prophet about his father's court or has*
beard him described in the harem, who it was that
had thus reversed the favorable oracle which he
was hoping for from Ekron. The " hairy man "
— the " ford of hair," so the Hebrew reading <> rune
— with a belt of rough skin round his loins, who
came and went in this secrr! inanner, and uttered
his fierce words in the name of the God of Israel,
could tie no other than the old enemy of his father
and mother, Elijah the Tishbite. But ill as he was
this check only roused the wrath of Ahaziah, and,
with the spirit of his mother, he at once seized the
opportunity of possessing himself of the person of
the man who had been for so long the evil genius
of bis house. A captain was despatched, with a
party of fifty, to take Elijah, prisoner. He was
sitting [perhaps = " dwelt"] on the top of "the
mount," c i. e. probably of Carmel [comp. 2 K. ii
25]. The officer approached and addressed the
prophet by the title which, as before noticed, is
most frequently applied to him and Eliaha — " C
man of God, the king hath spoken: come down.'
" And EUjah answered and said, If I be a man of
God, then let fire come down from heaven and con-
sume thee and thy fifty ! And there came down
fire from heaven and consumed him and his fifty."
A second party was sent, only to meet the same
fate. The altered tone of the leader of a third
party, and the assurance of God that his servant
need not fear, brought EUjah down. But the king
gained nothing. The message was delivered to hie
face in the same words as it had been to the mes-
sengers, and Elijah, so we must conclude, was al-
lowed to go harmless. This was his last interview
with the house of Ahab. It was also his last re-
corded appearance in person against the Baal-wor-
shippers.
Following as it did on Elijah's previous course
of action, this event must hare been a severe blow
to the enemies of Jehovah. But impressive as it
doubtless was to the contemporaries of the prophet,
the story posse sse s a far deeper significance for us
than it could have had for them. While it is
most characteristic of the terrors of the earlier dis-
pensation under which men were then living, it is
remarkable as having served to elicit from the
mouth of a greater than even Elijah an exposition,
no leas characteristic, of the distinction between
that severe rule and the gentler dispensation which
He came to introduce. It was when our I-ord and
his disciples were on their journey through this
very district, from Galilee to Jerusalem, and when
smarting from the churlish inhoepitality of some
Samaritan villagers, that — led to it by the distant
view of the heights of Carmel, or, perhaps, by some
traditional name on the road — the impetuous zeal
of the two '• sons of thunder " burst forth — " Lord,
wilt thou that we command fire to come down from
heaven and consume them, even aa EUjah did ? "
But they little knew the Master they addressed.
" He turned and rebuked them, and said, Ye know
not what manner of spirit ye are of. For the Son
of Han is not come to destroy men's lives, but to
save them " (Luke ix. 61-66 V As if be had said,
of placa. The words following " Be turned and -*-
baked them" (from "and said" to "save them" in-
elusive, though so appropriate to the occasion and in
every respect so worthy of our Lord, are wanting in a
large majority of the most important manuscript)
(namely, ABCBOHL8VXAK and the Stoalue;
and in other leading aathor'aee for the settienw-t of
the text. Thsy are accordingly rejected by '—•»■— — ■
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70S
ELIJAH
« Ye an mistaking and confounding the dilftnsit
standing points of the Old and New Covenants;
taking jour stand upon the Old — that of an
avenging righteousness, when you should rqoioe
to take it upon the New — that of a forgiving love"
(Trench, Miradu, eh. iv.).
4. It must have been shortly after the death of
Ahaziah that Elijah made a oommunication with
the southern kingdom. It is the only one of which
any record remains, and its mention is the first and
last time that the name of the prophet appears in
the books of Chronicles. Mainly devoted as these
books are, to the affairs of Judah, this is not sur-
prising. The alliance between his enemy Ahab
and Jehoshaphat cannot have been unknown to the
prophet, and it must have made him regard the
proceedings of the kings of Judah with more than
ordinary interest. When, therefore, Jehoram, the
eon of Jehoshaphat, woo had married the daughter
of Ahab, began " to walk in the ways of the kings
of Israel, as did the bouse of Ahab, and to do that
which was evil in the sight of Jehovah," Elijah
sent him a letter" denouncing his evil doings, and
predicting his death (2 Chr. xzi. 19-15). This
letter has been considered as a great difficulty, on
the ground that Ebjah's removal must hare taken
place before the death of Jehoshaphat (from the
terms of the mention of Eiisha in 8 K. iii. 11), and
therefore before the accession of Joram to the
throne of Judah. But admitting that Ehjah had
been translated before the expedition of Jehosh-
aphat against Moab, it does not follow that Joram
was not at that time, and before his father's death,
king of Judah, Jehoshaphat occupying himself
during the last six or seven years of his life in
going about the kingdom (2 Chr. xix. 4-11), and
hi conducting some important wars, amongst others
Tlschendorf, and Tregellee, though defended by Al-
ford, and, as fttr as ver. 66 Is concerned, by Meyer and
Bleek. who explain their omission by the supposition
-.hat the eye of the copyist psssed from KAIEin«v to
KAIEnopnieV™. Th " 68 th Terw (so flu- as quoted
above) which Is wanting in D and a very tew other
documents which contain the rest of the words In
question, Is rejected by meet critics, though the au-
thorities which support it are substantially the same
with those which contain ver. 66. Farther, the words
it ni "HAi'm brotV*, "even u Bias did," In ver. 64,
which an wanting in B L S and the Sinaltle MS., also
tn the Curetontan Syrlao. Vulgate, and Armenian var-
4ons, and some MSB. of the Old Latin and Coptic, are
likewise rejected by Teschendorf and TregeUes, accord-
ing to whom the whole passage as originally written
reads thus : " Lord, wilt thou that we command lire
to come down from heaven and destroy them T But
he turned and rebuked them ; and they went to an-
other village."
The whole question is discussed by Mr. Norton in
his Evidences of the Ornaments* of ths Gospel* In a
very able and rnssraetive note (vol. i. pp. lxxx.-
uarxvil., Sd ed. Boston, 1846). Though concluding
that the words hi question (t did not make a part of
toe original text of Luke's Gospel," he goes on to re-
mark:—
n But, on the other hand, the words carry with them
strong Intrinsic proof that they were spoken by Jesus.
Nor can we imagine any reason why, if not uttered
by him, they should have been invented and ascribed
tO h* m
" In this state of the case, the only solution of the
appsar a nees that present themselves seems to be, that
the words ascribed to our Lord were spoken by him,
mat they were preserved in the memories of those
*ho hesr4 him, and communicated by them to others,
ELIJAH
that in question against Moab, while Jot
concerned with the more central affairs of ths gov-
ernment (2 K. Ui. 7, Ao.). That Jotam began te
reign during the lifetime of his father Jehosbaphsl
is stated in 2 K. viii. 16. According to one reconl
(2 K. i. 17), which immediately precedes the ac-
count of Elijah's last acts on earth, Joram was
actually on ths throne of Judah at the* time of
Kigali's interview with Ahaziah; and though this
is modified by the statement* of other places » (2
K. iii. 1, viii. IS), yet it is not invalidated, and the
conclusion is almost inevitable, as stated above,
that Joram ascended the throne some years before
the death of his father. [See Joram ; Jkkosha-
fhat; Judah. J In its contents the letter bean s
strong resemblance to the speeches of EUjah,- while
in the details of style it is very peculiar, and quits
different from the narrative in which it is imbedded
(Bertheau, C/irvnUc, ad loc.).
6. The closing transaction of Ebjah's life intro-
duces us to a locality heretofore unconnected with
him. Hitherto we have found him in the neigh-
borhood of Samaria, Jezreel, Cannel, only leaving
these northern places on actual emergency, but
we now find him on the frontier of the two king-
doms, at the holy city of Bethel, with the sons
of the prophets at Jericho, and in the valley of the
Jordan (2 K. ii. 1, Ac.).
It was at UlLOAL— probably not the ancient
place of Joshua and Samuel, but another of the
same name still surviving on the western edge of
the bills of Ephraim •» — that the prophi t received
the divine intimation that his departure was at
hand. He was at the time with Eiisha, who seems
now to hare become his constant companion. Per-
haps his old love of solitude returned upon him
perhaps he wished to spare his friend the pain of
and that, not having been recorded by Luke, they
were first written In the margin, and then introduced
into the text of his Oospel."
The state of the external testimony Is such, that he
further supposes " that the account of the words of
our Lord and his disciples was not Introduced in a
complete form at once; but that the text owes Its
present state to marginal additions made at three dif-
ferent times : first, the words, ' As Elijah did,' being
written down, ss these are wanting In the smallest
number of manuscripts, then those first spoken by on
Lord, and then his remaining words." A.
a SJJI^l?, "» writing" [A. v.], almost Mantieal
with the word used In Arable at the present day. The
ordinary Hebrew word for a letter Is Sepher, "lpP,
a book.
* The second statement of Jehoram's secess ion to
Israel (tn 2 K. UI. 1) seems inserted there to make ths
subsequent narrative more complete. Its posttton
there, subsequent to the story of Elijah's departure
has probably assisted the ordinary belief in the dtnV
culiy in question.
c The sneient Jewish commentator* gat over ths
apparent difficulty by saying that she letter was writ-
ten and sent after Elijah's translation. Others be-
lieved that it was the production of EUsfaa, for whoss
name that of Elijah had been substituted by copyists.
The first of these requires no answer. To the second,
the severity of Its tone, as above noticed, is a sufficient
reply. Josephus (Ant. Ix. 6, } 2) says that the letter
wss sent while Elijah was still on earth. (See Light,
foot, CkromeU, fee., "Jehoram." Other theories wii.
be found In Fabrlcius, Cod. Psutdepig. L 1076, as*
Otho, Lex. Ratio, p. 167.)
i The grounds for this lnsanoee sie given easts
Eusxa (p. 718). Bee also Gnou.
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ELIJAH
M> sodden parting; in either cue he endeavors to
lentutde Eli»h» to remain behind while he goes on
in errand of Jehovah. " Tarry here, I pray thee,
'or Jehorah hath tent me to Bethel." Bat Eliiha
will not ao easily gin np hit matter, — "A* Jeho-
vah liveth and aa thy soul liveth I will not leave
thee." They went together to Bethel." The
event which was about to happen had apparently
been communicated to the sons of the prophets at
Bethel, and they inquire if Elisha knew of his im-
pending lots. His answer shows how fully he was
aware of it •> Yea," says be, with all the empha-
sis possible, " indeed / do » know it, hold ye your
peace." But though impending, it was not to
happen that day. Again Elijah attempts to escape
to Jericho, and again Elisha protests that he will
not be separated from him. Again, also, the sons
of the prophets at Jericho make the same un-
necessary inquiries, and again he replies as em-
phatically as before. Ehjah makes a final effort to
amid what they both so much dread. "Tarry
here, I pray thee, for Jehorah hath tent me to the
Jordan." Bnt Elisha is not to be conquered, and
tlie two set off across the indulating plain of burn-
ing sand, to the distant river, — Elijah in bis
mantle or cape of sheep-skin, Elisha in ordinary
clothes ("TJ3, ver. 19). Fifty men of the sons of
the prophets ascend the abrupt heights behind the
town — the tame to which a late tradition would
attach the soene of our Lord's temptation — and
whioh command the plain below, to watch with the
clearness of eastern vision what happens in the
distance. Talking as they go, the two reach the
river, and stand on the shelving bank beside ita
swift brown current. But they are not to stop
even here. It is aa if the aged Gileadite cannot
rest till be again acta foot on bit own tide of the
river. He rolls up c bis mantle aa into a staff, and
with hiaold energy strikes the waters aa Moats had
done before him — strikes them aa if they were an
enemy: d and they are divided hither and thither,
and they two go over on dry ground. What fol-
lows is beat told In the simple words of the nar-
rative. " And it came to paaa when they were •
gone over, that Elijah said to Elisha, Aak what I
shall do for thee, before I be taken away from thee.
EUJAH
70S
o The Hebrew word " went down " Is a serious dif-
ficulty, if Oilgal is taken to be the site of Joshua's
camp and the resting-place of the ark, atoce that Is
mora than 8000 feet below Bethel. But this is avoided
by adopting the other Oilgal to the N. W. of Bethel,
and on still higher ground, which also preserves the
sequence of the Journey to Jordan. (See Stanley, 5.
4* P. p. 806, note.) Some considerations in favor of
this adoption will be found under Euni.
» *F(fV "Oyni-'-Also I know Itj" Kiyi,
' B?3. The above is quite the force of the word.
d The word is 7133, used of smiting in battle ;
generally with the sense of wounding (Oesen. p. 883).
• IiXX. " Aa they were going over," h ry Sui-
tercu.
r The statements of the text hardly give support
to the usual conception of Kujah's departure as repre-
sented by painters and in popular discourses. It was
jot in the chariot of Are that he went up Inw the
sties. The fire served to part the master from the
Hsetple, to show that the severance had arrived, but
i up by the fierce w!nd of the tempest.
the wen* ITJSC involves no idea of aaewanv, and
And Elisha said, I pray thee let a double portion
of thy spirit be upon me. And he said, Thou bast
asked a bard thing: if thou see me taken from
thee, it shall be ao onto thee, but if not, it ahao
not be ao. And it came to paaa at they still went
on, and talked, that, behold, a chariot of fire ana
hones of fire, and parted them both asunder, and
Elijah went up by the whirlwind into the aides." -
Well might Elisha cry with bitterness,* " M;
father, my father! " He was gone who, to the die
cerning eye and loving heart of his disciple, bac
been "the chariot of Israel and the horsemen
thereof" for so many years ; and Elisha was at last
left alone to carry on a task to which he must often
have looked forward, but to which in this moment
of grief he may well have felt unequal. He saw
him no more; but hit mantle had fallen, and_ thi»
he took up — at once a personal relic and a symbol
of the double portion of the spirit of Eujah with
which he was to be clothed. Little could be hare
realized, had it been then presented to him, that he
whose greatest claim to notice was that he bad
"poured water on the hands of Elijah" should
hereafter possess an influence which had been de-
nied to his master — should, Instead of the terror
of kings and people, be their benefactor, adviser,
and friend, and that over his death-bed a king of
Israel should be found to lament with the same
words that bad just burst from him on the de-
parture of bit stern and silent master, "My
father, my father, the chariot of Israel and the
horsemen thereof! "
And here ends all the direct information which
it vouchsafed to us of the life and work of this great
prophet Truly he " stood up aa a fire, and hit
word burnt aa a lamp " (Eccnia. xlvili. 1). How
deep was the impression which be made on the
mind of the nation may be judged of from the
fixed belief which many centuries after prevailed,
that Elijah would again appear for the relief and
restoration of his country. The prophecy of Malachi
(Iv. 8)* waa possibly at once a cause and an illus-
tration of the strength of this belief. What it had
grown to at the time of our lord's birth, and how
continually the great prophet was present to the
expectations of the people, we do not need the
evidence of the Talmud to assure us,' it is patent
la frequently rendered In the A. V. " storm " or " tece-
peat" The term "the skies" has been employed
above to translate the Hebrew D^QVt7* because we
attach an idea to the word " heaven " which does not
appear to have been present to the mind of the an-
cient Hebrews. [The word, among Its other senses,
often denotes the place of God's abode, and may very
properly be so understood here. Indeed, that mean-
ing only agrees with 2 K. U. 1, and with the general
tenor of the narrative. — H.)
* P?S, the word need amongst others tor the
" great and bitter cry " when the first-born were
killed in Egypt
a The expression in Malachi is " Elijah the prophet"
From this unusual title some have believed that another
EUJa> was Intended. The LXX., however, either M-
lowiug a different Hebrew text from that which we
possess, or falling in with the belief of their tunes,
Insert the usual designation, ''the Tishbite." (See
Ughtfoot, Bzntit. on Luke i. 17.)
t He is recorded as having often appeared to the
wue and good rabbis — at pmyer in the wilderness,
or on their journeys — genera!) v In the form ot an
Arabian merchant (Bcenmenger, 1. 11, 1. Wt-7). Ai
tht jlrcumcMon of a child a seat was always rtintf
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710 ELIJAH
3D every [age of the Gospels. Each remarkable
person, as be arrhea on the scene, be bis habits aud
characteristics what the; may — the stern John
equally with bis gentle Successor — is proclaimed
to be EUjah (Matt. xvi. 14; Mark vi. 16; John i.
81). His appearance in glory on the Mount of
Transfiguration does not seem to have startled the
disciples. They were " sore afraid," but not ap-
parently surprised. On the contrary, St. Peter
immediately proposes to erect a tent for the prophet
whose arrival they had been so long expecting.
[See Transfiouratiok, Amer. ed.] Even the
cry of our Lord from the cross, containing as it
did but a slight resemblance to the name of EUjah,
immediately suggested biro to the bystanders. " He
calleth for EUjah." " Let be, let us see if EUjah
will come to save him."
How far this expectation was fulfilled in John,
and the remarkable agreement in the characteristics
of these two men, will be considered under John
the Baptist.
But on the other hand, the deep impression
which EUjah bad thus made on his nation only
renders more remarkable the departure which the
image conveyed by the later references to him
evinces, from that so sharply presented in the
records of his actual life. With the exception
of the eulogiums contained in the catalogues of
worthies in the book of Jesus the son of Sirach
(xlviii.) and 1 Mace ii. 68, and the passing allusion
in Luke ix. 54, none of these later references allude
to his works of destruction or of portent. They all
set forth a very different side of his character to
that brought out in the historical narrative. They
apeak of bis being a man of like passions with our-
selves (James t. 17); of his kindness to the widow
of Sarepta (Luke Iv. 26); of his "restoring all
things" (Matt. xvii. 11); "turning the hearts of
the fathers to the children, and the disobedient to
the wisdom of the just " (Mai ir. 5,6; Luke i. 17).
The moral lessons to be derived from these facts
must be expanded elsewhere than here; it will be
sufficient hi this place to call attention to the great
differences which may exist between the popular
and contemporary view of an eminent character,
and the real settled judgment formed in the prog-
ress of time, when the excitement of bis more
brilUant but more evanescent deeds has passed away.
Precious indeed are the scattered hints and faint
touches which enable us thus to soften the haah
fttr him, that a* the zealous champion and messenger
of the n covenant " of circumcision (1 K. xix. 14 ; Mai.
Hi. 1) be might watch over the doe performance of the
rite. During certain prayers the door of the house
was set open that Elijah might enter and announce
the Messiah (Eisenmenger, 1. 686). His coming will
.» three days before that of the Messiah, and on eaeh
of the three be will proclaim, in a voice which shall
be heard all over the earth, peace, happiness, salva-
tion, respectively (Hsenmanger, 1L 696). 8o Ann was
the conviction of his speedy arrival, that when goods
were found and no owner appeared to claim them, the
sommon saying was, " Put them by till EUjah comes "
Ughtfbot, Ezmit. Matt xvii. 10 ; John 1. 21). The
same customs and expressions are even still In use
among the stricter Jews of this and other countries.
(Bee Revut da deux Monde; xxlv. 181, fto.) [See also
he art Eliaku In Hamburger's Real-Bncyd. f. Bibtl
* Talmud. — A.)
• On this subject there is an essay entitled Dtr
IVajisw JDta in dtr Legend; in Franker* Monau-
*wyt/ Back d Judentimmt, 1868, xtt. 241 B., 281
t Iks writer wMdss the legends into tone periods :
ELIJAH
outlines or the discordant coloring of the i
picture. In the present instance they are peculiarly
so. That wild figure, that stem voice, those deeds
of blood, which stand out in such startling relief
from the pages of the old records of EUjab, are sees
by us all silvered over with the " white and glister-
ing " light of the Mountain of Transfiguration.
When he last stood on the soil of his native Uilead *
he was destitute, afflicted, tormented, wandering
about " in abeep-skius and goat-skins, in deserts
and mountains, and dens aud caves of the earth."
But these things hare passed away into the dis-
tance, and with them has receded the fiery seal, the
destructive wrath, which accompanied them. Under
that heavenly Ught they fall back into their proper
proportions, and Ahab and JezebeL Baal and Aeh-
tarath are forgotten, as we listen to the prophet
talking to our Lord — talking of that event « hich
was to be the consummation of all that he had
suffered and striven for — "talking of his decease
which he should accomplish at Jerusalem."
EUjah has been canonised in both the Greek and
Latin churches. Among the Greeks Mar ElgAi
is the patron of elevated spots, and many s con-
spicuous summit in Greece is called by bis name.'
The service for bis day — 'HAias jurvoAan^s —
will be found in the Mtnaion on July 20, a date
recognized by the Latin church also." The convent
bearing bis name, Ddr Mar Kly&t, between Jeru-
salem and Bethlehem, is well known to travellers
in the Holy I .and. It purports to be situated on
the spot of his birth, as already observed. Other
convents bearing his name once existed in Pales-
tine: in Jebtl AjUm, the ancient Gilead (Hitter,
Syrien, pp. 1029, 1066, Ac.); at htra in the
Hattr&n (Burckhardt, Syria, p. 69), and the mora
famous establishment on Carmel.
It is as connected with the great order of the
barefooted Carmelites that EUjah is celebrated in
the Latin church. According to the statements of
the breviary (Off'. B. Maria I'trgmu de Monte
Carmtlo, JulH 16) the connection arose from the
dedication to the Virgin of a chapel on the spot
from which EUjah saw the cloud (an accepted type
of the Virgin Mary) rise out of the sea. But other
legends trace the origin of the order to the great
prophet himself as the head of a society of ancho-
rites inhabiting Carmel; and even as himself dedi-
cating the chapel in which he worshipped to the
Virgin ! d These things are matters of controversy
the first, of pure Messianic expectation, closes with
the Mishna ; the second, in which EUjah is represented
u taking part in human aflairi even before his Mte-
sianio coming, closes with the Talmud ; in the third
the legends reach the height of extravagance. On the
Jewish expectations in regard to Elijah in the time of
Christ see Norton's note on Matt. xi. 10 ( Tranelat.on
of the Qotpels, n. 111-118); Bertholdt, Chriuol. p. fig
ft. Most of the Christian fcthers believed that EUJak
would be the precursor of Christ at his eecond coming ;
see Sukwr's TKu. i. 1818, also 882-8, and Stuart's
Camm. on the Apocalypse, 11. 221 ff. A.
a See the considerations adduced by Stanley (S. f
P. [p. 892, Amer. ed.]) In favor of the Mountain
of the Transfiguration being on the east of Jordan.
[See RzsjfO!) ; Tiboi.)
6 See this ftwt noticed in Clark's Pttoponnesut and
Mono, p. 190.
e See the Acta Sanctorum, July SO. By Cornelius
a Lapide it is maintained that his ascent happens*
on that day, in the 19th year of Jehoshaphat (Kail
p. 881).
d S. John of Jerusalem, is quoted by MMm, Uem
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ELIJAH
Ik* Roman church, Baronius ai£ othen having
' prowl that the order wu founded in 1131, a date
which ia repudiated by the Carmelites (tee extract*
In Fabrieius, Cod. Pteudepigr. i. 1077).
In the Mohammedan traditions /ty&s is said to
hare drank of the Fountain of life, " by virtue
of which he still lives, and will live to the day of
Judgment." He is by some confounded with St.
George and with the mysterious tt-Kkidr, one of
the most remarkable of the Muslim saints (see
line's Arabian Nights, in trod, note 2; also .Sefco
tiotu/rom the Km an, 221, 222). The Persian
Softs are said to trace themselves back to Elgah
(Fabrieius, i. 1077).
Among other traditions it must not be omitted
that the words " Eye bath not seen," <Vc., 1 Cor.
U. 9, which are most probably quoted by the Apostle
from Isaiah lziv. 4, were, according to an ancient
belief, from " the Apocalypse, or mysteries of
Elijah," rd 'H\la iro/epwpa. The first mention
of this appears to be [by] Urigen (Horn, on Matt,
xxvii. 9), and it is noticed with disapproval by Je-
rome, ad Pammachium (see Fabrieius, i. 1072).
By Epiphanius, the words " awake, thou that
steepest," Ac., Eph. v. 14, are inaccurately alleged
to be quoted " from Elyah," i. t. the portion of
the O. T. containing his history — napa re? 'HAia.
(comp. Bom. xi. 2).
• Two monographs on EUjah must not be over-
looked: (1) that of Frischmuth, De Elias Prophette
Worn., d-c., in the Critici Saeri; and (2) EUa$
Thesbites, by ^Egidius Camartus, 4to, Paris, 1631.
There are also dissertations of great interest on
the ravens, the mantle, and Neboth, in the Critici
Saeri. G.
* The Biblical facts relating to Elijah, accom-
panied with suggestive remarks on his character
and the significance of his ministry, have been
wrought into an interesting form by Mr. Stanley,
in the second volume of his Lectures on the Hisimy
of the Jewish Church (p. 321 ff), published since
the preceding article was written. It is difficult to
represent the composition by any single extract;
but the following scene, that of the coming tempest
u descried from the top of Carmel, and the flight
of the prophet to Jezreel, is described with remark-
able truthfulness and beauty: " At ' the top of the
mountain,' but on a tower declivity (see 1 K. xviii.
43, 44), Eujah bent himself down, with bis head, in
the oriental attitude of entire abstraction, placed be-
tween his knees; whilst his attendant boy mounted
to the highest point of all, whence, over the western
ridge, there •< a wide view of the Mediterranean
sea. The sun must have been now gone down.
But the cloudless sky would he lit up by the long
bright glow which succeeds an eastern sunset.
Seven times the youthful watcher [Elijah's attend-
ut] ascended and looked ; and seven times ' there
■ras nothing.' The sky was still clear; the sea was
HU calm. At last, out of the far horizon there
nose a little cloud, the first that for days and
months had passed across the heavens; and it grew
Sriatt, U. 49 ; and the Bulls of various Popes enu-
merated by Quarannlos, vol. U.
a • This running of the prophet befbie the king's
harlot, at the top of his speed, a distance of 12 miles
tcross the plain from Carmel to Jesrssl is mm unlike
4hat la still practiced hi the Kast by runners who
:rsee<le persons of rank as a mark of homage or as
ssrt of the official equipage. See a striking Illustra-
tes of this in Thomson's Land and Book, li. 237.
H.
KLIM 711
in the deepening shades of evening, and quickly the
whole sky was overcast, and the forests of Carraal
shook in the welcome sound of those mighty winds
which in eastern regions precede a coming tempest.
Each from his separate height, the King and the
Prophet descended. The cry of the boy from bis
mountain watch had hardly been uttered when the
storm broke upon the plain, and the torrent of
Kishon began to swell. The King had not a mo-
ment to lose, lest he should be unable to reach
Jezreel. He mounted his chariot at the foot of the
hill. And EUjah was touched as by a supporting
hand: and he snatched up his streaming mantle
and twisted it round his loins, and amidst the
rushing storm with which the nigbt closed in, he
outstripped even the speed of the royal horses, and
' ran before the chariot ' " — as the Bedouins of his
native Gilead would still run — with inexhaustible
strength, to the entrance of Jezreel, distant, though
visible, from the scene of his triumph."
The history and character of Elijah have furnished
numerous texts for homiletic uses. Of the writers
who hare applied the teachings of the narrative in
this maimer may be mentioned Gottfried Menken,
f/uiiulien ib. die Gesch. del Prophet Eliot, xxiv.
discourses (Schriften, ii. 17-302, Bremen, 1858);
Fr. W. Krummacber, whose EUiu der Thisbiier
(Elberf. 1828-33, 6« Ausg. 1860, Eng. trans. Lond.
1840, Amer. ed. N. Y. 1847) has been extensively
read in English as well as German ; and Bishop
Hall, Contemplations on Passages of tlie Old and
New Testaments (books xviii. and xix.). Some of
the best chapters in Kitto's Daily Bible Illustra-
tions are those which relate to events in the biog-
raphy of this prophet. One of Keble's hymns in
the Christian Year is entitled " EUjah in Horeb."
See also Ewald's Geschichte dts I'alkes Israel, iii.
524 if., 3' Ausg. (to whom Stanley acknowledges
himself greatly indebted); Winer, Realm, i. 317-
20; Knobel, Der Prophetismus der Hear. ii. 73-
88; Kuster, Die Propheten da A. u. If. Test. pp.
70-82; Kurta's article, though brief, in Herzog's
Retd-EncfU. iii. 764-768; Friedr. Hud. Hssse,
Crete*, des Alt. Bundes, pp. 97-102 (Leipz. 1863);
Milman's Hist, of the Jews, i. 389-401 (Amer.
ed.); and the valuable article in Fairbaim's Im-
perial Bible Dictionary, i. 602-609. H.
ELI'KA (Sjybfci.: [Rom. Tat. omit; Comp.
'EAurd;] Alex. Enuca: Elica), a Harodite, i. e
from some place called Charod [Hakod in A. V.
Judg. vii. 1] ; one of David's guard (2 Sam. xxiii
25). The name is omitted in the corresponding
list of 1 Chr. ii. 27, — to account for which tat
Kennicott's conjecture (Dissertation, <fc., p. 183).
* The etymology ia unknown (Get.). Fiirst de-
rives it from 7y and HjJ (Wp), God it rejecter,
i. e. of a nation or individual. H.
ET.IM (D^Vg*: AiA«fu: [£»»]), mentioned
Ex. xr. 27; Num. xxxiii. 9, at the second station
where the Israelites encamped after crossing the
Red Sea. It it distinguished as having had
"twelve went (rather "fountains," jTO*y) ot
» Boot b^W, or VM, "to be strong," hence "a
strong tree," properly either an " oak " or " terabintb, r
bat also generally " tree ; " here in pior. me" Uu tresf
of the desert" (Stanley, S. $• P. p. 516, § •»). Both
or Blath la another plur. form ot the same idewslus
and Fiirst say " palms."]
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712
ELIMELECH
water, a«d tlu<eescare and ten palm-trees." Laborde
[Geographical Commentary on Exod. xv. 37) sup-
posed Wady Uteit to be Elim, the second of four
wadies lying between 29° V, and 29° 2C,« which
descend from the range of et-Tih (here nearly
parallel to the shore), towards the sea, and which
the Israelites, going from N. W. to S. E. along the
coast would come upon in the following order: —
W. Ghurundel (where the " low hills " begin,
Stanley, S. d- P. p. 35), W. Uttit, W. That, and
IK. Shubeikeh ; the last being in Its lower part
called also W. Taiyibth, or having a junction with
one of that name. Between Uteit and Taiyibth,
the coast-range of these hills rises into the G'tbd
Bummam, "lofty and precipitous, extending in
several peaks along the shore, apparently of chalky
limestone, mostly covered with flints ... its preci-
pices . . ■ cut off all passage along shore from the
hot springs (lying a little W. of 3. from the mouth
jf Wady Uteit, along the coast) to the mouth of W.
Taiyibth" (Rob. i. 102; comp. Stanley, S. <} P. p.
85). Heuce, between the courses of these wadies the
track of the Israelites must hare been inland. Dr.
Stanley says, " Elim must be Ghtmmdel, Uteit, or
Taiyibth," (p. 35); elsewhere (p. 66), that "one
of too valleys, or perhaps both, must be Elim;"
these appear from the sequel to be Ghurundel and
Uteit, "fringed with trees and shrubs, the first
vegetation be had met with in the desert; " among
these are " wild palms," not stately trees, but dwarf
or savage, "tamarisks," and the "wild acacia."
Lepsius takes another view, namely, that Ghurundtt
is Mara, by others identified with Hoaaral> (2)
hours N. w. from Ghurundtt, and reached by the
Israelites, therefore, before it), and that Elim is to
he found in the last of the four above named, IV.
Blmbeikeh (Lepsius, Tratelt, Berlin, 1846, 8. 1.
37 ff.). [Wilderness of the Waxdekikg.]
H. H.
ELIM/ELECH [Heb. -melech] C?T)?9 n1 ?8 :
'EAi/wfAex; [Vat. AjSm/mAcy; Alex. AAi/MAea-,.
-A«y, A0iu*\tx : £tinukch]), a man of the tribe
of Judah, and of the family of the Hezronitea and
the kinsman of Boas, who dwelt in Bethlehem-
Ephratah in the days of the Judges. In conse-
quence of a great dearth in the land he went with
his wife Naomi, and his two sons, Mahlox and
Chiuon, to dwell in Moab, where he and his sons
lied without posterity. Naomi returned to Beth-
lehem with Ruth, her daughter-in-law, whose mar-
' riage with Boas, " a mighty man of wealth, of the
family of Elimelech," " her husband's kinsman."
forms the subject of the book of Ruth. (Ruth i.
I, 8, ii. 1, 3, ir. 3, 9.) A. C. H.
* Elimelech signifies, If > be pronominal, my Gad
it king} but if merely paragogie, God it king.
Phis import of the name, as Cassel remarks (Richter
v. Ruth in Lauge's Bibthctrk, p. 205), indicates
the rank of Eliraelech's family, since all the names
with this element (^1$?), as far as we know, t. g.
Abimelecb, Ahimeiech, were borne by eminent per-
sons. How long be lived after the arrival in Moab
is uncertain ; for though evidently the sons were
not married till after his death (Ruth i. 8, 4), it
« Sertron (Rtiun, 1864, ill. 114-117) traversed them
*U, and reached Howara In about a six hours* ride,
lis was going In the opposite direction to the routes
ti Robinson and Stanley ; and it is interesting to com-
sar-< his notes of the local features, caught in the
j se w order, with thein.
ELIPHAL
does not appear how many of th •. ten yean oJ tbs
sojourn there had elapsed (rer. 1) when the sod
were married. [Ruth ; Ruth, Hook op.] H.
ELIOE'NAI [5 syL, 4 in Heb.] OSJV^I
[unto Jehovah are my eyes, Get.]: ['EAiferdV
Vat. EAsitkusw; Alex. EAwnral: Ehotnai]). 1.
Head of one of the families of the sons of Beeher,
the son of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 8).
2. ['EAwrat; Alex. EAumtj..] Head of a family
of the Simeonites (1 Chr. iv. 36).
3. (Accur. Euhok'icai [5 syL], ^FSTtrT^ •
['EAiewat; Vat. -voir; Alex. EAuenrai-]) Seventh,
son of Meshelemiah, the son of Kore, of the sons
of Asaph, a Korhite Levite, and one of the door-
keepers of the " house of Jehovah " (1 Chr. xxri
3). It appears from ver. 14 that the lot fell to
Meshelemiah (Shelemiah) to have the east-gate;
and as we learn from rer. 9 that he had eighteen
strong men of his sons and brethren under him,
we may conclude that all his sons except Zechariah
the first-born (ver. 14) served with him, and there-
fore Elioenai likewise. There were six Lerites daily
on guard at the east-gate, whose turn would there-
fore come every third day.
4. ['E\<0«i'dV ; Vat. EKtiSaya, -Stray; Alex.
ZKiunrat, -arrat] Eldest son of Neariah, the son
of Sheuiaiah, 1 Chr. Ui. 33, 34. According to the
present Heb. text he is in the serenth generation
from Zerubbabel, or about contemporary with Alex-
ander the Great ; but there are strong grounds for
believing that Shemaiah is identical with Shimei
(ver. 19), Zerubbabel's brother. (See Cental, of
our Lord, 107-109, and ch. vii.)
8. [In Exr. 'EAioW; Vat. FA. -«»«; Alex.
EAiangrat; in Neb., Rom. Vat. Alex, omit; FA.*
EAiainral; Comp. Aid. 'EAiwl.] A priest of the
sons of Pashur, in the days of Ezra, one of those
who had married foreign wives, but who, at Ezra's
instigation, put them away with the children born
of them, and offered a ram for a trespass-offering
(Ezr. x. 33). He Is possibly the same as is men-
tioned in Neh. xil. 41, as one of the priests who
accompanied Nehemiah with trumpets at the dedi-
cation of the wall of Jerusalem. He is called
EuoDAS, 1 Esdr. ix. 22.
6. ['EAiwrat Vat. -ava, FA. -way; Alex
EAwmu, 3. m. ZXuunyaX] An Israelite, of th»
sons of Zattu, who had also married a strange wuV
(Ezr. x. 37). From the position of Zattu in the
lists, Ezr. ii. 8; Neh. vii. 13, x. 14, it was prob-
ably a family of high rank. Euoknai is corrupted
to Euadas, 1 Esdr. ix. 38. A. C. H.
ELIOT* AS. 1. ('EAwrafi, Alex. tUwmsl
[Aid. 'EAAkrai:] Vulg. omits), 1 Esdr. ix. 32.
[EUOENAI, 5.}
• The A. V. ed. 1611, with the Genevan version
and the Bishops' Bible, following, as usual, the
Aldine edition, reads Eixiohas. A.
3. ('EAismss; [Vat. EAi«8aj:] Noneai), 1
Esdr. ix. 83. [Euezkb, 10.]
ELIPHAL ty'ty [**om God judge*,
Ges.] : 'EA«k£t; Alex. EAupaaA; [Comp. 'EAioWa.-J
Ehphal), son of Ur; one of the members of David '«
* Seetsen alleges that the scanty quantity of tot
water at Hmoara is against this Identity — a weak
reason, for the water-supply of these regions V bjgxd?
variable. He also rejects Q\unmdtl as the stte o
Kim (Ui. 117).
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ELIPHALAT
|««r*(lChr.xi.35). In the parallel lUt in 3 Sam.
uttL the name is given Eufhkijst, and the names
m eoonection with it are much altered. [Uk.]
ELIPH'ALAT ('EAifoAdV [Vat. -A«r-] :
Eliphalach), 1 Esdr. ix. 33. [Eut-HBUCT.]
BLIPH'ALET [lltb. EliphaTet] (B^^>B
[God delivers] : [in 2 Sam. 'EXMpaXie; Vat. EAt r
(not; Alex.] EAtetaatf; [in 1 Ohr.,J 'EAKpaAii;
[Alex. -AfT ; Vat. E/wpaArr, FA. EripaAfT :]
EliphaUtA, [EliphaUt]). L The last of the thirteen
tons bom to David, by his wives, after his estab-
lishment in Jerusalem (2 Sam. v. 16; 1 Chr. xiv.
7). Elsewhere, when it does not occur at a pause,
the name is given with the shorter' vowel —
Kuphelbt (1 Chr. lii. 8). Equivalent to Eliphalet
are the names Elfalkt and Phaltiel.
2. 1 Esdr. viU. 39. ['EAiAaAi, Vat. -Am-;
Aid. Alex. 'EAwpdAarof: EUphalam.} [Euph-
ELTT, 6.]
EI/IPHAZ (tj^bj? [Con Ais strength]:
'EAtfit; [in 1 Chr. 'EA^tf; Vat. EA«i^aj:]
Eliphaz). X. The son of Esau and Adah, and
father of Teman (Gen. xxxvi. 4, 10-16; 1 Chr. i.
35,36).
2. ['EAi<pdY; Alex, onoe -$oj, Vat. Sin. EAct-
<p*C, EAopaj, Vat. twice EAcupar, Sin. twice EAi-
ipaC: Eliphaz. ] The chief of the " three friends"
of Job. He is called ,; the Temanite;" hence it is
naturally inferred that he was a descendant of
Teman (the son of the first Eliphac), from whom a
portion of Arabia Petraea took its name, and whose
name is used as a poetical parallel to Edom in Jer.
xlix. 30. On him falls the main burden of the argu-
ment, that God's retribution in this world is perfect
and certain, and that consequently sunning must
be a proof of previous sin (Job iv., v., xv., xxii.).
Mis words are distinguished from those of Biklad
and Zophar by greater calmness and elaboration,
and in the first instance by greater gentleness
towards Job, although be ventures afterwards, ap-
parently from conjecture, to impute to him special
sins. The great truth brought out by him is the
unapproachable majesty and purity of God (iv. 12-
31, xv. 13-16). [Job, Book of.] But still, with
the other two friends, he is condemned for having,
in defense of God's providence, spoken of him " the
thing that was not right," i. e. by refusing to
recognize the facts of human life, and by contenting
himself with an imperfect retribution as worthy to
set forth the righteousness of God. On sacrifice
and the intercession of Job all three are pardoned
[xlii. 7-9J. A. B.
ELIPH'ELEH pn^SP^H [«*om God du-
cinyuUha], i. e. EliphtWhu: 'Ekvptyi, 'EAjfaAou,
Alex. EAietoAo, [EAi^oAouu ; Vat EAc t&tra. Er-
Sonui; FA. E\u<ptvxt, Zvfxwtas-] EUphaiu),*
Merarite Levite; one of the gatekeepers (D N "|5.1B7,
A. V. " porters ") appointed by David to play on
the harp " on the Sheminith " on the occasion of
bringing up the Ark to the city of David (1 Chr.
tv. 18, 31).
BLIPH'ELET [Htb. EUphelet] (O^?^
God deUveri)).
L ('EAioVtA^e; [Vat- -Aei-;] Alex. EAtipaArr:
EtiphaUth.) The name of a son of David, one of
the children born to him, by his wives, after his
atabbshmeni in Jerusalem (1 Chr. iii. 6). In the
4at la 8 Sun. v. 15, 16, this name and another are
ELISHA 718
omitted; while In another list in I Chr. xiv. B, *
it is given as Elpalet.
2. ('EAupoAi; [Vat. -A«i-; Alex. EAupoArr..
Eliphekt.) Another son of David, belonging alec
to the Jerusalem family, and apparently the last
of his sons (1 Chr. iii. 8). In the other list.
occurring at the pause, the vowel is lengthened and
the name becomes Eu.phai.et.
It is believed by some that there were net two
sons of this name ; but that, like Nogah, one is
merely a transcriber's repetition. The two are cer-
tainly omitted in Samuel, but on the other hand
they are inserted in two separate lists in Chronicles,
and in both cases the number of sons is summed
up at the close of the list.
3. ('KKiipakiti [Vat. -A«i-i Alex. EAiAoAst:
EHphtleth.]) Son of Ahasbai, son of the Maacha-
thite. One of the thirty warriors of David's guard
(3 Sam. xxiii. 34). In the list in 1 Chr. xi. the
name is abbreviated into Eliphal.
*• ["EArtaAtV; Vat EAtiftoAtu: EliphaUt.]
Son of Eshek, a descendant of king Saul through
Jonathan (1 Chr. viii. 39).
6. ['EAnpaAdr ; Alex. -\ai ; Vat AAtupar :
Eliphekt.] One of the leaders of the Bene-Adon-
ikam, who returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ear.
viii. 13). [Euphalet, 2.]
6. ['EAi^aAsV; Vat FA. EA«t$aA<»: Ehph*~
leih.] A man of the Bene-Hashum, in the time
of Ezra, who had married a foreign wife and had to
relinquish her (Ezr. x. 33). [Eupualat.]
ELIS'ABETH('EAicni/3fT'. [Elisabeth] ), the
wife of Zacharias and mother of John the Baptist
(Luke i. 6 ff). She was herself of the priestly
family, i K t£v 9uyarip»y'Aap<iy, and a relation
(wyytrli!, Luke i. 36) of the mother of our Lord.
[Makt, The Virgin, II.] She is described as a
person of great piety, and was the first to greet
Mary, on her coming to visit her, as the mother
of her Lord (Luke i. 42 ff.). H. A.
* For the import of the name, see Eusheba.
The wife of Aaron bore the same name (Ex. vi. 33),
and hence it is one that the females of a sacerdotal
family tike this of Elisabeth (Luke i. 5) would be
apt to have given to them. The Greek form arose,
says Furst (Hebr. u. ChnU. Hamhcb. i. 93), from
nP3?^ /& How she was related to Mary the
mother of Jesus, is uncertain. It may have been
on the side of her own mother (her father being a
Levite) as a descendant of David, or on that of
Mary's mother (her father being of the house of.
David) as a descendant of Aaron. Marriages be-
tween those of different tribes were not forbidden,
except when there were no sons, and the right* of
property vested in daughters. H.
ELISETJS [properly Elis.k'us] ('EAwaW
[Vat -A«i-] ; N. T. Rec. Text with C, EAunnubs;
Lachm. with A D [Sin.], 'EAurouu; [B, EA«i-
o*cuot0 Eliseut, but in Cod. Ainiat llelimmt):
the form in which the name Elisha appears in
the A V. of the Apocrypha and the X. T. (Eoclns.
Uviii. 13; Luke iv. 37). [The A. V. ed. 1611,
with ->ther early editions, reads Elizeus in the pas-
sages referred to.]
xCI'SHA O^bft [God it tahatio*, i. «.
k' who tnres]: 'EAurcus, Alex. EAunrau; J o sep h
'FWo-wof.' Elitaui). so- of Shaphat of Abel-
meholah." The attendant and disciple (mu pa0irH)s
« The story In the Own. PtuehaUmi xtntsasavsi
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714
ELISHA
rai BtdWor, Joseph. Ant. viii. 13, § 7) of EUjah,
■ad subsequently his successor as prophet of the
kingdom of Israel.
The earliest mention of his name is in the com-
mand to Elijah in the care at Horeb (1 K. xix. 10,
17). But our first introduction to the future
prophet is in the fields of his native place. Abel-
meholah — the " meadow of the dance " — was
probably in the valley of the Jordan, and, as its
name would seem to indicate, in a moist or watered
situation. [Abel.] Eujah, on his way from Sinai
to Damascus by the Jordan valley, lights on his
successor engaged in the labors of the field, twelve
yoke before him, t. e. either twelve ploughs at work
in other parts of the field, or more probably twelve
"yokes" of land already ploughed, and he himself
engaged on the last. 9 To cross to him (i. e. on the
other side of the Jordan), to throw over his shoulders
the rough mantle — a token at once of investiture
with the prophet's office, and of adoption as a son
— was to Elijah but the work of an instant, and
the prophet strode on as if what he had done were
nothing. 6 " Go back again, for what have I done
unto thee?"
So sudden and weighty a call, involving the re-
linquishment of a position so substantial, and family
ties so dear, might well hare caused hesitation.
But the parley was only momentary. To use a
figure which we may almost believe to hare been
suggested by this very occurrence, Elisha was not
a man who, having put his band to the plough,
was likely to look back ; c be delayed merely to give
the farewell kiss to his father and mother, and pre-
side at a parting feast with his people, and then
followed the great prophet on his northward road
to become to him what in the earlier times of his
nation Joshua d had been to Moses.
Of the nature of this connection we know hardly
anything. '• Elisha the son of Shaphat, who poured
water on the hands of Elijah," is all that is told
us. The characters of the two men were thoroughly
iissiiuilar, but how far the lion-like daring and
courage of the one had infused itaelf into the other,
we can judge from the few occasions on which it
blazed forth, while every line of the narrative of
Elijah's last hours on earth bears evidence bow
deep was the personal affection which the stern,
rough, reserved master had engendered in his gentle
and pliant disciple.
Seven or eight years must have passed between
the call of Elisha and the removal of his master,
and during the whole of that time we hear nothing
of him. But when that period had elapsed he re-
appears, to become the most prominent figure in
the history of his country during the rest of his
is that when Elisha first saw th. light the golden calf
at QUgal roared, so loud as to be heard at Jerusalem,
t Us shall destroy their graven and their molten
saages" (Vabridus, Cod. parudepigr. 1. 1071).
• • The exact rendering (1 K. xix. 19) is that Elisha
'. was ploughing : 12 yoke before him " ; and the better
explanation Is not that the prophet followed a team
of 12 oxen, but that 11 yoke of oxen with as many
ploughs preceded him, and that he was the 12th at
the end of the line. It Is ctutoinary now for the
tamers in Syria to plough in this manner. " I have
awn," says Dr. Thomson {Land and Book, I. 208)
" more than a doaen of them thus at work. . . . Their
Jttle ploughs" [see Plough] " make no proper furrow,
tot merely root up and throw the soil on either side,
sad so any number may follow one another, each
[ Its own atnteb sloog the back of the earth,
ELISHA
long life. Il almost every respect lUlahs presents
the most umplete contrast to EUjah. The copiom
collection of his sayings and doings which are pre-
served in the 3d to the 9th chapter of the 3d book
of Kings, though in many respects deficient in thai
remarkable vividness which we have noticed in the
records of Ehjah, is yet full of testimonies to this
contrast. EUjah was a true Bedouin child of the
desert. The clefts of the Cberith, the wild shrubs
of the desert, the cave at Horeb, the top of Carmd,
were his haunts and his resting-places. If he enters
a city, it is only to deliver his message of fire and
be gone. Elisha, on the other hand, is a civilized
man, an ionabitant of cities. He passed from tin 1
translation of his master to dwell (2ttf\ A. V.
" tarry ") at Jericho (2 K. ii. 18); from thence be
" returned " to Samaria (ver. 26) At Samaria
(r. 3, vi. 32, comp. ver. 21) and at Dothan (vi. 13)
he seems regularly to hare resided in a bouse (v. 9,
24, vi. 32, xiii. 17) with " doors " and " windows,"
in familiar intercourse with the sons of the prophets,
with the elders (vi. 32), with the lady of Shunem,
the general of Damascus, the king of Israel. Over
the king and the " captain of the boat " he seems
to hare possessed some special influence, capable
of being turned to material advantage if desired (i
K. iv. 13). And as with his manners so with bis
appearance. The touches of the narrative are very
slight, but we can gather that his dress was the
ordinary garment of an Israelite, the beged, prob-
ably similar in form to the long abbtyeh of the
modern Syrians (2 K. ii. 12), that his hair was
worn trimmed behind, in contrast to the disordered
locks of Elijah (ii. 23, as explained below), and that
he used a walking-staff (iv. 29) of the kind ordi-
narily carried by grave or aged citizens (Zech. viii.
4). What use he made of the rough mantle of
EUjah, which came into his possession at then
parting, does not anywhere appear, but there is no
hint of his ever having worn it.
If from these external peculiarities we turn to
the internal characteristics of the two, and to the
results which they produced on their contemporaries,
the differences which they present are highly in-
structive. Elijah was emphatically a destroyer
His mission was to slay and to demolish whatever
opposed or interfered with the rights of Jehovah,
the Lord of Hosts. The nation had adopted a god
of power and force, and they were shown that he
was feebleness itself compared with the God whom
they had forsaken. But after EUjah the destroyer
comes Elisha the healer. " There shall not be dew
nor rain these years " is the proclamation of the
one. " There shall not be from thence any dearth
and when at the end of the field, they can return aim t
the same line, and thus hack snd forth until the whole
Is ploughed. It was well that BUsha came the lm«t
of the twelve, for the act of Elijah would have stopped
all that were In advance of him. They cannot pass
one another." b
t Bo onr translation, and so the latest Jewish ren-
dering (Znni). Other versions Interpret the pamags
differently.
e According to Joseph us (Ant. vill. 18, } 7) he begaa
to prophesy Immediately.
d The word VTrPtt?? (A. V. "ministered ti
him "), Is the same that 'Is employed of Joshua
Oehaxi's relaaVn to EUsn*. except once, is designate*
by a drnerwt word, ")V^ = "M" or < vevth."
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SLI8HA
* barren bed " i» the fint miracle of the other.
What ma; hare been the disposition of EUjah when
tot engaged in the actual aerriee of hi< miasion we
have unhappily no meant of knowing. Like most
men of strong stern character, he had probably
(flections no less strong. Gut it is impossible to
conceive that he was accustomed to the practice of
that beneficence which la so strikingly character-
istic of Elisha, and which comes out at almost
every step of his career. Still more impossible is
it to conceive him exercising the tolerance towards
the person and the religion of foreigners for which
Elisha is remarkable — in communication, for ex-
ample, with Naaman or Hazael; in the one case
calming with a word of peace the scruples of the
new proselyte, anxious to reconcile the due homage
to Rimmon with his allegiance to Jehovah ; in the
other case contemplating with tears, but still with
tears only, the evil which the future king of Syria
was to bring on his country. That Baal-worship
was prevalent in Israel even after the efforts of
Elyah, and that Samaria was its chief seat, we
have the evidence of the narrative of Jehu to as-
sure us (2 K. x. 18-37), but yet not one act or
word in disapproval of it la recorded of Elisha.
True, he could be as nsalous in his feelings and as
cutting in his words as EUjah. •' What have I to
do with thee 1" says he to the son of Ahab — « this
ton of a murderer," as on another occasion he
called him — "what have I to do with thee? get
thee to the prophets of thy rather and to the
prophets of thy mother. As the Lord of hosts
bveth before whom I stand " — the very formula
of ldijah — " surely were it not that I regard the
presence of Jeboehaphat king of Judah I would
not look toward thee nor see thee! " But after this
expression of wrath he allows himself to be calmed
by the music of the minstrel, and ends by giving
the three kings the counsel which frees them from
their difficulty. So also he smites the host of the
Syrians with blindness, but it is merely for a tem-
porary purpose; and the adventure concludes by
his preparing great provision for them, and send-
ing these enemies of Israel and worshippers of false
gods back unharmed to their master.
In considering these differences the fact must not
oe lost sight of that, notwithstanding their greater
extent and greater detail, the notices of Elisha
really convey a much more imperfect idea of the
man than those of EUjah. The prophets of the
nation of Israel — both the predecessors of Elisha,
like Samuel and Elyah, and his successors, like
Isaiah and Jeremiah — are represented to us as
preachers of righteousness, or champions of Jeho-
vah against false gods, or judges and deliverers of
their country, or counsellors of their sovereign in
times of peril and difficulty. Their miracles and
wonderful acts are introduced as means toward
these ends, and are kept in the most complete
subordination thereto. But with Elisha, as he is
EX.I8HA
71fi
•> The ordinary meaning put upon this phrat* (ass
s*r oxampla, J. H. Newman, Subjects of tht Day, p.
Ml) Is that SUsha po s se s sed doable the power of Hi-
Jah. This, though sanctioned by the renderings of
the Vulgate and Lather, and adopted by a long series
yt sosassantatces from 8. Epbiaem Syrus to Pastor
•{ruromacher, would appear not to be the real fomr
<t the words. D^JJtJ? ""S, literally " a mouth or
wo" — a double moutnful — Is the phrase employed
m iiwut. xxl. 17 to denote the amount of a fr'ber'e
•sods wMeh wen the right aid taken of a tnt-born
pictured in these narratives, the case It complete!)
reversed. With hhn the miracles an everything,
the 'prophet's work nothing. The man who was
for years the intimate companion of EUjah, ol
whom EUjah's mantle descended, and who was
gifted with a double portkui of his spirit," appears
in these records chiefly as a worker of prodigies, a
predicter of future events, a revealer of secrets, and
things happening out of sight or at a distance-
The working of wonders seems to be a natural ac-
companiment of false religions, and we may bt
sure that the Baal-worship of Samaria and Jones)
was not free from such arts. The story of 1 K.
xxii. shows that even before Elisha's time tht
prophets had come to be looked upon as diviners,
and were consulted, not on questions of truth test
justice, nor even as depositaries of the purposes and
will of the Deity, but as able to foretell how an ad-
venture or a project was likely to turn out, whether
it might be embarked in without personal danger
or loss. But if this degradation is inherent in false
worship, it is no less a principle in true religion to
accommodate itself to a state of things already ex-
isting, and out of the forms of the alien or the
false to produce the power of the true. 6 And thus
Elisha appears to have fallen in with the habits of
his fellow-countrymen. He wrought, without re-
ward and without ceremonial, the cures and res-
torations for which the soothsayers of Baal-zebub
at Ekron were consulted in vain: he warned his
sovereign of dangers from the Syrians which the
whole four hundred of his prophets had not suc-
ceeded in predicting to Ahab, and thus in one
sense we may say that no less signally than Elyah
he vanquished the false gods on their own field.
But still even with this allowance it is difficult to
help believing that the anecdotes of his life (if the
word may be permitted, for we cannot be said to
possess his biography) were thrown into their pres-
ent shape at a later period, when the idea of a
prophet bad been lowered from its ancient elevation
to the level of a mere worker of wonders. A bi-
ographer who held this lower idea of a prophet's
function would regard the higher duties above
alluded to as comparatively unworthy of notice,
and would omit all mention of them accordingly.
In the eulogium of Elisha contained in the cata-
logue of worthies of Ecclus. xlviii. 12-14 — the
only later mention of him saw the passing allusion
of Luke iv. 27 — this view is more strongly brought
out than in the earlier narrative: '• Whilst he lived,
he was not moved by the presence of any prince,
neither could any bring him into subjection. No
word could overcome him, and after his death hit
body prophesied. He did wonders in his life, and
at his death were his works marvellous."
But there are other considerations from which
the incompleteness of these records of EUsba may
be inferred: (1.) The absence of marks by which
to determine the dates of the various occurrences.
son. Thus the gift of the "double portion " of HI
j»h'» spirit was but the legitimate conclusion of the
act of adoption which began with the casting of the
mantle at Abel-meholah years before. This explana-
tion Is given by Orotius and other*. (Bee Keil wi lac.)
Ewald ( GarA. Hi. 507) gives it as nnr Zwidrittet, unit
ok* *» tamn — two thirds, and hardly that Fes
a curious calculation by 8. Peter Dsmlaous, that BH-
Jan performed 12 miracles aud Blsha 21. see the Actt
Sancttmnr, July 20. [See Posnos, Douau, Juttm
•41
» See Stanley's Oattitwy Srrmaat, a. OS
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ELISHA
Hie « king of Israel " is continually mentioned,
not we are left to infer what king is intended (2
K. v. 5, 6, 7, Ac, vi. 8, 9, 81, 28, vii. 2, viii. 3, 5,
(, Ac.). This is the caw even in the story of the
important events of Naaman's cure, and the capt-
ure of the Syrian host at Dothan. The only ex-
ceptions are iii. 12 (eomp. 6), and the narrative of
the visit of Jehoash (xiii. 14, Ac), but this latter
story is itself a proof of the disarrangement of
these records, occurring as it does after the men-
tion of the death of Jehoash (ver. 13), and being
followed by an account of occurrences in the reign
of Jehoahaz his father (w. 22, 23). (2.) The
absence of chronological sequence in the narratives.
The story of the Shunammite embraces a lengthened
period, from before the birth of the child till he
was some years old. Gehazi's familiar communi-
ation with the king, and therefore the story which
precedes it (viii. 1, 2), must hare occurred before
he was struck with leprosy, though placed long after
the relation of that event (v. 27). (3.) The dif-
ferent stories are not connected by the form of
words usually employed in the consecutive narrative
of these books. (See Keil, Kings, p. 348, where
other indications will be found.)
With this preface we pass to the ecushtf ration
of the several occurrences preserved to n in the
life of the prophet
The call of Elisha seems to have taken place
about four years before the death of Ahab. He
died in the reign of Jnash, the grandson of Jehu.
This embraces a period of not less than 66 years,
for certainly 55 of which he held the office of
" prophet in Israel " (2 K. v. 8).«
1. After the departure of his master, Elisha re-
turned to dwell » at Jericho (2 K. U. 18). The
town had been lately rebuilt (1 K. xvi. 34), and
was the residence of a body of the " sons of the
prophets " (2 K. ii. 5, 15). No one who has visited
the site of Jericho can forget how prominent a
feature in the scene are the two perennial springs
which, rising at the base of the steep hills of Qua
rantania behind the town, send their streams across
the plain toward the Jordan, scattering, even at
the hottest season, the richest and most grateful
vegetation over what would otherwise be a bare
tract of sandy soil. At the time in question part
a The figures given above are arrived at as tri-
ms: —
Ahab's reign after BUsha's call, say 4 yean.
Ahiulah's do 2 u
Joram's do 12 u
John's do 28 "
Jehoahas'e do. 17 ••
Joash, before Ehsha 's death, say . 2 •>
tt of the above KUjah lived probably 9 yean ; the
I of Ahab, the 2 of Ahattah, and say 8 of Joram :
whkh leaves 56 years from the ascent of Elijah to the
J*th of Elisha.
e Hebr. 30^; A. T. generally "dwelt," but here
» tarried." " T
e This, or Mm Hajla, In the same neighborhood, is
probably the. spring Intended by Soott In the opening
thapter of the Tatitman, under the name of the
' Diamond of the Desert." But his knowledge of the
topography la evidently mast Imperfect.
•This 'Ain t$- Sultan Is the only fountain near
.'■rteooj and "there Is every reason to regard these
is the waters miraculously healed by Elisha. They
stay have been earlier brackish and warm, like most
ELISHA
at least of this chum was wanting One of tin
springs was noxious — had some properties which
rendered it unfit for drinking, and also prejudicial
to the land (ii. 19, C^^bad, A. V. "naught").
At the request of the men of Jericho Elisha rem-
edied this evil. He took salt in a new vessel, and
cast it into the water at its source in the name of
Jehovah. From the time of Josephus (B. J. iv.
8, $ 3) to the present (Ssewulf, Mnd. Trav. p. 17;
Mandeville; Maundrell; Rob. i. 554, 655), the tra-
dition of the cure has been attached to the targe
spring N. W. of the present town, and which now
bears, probably in reference to some later event, the
name of 'Am et-SultanS
2. We next meet with Elisha at Refhtl in the
heart of the country, on his way from Jericho tc
Mount Carmel (2 K. ii. 23). His last visit had
been made in company with Ettjah on their road
down to the Jordan (ii. 2). Sons of the prophets
resided there, but still it was the seat of the calf-
worship, and therefore a prophet of Jehovah might
expect to meet with insult, especially if not so wed
known and so formidable as Elijah. The road to
the town winds up the defile of the Wady Stactinil,
under the hill which still bears what in all prob-
ability are the ruins of Ai, and which, even now
retaining some trees, was at that date shaded by a
forest, thick, and the haunt of savage animals.''
Here the boys of the town were clustered, waiting,
as they still wait at the entrance of the villages of
Palestine, for the chance passer-by. In the short-
trimmed locks of Elisha, bow were they to recog-
nize the successor of the prophet, with whose
shaggy hair streaming over his shoulders they were
all familiar? So with the license of the eastern
children they scoff at the new comer as he walks
by — "Go up," roundhead ! go up, roundhead ! "
For once Elisha assumed the sternness of his mas-
ter. He turned upon them and cursed them in the
name of Jehovah, and we all know the catastrophe
which followed. The destruction of these children
has been always felt to be a difficulty. It is so en-
tirely different from anything elsewhere recorded
of Hisha — the one exception of severity in a life
of mildness and beneficence — that it is perhaps
allowable to conclude that some circumstances have
been omitted in the narrative, or that some expras-
of the fountains further north and south ; now they
are sweet and pleasant, not cold Indeed, but also only
slightly warm" (Bob. P*y$. Gtogr. p. 266). This
fountain is situated a mile or more In front of Qk«-
rantania, the reputed mount of Christ's temptation.
Travellers from Jerusalem to the Jordan usually pitch
their tents at night beside this sparkling fountain.
H.
<f The "lion" and the "bear" are mentioned as
not uncommon by Amos (v. 19), who resided certainly
for some time in the neighborhood of Bethel (ass vii.
10 ; also Iv. 4, v. 6, 6). The word used for the " for-
est" Is *^?2i yo'or, Implying a denser growth than
thorak, more properly a " wood " (Stanley, 5. f P.
App. } 78). [Bus; Liok.]
' nbj, " go up," oan hardly, as Abarbanel would
have it, be a scoff at the recent ascent of Kujah. The
word rendered above by "roundhead" (JT^p) Is •
peculiar Hebrew term for shortness of hair at list
back of the bead, as distinguished from 1733, halt
In front: A. T. "forehead-bald." Thai k <■ ts
Ewald (Iii. 6121. [8»» p. 708, note » J
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KLJSHA
aV/» as* lost ita special force, which would have
t»r*«'"«^ and justified the apparent disproportion
of the punishment to the offense.
8. Elisha extricates Jehoram king of Israel, and
the kings of Judah and Edom, from their difficulty
In the campaign against Moab, arising from want
of water (Hi. 4-27 ). The remit of Moab occurred
very shortly after the death of Ahab (iii. 6, comp.
LI), and the campaign followed immediately—
"the same day" (iii. 6; A. V. "time"). The
prophet was with the army; according to Josephus
(Ant. ix. 3, $ 1), he " happened to be in a tent
(*ti>x* KOT«<riti)ra(c<6i) outside the camp of Israel."
Jorum be refuses to hear except out of respect for
Jehoshaphat the servant of the true God ; but a
minstrel is brought, and at the sound of music the
hand of Jehovah conies upon him, and he predicts
a fid] of rain, and advises a mode of procedure in
connection therewith which results in the complete
discomfiture of Moab. This incident probably took
place at the S. E. end of the Dead Sea.
4. The widow of one of the sons of the prophets
— according to Josephus, of Obadiah, the steward
of Ahab — is in debt, and her two sons are about
to be taken from her and sold ss slaves. She has
no property but a pot of oiL This Elisha causes
(in his absence, iv. 6) to multiply, until the widow
has filled with it all the vessels which she could
borrow. No invocation of Jehovah i» mentioned,
nor any place or date of the miracle.
5. The next occurrence is at Shunem and Mount
Carmel (iv. 8-37). The story divides itself into
two parts, separated from each other by several
years, (a.) Elisha, probably on his way between
Carmel and the Jordan valley, calls accidentally at
Shunem, now 8olam, a village on the southern
slopes of Jebd ed-Duiy, the little Hermon of
modem travellers. Here he is hospitably enter-
tained by a woman of substance, apparently at that
lime ignorant of the character of her guest. There
is no occasion here to quote the details of this
charming narrative, or the manner in which, as a
recompense for her care of the prophet, she was
saved from that childless condition which was
esteemed so great a calamity by every Jewish wife,
and permitted to " embrace a son."
(o.) An interval has elapsed of several years.
The boy is now old enough to accompany his rather
to the corn-field, where the harvest is proceeding.
The fierce rays of the morning sun are too powerful
far him, and he is carried home to his mother only
to die at noon. She says nothing of their loss to
her husband, but depositing her child on the bed
of the man of God, at once starts in quest of him
to Mount Carmel. The distance is fifteen or six-
teen miles, at least four hours' ride; but she is
mounted on the best ass • in the stable, and she
does not slacken rein. Elisha is on one of the
heights of Carmel commanding the road to Shunem,
and from his position opposite to her (733.0) he
recognizes in the distance the figure of the regular
ELISHA
717
« pnyn -"«» sh«Mu»." 8hs-assss were, and
t U are, most cstetmsd In th« last.
t Ths A. V. In tv. 37, p erver sely rendars "inn,
Um mount,'' by " ths bill," thus obscur 1 -:*, ths oon-
asctkm with var. 26. " Mount Cannsl."
e « QU up thy •oins and go."
■ "1?3, t. «. the lad or youth, a touu./ duanent
«oa K (from] thai t v which the relation of Blso* to
attendant at the services which he holds hue at
" new moon and sabbath " (comp. ver. 88V He
sends Gehaxi down to meet her, and inquire the
reason of her unexpected visit. But her distress it
for the ear of the master, snd not of the servant,
and she presses on till she comes up to the place
where Elisha himself is stationed,' 1 then throwing
herself down in her emotion she clasps him by the
feet. Misinterpreting this action, or perhaps with
an ascetic feeling of the unholiness of a woman,
Gehazi attempts to thrust her away. But the
prophet is too profound a student of human nature
to allow this — " Let her alone, for her soul is
vexed within her, and Jehovah hath hid it from
me, and hath not told me." " And she said " —
with the enigmatical form of oriental speech —
" Did I desire a son of my lord V did I not say do
not deceive me?" Mo explanation is needed to
tell Elisha the exact state of the case. The heat
of the season will allow of no delay in taking tho
necessary steps, and Gehazi is at once despatched
to run back to Shunem with the utmost speed.'
He takes the prophet's walking-staff in his hand
which he is to lay on the face of the child. The
mother and Elisha follow in haste. Before tbey
reach the village the sun of that long, anxious,
summer afternoon must have set. Gehazi meets
them on the road, but he has no reassuring report
to give; the placing of the staff on the face of the
dead boy had called forth no sign of life. Then
Elisha enters the bouse, goes up to his own chamber,
" and he shut the door on them twain, and prayed
unto Jehovah." It was what Elijah had done on n
similar occasion, and in this and his subsequent
proceedings Elisha was probably following a method
which he had heard of from his master. The child
is restored to life, tho mother is called in, and again
falls at the feet of the prophet, though with what
different emotions — " and she took up her son and
went out."
There is nothing in the narrative to fix its date
with reference to other events. We here first
encounter Gehaxi the " servant " of the man of
God. 1 ' It must of course have occurred before the
events of viii. 1-6, and therefore before the cure of
Naaman, when Gehazi became a leper.
8. The scene now changes to Gilgal, apparently
at a time when Elisha was residing there (iv. 38
41). The sons of the prophets are sitting round
him. It is a time of famine, possibly the same
seven years' scarcity which is mentioned in viii. 1,
2, and during which the Shunammite woman of
the preceding story migrated to the Philistine
country. The food of the party must consist of any
herbs that can be found. The great caldron is put
on at the command of Elisha, and one of the com-
pany brings his blanket CTCS ' not " bp " as In
A. T.) full of such wild vegetables as he has col-
lected, and empties it into the pottage. But no
sooner have they begun their meal than the teste
betrays the presence of some noxious herb,' and
tbey cry out, " there is death in the pot, O man
Kbjsh Is dodguatod — see abov* ; though the latter Is
also occasionally applied to Gehaxi.
« For a roll discussion of ths nature of this herb
ses the article PakyotA by the late Dr. Forbss Royis
In Kino's Cyclop. Out kind of small gourd has
received the name Oncumit prophttanm in aUuaaot
to this circumstance ; but Dr. Boyle Inclines to feves
C. eotocyntki., J» eotoeyntn, or MomordUa claunom
the squirting cncunuW HU> Is surely tapowttb. '
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J18 ULI8HA
sf God f " In tois cue the cure id effected by
■ml which Elisha cut into the stew, in the caldron.
Here again there is no invocation of the name of
Jehovah.
7. (iv. 42-44). This in all proi«bility belongs
to the aame time, and alio to the same place as the
preceding. A man from Boal-shalisha brings toe
man of (id i present of the first-fruits, which
under thb law (Num. xviii. 8, 12; Dent. xviii. 3,
4) were the perquisite of the ministers of the sanct-
uary — 90 loaves of the new barley, and some
delicacy, the exact nature of which is disputed, but
which seems most likely to have been roasted ears
of corn not fully ripe," brought with care in a sack
or bag.* This moderate provision is by the word
of Jehovah rendered more than sufficient for a
hundred men.
This is one of the instances in which Elisha is
the first to anticipate in some measure the miracles
of Christ.
The mention of Baal-shalisha gives great support
to the supposition that the Gilgal mentioned here
(ver. 38) as being frequented by the sons of the
prophets, and therefore the same place with that
in ii. 1, was not that near Jericho; since Baal-
shalisha or Beth-shalisha is fixed by Eusebius at
fifteen Roman miles north of Lydda, the very posi-
tion in which we still find the name of Gilgal lin-
gering as Jilj&th, [Gilgal.]
8. The simple reoordsof these domestic incidents
amongst the sons of the prophets are now inter-
rupted by an occurrence of a more important char-
acter (v. 1-27).
The chief captain of the army of Syria, to whom
his country was indebted for some signal success, r
was afflicted with leprosy, and that in its most
malignant form, the white variety (v. 37). In
Israel this would have disqualified him from all
employment and all intercourse (2 K. xv. 6; 2
Chr. xxvi. 20, 21). But in Syria no such practice
appears to have prevailed ; Naaman was still a
" great man with his master," " a man of counte-
nance." One of the members of his establishment
is an Israelite girl, kidnapped by the marauders d
of Syria in one of their forays over the border, and
she brings into that Syrian household the tune of
the name and skill of Elisha. " The prophet in
Samaria," who had raised the dead, would, if
brought "lace to face"' with the patient, have
so difficulty in curing even this dreadful leprosy,
rhe news is oommunicated by Naaman himself/
to the king. Benhadad had yet to learn the posi-
ion and character of Elisha. He writes to the king
of Israel a letter very characteristic of a military
prince, and curiously recalling words uttered by
{mother military man in reference to the cure of
his sick servant many centuries later — " I say to
this one, go, and he goetb, and to my servant do
this, and he doeth it." " And now " — so ran
Benbadad's letter after the usual complimentary
Introduction had probably opened the communion
• The Hebrew expression 7P*7? seems to be
elllpticai for 'S BTTj| (Lev. U. 14 ; A. V. "green
•are of eorn "). The' sum ellipsis occurs in Lev.
xxm. 14 (A. V. "green ears"). The old Hebrew
BterpretatiOD Is " trader and fresh ears." Qese nlns
1 7*4*. p. 718) makes It out to be grains or grits. The
in Lsv. U. 14, compared with Che eomraon
i of the Bast In the pre s ent day,
[ given above.
BLISHA
tion — «and now, when this letter is eeuw sail
thee, behold I have sent Naaman, my slave, to thee.
that thou mayest recover him of his leprosy."
With this letter, and with a present, in which the
rich fabrics,? for which Damascus has been always
in modern times so famous, form a conspicuous
feature, and with a full retinue of attendants (13,
15, 23), Naaman proceeds to Samaria. The king
of Israel — his name is not given, but it wss prob-
ably Joram — is dismayed at the communication.
He has but one idea, doubtless the result of too
frequent experience — " Consider how this man
seeketh a quarrel against me!" The occurrence
soon reaches the ears of the prophet, and with a
certain dignity be "sends" to the king — *" Lrt
him come to me, and be shall know that there is a
prophet in Israel." To the house of Elisha Naaman
goes with bis whole cavalcade, the " horses and
chariot" of the Syrian general fixing themselves
particularly in the mind of the chronicler. Elisha
still keeps in the background, and ahile Naaman
stands at the doorway, contents himself with send-
ing out a messenger with the simple direction to
bathe seven times in the Jordan. The independent
behavior of the prophet, and the simplicity of the
prescription — not only devoid of any ceremonial,
but absolutely insulting to the nsttie of a city
which boasted, ss it still boasts, of the finest water-
supply of any city of the East — all combined to
enrage Naaman. His slaves, however, knew how
to deal with the quick but not ungenerous temper
of their master, and the result is that he goes down
to the Jordan and dips himself seven times, " and
his flesh came again like the flesh of a little child,
and he was clean." His first business after his
cure is to thank his benefactor. He returns with
his whole following (njrTO, <*. e. " bust," or
" camp "), and this time he will not be denied the
presence of Elisha, but making his way in, and
standing before him, he gratefully acknowledges the
power of the God of Israel, and entreats him to
accept the present which be has brought from
Damascus. But Elisha is firm, and refuses the
offer, though repeated with the strongest adjuration.
Naaman, having adopted Jehovah as his God, begs
to be allowed to take away some of the earth of
his favored country, of which to make an altat.
He then consults Elisha on a difficulty which he
foresees. How is he, a servant of Jehovah, to act
wben he accompanies the king to the temple of the
Syrian god Kimmon? He must bow before the
god ; will Jehovah pardon this disloyalty 1 Elisha's
auswer is " Go in peace," and with this farewell
the caravan moves off. But Gehazi, the attendant
of Elisha, cannot allow such treasures thus to
escape him. " As Jehovah liveth," an expres-
sion, in the lips of this vulgar Israelite, exactly
* ) wftS : LXX. «rjpa. The word occurs only
its. The m ean in g given above Is recognised by the
majority of the versions snd by Qaaenius, snd Is stated
In the margin of A. V.
<• The tradition of the Jews Is that it was Naamas
who killed Ahab (ACroVtua IMiikm, p. S»t, on Pa
Ixjtvlll.).
<< Hebr. Q > Tn|, t. ». pluuMrare, always A*
Irregular parties of marauder*.
« So the Hebrew. A. V. « witn."
/ A. V. "out went In " Is quits gratuitous.
» The word used Is LTD? s itrsss sis isissis S)
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ELISHA
afsiralent to tlie oft-repeated Wallah — 'by God"
— of the modern Arab*, " I will run after this
Syrian and take somewhat of him." So be frames
* story by which the generous Naaman is made to
Mod back with him to Elisha's house a considerable
present in money and clothes. He then went in
and stood before his master as if nothing had hap-
pened. But the prophet was not to be so deceived.
His heart had gone after his servant through the
whole transaction, even to it* minutest details, and
he visits Gehaxi with the tremendous punishment
of the leprosy, from which he has just relieved
Naamai.
This cure of leprosy — the only one which he
effected (Luke iv. 27) — is a second miracle in
which Elisha, and Elisha only, anticipated our
Lord.'
The date of the transaction must have been at
least seven years after the raising of the Shunani-
mite's son. This is evident from a comparison of
viii. 4 with 1, 3, 3. Uehazi's familiar conversa-
tion with the king must have taken place before he
was a leper.
9. (vi. 1-7). We now return to the sons of the
prophets, but this time the scene appears to be
changed, and is probably at Jericho, and during
the residence of Elisha there. Whether from the
increase of the scholars consequent on the estima-
tion in which the master was held, or from some
other cause, their habitation had become too small
— " the place in which we sit before thee is too
narrow for us." They will therefore more to the
close neighborhood of the Jordan, and cutting
down beams — each man one, as with curious
minuteness the text relates — make there a new
dwelling-place. Why Jordan was selected is not
apparent. Possibly for its distance from the dis-
tractions of Jericho — possibly the spot was one
sanctified by the crossing of Israel with the ark, or
of Elijah, only a few years before. Urged by bis
disciples the man of God consents to accompany
them. When they reach the Jordan, descending
to the level of the stream, they commence felling
the trees * of the dense belt of wood in immediate
contact with the water. [Jordan.] As one of
Ihem was cutting at a tree overhanging the stream,
the iron of his axe (a borrowed tool) flew off and
aank into the water. His cry soon brought the
nan of God to his aid. The stream of the Jor-
dan is deep up to the very bank, especially when
the water is so low as to leave the wood dry, and is
moreover so turbid that search would be useless.
But the place at which the lost axe entered the
eater is shown to Elisha; he breaks off' a stick
nd casts it into the stream, and the "iron appears
m the surface, and is recovered by its possessor.
No appeal to Jehovah is recorded here.
10. (vi. 8-83). Elisha is now residing at Do-
than, half-way on the road between Samaria and
lezreeL The incursions of the Syrian marauding
Hands'' (comp. v. 9) still continue; but apparently
with greater boldness, and pushed even into places i
which the king of Israel is accustomed to frequent • I
I
ELISHA
Tit
« The esse of *tl><am (Num. xil. 10-16) is different.
Unman sgeney app*wn to have done nothing towards
Mr cars.
K So to. Hebrew, D^^n.
• The Hebrew word 3?p ocean only once bssldsl
nut place. Its exact force It sot clear, bat the LXX.
■s*r U itimn, " be pin-htu off."
But their manoeuvres are not hid from the nan of
God, and by bis warnings he saves the king " uot
once nor twice." So baffled were the Syrians by
these repeated failures, as to make their king sus-
pect treachery in his own camp. But the true
explanation is given by one of his own people —
possibly one of those who bad witnessed the cure
wrought on Naaman, and could conceive no powet
too great to ascribe to so gifted a person : " Elisha,
the prophet in Israel, telleth the ling of Israel the
words that thou speakest in thy bed-chamber."
So powerful a magician must be seized without de-
lay, and a strong party with chariots is despatched
to effect his capture. They march by night, nod
before morning take up their station round the
base of the eminence on which the ruins of Dot ban
still stand. EUsba's servant — not Gehaxi, but
apparently a new comer, unacquainted with the
powers of his master — is the first to discover the
danger. But Elisha remains unmoved by bis fears;
and at his request the eyes of the youth are opened
to behold the spiritual guards which are protecting
them, horses and chariots of fire tilling the whole
of the mountain. But this is not enough. Elisha
again prays to Jehovah, and the whole of the
Syrian warriors are struck blind. He then de-
scends, and offers to lead them to the person and
the place which they seek. He conducts them to
Samaria. There, at the prayer of the prophet,
their sight is restored, and they find themselves not
in a retired country village, but in the midst of the
capital of Israel, and in the presence of the king
and his troops. His enemies thus completely in
bis grasp, the king of Israel Is eager to destroy
them. " Shall I slay? shall I slay, my father? "
But the end of Elisha has been answered when he
has shown the Syrians how futile are all their at-
tempts against his superior power. " Thou shalt
not slay. Thou mayest/ slay those whom thou
hast token captive in lawful fight, but not these:
feed them, and send them away to their master "
After such a repulse it is not surprising that the
marauding forays of the Syrian troops ceased.
11. (vi. 34-vii. 2). But the king of Syria could
not rest under such dishonor. He abandons his
marauding system, and gathers a regular army,
with which he lays siege to Samaria. The awful
extremities to which the inhabitants of the plac*
were driven need not here be recalled. Boused by
an encounter with an incident more ghastly than
all, and which remained without parallel in Jewish
records till the unspeakable horrors of the last days
of Jerusalem (Joseph. B. J. v. 1?, § 3; 13, § 7,
Ac.), the king vents his wrath on the prophet,
probably as having by his share in the last trans-
action," or in some other way not recorded, pro-
voked the invasion ; possibly actuated by the spite
with which a weak bod man in difficulty often re-
gards one better and stronger than himself. The
king's name is not stated in the Bible, but there
can be no doubt that Josephus is correct in giving
d D^VE}, •'"•ays with the force of irregular rav.
«ging. Be* ver. 28.
• The expression Is peculiar — "beware thou pass
not by inch a place." Joseoaus (U. 4, J S) says thai
the king was obliged to give up hunting In cooes
/ This Interpretation Is that of the Targum, Dt
Wette, and others, and gives a better ssnss than that
of the A. V. The original will perhaps bear either
9 Josephus, Am. Ix. 4, 1 4
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720 ELISHA
tt M Jorani ; and in keeping with this is his employ-
ment of tho same oath which his mother Jezebel
ised on an occasion not dissimilar (1 K. xix. 2),
1 (iod do so to me and more also, if the head of
Elisha the son of Shaphat shall stand on him this
da;." No sooner is the word out of the king's mouth
than his emissary starts to execute the sentence.
Elisha is in his house, and round him are seated
the elders of Samaria, doubtless receiving some
word of comfort or guidance in their sore calamity.
He receives a miraculous intimation of the danger.
Ere the messenger could reach the house, he said
to his companions, " See how this son of a mur-
derer » hath sent to take away my head ! Shut
the door, and keep him from entering : even now I
hear the sound of his master's feet behind him,
hastening to stay the result of his rash exclama-
tion ! " * As he says the words the messenger
strives at the door, followed immediately, as the
prophet had predicted, by the king and by one of
his officers, the lord on whose hand he leaned.
What follows is very graphic. The king's hered-
itary love of Baal bursts forth, and he cries, " This
evil is from Jehovah," the ancient enemy of my
house, "why should I wait for Jehovah any
longer?" To this Elisha answers: "Hear the
word of Jehovah " — he who has sent famine can
also send plenty — " to-morrow at this time shall a
measure of fine flour be sold for a shekel, and two
measures of barley for a shekel, in the gate of this
very city." " This is folly," says the officer: " even
if Jehovah were to make windows in heaven and
pour down the provisions, it could not be." " It
can, it shall," replies Elisha; "and you, yon shall
see it all, but shall not live even to taste it."
19. (riii. 1-6). We now go back several years
to an incident connected with the lady of Shunem,
at a period antecedent to the cure of Naaman and
the transfer of his leprosy to Geh&zi (v. 1, 27).
Elisha had been made aware of a famine which
Jehovah was about to bring upon the land for seven
years; and he had warned his friend the Shunam-
mite thereof that she might provide for her safety.
Accordingly she had left Shunem with her family,
and had taken refuge in tho land of the Philistines,
that is, in the rich corn-growing plain on the sea-
coast of Judah, where secure from want she re-
mained during the dearth. At the end of the seven
years she returned to her native place, to find that
during her absence her house with the field-land
attached to it, the corn-fields of the former story,
had been appropriated by some other person. In
Eastern countries kings are (or were) accessible to
the complaints of the meanest of their subjects to
a degree inconceivable to the inhabitants of the
Western world." To the king therefore the Shu-
nammite had recourse, as the widow of Tekoah on
a former occasion to king David (2 Sam. xiv. 4).
And now occurred one of those rare coincidences
which it is impossible not to ascribe to something
more than mere chance. At the very moment of the
« Sunly an allusion to Abat (J mam's lather) and
Nabcth.
* Josephus, Ant. Ix. 4, { 4.
c Instances of this an frequent in the Arabian
Ntghts. Ibrahim Pacha, the famous son of Mehemet
All, used to bold an open court In the garden of his
p\lmc* at Akka (Acre), for complaints of all kinds and
tmnall classes.
■* p3?S (A. T. " cry '•> ; a word denoting gnat ve-
ELISHA
entrance of the woman and her son — nhunfiriiiK
as oriental suppliants alone clamor, 1 ' for her horns
and her land — the king was listening to a recital
by Gehazi of " all the great things which Elisha had
done," the crowning feat of all being that which
he was then actually relating — the restoration to
life of the boy of Shunem. The woman was in-
stantly recognized by Gehazi. " My lord, U king,
this is the woman and this is her son whom Elitha
restored to life." From her own mouth the king
hears the repetition of the wonderful tale, aid,
whether from regard to Elisha, or struck by the
extraordinary coincidence, orders her land to l«
restored, with the value of all its produce during
her absence.
13. (viii. 7-15). Hitherto we hare met with
the prophet only in his own country. We ujw
find him at Damascus.' He is there to carry out
the command given to Elijah on Horeb to " anoint
Hazael to be king over Syria." At the time of
his arrival Benhadad was prostrate with his last
illness. This marks the time of the visit as after
the siege of Samaria, which was conducted by Ben-
badad in person (comp. vi. 24). The memory of
the cure of Naaman, and of the subsequent disin-
terestedness of the prophet, were no doubt still
fresh in Damascus; and no sooner does he enter
the city than the intelligence is carried to the
king — " the man of God is come hither." The
king's first desire is naturally to ascertain his own
fate; and Hazael, who appears to have succeeded
Naaman, is commissioned to be the bearer of a pres-
ent to the prophet, and to ask the question on the
part of his master, " Shall I recover of this dis-
ease? " The present is one of royal dimensions;
a caravan of 40 camels,/ laden with the riches and
luxuries which that wealthy city could alone fur.
rush. The terms of Hazael a address show the
respect in which the prophet was held even in
this foreign and hostile country. They are iden-
tical with those in which Naaman was addressed
by his slaves, and in which the king of Israel in a
moment of the deepest gratitude and reverence had
addressed Elisha himself. " Thy son Benhadad
hath sent me to thee, saying, ' Shall I recover of
this disease?'" The reply, probably originally
ambiguous, is doubly uncertain in the present
doubtful state of the Hebrew text ; but the general
conclusion was unmistakable: "Jehovah hath
showed me that he shall surely die." But this
was not all that had been revealed to the prophet
If Benhadad died, who would be king in his stead
but the man who now stood before him? The
prospect was one which drew forth the tears of the
man of God. This man was no rash and impru-
dent leader, who could be baffled and deceived as
Benhadad had so often been. Behind that " stead-
fast " impenetrable countenance was a steady
courage and a persistent resolution, in which Elisha
could not but foresee the greatest danger to his
country. Here was a man who, give him but the
power, would "oppress" and "cut Israel short."
would "thresh Gilead with threshing instruments
of iron," and •■ make them like the dust by thresh-
« The traditional spot of bis residence on this occa-
sion Is shown In the synagogue at Jobar (? Hobah), s
village about 2 miles east of Damascus The sruut
village, If not the same building. »'v "ontsJos tht
ears in which Elijah was ted by nvens, and the toast
of Gehazi (Stanley, 8. $ P. p. 412 ; Quamasuos, ft
881 — " vana et aendacia Hebneorum ";.
/ Josephus, AM. U. 4, J ft.
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ELJSHA
nag "urn former king of Syria had done, and
that at a time when the prophet would be no longer
alire to warn and to advise. At Hasael's request
Eliaha confesses the reason of hU tears. But the
prospect is one which baa no sorrow for HazaeL
How such a career presented itself to him may be
inferred from his answer. His only doubt is the
possibility of such good fortune for one so mean.
" But what U thy slave," dog that be is, that he
should do this great thing? " To which Elisha
replies, " Jehovah hath showed me that thou wilt
be king over Syria."
Returning to the king, Hazael tells him only
half the dark saying of the man of God — "He told
me that thou shouldest surely recover." But that
was the last day of Benhadad's life. From whose
hand he received his death, or what were the cir-
cumstances attending it, whether in the bath as has
been recently suggested, we cannot tell. 6 The
general inference, in accordance with the account
of Josephus, is that Hazael himself was the mur-
derer, but the statement in the text does not ueoes-
sarily bear that interpretation ; and, indeed, from
the mentiou of Hazael's name at the end of the
passage, the conclusion is rather the reverse.
11. (ix. 1-10'. Two of the injunctions laid on
Ehjah had rv *• been carried out; tie third still
remained. Hazael had begun his attacks on Israel
by an attempt to recover the stronghold of Ramoth-
UUead (viii. 28), or Ramah, among the mountains
on the east of Jordan. But the fortress was held
by the kings of Israel and Judah in alliance, and
though the Syrians had wounded the king of Israel,
they had not succeeded in capturing the place (viii.
88, ix. 15). One of the captains of the Israelite
limy in the garrison was Jehu, the son of Jehosh-
aphat, the son of Nimstai. At the time his name
was mentioned to Elijah on Horeb be must have
been but a youth ; now he U one of the boldest and
best known of all the warriors of Israel. He had
seen the great prophet once, when with his com-
panion Bidkar he attended Ahab to take possession
of the field of Naboth, and the scene of that day
and the words of the curse then pronounced no
subsequent adventure had been able to efface (ix.
85, 86). The time was now come for the fulfill-
ment of that curse by his being anointed king over
Israel. Elisha's personal share in the transaction
was oonfined to giving directions to one of the som
of the prophets, and the detailed consideration of
the story will therefore be more fitly deferred to
another place.' [Jehu.]
ELISHA
721
<• The A. V., by omitting, as usual, the ebonite ar-
ticle before " dog," and by IU punctuation of the sen-
tence, completely misrepresents the very characteristic
turn of to* original — given above — and auto differs
from all the versions. In the Hebrew the word " dog "
has the force of mtannrst, in the A. T. of enuUy.
tot a long comment founded on the reading of the
A. V., see II. Blunt, Lrcturct on Bulla, p. 222, fcc.
(See Doe.]
6 The word "lapffiH, A. V. » a thick doth," has
been variously conjectured to be a carpet, a mosquito-
net (Hiehaells), and a bath -mattress The last Is
••aid's suggestion (111. 628, note), and taken In oon-
aeetton with the " water," and with toe inference to
as drawn from the article attached to the Hebrew
word, Is more probable than the others. Abbas Para**
Is said to luve been murdered in the same manner.
As to the person who committed the murder, Bwart
PjtrCv remarks that as a high officer of state Baaaal
would have no business in the king's bath. Bom*
46
15. Beyond this we have no record of Ensha'e
having taken any part in the revolution of Jehu,
or the events which followed it. He does not again
appear till we find him on his deathbed in his own
house (xiii. 14-19). Joaah, the grandson of Jehu,
is now king, and he is come to weep over the ap-
proaching departure of the great and good prophet.
HU words are the same as those of Eliaha when
Elijah was taken away — " My father ! my father !
the chariot of Israel and the horsemen thereof! "
But it is not a time for weeping. One thought
fills the mind of both king and prophet Syria is
the fierce enemy who is gradually destroying the
country, and against Syria one Anal effort must be
made before the aid of Elisha becomes unobtainable.
What was the exact significance of the ceremonial
employed, our ignorance of Jewish customs does
not permit us to know, but it was evidently sym-
bolic The window is opened towards the hated
country, the bow i* pointed in the same direction,
and the prophet laying his hands on the string as if
to convey force to the shot, " the arrow of Jehovah's
deliverance, the arrow of deliverance from Syria,"
is discharged. This done, the king takes up the
bundle of arrows, and at the command of Eliaha
beats them on the ground. But he does it with
no energy, and the successes of Israel, which might
have been so prolonged as completely to destroy the
foe, are limited to three victories.
16. (xiii. 20-22). The power of the prophet,
however, does not terminate with his death. Even
in the tomb <* he restores the dead to life. Hoab
had recovered from the tremendous reverse inflicted
on her by the three kings at the opening of Elisha's
career (2 K. iii.), and her marauding bands had
begun again the work of depredation which Syria
so long pursued (2 K. v. 2, vi. 23). The text
perhaps infers that the spring — that is, when the
early crops were ripening — was the usual period
for these attacks ; but, be this as it may, on the
present occasion they invaded the land " at the
coming in of the year." A man was being buried
in the cemetery which contained the sepulchre of
Eliaha. Seeing the Moabite spoilers in the distance,
the friends of the dead man hastened to conceal his
corpse in the nearest hiding-place. They chose —
whether by design or by accident Is not said —the
tomb of the prophet, and as the body was pushed •
into the cell, which formed the receptacle for the
corpse in Jewish tombs, it came in contact with
his bones. The mere touch of those hallowed re-
mains was enough to effect that which in his life-
suppose that Benhadad killed himself by accident,
having laid a wet towel over his lace while sleeping
See KeU, ad lac
c The connection and the contrast between SUsba
and Jehu .are wall brought out by Maurice (Prophets
and Kings, serm. ix.).
d Josephus says that Elisha had a magnlfioeul
funeral (ra4% fuyoAoirpnroi*, Ant. ix. 8, | 6). Is
this Implied In the expression (xiii. 20), " they burled
him " ? The rich man in the Gospel Is also pattieu
larly said to have been " buried " (Luke xrl. 22) i. •
probably in a style befitting his rank.
• The expression of the A. V. " let down," is founded
on a wrong conception of the nature of an Bastarn
sepulchre, which Is excavated In the vertical lace of a
rook, so as to be entered by a door ; not su'ik below
the surface of the ground like our graves. The He-
brew word \y* is simply « went '" as in tbs starts)
[or, "came" i. t. to the bones of Biehal.
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723
ELISHA
lime had east Elisha both prayers and exertions —
the man '■ revived and stood up on his feet." It u
the only instance in the whole Bible — Old Testa-
ment, New Testament, and Apocrypha — of resto-
ration wrought by the inanimate remains of prophet
or saint." 1 It is to this miracle that the fathers
of the 5th century and the divines of the Roman
Catholic Church have appealed as a parallel to the
numerous alleged cures at the tombs of saints, such
as those at the graves of SS. Gervasius and Pro-
tasius.
Before closing this account of Elisha we must
not omit to notice the parallel which he presents
to our Lord — the more necessary because, unlike
the resemblance between Elijah and John the Bap-
tist, no attention is called to it in the New Testa-
ment. Some features of this likeness have already
been spoken of. c But it is not merely because he
healed a leper, raised a dead man, or increased the
loaves, that Elisha resembled Christ, but rather
because of that loving, gentle temper and kindness
of disposition — characteristic of him above all the
saints of the 0. T. — ever ready to soothe, to heal,
aud to conciliate, which attracted to him women
and simple people, and made him the universal
friend and " father," not only consulted by kings
and generals, but resorted to by widows and poor
prophets in their little troubles and perplexities.
We have spoken above of the fragmentary nature
of the records of Elisha, and of the partial con-
ception of his work as a prophet which they evince.
Be it so. For that very reason we should the more
gladly welcome those engaging traits of personal
goodness which are so often to be found even in
those fragments, and which give us a reflection,
feeble it is true, but still a reflection, in the midst
of the sternness of the Old dispensation, of the love
and mercy of the New.
Elisha is canonized in the Greek Church; his
day is the 14th June. Under that date his life,
and a collection of the few traditions concerning
him — few indeed when compared with those of
Ehjah — will be found in the Acta Sanctorum. In
the time of Jerome a " mausoleum " containing his
.■emains was shown at Samaria (Beland, p. 980).
Under Julian the bones of Elisha were taken from
their receptacle and burnt. But notwithstanding
this his relics are heard of subsequently, and the
church of S. Apollinaris at Karenna still boasts of
possessing his head. The Carmelites have a special
service in honor of Elisha. G.
* Host of the writers mentioned under Eluab
(Amer. ed.) may be consulted on the subject of
this article. It may be added here, that Stanley's
sketch of Elisha is one of surpassing interest (BU-
tory of the Jaeuh Church, ii. 353-364). He
places before us (to select a single topic) the points
of dissimilarity and of resemblance between the
two great prophets in a striking msnner: >' The
succession was close and immediate, but it was a
•accession not of likeness but of contrast. . . .
Elisha was not secluded in mountain fastnesses,
but dwelt in iiis own house in the royal city; or
a * The miracle was certainly a peculiar one, but
not without a moral end. In serving, as it must have
dons, to maintain among the Hebrews a proper rever-
snos for the prophetio order which Elisha represented,
It accomplished a result eminent!; Important to the
teUffcrns training of that people and the fuMUlment of
as tba upholders of God's trrtb and
B.
ELJSHaH
lingered amidst the sons of the prophets, within
the precincts of ancient colleges; ... or was
sought out by admiring disciples in some town on
Cartnel, or by the pass of Dothan ; or was reoeivrd
in some quiet balcony, overlooking the plain of
Esdraelou, where bed and table and seat had been
prepared for him by pious hands. His life was not
spent, like his predecessor's, in unavailing struggle,
but in wide-spread successes. ■ . . His deeds wen
not of wild terror, but of gracious, soothing, homely
beneficence, bound up with the ordinary tenor of
human life. When he smites with blindness, it is
that he may remove it again ; when he predicts, it
is the prediction of plenty, sod not of f»mlim- . . .
At his house by Jericho the bitter spring is s w eet -
ened; for the widow of one of the prophets the oil
is increased; even the workmen at the prophets'
huts are not to lose the axe-head which has fallen
through the thickets of Jordan into the eddying
stream ; the young prophets, at their common meal,
are saved from the deadly herbs which had been
poured from the blanket of one of them into the
caldron, and enjoy the multiplied provision of
corn.
" Elisha was greater yet less, less yet greater,
than EUjah. He is less. . . . \V« cannot dispense
with the mighty past even when v>. have shot far
beyond it. ... . Those who follow cannot be as
those who went before. A prophet like Elijah
comes once and does not return. Elisha, both to
his countrymen and to us, is but the successor, the
faint reflection of his predecessor. . . . Less, yet
greater, for the work of the great ones of this
earth is carried on by far inferior instruments but
on a far wider scale, and it may be in a far bighei
spirit. The life of an Elijah is never spent in vain.
Even his death has not taken him from us. He
struggles, single-handed as it would seem, and with-
out effect; and in the very crisis of the nation's
history is suddenly and mysteriously removed. But
his work continues; his mantle falls; his teaching
spreads ; his enemies perish. The prophet preaches
and 'teaches, the martyr dies and passes away; but
other men enter into his labors. . . . What was
begun in fire and storm, in solitude and awful
visions, must be carried on through winning arts,
and healing acts, and gentle words of peaceful and
social intercourse; not in the desert of Horeb, or
on the top of Carmel, but in the crowded thorough-
fares of Samaria, in the gardens of Damascus, by
the rushing waters of Jordan." H.
ELI'SHAH (ntrbi* [God u wkatkn, see
above] : 'EAitrd; [Tat in i Clir. E\tum; in Ex.,]
'EAtwraf; Joseph. 'EAurSj: i.liea), the eldest son
of Javan (Gen. x. 4). The residence of his de-
scendants is described in Ez. xxvii. 7, as the "isles
of Wi«b«b " (D^'N = maritime regioni), whence
the Phoenicians obtained their purple and blue dyes
Josephus identified the race of Eiishah with the
iEolians ('EAicros /air "EAuraioi/s UiXtatii, if
tyx*", Ai'oXcit 8* vvy rial, Ant. i. 6, § 1). His
view is adopted by Knobel ( VSlkerta/il, p. 81 ff.)
e Augustine's Omftaumt (ts. * 18).
' These resemblances are drawn out, with great
beauty, but in seme instances rather fcncifaUr, k;
J. H. Newman {Sermons on Subject* of the Jast
Klisba a Type of Christ, to.). Bos also Rev. taw
Williams (Old Tat. Ouiraam).
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HUBHAMA
D preference to the more generally received opinion
Hut Ellaha = Elis, and in a more extended sense
Peloponnesus, or even Hellu. It certainly appears
aorreet to treat it ai the designation of a race
rather than of a locality; and if Jaran represent*
the Iooians, then Elisha the jEolians, whose name
presents considerable similarity (AloKtit having
possibly been Al\tts), and whose predilection for
maritime situations quite accords with the expres-
sion in EtekieL In early times the JSolians were
settled in various parts of Greece, Thessaly, Bceotia,
42tolia, Locris, Elis, and Massenia: from (Jreece
they emigrated to Asia Minor, and in EzekieTe age
occupied the maritime district in the N. W. of that
country, named after them JSolis, together with the
Islands Lesbos and Tenedos. The purple shell-fish
was found on this coast, especially at Abydus ( Virg.
Georg. I 307), Phocaaa (Ovid. Milan, vi. «),
Sigeum and tectum (Atheneus, iii. p. 88). Not
much, however, can be deduced from this as to the
position of the " isles of Eliahah," as that shell-
fish was found in many parts of the Mediterranean,
especially on the ooast of Laconia (l'auaan. iii. 21,
§ «). W. L. B.
KLISH'AMA (»ljn^\^ [whom Godheart] :
Vuaana, 'EAio"<yW, 'KKtcuri, ictX.), the name
of several men.
1. ['EAiffoui; Vat. twice -Am-; in 1 Chr., Rom.
'EAwopat, Vat. E\«uuurai: EUtama.] Son of
Ammihud, the "prince" or "captain" (both
r^tDJ) of the tribe of Ephraim in the Wilderness
of Sinai (Num. i. 10, ii. 18, vii. 48, 63, x. 23).
From the genealogy preserved in 1 Chr. vii. 26, we
find that be was grandfather to the great Joshua.
2. ['EAto-apst; Vat -A«S in 1 Chr. xiv., Rom.
EAi<r<uuil, Vat. FA. -Avr-.] A son of King David.
One of the thirteen, or, aocording to the record of
Samuel, the eleven, sons born to him of his wives
after his establishment in Jerusalem (2 Sam. v. 16 ;
1 Chr. iii. 8, xiv. 7).
3. CEKi<rA: [Vat. -A«-; Alex. EAi<rapo>]) By
this name is also given (in the Heb. text) in 1 Chr.
iii. 6, another son of the same family, who in the
other lists is called Eushca.
4. [*EAiotuu(; Vat -An-.] A descendant of
ludah; the son of Jekamiah (1 Chr. U. 41). In
the Jewish traditions preserved by Jerome ( Qb.
Hebr. on 1 Chr. ii. 41), he appears to be identified
with
6. [In 2 K., 'EAunutrf; Vat -A«i-; in Jer.,
•EA«oo-ii; Vat Alex. EAao-ai FA. EAetrai Comp.
*EA<o"<tyu(.] The father of Nethaniah and grand-
father of Ishmael " of the seed royal," who lived
tt the time of the great Captivity (2 K. xxv. 25;
lar. xU. 1). [In Jer. xli. 1 the A. V. ed. 1611,
rtth other early editions, reads ElishamaA.]
6. [*EAi<rn^t; Vat EAeurapo, EAcura; FA.
w. 20, 21, ditto.] Scribe to King Jeboiakim (Jer.
ttzvi. 12, 20, 21).
7. [ , EAi<nuii; Vat -*«-.] A priest in the
time of Jehosbaphat, one of the party sent by that
king through the cities of Jndah, with the book of
the law, to teach the people (3 Chr. xvii. 8).
BLISH'APHAT (O?^ 1 ^ [whom God
j*dget\: i 'EAie-a*xir [Vat -A«-j, Alex. EAie-
attrr: Elitaphat), son of Zichri; one of the " cap-
tains of hundreds," whom Jehoiada the priest em-
ployed to eoOect the Levites and other principal
tsople to Jeruaalrm before bringing forward Joash
■ Chr. xxiU. 1)
ELKAXAH 728
ELISHTSBA [Beb. EUshe'ba] (SStf"^ '
'EAura0«0; [Alex. -jS<t:] EHtabeth), the wife of
Aaron (Ex. vi. 23). She was the daughter of Am-
minadab, and sister of Nahahon the captain of the
host of Judah (Num. ii. 3), and her marriage to
Aaron thus united the royal and priestly tribes.
W. A. W.
* The name signifies " God of the oath," t. e.
God is her oath, a worshipper of God (Gesen.); or
"God of the covenant" (Fiirst). Its Greek form
Ut *EAio*<(j8«t, the name of the wife of Zacharnut,
the mother of John. [Eusaukth.] H.
ELISHU'A CPUD^ [God it kmxmohj:
'EaioW, [Vat EAno-our, Alex. ZKtaous\ in 1
Chr.,] 'EMo-d, Alex. EAktou, [Vat Ekt<u, Comp.
'E\urov4i] Elima), one of David's family by his
later wives; born after his settlement in Jerusalem
(2 Sam. v. 15; 1 Chr. xiv. 5). In the list of 1
Chr. iii. 6, the name is given with a slight differ-
ence, as Eusuamx.
ELIS'IMTJS ('EAidVruwf; [V*t EA«uur«-
uor; Aid. 'EAfo-utorO Uatumm), 1 Esdr. ix. 28.
[EUASIIIR.]
ELITJ ('HAio< [Vat- Sin. Alex. HAtuw] =
Heb. Elihu), one of the forefathers of Judith
(Jud. viii. 1), and therefore of the tribe of Sim-
eon.
ELI'UD ('EAwM, from the Heb. Tut*^.
which however does not occur, God of the Jewt),
son of Achim in the genealogy of Christ (Matt. i.
15), four generations above Joseph. His name is
of the same formation as Abiud, and is probably
an indication of descent from him. A. C. H.
ELIZ'APHANfl??'^ [GodaproUotor]:
'EAio-wpdV; [in Num. and 2 Chr., Vat -A«-; in 1
Chr., Rom. 'EAio-a^dr, Vat FA. -A«i-:] EHt-
aphan). 1. A Levite, son of Uzziel, chief of the
bouse of the Kohathites at the time of the census
id the Wilderness of Sinai ([Ex. vi. 22; Lev. x.
4;] Num. iii. 30). His family was known and
represented in the days of King David (1 Chr. xv.
8), and took part in the revivals of Hezeltiah (2
Chr. xxix. 8). His name is also found in the con-
tracted form of Elzaphah.
2. ['EAio-o^dV; Vat -An--] Son of Pamaeh;
" prince " (WBTp) of the tribe of Zebulun, one of
the men appointed to assist Moses in apportioning
the land of Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 35).
• ELIZETJS is the reading of the A. V. ed.
1611 and other early editions in Luke iv. 27 and
Eeclus. xlviii. 12 for Elisbus, which see. A
ELI'ZTJR ("WPbW [God it the rock] : , E.Vi-
*ivp'< [Vat once -A«-:J Etisur), son of Shedetu i
"prinoe" (K'ttrJ) of the tribe, and over the host
of Reuben, at the time of the census in the WiUa
ness of Sinai (Num. i. 5, ii. 10, vii. 30, 36, x
18).
EI/KANAH (n}|7^ [God areata or pot-
feces]: 'EAkowC: Eleana). 1. Son of Koran,
the son of Debar, the son of Kohath, the son of
Levi, according to Ex. vi. 24, where his brothers
are represented as being Asair and Abiasaph. But
in 1 Ch.-. n. 22, 23 (Heb. 7, 8) Assir, Elkanah,
and Ebiasaph are mentioned in the same order, not
as the three sons of Korah, but as son, grandson,
and great-grandson respectively; and this seems
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724 ULKOSH
to be undoubtedly correct. If so, the passage In
Exodus must be understood as merely giving the
(unities of the Korhites existing at the time the
passage was penned, which must, in this caw, hare
been long subsequent to Hoses. In Num. xxvi. 68,
"the family of the Korhites" (A. V."Korathites")
Is mentioned as one family. As regards the fact of
Koran's descendants continuing, it may be noticed
that we are expressly told in Num. xxvi. II, that
when Korah and his oompany died, " the children
of Korah died not."
2. A descendant of the above in the line of
Abimoth, otherwise Mahath, 1 Chr. vi. 26, 35
(Heb. 11, 20). (See Hervey, Gentahgitt, pp.
910, 214, note.)
3. Another Kohathite Levite, in the line of
Heman the singer. He was son of Jerobam, and
father of Samuel the illustrious judge and prophet
(1 Chr. vi. 37, 34). All that is known of him is
contained in the above notices and in 1 Sam. i. 1,
4, 8, 19, 21, 23, and ii. 11, 20, where we learn that
he lived at Ramathaim-Zophim in Mount Ephraim,
otherwise called Ramah; that he had two wives,
Hannah and Peninnah, but had no children by the
former, till the birth of Samuel in answer to Han-
nah's prayer. We learn also that he lived in the
time of Eli the high-priest, and of his sons Hophni
and Phinehas; that he was a pious man who went
up yearly from Kamathaim-Zophim to Shiloh, in
the tribe of Ephraim, to worship and sacrifice at
the tabernacle theret but it does not appear that
he performed any sacred functions as a Levite; a
circumstance quite in accordance with the account
which ascribes to David the establishment of the
priestly and Levities! courses for the Temple serv-
ice. He seems to have been a man of some
wealth from the nature of his yearly sacrifice,
which enabled him to give portions out of it to sd
his family, and from the costly offering of three
bullocks made when Samuel was brought to the
House of the Lord at Shiloh. After the birth of
Samuel, KlWimnh and Hannah continued to live
at Ramah (where Samuel afterwards bad bis house,
1 Sam. vii. 17), and had three sons and two daugh-
ters. This closes all that we know about Elkai.ah.
4. [Vat. HA*ara.] A Levite (1 Chr. ix. 16).
6. [Vat. Alex. FA. HXxaro, exc. Vat. Kara in
1 Chr. xtt.] Another man of the family of the
Korhites who joined David while be was at Ziklag
(1 Chr. xii. 6). From the terms of ver. 2 it is
doubtful whether this can be the well-known Levit-
ical family of Korhites. Perhaps the same who
afterwards was one of the doorkeepers for the ark
(xv. 23).
6. [Vat. EiAxara.] An officer in the house-
bold of Ahsx, king of Judah, who was slain by
Zkhri the Ephraimite, when Pekah invaded Judah.
He seems to have been the second in command
under the prefect of the palace (3 Chr. xxviii. 7).
AC. H.
EI/KOSH (BJSp^»), the birthplace of the
prophet Nahum, hence called "the Elkoshite,"
kah. i. 1 (t 'EAjcfiraTot; [Sin. 1 o EAicaio-cotO
Blcetanu). Two widely differing Jewish traditions
tssigc as widely different localities to this place.
n the time of Jerome it was believed to exist in a
email village or Galilee. The ruins of some old
buildings were pointed out to this father by his
guide as the remains of the ancient Elkoah (Je-
rome, On JVn4. i. 1 ). Cyril of Alexandria ( Comm.
W Ifahum) says that the vi'lage of Hkoan was
BLKOflH
piemewhere or other in the country of the Jen
Pseudo-Epiphanius (<fo Flos Priphetarm, Opp
ii. 247) places Elkoeh on the east of the Jordan,
at Bethabara («1» Brryafrip, Chron. Patch, p.
150, Cod. B. has cit IBrrrafiap^r), where he says
the prophet died in peace. According to SchwarU
(Deter, nf Palatine, p. 188), the grave of Nahum
is shown at Kefr Tanchum, a village 2} English
miles north of Tiberias. But mediaeval tradition,
perhaps for the convenience of the Babylonian Jews,
attached the fame of the prophet's burial place
to Alkutk, a village on the east bank of the Tigris,
near the monastery of Rabban Hormuzd, and
about two miles north of Mosul. Benjamin of
Tudela (p. 53, ed. Asher) speaks of the synagogues
of Nahum, Obadiah, and Jonah at Assbur, the
modern MotuL R. Petachia (p. 35, ed. Benisch )
was shown the prophet's grave, at a distance of
four parasangs from that, of Baruch, the son of
Neriah, which was itself distant a mile from tot
tomb of Ezekiel. It is mentioned in a letter of
Masius, quoted by Asseman (BibL Orient, i. 525).
Jews from the surrounding districts make a pil-
grimage to it at certain seasons. The synagogue
which is built over the tomb is described by Colonel
ShieL who visited it in his journey through Kur-
distan (Journ. Geog. Soc. viii. 93). Rich evi-
dently believed in the correctness of the tradition,
considering the pilgrimage of the Jews as almost
sufficient test (Kurdutan, 1. 101). The tradition
which assigns Elkoah to Galilee is more in accord-
ance with the internal evidence afforded by the
prophecy, which gives no sign of having been writ-
ten in Assyria. W. A. W.
* Elkoah as a place is not named in the Bible,
though of course Nahum's appellative (Nah. i. 1)
implies the place, just as Elika is called the Har-
odite from Ilarod (2 Sam. xxiii. 25), Ahijah the
Shilonite from Shiloh (1 K. xi. 29), and others
(see Jer. xxvi. 18). It may have been the prophet's
birthplace or his abode only. The etymology is
uncertain. Fttrst suggests (Hanthttotb. i. 98)
tt?p by, i. e. Goofs bow or strength. The Amer-
ican missionary, Dr. Perkins of OriminJt, visited
the Assyrian Elkosh in 1849. He assumes it to
be the home of the prophet, but assigns no reason
fdr that opinion except such as the name itself
may seem to offer. " It is situated on a broken
stony declivity, right under the first range of the
Kurdish mountains, after crossing the Tigris, and
on the northern extremity of the great Assyrian
plain. A few stinted pomegranates and figs were
growing in small gardens in the village, which
were the only trees to be seen, to relieve the eye as
it stretched along the bare limestone range and
over the vast plain in other directions. The town
contains about 300 papal Nestorian families. The
people speak the modern Syriac and the Kurdish.
. . . We visited the prophet's tomb. It is in a small
Jewish synagogue. An oblong box, covered with
green cotton cloth, stands over what purports to be
his grave. The synagogue and tomb are kept bv
a Christian, there now being no Jews in kticfuk.
Many Israelites make the pilgrimage and spend the
feast of q \bemacles in this ancient and venerabls
place, coming for that purpose even from Burrorah,
Constantinople, and Jerusalem.'' (See Bibi Sa-
cra, ix. 643.)
An appeal to the style and contents of Nahrm's
prophecy leaves the question as to the place of his
nativity still undecided; for critics draw from thai
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ELKOSHITE
> precisely opposite conclusions. While some
Ind ideas and expressions in the book which are
alleged to be Assyrian in their origin, other* either
refuse to concede to them that character, or affirm
that an; Jewish prophet might hare so written,
who had never passed beyond the boundary of his
own country. Of those who place Elkosh in Gal-
ilee are Hiiveraick (EM. ins A. Tat. p. 375),
Knobel (Prophetism. ii. 908), Welte (hi Herbst's
Einl in die heiL 8ehr. da A. Tat. ii. Abth.
2, p. 147), De Wette (Eial in das A. Tat. p.
336), Week (Einl. ins Alt* TaL p. 542), and
Kaumer (Patastina, p. 135). Of those who think
that Nahum was bom or at least prophesied
in Assyria, are Eichhorn (Einl iii. 317), Grimm
(Ifahum, p. 15 ft*.), Ewald (Pivph. da A. B.
i. 350), Winer (BibL RtaUe. i. 823), and Hitter
(Erdk. ix. 742). Stanley mentions both opin-
ions, but does not venture to decide between them
(Jewish Church, ii. 412). It deserves notice that
all the testimonies as to the existence of an Elkosh
in that remote East are comparatively modem
There is reason to suspect, says a German critic,
that " the name may have come not from the vil-
lage mentioned in our book of Nahum, but out of
our book to that village." The internal argument
founded on the coloring or imagery of the prophet,
is too subjective to be of any weight on either side.
a.
•ELKOSHITE. [Elkosh.]
BL'LASAB 09^?: 'EXXavdp; (Alex, in
ver. 1, SsAAacrof).'] Pontus) has been considered
the same place with the Thelaanr C">^N;?J-1)
of 9 K. xix. 12, but this is very improbable. lLl-
kuar — the city of Arioch (Gen. xiv. 1, 9) — seems
to be the Hebrew representative of the old Chal
dnan town called in the native dialect Isirti or
Laraneha, and known to the Greeks as Larissa
(Sipuraa) or Laracbon (tuuix**)- Th" on >-
placement suits the connection with Elam and
Shinar (Gen. xiv. 1); and the identification is or-
Uiographically defensible, whereas the other is not.
Lnrsa was a town of Lower Babylonia or Chaldaea,
situated nearly half-way between Ur (Mugheir)
and Erech ( Warka), on the left bank of the Eu-
phrates. It is now Stnkcrth. The iiucriptions
ihow it to have been one of the primitive capitals
— of earlier date, probably, than Babylon itself;
and we may gather from the narrative iu Gen. xiv.
that in the time of Abraham it was the metropolis
of a kingdom distinct from that of Shinar, but
owning allegiance to the superior monarchy of
Dam. That we hear no more of it after this time
a owing to its absorption into Babylon, which took
place soon afterwards. G. B.
ELM (iT^N). Only once rendered elms, in
Bos. it. 13. See Oak.
ELMODAM ('K\fu»Siii, or 'EAiioSdu [so
dash. Treg.j, apparently the same as the Hebrew
VTiaVri, Gen. x. 26; 'EA/usScto, LXX.), son of
tr, six 'generations above Zerubbabel, in the gen-
ealogy of Joseph (Luke iii. 28). [Almodad.]
A. C. H.
BLN A' AM (Dyj'jV [Cod's delijht]: 'EA
sain; Alex. EAMUut;'(KA. EAAap:] Elnaim)
die Cm her of Jeribai and Joshaviah, two of David's
gawd, according to the extended list in 1 Chr. xi.
18. In the LXX. the second warrior is said to be
KliOJSr
725
the vm of the first, and Elnaam is given as himself
a member of the guard.
EL'NATHAN (\n$7$ [«*»« God gave
comp. Theodore, Diodate]:' [in 2 K.,] EAAavav-
8iii, [Vat -yaBafi, Alex, -/xaftapi •" "' er - **"•
LXX. om.; Jer. xxxvi., Alex.] Naftu-; [Kom
Vat] 'ivnlsW, ['EAnUwO Elnathan). 1. TbJ
maternal grandfather of Jehoiauhiu, distinguished
as " Elnathan of Jerusalem " (2 K. xxiv. 8). Hs
is doubtless the same man with " Elnathan the son
of Achbor," one of the leading men in Jerusalem
in Jeho'iakim's reign (Jer. xxvi. 22, xxxvi. 12, 25).
The variations iu the LXX. arise from the names
Elnathan, Jonathan, and Nathan having the same
sense, dud's gi/l (Theodore).
8. ['AXayifi (Comp. 'EAutKhuO, 'EAr<(6eut,
'E\riBav (Vat ZayaBav).] The name of three
persons, apparently Levites, iu the time of Eora
(Ear. viii. 16). In 1 Esdr. they are corrupted to
Alhathan, and Eumata.n. W. L. B.
* Elnathan, the contemporary of Jeboiakim, ap-
pears in only two incidents, but these strongly illus-
trate both his own character and that of his times
He was sent by the king with a body of men into
Egypt to discover and bring back the fugitive
Ukijah, who was afterwards beheaded, and whose
innocent blood therefore stained in part the hands
of his pursuer (Jer. xxvi. 20-23). Elnathan was
present also at the burning of Jeremiah's "roll,"
which the king took from Baruch, the prophet's
scribe, and threw into the lire before his eyes,
because it contained such threuteuitigs against the
wicked that the conscience-smitten ruler could
not submit to hear them read. It is recorded to
the honor of Elnathan, that he bad the courage U
protest earnestly though ineffectually against the
impious act (Jer. xxxvi. 20-25). On this trans-
action in its various personal relations, see furthet
under Jeiiuiakim (Amer. ed.). H.
E-LON. L (irV»8 [<m oak) : TEAsfe, AlMpt
Alex. [AiAayt,] EAmu: Eton), a Hittite, whose
daughter was one of Esau's wives (Gen. xxvi. 34,
xxxvi. 2). For the variation in the came of bis
daughter, see Bashemath.
2. (]VtN : 'AAAoV, Alex, [in Gen.,] A<ro»r :
Eton), the second of the three sons attributed to
Zebulun (Gen. xlrL 14; Num. xxvi. 26); and the
founder of the family (TMffiVfQ) of the Elo»
ites 03' 7NT1). From this tribe came
3. Hon the (not "a") Zebulonite (]lV , Jjl"
AiXoVi [Alex. AiXmri] Joseph. 'HA<w : Ahialan),
who judged Israel for ten years, and was buried in
Ayalon in Zebulun (Judg. xii. 11, 12). Tht
names "Elon" and "A\jalon" in Hebrew, are
composed of precisely the same letters, and differ
only in the vowel points, so that the place of Eton's
burial may have been originally called after him.
It will be remarked that the Vulgate does assim-
ilate the two.
BXON OVrW : 'ZXA,; [Vat A«Ao»:] Ebn\
one of the towns in the bo-der of the tribe of Dan
(y:ab. xix. 43). To judg* from the order of the
Est, its situation must have been between Ajakra
(Tib) and Ekron (Akir); but no town corre-
sponding in name has yet been discovered. The
name in Hebrew signifies a great oak or other
strong tree, and may therefor* be a testimony t*
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726
ELON -BETH-HAN AN
the wooded character of the district It is possibly
the same place as
BXON-BETH-HA'NAN (]J»7"n>$ ^
= oak of the home of grace [lit gracious one,
pern, a proper name]: 'EA<S>r ten Bi)9avd>; Alex.
AioAmju «. B.; [Vat. EAayj «. BcuOAapaa'] ), which
is named with two Danite towns as forming one
of Solomon's commissariat districts (1 K. iv. 9).
For " Beth-hanan " some Hebrew MSS. have
"Ben-hanan," and some "and Bethhanan;" the
latter is followed by the Vulgate ["et in Ekm,
et in Bethhanan"]. G.
EXONITES, THE, Num. xzri. 36. [Elon,
8-1
BXOTH [flVytJ, grove of ttrong trees:
AiAdS; in 9 Chr. nil. 17, Vat Alex. AiAeut:
Aiiat/i), 1 K. ix. 36; 9 Chr. viii. 17, xzri. 3.
[Elath.]
ELPA'AL (bjg^l [God hk reward]: 'AA-
(padK, ['EAeWA; Vat. AA«\aoJ, EAxaoS; Alex.
ver. 13, AA4""t:] Elphaal), a Benjamite, son of
Hushim and brother of Abitub (1 Chr. viii. 11).
He was the founder of a numerous family. The
Bene-Elpaal appear to hare lived in the neighbor-
hood of Lydda (Lod), and on the outposts of the
Benjamite hills as far as Ajalon ( Yolo) (viii. 13-
18), near the Danite frontier. Hushim was the
name of the principal Danite family. If the fore-
father of Elpaal was the same person, his mention
in a Benjamite genealogy is an evidence of an in-
termarriage of the two tribes.
ELPA-LET {1$$7$: 'EAifaAvje) [Alex.
-Arr; Vat EA«faA<0, FA. -AerO Eliphakt), one
of David's sons bom in Jerusalem (1 Chr. xiv. 5).
In the parallel list, 1 Chr. iii. 6, the name is given
more fully as Elipiiblet.
EL-PA RAN (VJNS V>H: f, rtp4$tr$os
ryt +apar; Alex. i\ rtptpurtot r. #.: campalria
Pharan). Literally " the terebinth of Paran "
(Gen. xiv. 6). [Paran.] W. A. W.
ELTEKEH (nprjVtf [or V®rfo$, God
hit fear, i. e. Godfearing] ': 'AXxaSi, and' j> EA-
MfoWju; Alex. EA0<«r«: EUhece, [Etiheco]), one
of the cities in the border of Dan (Josh. xix. 44),
which with its " suburbs " (ttnjD) was allotted
to the Rohathite Levites (xxi. 313). It is however
omitted from the parallel list of 1 Chr. vi. No
trace of the name has yet been discovered. 6.
ELTEKON Ol'il'TlJI [God itt foundation] :
tThKoi/i ; Alex. EXttKtr •* JEUecon), one of the
towns of the tribe of Judah, in the mountains
(Josh. xv. t>9). From its mention in company with
Halmul and Bkth-zcr, it was probably about
the middle of the country of Judah, 3 or 4 miles
north of Hebron ; but it has not yet been identified.
G.
ELTOXAD ("rVtf'i'TtJ [Gcd-i kindred,
allied to him]: 'EA/JavWJ and 'Ep$ov\d [Vat.
EAOovAa]; Alex. EA&oAaJ and EA0ov8ao°: Eltho-
'•«/), one of the cities in the south of Judah (Josh.
tr. 30) allotted to Simeon (Josh. xix. 4); and in
uoasession of that tribe until the time of David
v l Chr. iv. 33). It is named with Baer-eheha and
Other places which we know to have been in the
■xtreme south, on the border of the country; but
t baa net yet been identified- In the passage of
ELYMAS
Chronicles above quoted, the name u fives, as
Toiad. a
E'LUL [5eA.EluK] (Vlbfl : i EAo<5A= Ehd)
Neb. vi. 15; [where the month is so named is
which Nehemiah's wall of Jerusalem was finished
and] 1 Mace. xiv. 37 [where it is the month is
which written tablets of brass were erected on Skm
in honor of Simon Maccabeus]. [Months.]
ELU'ZAI [3 syL] PP© 1 ^ [God ass
/•raise]: 'Afof; [FA. Af«; Ald.J Alex. 'EAWT:
Elwtn), one of the warriors of Benjamin, who
joined David at Ziklag while he was being pursued
by Saul (1 Chr. xii. 5). [The A V. ed. 1611
reads Elruzai.]
• ELYMA1S CEAv/urft; in 1 Maee., Sin.
evAv>tait; Alex, tr EAv/ms; Comp. Aid. it EAi/-
fuXf. Elymais; in Tob., Vulg. omits) occurs in
1 Mace. vi. 1 as the name of a city in Persia
" greatly renowned for riches, silver and gold," and
containing (ver, 3) " a very rich temple, wherein
were coverings of gold, and breastplates, and
shields, which Alexander, the Macedonian king,
had left there." To this place Antiochus Epiphanes
(see on that name) laid siege, but was baffled and
fled with his army to Babylon. Josepbus also,
who mentions the same occurrence (Aut. xii. 9,
J 1), calls the city Elymais (fypnotp M tV
'EAv/iaiSa Kal ain^y tro\iipxet)i but no one of
the other writers (Polybius, Appian, Strabo, Diod-
orus) who refer to this frustrated attempt of Anti-
ochus shows any knowledge of a city bearing this
name. It can hardly be said that Josephus con-
firms the writer of the first book of Maccabees;
for he merely copies that writer or some document
which they both follow.
Elymais denoted among the Greeks the Semitic
Elah, but as applied to a city is unknown out of
1 Mace. vi. 1, and Josephus as above. Some think
it an oversight of these writers, or a mistranslation
of the Aramaean original of the first book of Mac-
cabees. Vaihinger (Hereog's Real-Encyk. iii. 749)
adopts the suggestion of MichaeUs that nyjip
may have stood in this original document, in its
older sense of " province " (see Dan. viii. 3), but
was translated into Greek by its later sense of
" city," a meaning which the word now bears in
Syriac and Arabic. Symmachus renders the same
word by wi\ts in 1 K. xx. 14 and Dan. viii. 3.
Dr. Kuiiger thinks it possible that the name of the
country may stand in 1 Mace. vi. 1 for that of the
capital (Ersch and Gruber's Encyk. art Elan:).
In Tob. ii. 10, Elymais is evidently the name of the
province, and not of a town. (See Pauly's Real-
Encyk. iii. 114; Winer's Healw. i. 313; Fritxsche
and Grimm, Exeg. Handb. in loc) H.
ELYMiE'ANS [A. V. ed. 1611 Elime'ans,
in later eds. Elyme'ans] ('EAvpcuw), Jud. L «
[EuAJirrKS.]
EI/YMAS (EAi/iat), the Arabic name of toe
Jewish mage or sorcerer liar-jesus, who had attached
himself to the proconsul of Cyprus, Sergius Paulna,
when St Paul visited the island (Acts xiii. 6 ffi)
On his attempting to dissuade the proconsul from
embracing the Christian faith, he was struck with
miraculous blindness by the Apostle. The namt
Elymas, " the wise man," is from the same root as
the Arabic " Ulema." On the practice general!}
then prevailing, in the decay of faith, of cooscnMna.
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ELYMEAN8
impostors of this kind, nee ("onybeare and
Howson, Life of St. Paul, i. 177-18", 9d ed.
H. A.
• BXYME AN8. [ELTViBARB.]
BL'ZABAD (TJ^ [g**n of God =
rheodore]: 'E\ia(4p' Aia. E\t(afiai: Elxtbad).
L The ninth of the eleven Gadite heroes who came
across the Jordan to David when he was in distress
in the wilderness of Judah (1 Chr. zii. 12).
3. L'EAfaa49; Vat £\ v (a$aB; Alex. E\(afkX :
EUabad.] A Korhito Levite, eon of Shemaiah and
of the family of Obed-edom ; one of the doorkeepers
of the " house of Jehovah " (1 Chr. zxvi. 7).
BL'ZAPHAN (V$f7$ [on whom God pro-
toctt] : 'EAura«>dV : Elttaphnn), second son of
Uzxiel, who was the son of Kohath son of Levi
(Ex. vi. 93). He was thus cousin to Moses and
Aaron, as is distinctly stated. I'Uzaphan assisted
his brother Hishael to carry the unhappy Nadab
and Abihu in tlieir priestly tunics out of the camp
(Lev. x. 4). The name is a contracted form of
Euzaphan, in which it most frequently occurs.
EMBALMING, the process by which dead
bodies are preserved from putrefaction and decay.
The Hebrew word tSSFl (ch&nat), employed to
denote this process, is connected with the Arabic
iaJOk, which in conj. 1 signifies " to be red," as
leather which has been tanned ; and in conj. 2, " to
preteree with tpieet." In the 1st and 4th conjuga-
tions it is applied to the ripening of fruit, and this
meaning has been assigned to the Hebrew root in
Cant ii. 13. in the latter passage, however, it
probably denotes the fragrant smell of the ripening
figs. The word is found in the Chaldee and Syriac
dialects, and in the latter J t> A rfi At {ehine(lo)
EMBALMING
727
(wilt '.", 1^
Diflanmt forms of mnmmy eases. (WTMnaoa.)
I. t, 4. Of wood. 8, 6, 6, 7, 8. Of isjme.
»• Of wood, and of early mns — baton the XTIIItb
dynasty.
11. Of bsmt earthenware.
is the equivalent of plyua, the confection cf myrra
ana aloes brought by Nioodemus (John xix. 89).
The practice of embalming was most general
among the Egyptians, and it is in connection will
this people that the two instances which we meet
with in the O. T. are mentioned (On. 1. 2, 26).
Of the Egyptian method of embalming there remain
two minute accounts, which have a general kind
of agreement, though they differ in details.
Herodotus (ii. 86-89) describes three modes,
varying in completeness and expense, and practiced
by persons regularly trained to the profession who
were initiated into the mysteries of the art by their
ancestors. The most oostly mode, which is esti-
mated by Diodorus Siculus (i. 91) at a talent <if
silver, was said by the Egyptian priests t-> belong
to him whose name hi such a matter it was nut
lawful to mention, namely, Osiris. The embalmers
first removed part of the brain through the nostrils,
by means of a crooked iron, and destroyed the real
by injecting caustic drugs. An incision was then
made along the flank with a sharp Ethiopian stone,
and toe whole of the intestines removed. The
cavity was rinsed out with palm-wine, and after-
wards scoured with pounded perfumes. It was
then filled with pure myrrh pounded, cassia, and
other aromatics, except frankincense. This done,
the body was sewn up and steeped in natron for
seventy days. When the seventy days were ac-
complished, the embalmers washed the corpse and
swathed it in bandages of linen, cut in strips and
smeared with gum. They then gave it up to the
relatives of the deceased, who provided for it a
wooden case, made in the shape of a man, in which
the dead was placed, and deposited in an erect
position against the wall of the sepulchral chamber.
Oiodonu Siculus gives some particulars of the
process which are omitted by Herodotus. When
the body was laid out on the ground for the pur-
pose of embalming, one of the operators, called the
scribe iypafifurrtis), marked out tlie part of the
left flank where the incision was to be made The
dissector (wayMuryiimfi) then, with a sharp Ethi-
opian stone (black flint, or Ethiopian agate, Raw-
linson, Ihrod. ii. 141 ), hastily cut through as much
flesh as the law enjoined, and fled, pursued by
curses and volleys of stones from the spectators
When all the embalmers (raptxevral) were assem
bled, one of them extracted the intestines, with the
exception of the heart and kidneys ; another cleansed
the muausy's head, sssn at an open sasstl of taw
oooa (Wilkinson.)
them one by one, and rinsed them in pahn-wine
and perfumes. The body was then washed with
oil of cedar, and other thing* worthy >}f notice, for
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728 EMBALMING
nan thin thirty days (according to some MSS.
forty and afterwards sprinkled with myrrh, cin-
namon, and other substances, which possess the
property not only of preserving the body for a long
period, but also of communicating to it an agreeable
smell. This process was so effectual that the features
of the dead could be recognized. It is remarkable
that Diodorus omits all mention of the steeping in
natron.
The second mode of embalming cost about 20
mines. In this case no incision was made in the
body, nor were the intestines removed, but cedar-
oil was injected into the stomach by the rectum.
The oil was prevented from escaping, and the body
was then steeped in natron for the appointed num-
ber of days. On the last day the oil was withdrawn,
and carried off with it the stomach and intestines
in a state of solution, while the flesh was consumed
by the natron, and nothing was left but the skin
and bones. The body in this state was returned
to the relatives of the deceased.
The third mode, which was adopted by the poorer
classes, and cost but little, consisted in rinsing out
the intestines with syrmsea, an infusion of senna
and cassia (Pettigrew, p. 69), and steeping the body
for the usual number of days in natron.
Porphyry (De Abtt. iv. 10) supplies an omission
of Herodotus, who neglects to mention what m
done with the intestines after they were removed
from the body. In the case of a person of respect-
able rank they were placed in a separate vessel and
thrown into the river. This account is confirmed
by Plutarch (Sept. Sap. Com. c. IS).
Although the three modes of embalming are so
precisely described by Herodotus, it has been found
impossible to classify the mummies which have been
discovered and examined under one or other of
these three heads. Dr. Pettigrew, from his own
observations, confirms the truth of Herodotus' state-
ment that the brain was removed through the
nostrils. But in many instances, in which the
body was carefully preserved and elaborately orna-
mented, the brain had not been removed at all;
while in some mummies the cavity was (bond to be
filled with resinous and bituminous matter.
M. Rouyer, in his Notice tur let Embaumementt
det Ancient Egyptient, quoted by Pettigrew, en-
deavored to class the mummies which he examined
under two principal divisions, which were again
subdivided into others. These were — I. Mummies
with the ventral incision, preserved, (1.) by balsamic
matter, and (2. ) by natron. The first of these are
filled with a mixture of resin and aromatics, and
are of an olive color — the skin dry, flexible, and
adhering to the bones. Others are filled with
bitumen or asphaltum, and are black, the skin hard
and shining. Those prepared with natron are also
filled with resinous substances and bitumen. II.
Mummies without the ventral incision. This class
is again subdivided, according as the bodies were,
(1.) salted and filled with pisasphaltum, a com-
pound of asphaltum and common pitch; or (2.)
salted only. The former are supposed to have been
immersed in the pitch nhen in a liquid state.
The medicaments employed in embalming were
various. From a chemical analysis of the sub-
stances found in mummies, M. Bouelle detected
three modes of embalming: (1.) with atphattum, or
Jew's pitch, called also funeral gum, or gum of
mummies ; (2.) with a mixture of asphaltum and
xdria, the liquor distilled from the cedar; (3.) with
his mixture together with some resinous and aro-
BMBALMINO
matic ingredients. The powdered aromath « bob
tioned by Herodotus were not mixed with tbt
bituminous matter, but sprinkled into toe eavitie*
of the body.
It does not appear that embalming, properly as
called, was practiced by the Hebrews. Asa was
laid " in the bed which was filled with sweet odors
and divers kinds of tpicet prepared by the apothe-
caries' art" (2 Chr. xvi. 14); and by the tender
care of Nicodemus the body of Jesus was wrapped
iu linen cloths, with spices, " a mixture of myrrh
and aloes, about an hundred pound weight ... at
the manner of the Jews is to bury" (John xix.
39,40).
The account given by Herodotus has been sup-
posed to throw discredit upon the narrative in
Genesis. He asserts that the body is steeped in
natron for seventy days, while in Gen. 1. 8 it is
said that only forty days were occupied in the
whole process of embalming, although the period
of mourning extended over seventy days. Diodorus,
on the contrary, omits altogether the steeping in
natron as a part of the operation, and though the
time which, according to him, is taken up in wash-
ing the body with cedar oil and other aromatics is
more than thirty days, yet this is evidently only a
portion of the whole time occupied in the complete
process. Hengstenberg (Egypt and the Books of
Motti, p. 69, Eng. tr.) attempts to reconcile this
discrepancy by supposing that the seventy days of
Herodotus include the whole time ii embalming,
and not that of steeping in natron only. But the
differences in detail which characterize the descrip-
tions of Herodotus and Diodorus, and the impossi-
bility of reconciling these descriptions in all points
with the results of scientific observation, lead to
the nature' conclusion that, if these descriptions be
correct in themselves, they do not include every
method of embalming which was practiced, and
that, consequently, any discrepancies between them
and the Bible narrative cannot be fairly attributed
to a want of accuracy in the latter. In taking this
view of the case it is needless to refer to the great
interval of time which elapsed between the date
claimed for the events of Genesis and the sge of
Herodotus, or between the latter and the time*
of Diodorus. If the four centuries which separated
the two Greek historians were sufficient to have
caused such changes in the mode of embalming as
are indicated in their different descriptions of the
process, it is not unreasonable to conclude that the
still greater interval by which the celebration of
the funeral obsequies of the patriarch preceded the
age of the father of history might have produced
changes still greater both in kind and in degree.
It is uncertain what suggested to the Egyptians
the idea of embalming. That they practiced it in
accordance with their peculiar doctrine of the trans-
migration of souls we are told by Herodotus. The
actual process is said to have been derived from
" their first merely burying in the sand, impreg-
nated with natron and other salts, which dried and
preserved the body" (Rawlinaon, Herod, ii. p. 142).
Drugs and bitumen were of later introduction, the
Utter not being generally employed before the
XVIIIth dynasty. When the practice ceased en-
tirely is uncertain.
The subject of embalming i» most fully discussed,
and the sources of practical information weU-nigr
exhausted, in Dr. Pettigrew's History o) Egyptian
ifummiet. [See also Alger's Hist- of At Dxtrim
of i Future Life, P- 97 ff.] \V. A V
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EMBROIDERER
EMBROIDERER This tern is given in
Jtt A. V m the equivalent of rotem (tS^l), the
produeUcta of the art being deecribed at "needle-
work" (1 I^JJ I). In Exodus the embroiderer is
contrasted with the " cunning workman," ehoMb
(2^n); and the eoniideration of one of then
terms involve* that of the other. Varioui explana-
tions have been offered at to the distinction between
them, but most of these overlook the distinction
marked in the Bible itself, namely, that the roktm
wove simply a variegated texture, without gold
thread or figures, and that the choshib interwove
gold thread or figures into the variegated texture.
We conceive that the use of the gold thread was
for delineating figures, at is implied in the descrip-
tion of the corselet of Amasis (Her. iii. 47), and
that the notices of gold thread in some instanoes
and of figures in others were but different methods
of describing the same thing. It follows, then, that
the application of the term " embroiderer" to rokim
is false; if it belongs to either it is to chosheb, or
the "cunning workman," who added the figures.
But If "embroidery" be strictly confined to the
work of the needle, we doubt whether it can be
applied to either, for the simple addition of gold
thread, or of a figure, does not involve the use of
the needle. The patterns may have been worked
into the stuff by the loom, as appears to have been
the case in Egypt (Wilkinson, iii. 128; cf. Her.
he. dt.), where the Hebrews learned the art, and
as is stated by Joscphus (aXhi Mfarrai, Ant. iii.
7, § 2). The distinction, as given by the Talmudists,
which has been adopted by Uesenios (Thttiur.
p. 1311) and Bahr (Symbotik, i. 966) is this— that
rUondh, or " needle-work," was where a pattern was
attached to the stuff by being sewn on to it on one
tide, and the work of the chosheb when the pattern
was worked into the stuff by the loom, and so
appeared on both sides. This view appears to I*
entirely inconsistent with the statements of the
Bible, and with the sense of the word rilcmdh else-
where. The absence of the figure or the gold thread
in the one, and its presence in the other, constitutes
the essence of the distinction. In support of this
view we call attention to the passages in which the
expression are contrasted. Rikmdh consisted of
the following materials : " blue, purple, scarlet, and
fine twined linen " (Ex. xxvi. 36, xxvii. 16, xxxvi.
37, xxxvill. 18, xxxix. 29). The work of the choshib
was either "fine twined linen, blue, purple, and
scarlet, with cherubim " (Ex. xxvi. 1, 31, xxxvi.
8, 36), or "gold, blue, purple, scarlet, and fine
twined linen " (xxviii. 6, 8, 15, xxxix. 2, 5, 8).
Again, looking at the general sense of the words,
we shall find that chosheb involves the idea of in-
vention, or designing patterns; rikmih the idea
it texture as well as variegated color. The former
is applied to other arts which demanded the exer-
ate of inventive genius, as in the construction of
engines of war (2 Chr. xxvi. 15); the latter is
applied 'o other substances, the texture of which
Is remarkable, as the human body (Ps. cuxix 15).
Further than this, rikmdi involves the idea of a
-agular disposition of colors, which demanded no
•uvctrtive genius. Beyond the Instances already
adduced it is applied to tessellated pavement (1
2hr. xxU. 2), to the eagle's plumage (Ex. xvil. 3),
ind, in the Targums, to the leopard's spotted skin
'Jer. xiii. 23). In the same sense it is applied to
fc* eo» icd anils of the Egyptian vessels (Es. xxvil.
EMEROD8
729
16), which were either chequered at worked accord
log to a regularly recurring pattern (Wilkinson, iM
211). Geseuius considers this passage as condnslvt
for bis view of the distinction, but it is hardly con-
ceivable that the patterns were on one side of tba
sail only, nor does there appear any ground to infer
a departure from the usual custom of working the
colore by the loom. The ancient versions do uot
contribute much to the elucidation of the point The
LXX. varies between wouciArsjt and jttuptbtvrs)s,
as representing roleem, and wtuxiXrit and ookut^i
for choshib, combining the two terms in each case
for the work itself, ^ woucOda rov btuptltwoi for
the first, ipyor i+eurbv wouciAtoV for the second.
The distinction, as far at it it observed, consisted
in the cae being needle-work and the other bom-
work The Vulgate gives generally plumarim for
the first, and poJymitariut for the second; but in
Ex. xxvi. 1, 81, plumaruu is used for the second.
The first of these terms (phunaritu) is wall chosen
to express rotem, but polymitarim, i. e. a weaver
who works together threads of divers colors, is as
applicable to one as to the other. The rendering
in Es. xxvii. 16, scutulata, 1. e. u chequered," oor-
rectly describes one of the productions of the rofawn.
We have lastly to notice the incorrect rendering
of the word ^3$ in the A. V. " broider," " em-
broider" (Ex. xxviii. 4, 39). It means stuff worked
in a tessellated manner, i. e. with square cavities
such as stones might be set in (comp. ver. 20).
The art of embroidery by the loom was extensively
practiced among the nations of antiquity. In addi-
tion to the Egyptians, the Babylonians were cele-
brated for it, but embroidery in the proper tense of
the term, i. e. with the needle, was a Phrygian in-
vention of later date (Plin. viii. 48). W. L. B.
EMERALD 0153 : LXX. (Wpof; N. T.
and Apoc, auAporytoi), a precious stone, first in
the 2d row on the breastplate of the high-priest
(Ex. xxviii. 18, xxxix. 11), imported to Tyre from
Syria (Ex. xxvii. 16), used as a seal or signet
(Eeclus. xxxii. 6), as an ornament of clothing and
bedding (Ex. xxviii. 13; Jud. x. 21), and spoken
of ss one of the foundations of Jerusalem (Rev. xxi.
19; Too. xiii. 16). The rainbow round the throne
is compared to emerald in Rev. iv. 3, o/toior ifiertt
anapaytlytf.
The etymology of Tf^b is uncertain. Gessnlm
suggests a comparison with the word TpS, a paint
with which the Hebrew women stained their eye-
lashes. Kantch on Exodus xxviii. follows the
LXX., and translates It carbuncle, transferring the
meaning emerald to D'vO? in the same ver. Ik.
The Targum Jerusalem on the same ver. explain*
TfDb by Kn3*0 «= oarchedonius, carbuncle.
W. D.
EMERODS (D^S, DnVl^p: ft>>.
amis, natetf Deut xxviii. 27; 1 8am. v. 6, 9, 12,
vi. 4, 6, 11). The probabilities at to the nature
| of the disease are mainly dependent on the probable
roots of these two Hebrew words; the former of
which' evidently means " a swelling; " the latter,
" Close!/ skin to K is the Arabfa JdkX, wlijeh
" tumor qui apod vtros oritur in posttds parti
bos, apod multeres in tntsriora parts vulvae, shaltt
nerniie virorum."
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T80
EMIM
.howgh lees certain, is most probably from a Syriae
•srb, »- * a tj; meaning "anhelavit nib onere, enixua
eat in eoonerando rentre " (Parkhunt and Gese-
nius); and the Syriae noun J£Q«m^ from the
aune root denotes, (1.) such eflbrt as the verb im-
plies, and (2.) the inUttmum rectum. Also, when-
ever the former word occurs in the Hebrew CeUb, a
he Keri gives the latter, except in 1 8«m. vi. 11,
vhere the latter stands in the Cetib. Now this
Jut passage speaks of the images of the emerods
after they were actually made, and placed in the
ark. It thus appears probable that the former
word means the disease, and the latter the part
affected, which must necessarily have been included
in the actually existing image, and hare struck the
eye as the essential thing represented, to which the
disease was an incident As some morbid swelling,
then, seems the most probable nature of the disease,
so no more probable oonjecture has been advanced
than that hemorrhoidal tumors, or bleeding pike,
known to the Romans as marisoa (Jut. ii. 13), are
intended. These are very common in Syria at
present, oriental habits of want of exercise and im-
proper food, producing derangement of the liver,
constipation, Ac., being such as to cause them. The
words of 1 Sam. v. 12, " the men that died not
were smitten with emerods," show that the disease
was not necessarily fatal. It is clear from its
parallelism with "botch" and other diseases in
Deut xxriii. 27, that D^?$3. U a disease, not a
part of the body ; but the translations of it by the
most approved authorities are various and vague. 6
Thus the LXX. and Vulg., as above, uniformly
render the word as bearing the latter sense. The
mention by Herodotus (i. 105) of the malady, called
by him WjA.«io vowroi, as afflicting the Scythians
who robbed the temple (of the Syrian Venus) in
Ascalon, has been deemed by some a proof that
some legend containing a distortion of the Script-
ural account was current in that country down to a
late date. The Scholiast on Aristophanes (Acharn.
231) mentions a similar plague (followed by a
similar subsequent propitiation to that mentioned
in Scripture), as sent upon the Athenians by Bac-
chus. The opinion mentioned by Winer (s. v.
PhiHster), as advanced by Lichtenstein, that the
plague of emerods and that of mice are one and
the same, the former being caused by an insect
(tolpuga) as large as a field-mouse, is hardly worth
serious attention. H. H.
EMIM [A. V. Emims] (D^M [terror.] : [in
Gen.,] 'On/uuoi, [Aid. Alex. Septum, Comp. Ep-
uaToiO and [in Deut,] "Opfdr, [Tat Ctyuwr,
Alex. Oo/ifitir, Ofi/ufif- £mtm\ ), a tribe or family
of gigantic stature which originally inhabited the
region along the eastern side of the Dead Sea. It
would appear, from a comparison of Gen. xiv. 6-7
#ith Deut ii. 10-12, 20-23, that the whole country
Met of the Jordan was, in primitive times, held by
• Parkhunt, however, $. «. D" 1 V IpS) «nmks, on the
authority of Dr. Kennloott's Codices, that D v Tin£
Is In aU tin*} passages a vary ancient Hebrew eons
Ktifi.
I Jcmphaa, Ant. tL 1, f 1, tvmrrtpU ; Annua, to
tit ♦«y«*«U't« JAmk.
e Ponnx, Onom. It. 28, thus deecribre what he
ttUt ftovftw r . oUiaut furra ^Arypor^f ai*oflpov ytrtrai
EMMAU8
a race of giants, all probably of the aan« stuck
comprehending the Rephaim on the north, next the
Zuxim, after them the Emim, and then the Horns
on the south; and that afterwards the kingdom
of Bashan embraced the territories of the first;
the country of the Ammonites the second ; that of
the Hoabites the third ; while Edom took in the
mountains of the Horim. The whole of them were
attacked and pillaged by the eastern kings who
destroyed Sodom and Gomorrah.
The Emim were related to the Anakim, and were
generally called by the same name; but their eon-
querors the Moabites termed them Emim — that
is, "Terrible men" (Deut ii. 11) — most probably
on account of their fierce aspect [Rephaim ;
Ahakim.] J. L. P.
EMMANTTEL ('EwtoravrjA : Emmanuel),
Matt. i. 23. [buiAiruBL.]
EMIIAUS ('Zpfuioit [prob. = rittn, worm
spring ; comp. Josh. xix. 36] ), the village to which
the two disciples were going when our Lord ap-
peared to them on the way, on the day of his resur-
rection (Luke xxiv. 13). Luke makes its distance
from Jerusalem sixty stadia (A. V. " threescore
furlongs"), or about 7J miles; and Joeephus men-
tions •' a village called Emmaus " at the same dis-
tance (B. J. vii. 6, § 6).<* These statements seem
sufficiently definite; and one would suppose no
great mistake could be made by geographers in
fixing its site. It is remarkable, however, that from
the earliest period of which we bare any record, the
opinion prevailed among Christian writers, that the
Emmaus of Luke was identical with the Emmaus
on the border of the plain of I'hilistia, afterwards
called Nicopolis, and which was some 20 miles from
Jerusalem. Both Eusebius and Jerome adopted
this view ( Omm. i. r. Kmaus) ; and they were fill-
lowed by all geographers down to the commence-
ment of the 14th century (Reland, p. 758). Then,
for some reason unknown to us, it began to be sup-
posed that the site of Emmaus was at the little
village of Kubeibeh, about 3 miles west of Nebm
SamuAl (the ancient Hizpeh), and 9 miles from
Jerusalem (Sir J. Maundeville in Early Travels m
Palestine, p. 175; Ludolph. de Suchem, Jtin. ;
Quaresmius, ii. 719). There is not, however, a
shadow of evidence for this supposition. In fact
the site of Emmaus remains yet to be identified.
Dr. Robinson has recently revived the old theory,
that the Emmaus of Luke is identical with Nieop
olis; and has supported it with his wonted learn
ing, but not with his wonted conclusiveness. He
firrt endeavors to cast doubts on the accuracy of
the reading itfKorra. in Luke xxiv. 13, because
two uncial MSS. (K and N), and a few unimpor-
tant cursive MSS. insert ixariy, thus making the
distance 160 stadia, which would nearly correspond
to the distance of Nicopolis.* But the best MSS.
have not this word, and the best critics regard it
as an interpolation. There is a strong probability
mrd i\v iSpay hmt, «rri ii bfuxa pvpotc wpotc. Comp
Bochart, Hierox. I. 881.
<* • It to not certain that Luke and Josephus rat*
to the same Fmmaus In the passages associated as
above- According to some authorities the correct read-
ing In Joseph. B. J. to. 6, } 6 (adopted In DlndnrTs and
Bekkar's text) Is Tpuurorra and not jfiprura. H.
• »To the authorities Iter this reading the Coda
Binaitiau and a palimpsest of the 6th century 'I) an
now to be added. But tte evidence against It grr«*k*
preponderates. a.
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KMMAU8
oopyist who m acquainted with toe
olty, but not the village of Emmaua, tried thiu to
reconcile Scripture with hit ideas of geography.
The opinion* of Eusebius, Jerome, and their fol-
lowers, on a point such as tliis, are not of very
great authority. When the name of any noted
place agreed with one in the Bible, they were not
always careful to see whether the potitiun corre-
sponded in like manner. [Edrki.] Emmaua-
Nioopolis being a noted city in their day, they were
led somewhat rashly to confound it with the Em-
maus of the Gospel. The circumstances of the
narrative are plainly opposed to the identity. The
two disciples having journeyed from Jerusalem to
Emmaus in part of a day (Luke uiv. 28, 29), left
the latter again after the evening meal, and reached
Jerusalem before it was very late (verses 33, 42,
t3). Now, if we take into account the distance,
knd the nature of the road, leading up a steep and
difficult mountain, we must admit that such a
journey could not be accomplished in less than from
six to seven hours, so that they could not have ar-
rived in Jerusalem till long past midnight. This
bet seems to us conclusive against the identity of
Nicopolis and the Emmaus of Luke. (Robinson,
Hi. H7ff.j Reland, Pal p. 427 fE) J. L. P.
* Since the preceding article was written, an in-
teresting monograph on this question as to the
site of Emmaus has appeared from Dr. Hermann
Zschokke, rector of the Austrian Pilgrim-house at
Jerusalem (Dot NeuUttamentHcAe Emmmu be-
Itucktet, Schaffhausen, 1866). Rector Zschokke,
who has made this subject a special study, decides
that the Emmaus of Luke (xriv. 13) must be the
present el-Kvbabeh, about nine miles northwest of
Jerusalem, where the Franciscan monks hare placed
it His arguments for that conclusion are the fol-
lowing. First, the distance agrees with that of
Luke and Josephus (B. J. vii. 6, § 6), namely, as
a round number, 60 stadia or " furlongs " (A. V.),
is ascertained by actual measurement, i. e. taking
the shortest of three ways, which differ only by a
angle stadium, it amount* to 38,020 English feet
;=62 j stadia. Secondly, the two disciples of Jesus
tould easily return from Emmaus to Jerusalem after
sunset, or the decline of the day ( ic4tt\unr ^ fniipa),
ind rejoin the Apostles there in their secret meeting
luring the night which followed the walk to Em-
maus (John xx. 19). The journey was performed
lately without difficulty, within the time required,
by Madam Anna C. Emmerich. Thirdly, the
Crusaders (though really, as appears from the au-
thor's own figures, not earlier than the 11th cent-
ury) were led to fix on Kubeibth as the N. T.
Emmaus, in consequence of finding the latter name
applied to it by the native inhabitants, though the
name no longer exists among them. If this last
link in the chain of the evidence were stronger, it
would deserve serious consideration as bearing on
the question. But aside from the lateness of the
period to which the alleged testimony belongs, it
must be confessed that the currency of the Script-
ure name, even at that late period, outside of the
Christian communities in the East, is by no means
» fully made out as the argument requires. It has
been generally thought that the earliest traces of
mob a tradition appear in the 14th century (see
Sob. Ret. iU. 66, 1st ed.).
Some wealthy Catholics, in the assurance that
jhey have identified at length the genuine spot,
save recently purchased, at an exorbitant price, the
(round of the old " oastrum Arnold! " (Kubabek),
KMMOR
782
and an converting it into one of their " hotr
places." (See more fully in BM. Sacra, July,
1866, p. 617.) Rector Zschokke makes it evident
enough, that'^miodj (Nicopolis), at the foot of the
mountains, cannot be the N. T. village of that
name. Dr. Sepp, though a Catholic, rejects this
claim in behalf of Kubeibth, and insists that Em-
maus must be at KuUmieh, four miles from Jeru-
salem, on the route from Ramleh (Jci-utakm a.
dot htil Land, i. 62). So Ewald, Gesch. d. VoUeet
It. vi. 676 f. The Rev. George Williams (art.
Emmaus in Smith's Diet, of C'eoyr., and Jour*,
of Clou, and Sacr. Phil iv. 262-267) fixes tut
site of Emmaus at Kuriel ei-'Emih, from two to
three hours distant from Jerusalem on the road to
Jaffa. Dr. Thomson (Land and Book, ii. 307 t,
640) inclines to this view. — In a volcanic region
like Judaea warm springs might be expected to
exist for a time, and then to disappear. The Em-
maus of the N. T. (see import of the name above)
may have been a place of this description, the site
of which is now lost. H.
EMTKAUS, or NICOPOLIS CE^uui/i:
[Sin. A/ifMov, Atipaovs, etc. ; in] 1 Mace. iii. 40,
[Alex. Afifiaouv, 67, -ov/ii] 'A/t/uaous, Joseph.
B. J. ii. 20, § 4: [Emmaum, Aiiunnwn]), a town
in the plain of Philiatia, at the foot of the mount-
ains of Judah, 22 Roman miles from Jerusalem,
and 10 from Lydda (/tin. Hierot. ; Reland, p. 309).
The name does not occur in the O. T. ; but tin
town rose to importance during the later history
of the Jews, and was a place of note in the wars
of the Asmoneans. It was fortified by Bacchidea,
the general of Antiochus Epiphanes, when he was
engaged in the war with Jonathan Maccabnui
(Joseph. Ant. xiii. 1, § 3; 1 Mace. ix. 60). It wai
in the plain beside this city that Judas Maccabeus
so signally defeated the Syrians with a mere hand-
ful of men, as related in 1 Mace. iii. 57, iv. 3, <ftc.
Under the Romans Emmaus became the capital of
a toparchy (Joseph. B. J. iii. 3, § 5; 1'lin. v. 14).
It was burned by the Roman general Varus about
A. D. 4. In the 3d century (about A. n. 220) it was
rebuilt through the exertions of Julius Africanus,
the well-known Christian writer; and then received
the name Nicopolis. Eusebius and Jerome fre-
quently refer to it in defining the positions of
neighboring towns and villages (Chron. Pat. ad
A. c. 223; Reland, p. 759). Early writers men-
tion a fountain at Emmaus, famous far and wide
for its healing virtues ; the cause of this Theophanes
ascribes to the fact that our Lord on one occasion
washed his feet in it (Chron. 41). The Crusaders
confounded Emmaus with a small fortress furthei
south, on the 'Jerusalem road now called Latrd*
(Will. Tyr. ffitt vii. 24). A small miserable vil-
lage called 'Atnwit still occupies the situ of the an-
cient city. It stands on the western daclivity of a
low hill, and oontains the ruins of an old church.
The name Emmaus was also borne by a village of
Galilee close to Tiberias; probably the ancient
Hammath, »'. e. hot springs — of which name Em
maus was but a corruption. The hot springs still
remained in the time of Josephus, and are men-
tioned by him as giving its name to the place
{B. J h. Z. § 8; Ant. xviii. 2, $ 8).
J. L. P.
BMTHER fEmi4p; [Vat. Stntfil Bmmeh),
1 Esdr. ix. 21. [Immkb.]
BM'MOR (Bee. Text with B, 'Fupopt 1 *
[Tisch. and Treg.] with A B <? f» [and Sfa-l.
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782 ENABLED ENCAMPMENT
it, UL), supplies the greatest amount of h. forma-
tion on the subject: whatever eke mar be gleaned
if from acattered hlnti. The tabernacle, corns
■ponding to the chieftain's tent of an ordinary en-
campment, waa placed in the centre, and around
and feeing it (Num. ii. 2),» arranged in four grand
divisions, corresponding to the four points of the
compass, lay the host of Israel, according to then-
standards (Num. i. 62, ii. 2). On the east the
port of honor was assigned to the tribe of Judah,
and round its standard rallied the tribes of Issachar
and Zebnlnn, descendants of the sons of Leah. On
the south lay Reuben and Simeon, the representa-
tives of Leah, and the children of Gad, the son
of her handmaid. Rachel's descendants were en-
camped on the western side of the tabernacle, the
chief place being assigned to the tribe of Ephraim.
To this position of Ephraim, Manasseh, and Ben-
jamin, allusions are made in Judg. v. 14, and Pi.
lxxx. 2. On the north were the tribes of Dan and
Naphtali, the children of Bilhah, and the tribe of
Asher, Gad's younger brother. All these were en-
camped around their standards, each according to
the ensign of the house of his fathers. In the
centre, round the tabernacle, and with no standard
but the cloudy or fiery pillar which rested over it,
were the tents of the priests and Levites. The
former, with Hoses and Aaron at their head, were
encamped on the eastern side. On the south were
the Kohathites, who had charge of the ark, the
table of shewbread, the altars and vessels of the
sanctuary. The Gershonites were on the west, and
when on the march carried the tabernacle and its
lighter furniture; while the Merarites, who were
encamped on the north, had charge of its heavier
appurtenances. The order of encampment was
preserved on the march (Num. ii. 17), the signal
for which was given by a blast of the two silver
trumpets (Num. z. 8). The details of this account
supply Prof. Blunt with some striking illustrations
of the undesigned coincidences of the books of
Hoses ( Vndet. Coincid. pp. 76-86).
In this description of the order of the encamp-
ment no mention is made of sentinels, who, it is
reasonable to suppose, were placed at the gates
(Ex. xxxii. 26, 27) in the four quarters of the
camp. This was evidently the case in the camp
of the Levites (comp. 1 Chr. ix. 18, 24; 2 Chr.
xxxi. 2).
Hie sanitary regulations of the camp of the
Israelites were enacted for the twofold purpose of
preserving the health of the vast multitude and the
purity of the camp as the dwelling-place of God
(Num. v. 3; Deut. xxiii. 14). With this object
the dead were buried without the camp (Lev. x. 4,
6) ; lepers were excluded till their leprosy departed
from them (Lev. xiii. 46, xiv. 3; Num. xii. 14,
16), as were all who were visited with loathsome
diseases (Lev. xiv. 3). All who were defiled by
contact with the dead, whether these were slain in
battle or not, were kept without the camp for seven
days (Num. xxxi. 19). Captives taken in war were
compelled to remain for a while outside (Num.
xxxi. 19; Josh. vi. 23). The ashes from the sac-
rifices were poured out without the camp at an ap-
pointed place, whither all uncleanness was removed
(Deut. xxiii. 10, 12), and where the entmils, sUna
horns, Ac., and all that was not offered in sas
> DVn JTOrj (OiintlkhayyOm), "the 'The form of tba encampment was rrJdratlT eta
jsmstng ttma of day," i * the •vening, Judg. ztt. a. I •">*'> "><• not sows, as It Is generally nprstsasat.
'Zamtpi Emmor), the father of Sychem (Acts Til
If). [Hajiob.]
• ENABLED translates (A V.) irtwtqtA-
wmni (1 Tim. i. 12): "I thank Christ Jesus our
Lord, who hath enabled me," Ac., >'■ e., as the
Greek construction shows, qualified me, or made
me able, so as to be fitted for the apostolic work.
This is an older sense of « enabled," like the French
haiUler. See Eastwood and Wright's Bible Void-
Book, p. 173. H.
*ENA'JIM (mora correctly Ehatim =
D '!3' , i?) ■* the marginal reading of the A. T. for
"an open place" In the text (Gen. xxxviil. 14).
See next article below. Modem scholars generally
(Gesenius, Kiirst, Tuch, KnobeL Keil) regard the
LXX. as right here (Airily), and understand that
Tamar placed herself "at the gate (opening) of
Enajim," situated "on the way to Tlmnath."
The same word recurs in ver. 21, where the A. V.
has " openly," but the proper name is more appro-
priate there, if not absolutely required. (See Mr.
Wright's Boot of Gentrii in Hebrew, p. 100.) The
dual endings D"^ and D~ are interchangeable
(Gesen. Htb. ffr. § 88, Kern. 1), so that this Ena-
jim and Enam in Josh. XT. 34 may be and no
doubt are the same. H.
ETJ AM (with the article, U^U = the double
spring, Gesen. T/ia. p. 1019 a: MoiaW; [Vat.
•m :] Alex. Hrattp ; [Comp. Aid. 'Hyatu :]
Enaim), one of the cities of Judah in the Shejtliih
or lowland (Josh. xv. 34). From its mention with
towns (Jarmuth and EshtaoL for instance) which
are known to have been near Tlmnath, this is very
probably the place in the "doorway" of which
Tamar sat before her interview with her father-in-
law (Gen. xxxviiL 14). In the A. V. the words
Pethach enat/im (DO*? nHg) are not taken as
a proper name, but are rendered " an open place,"
lit. " the doorway of Enayim," or the double spring,
a translation adopted by the LXX. (reus wiKais
AirdV) and now generally. In Josh. xv. 84, for
" Tappuah and Elam," the Peshito has " Pathuch-
Elam," which supports the identification suggested
above, [Am] G.
ETTAN (]TV [rich in fomUmm]: Aiydv-
Emm). Ahira ben-Enan was "prince" of the
tribe of Naphtali at the time of the numbering of
srael in the wilderness of Sinai (Num. i. 15, [ii.
W, viL 78, 83, x. 27]).
ENAS1BUS ('EwtVtfloi; [Vat. -«•««-:] ES-
•»»), 1 Esdr. ix. 34. [Kuashib.]
ENCAMPMENT (P^n?, macMnth, in all
places except 2 K. vi. 8, where rfonm, laahanM,
b wed). The word primarily denoted the resting-
place of an army or company of travellers at night"
(Ex. xvi. 13; Gen. xxxii. 21), and was hence ap-
plied to the army or caravan when on its march I
(Ex. xiv. 19; Joan. x. 6, xi. 4; Gen. xxxii. 7, 8).
Among nomadic tribes war never attained to the I
lignity of a science, and their encampments were i
consequently devoid of all the appliances of more
systematic warfare. The description of the camp '
of tbe Israelites, on their march from Egypt (Num. I
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ENCAMPMENT
Hfiee were burnt (l*r. It. U, 18, ri 11, rut
IT).
The execution of criminal* took place without
the cainp (Lev. xxir. 14; Num. xv. 85, 36; Josh,
vii. 84), aa did the burning of the young bullock
for the sin-offering (Lev. iv. 18). Then eireum-
itanoaa combined explain Heb. xiii. 18, and John
*ix. 17, 30.
The encampment of the Israelites in the desert
left its traces in their subsequent history. The
temple, so late as the time of Hezekiah, was still
"the camp of Jehovah " (8 Chr. xxxi. 8; of. Pa.
Ixxviii. 88); and the multitudes who flocked to
David were " a great camp, like the camp of God "
(1 Chr. xii. 28).
High ground appears to have been uniformly
selected for the position of a camp, whether it were
ou a hill or mountain side, or in an inaccessible
pass (Judg. rii. 1, 8). So, in Judg. x. 17, the Am-
monites encamped in Qilead, while Israel pitched
in Mizpeh. The very names are significant. The
camps of Saul and the Philistines were alternately
in Uibeah, the " height " of Benjamin, and the pass
of Michmash (1 Sam. xiii. 8, 8, 18, 83). When
Goliath defied the host of Israel, the contending
armies were encamped on hills on either side of the
valley of Elah (1 Sam. xrii. 3); and in the fatal
battle of Gilboa Saul's position on the mountain
win stormed by the Philistines who had pitched in
Shunem (1 Sam. xxviii. 4), on the other side of the
valley of Jezreel. The carelessness of the Midian-
ites in encamping in the plain exposed them to the
night surprise by Gideon, and resulted in their con-
sequent discomfiture (Judg. ri. 83, vii. 8, 18). But
another important consideration in fixing upon a
position for a camp was the propinquity of water;
hence it is found that in most instances camps
were pitched near a spring or well (Judg. vii. 1 ; 1
Mace. ix. 88). The Israelites at Mount Gilboa
pitched by the fountain in Jeered (1 Sam. xxix
1), while the Philistines encamped at Apbsk, the
name of which indicates the existence of a stream
of water in the neighborhood, which rendered it a
favorite place of encampment (1 Sam. iv. 1 ; IE.
ix. 26; 3 K. xiii. 17). In his pursuit of the
Amaleldtee, David halted his men by the brook
Besor, and there left a detachment with the camp
furniture (1 Sam. xxx. 9). One of Joshua's de-
cisive engagements with the nations of Canaan was
fought at the waters of Merom, where he surprised
the confederate camp (Josh. xl. 5, 7; oomp. Judg,
v. 19, 81). Gideon, before attacking the Midian-
ites, encamped beside the well of Harod (Judg. vii.
1), and it was to draw water from the well at Beth-
lehem that David's three mighty men cut their way
through the ho--t of the Philistines (3 Sam. xxiii.
16).
The camp was surrounded by the H 7|Pt?, ma'-
•jdiih (1 Sam. xvil. 30), or ^379, mn'gil (1 Sam.
ixvi. 5, 7), which some, and Thenius among them,
explain as an earthwork thrown up round the en-
tampment, others as the barrier formed by the
baggage-wagons. The etymology of the word
points merely to the circular shape of the Inclosure
'armed by the tents of the soldiers pitched around
their chief, whose spear marked his resting-place
y Sam. jam. 8, 7), and it might with propriety
oe used in either of the above senses, according as
the camp was fixed or temporary. We know that,
n the case of a siege, the «*>»<*ing army, if pos-
•Ible, surrounded the place attacked (1 Mace xiii.
ENCAMPMENT
783
43), and drew about it a line of circuuiT.UlattoB
(P.It' <%«*i a &• ***■ l)i which was marked b)
a breastwork of earth (nbDQ, m'uUih, Is. lxii
10; ri^fib, totldh, Ez. xxi 37 (22); oomp. Job
xix. 13), for the double purpose of preventing the
escape of the besieged and of protecting the be-
siegers from their sallies. 3 But there was not so
much need of a formal intrenchmt-nt, as but few
instances occur in which engagements were fought
in the camps themselves, and these only when the
attack was made at night Gideon > expedition
sgainat the Midianites took place in the early morn-
ing (Judg. vii. 19), the time selected by Saul for
his attack upon Nahash (1 Sam. xi. 11), and by
David for surprising the Amalekites (1 Sam. xxx.
17 ; oomp. Judg. ix. 33). To guard against these
night attacks, sentinels (D^QW, iktm'rtm) were
posted (Judg. vii. 19; 1 Mace. xii. 37) round the
camp, and the neglect of this precaution by Zebah
and Zalmunna probably led to their capture by
Gideon and the ultimate defeat of their army (Judg.
vii. 19).
The valley which separated the hostile camps was
generally selected as the fighting ground (H^tf?,
sdaVA, "the battle-field" (1 Sam. iv. 2, xiv.'lo;
2 Sam. xviii. 6), upon which the contest was de-
cided, and hence the valleys of Palestine have
played so conspicuous a part in its history (Josh,
viii. 18; Judg. ri. 38; 2 Sam. v. 22, viii. 13, Ac.).
When the fighting men went forth to the place of
marshalling (nyipjj, ma'iricdh, 1 Sam. xvii
30), a detachment was left to protect the camp and
baggage (1 Sam. xvii. 22, xxx. 24). The beasts
of burden were probably tethered to the tent pegs
(8 K. vii. 10; Zech. xiv. 16).
TTie njrfl?, mach&neh, or movable encamp-
ment, is distinguished from the 3^53, maluM, or
nr??, n'<rl6 (3 Sam. xxiii. 14; 1 Chr. xi. 16),
which appear to have been standing camps, like
those which Jehoshaphat established throughout
Judah (3 Chr. xvii. 2), or advanced posts in an
enemy's country (1 Sam. xiii. 17; 3 Sam. viii. 6),
from which skirmishing parties made their preda
tory excursions and ravaged the crops. It was in
resisting one of these expeditions that Shammah
won himself a name among David's heroes (8 Sam.
xxiii. 13). Maehinth is still further distinguished
from " l *^??, mibhliir, "a fortress" or "walled
town" (Num. xiii. 19).
Camps left behind them a memorial in the nams
of the place where they were situated, as among
ourselves (cf. Chafer, Grantchetttr, Ac.). Ma-
haneh-Dan (Judg. xiii. 25) was so called from the
encampment of the Danites mentioned in Judg.
xviii. 18. [M ah ah aim.] The more important
camps at Gilgal (Josh. v. 10, ix. 6) and Shiloh
(Josh, xviii. 9; Judg. xxi. 13, 19) left no such im-
press; the military traditions of these places wen
• The ChakVe rsniim nVfTQ (1 Sam. xtU. 39
and jT^t ft K. XXT. 1) by the sum wad, Q TfT^S
orWp\T)?,«he<
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784
ENCHANTMENTS
seBpssd by tha grater splendor of the religious
saanciitlons which surrounded tnem.
W. A. W.
ENCHANTMENTS.
n^n 1 ?,
CIO 1 ?, or
, Ex. vii. 11, 23, viii. 7 : <pap(uudm, LXX.
(Grotiui compares the word with the Greek Airai) ;
secret arts, from "2*0, to cover; though others in-
correctly oonnect it with tDH y, a fame, or the
glittering blade of a sword, as though it implied a
sort ol dazzling chen-onomy which deceives specta-
tors. Several versions render the word by " whis-
perings," mtuntrraUotus, but it seems to be a more
general word, and hence is used of the various
means (some of them no doubt of a quasi-scien-
tific character) by which the Egyptian Chartum-
mim imposed on the credulity of Pharaoh.
2. O^fflft : oxy/iamiai, ttifiuuta, LXX. (2
K. ix. 22; SBc v. 12; Nah. ill. 4): tenefida, male-
fida, Vulg.; "malefic* artes," " pMMtigiss,'
"muttered spells." Hence it is sometimes ren-
dered by traoibai, as in Is. xlvii. 9, 12. The belief
in the power of certain formulae was universal in
the ancient world. Thus there were carmina to
evoke the tutelary gods out of a city (Hacrob. Sa
tm-ruiL iii. 8), others to devote hostile armies (id.),
others to raise the dead (Maimon. de Idol, xi. 15 ;
Senec. (Edip. 647), or bind the gods (ttajuX Stir)
and men (.£ach. Fur. 831), and even influence the
heavenly bodies (Ov. Met. vii. 207 ff., xii. 283;
"Te quoque Luna trabo," Virg. Eel viii., jEn. iv,
489; Hot. Epod. v. 15). They were a recognized
part of ancient medicine, even among the Jews,
who regarded certain sentences of the Law as effica-
cious in healing. The Greeks used them as one
H the five chief resources of pharmacy (Pind.
Pyth. iii. 8, 9 ; Soph. Aj. 582), especially in obstet-
rics (Plat TheaL p. 145) and mental disea
(Galen de Sanitnt. tuendd, i. 8). Homer mentions
them as used to check the flow of blood ( Od. xix.
456), and Cato even gives a charm to cure a dis-
jointed limb (de Re Rnst. 160; cf. Plin. B. N.
xxviii. 2). The belief in charms is still all but
■jniversal in uncivilized nations; see Lane's Mod.
Egg*. 1. 300, 306, Ac, ii. 177, Ac.; Beeckman's
Voyage to Borneo, ch. ii. ; Merofler's Congo in
Pinkerton's Voyages, xvi. 221, 278; Hue's China,
1. 223, ii. 326; Taylor's New Zealand, and Liv-
ingstone's Africa, passim, Ac.; and hundreds of
tuch remedies still exist, and are considered effica-
rious among the uneducated.
8. P'ttJn 1 ?, Eccl. x. 11: i,avpurpit, LXX.;
from ttfn J. This word is especially used of the
charming of serpents, Jer. viii. 17 (cf. Pa. Iviii. 5;
Ecclus. xii. 18; EccL x. 11; Luc. ix. 891 — a par-
allel to " cantando rumpitur anguis," and " Viper-
ess rumpo verbis et carmine fauces," Ov. Met. 1.
c). Maimonides (de IdoL xL 2) expressly defines
an enchanter as one " who uses strange and mean-
ingless words, by which he imposes on the folly of
he credulous. They say, for instance, that if .one
rtter the words before a serpent or scorpion it will
do no harm " (Carpzov, AmtoL hi Godwynum, u.
II). An account of the Hani who excelled In this
art is given by Augustin (ad Gen. ix. 28), and of
-be PayHi by Amobius (nd Nat. ii. 32); and tbey
are afiided to by a host of other authorities (Plin.
iii 2, xxviiL 6; iElian, U. A. i. 57; Virg. &*.
EN-DOB
vii. 750; Sil. ltal. viU. 486. They wei
'O^totiim-m). The secret is still understood is
the East (I-ane, U. 106).
4. The word D^fT? is used of the enchant
ments sought by Balsam, Num. xxiv. 1. It prop-
erly alludes to ophiomancy, but in this phee has
a general meaning of endeavoring to gain omens
(six ovrirrtHTir roit oimroit, LXX.).
5. I^n is used for magic, Is. xlvli. 9, 13. It
comes from "15TL to bind (cf. narcMt, jBaomuVw,
bannen), and means generally the process of ac-
quiring power over some distant object or person ;
but this word seems also to have been sometimes
used expressly of serpent-charmers, for B. Sol.
Jsrchi on Dent xviii 11, defines the "150 "'S^H
to be one "who congregates serpents and smrpleaw
into one place."
Any resort to these methods of imposture was
strictly forbidden in Scripture (Lev. xix. 28; Is.
xlvii. 9, Ac), but to eradicate the tendency is al-
most impossible (2 K. xvii. 17; 2 Chr. xxxiii. 6),
and we find it still flourishing at the Christian era
(Acts xiii. 6, 8, viii. 9, 11, yonrela; GaL v. 20
Rev. ix. 21).
The chief sacramenta datmoniaca were a rod, a
magic circle, dragon's eggs, certain herbs, or " in-
sane roots," like the henbane, Ac. The fancy of
poets, both ancient and modern, has been exerted
in giving lists of them (Ovid and Hor. U. cc. ;
Shakespeare's Macbeth, Act Iv. 1; Kirke White's
GondoUne; Soutbey's Cunt of Kehnrna, Cant
iv. Ac). [Amulets; Divination; Magic]
F. W. F.
EN-DOR' [or EsfDOR (A. V.)] pV^? [i
Ps. lxxiiii., "TNft"T3?] =«ort»o of Dor [I. c habi-
tation] : 'Kert&p; [in 1 Sam., Vat At\tup; Comp.
'Ertip; in Josh., LXX. on.:] Endor), a place
which, with its "daughter-towns" (fYOJl), was
in the territory of Issachar, and yet possessed by
Manasseh (Josh. xvii. 11). This was the ease with
five other places which lay partly in Aster, partly
in Issachar, and seem to have formed a kind of
district of their own called " the three, or the triple,
Nepheth."
Endor was long held in memory by the Jewish
people as connected with the great victory over
Sisera and Jabin. Taanach, Megiddo, and the tor-
rent Kishon all witnessed the discomfiture of the
huge host but it was emphatically to Endor that
the tradition of the death of the two chiefs at-
tached itself (Ps. lxxxiii. 9, 10). Possibly it was
some recollection of this, some fame of sanctity or
good omen in Endor, which drew the unhappy Sau!
thither on the eve of his last engagement with an
enemy no less hateful and no less destructive than
the Midianites (1 Sam. xxviii. 7). Endor is not
again mentioned in the Scriptures; but it was
known to Eusebius, who describes it as a large vil-
lage 4 miles S. of Tabor. Here to the north of
Jebel Duhy (the " Little Hermon " of travellers),
the name still lingers, attached to a considerable
but now deserted village. The rock of the mount-
ain, on the slope of which Endur stands, is hol-
lowed into caves, one ol which may well have bee
the scene of the incantation of the witch (Vsn d*
VeWe,U. 883; Rob. ii. 860; Stanley, p. 846). The
distance from the slopes of Gilboa to Endor is 7 at
8 miles, over difficult ground. u-
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ENDOW
■ Kndor hid its name evidently from a spring
which made the place habitable (Sim. Ononuut. p.
196); and it is found that one of the care there hit
now "a little spring in it, the water from which
rmu down the hill; the supply is email, but ia laid
to be umailing" (Porter's Handb. ii. 858). For
the striking maimer in which the position of En-
tt&r, and various customs of the people at present
illustrate the account of Saul's visit to the necro-
mancer, see Thomson's Land and Book, tt. 161.
As to the nature of that transaction, see Magic.
H.
• ENDOW (from dot, a dowry) means in Ex.
ncii. 16 to furnish with a dower or marriage-por-
tion, though the expression there does not so much
translate as explain the Hebrew. This of course
is the meaning also in the marriage service of the
English Church, •• With all my worldly goods I
thee endow." " Endue," a different form only, has
this sense in Gen. xxx. 80. H.
•ENDUE [Exdow.1
* ETTEAS. [i£nKAs.j
EN-EGLA1M (a^jyT , 5=a ? r»iy of
two kafcrt : 'KrayaWttpl [Vat. Alex. Eyarya-
KttH-] Engallim), a place named only by Ezekiel
(xlvii. 10), apparently as on the Dead Sea; but
Whether near to or tar from En-gedi, on the west or
east side of the Sea, it is impossible to ascertain
from the text. In his comment on the passage,
Jerome locates it at the embouchure of the Jordan ;
but this is not supported by other evidence. By
some (e. g. Uesenius, Thet. p. 1019) it is thought
to be identical with Eguaim, but the two words
are different, En-eglaim containing the Am, which
is rarely changed for any other aspirate. U.
ENEMES'SAR CZrtufooapos, 'Entuaaip,
[ete. : Salmnnaiar]) it the name under which
Shalmaneser appears in the book of Tobit (i. 2,
[18,] 15, to.). This book is not of any historical
authority, being a mere work of imagination com-
posed probably by an Alexandrian Jew, not earlier
than B. c 300. The change of the name is a cor-
ruption — the first syllable 8hal being dropped
(compare the Bupalussor of Abyden-.'s, which rep-
resents JVnbonolassar), and the order of the liquids
m and n being reversed. The author of Tobit
makes Enemessar lead the children of Israel into
captivity (i. 2), following the apparent narrative of
the book of Kings (2 K. xvii. 8-6, xviii. 9-11).
He regards Sennacherib not only as his successor
but ss his son (i. 15), for which he has probably no
authority beyond his own speculations upon the
text of Scripture. As Sennacherib is proved by
the Assyrian inscriptions to be the son of Sargon,
no weight can be properly attached to the historical
statements in Tobit. The book is, in the fullest
sense of the word, apocryphal O. R.
ENETfltrS Clroriot [(gen. of 'ErwWyr?);
Vat Aid. 'EW)viot; Alex. Evqnov (gen.?):] Em-
mamut), one of the leaders of the people who re-
turned from captivity with Zorobabel (1 Esdr. v.
I). There is no name corresponding in the lists
sf Esra and Nebemiah.
ENOADTDI («V atyieAots; [Sin." ,r Eyyat-
1w>: Comp. h TaSSf:] "» Coda), Eeclus. rriv.
14. [Elt-GEDl.]
EN-GAN'NIM (WSST^^iprmgofgar.
saw). 1. A city in the low country of Judah
weed between Zanoah and Tappuah (Josh. xv. 34).
BN-GEDI
786
The LXX. in this place is so different from Uu
Hebrew that the name is not recognizable. Volg
yEn-Grtnnim.
2. A city on the border of Isaachar (Josh, xix
21; 'ltmw koI TowiaV; Alex, t/k rowi/x; [Comp,
AM. 'tyyayylfi-] En-Gamum); allotted with iU
"suburbs" to the Gerthonite Levites (xxi. 29;
Tliryl) yfaf.ijA.raV- En-Gamim). These notices
contain no indication of the position of En-gannira
with reference to any known place, but there is
great probability in the conjecture of Robinson (ii.
316) that it it identical with the Ginaia of Jo-
seph us (Ant. xx. 6, $ 1), which again, there can be
little doubt, survives in the modern Jenfn, the first
village encountered on the ascent from the great
plain of Esdraekm into the hills of the central
country. Jentn is still surrounded by the "or-
chards " or " gardens " which interpret its ancient
name, and the " spring " is to this day the charac-
teristic object in the place (Rob. ii. 315 ; Stanley,
p. 349, note; Van de Velde, p. 359). The position
of Jentn is also in striking agreement with the re-
quirements of Beth-hag-Gan (A. V. " the garden-
house; " Bai$ydr), in the direction of which Aha-
riah fled from Jehu (2 K. ix. 27). The rough
road of the ascent was probably too much for his
chariot, and, keeping the more level ground, be
made for Hegiddo, where he died (see Stanley, p.
349).
In the lists of Levities! cities in 1 Chr. vi. Axem
is substituted for En-gannim. Possibly it is merely
a contraction. G.
EN-GETH OTJ FJ», (he fountain of the kid:
pA-ymfti}*,] 'Eyyattl, tryaM, [etc.:] Arabic
(jgtX*- ••>££ : [En-gadtX]), a town in the
wilderness of Judah (Josh. xv. 62), on the western
shore of the Dead Sea (Ex, xlvii. 10). Its original
name was Hazezon-Tamar (HQQ l'l^n, (he
pruning of the palm), doubtless, as Joeephus says,
on account of the palm groves which surrounded
it (2 Chr. xx. 2; Eeclus. xxiv. 14; Joseph. Am.
ix. 1, $ 2). Some doubt seems to have existed in
the early centuries of our era as to its true position.
Stephanos places it near Sodom (Steph. B. «. v.);
Jerome at the south end of the Dead Sea ( Coram.
•» Ez. xlvii.); but Joeephus more correctly at the
distance of 300 stadia from Jerusalem (Ant. ix. 1,
$2). Its site is now well known. It is about the
middle of the western shore of the lake. Here is
a rich plain, half a mile square, sloping very gently
from the base of the mountains to the water, and
shut in on the north by a lofty promontory. About
a mile up the western acclivity, and at an elevation
of some 400 feet above the plain, is the fountain
of Ain Jidf, from which the place gets its name.
The water is sweet, but the temperature is 81°
Fahr. It bursts from the limestone rock, and
rushes down the steep descent, fretted by many a
rugged crag, and raining its spray over verdant
borders of acacia, mimosa, and lotus. On retch-
ing the plain, the brook crosses it in nearly a
straight line to the sea. During a greater part of
the year, however, it ia absorbed in the thirsty soil.
Its banks are now cultivated by a few families of
Arabs, who generally pitch their tents near this
spot. The soil is exceedingly fertile, and in sueb
a climate it might, be made to produce the rarest
fruits of tropical climes. Traces of the old city
I exist upon the plain anil lower declivity of the
Digitized by
Googfe
736 EN-GEM
mountain, on the south bank of the brook. They
in rude and uninteresting, consisting merely of
foundations and shapeless heaps of unhewn stones.
a. sketch by M. Belly, taken from the fountain, and
embracing the plain on the shore, and the south-
west border of the Dead Sea, will be found in the
Atlas of Plates to De Saulcy's Voyage, pi. viii.
1 much better one is given under Ska, thk Salt.
The history of En-gedi, though it reaches back
leaiiy 4000 yean, may be told in a few sentences.
It wss immediately after an assault upon the
"Amorites, that dwelt in Hazezon-Tamar," that
the five Mesopotamian kings were attacked by the
rulers of the plain of Sodom (Gen. xiv. 7 ; conip. 2
Chr. xx. 2). It is probable that the fountain was
always called En-gedi, and that the ancient town
built on the plain below it got in time the same
name. Saul was told that David was in the
" wilderness of En-gedi ; " and he took " 3000 men,
and went to seek David and his men upon the
rocksajl the wild goals " (1 Sam. xxiv. 1-4). These
animals still frequent the clins above and around
the fountain ; the Arabs call them Beden, At a
later period En-gedi was the gathering-place of the
Moabites and Ammonites who went up against
Jerusalem, and fell in the valley of Berachah (2
Chr. xx. 2). It if remarkable that this is the usual
route taken in the present day by such predatory
bands from Moab as make incursions into Southern
Palestine. They pass round the southern end of
the Dead Sea, then up the road along its western
shore to Am July, and thence toward Hebron,
Tekoa, or Jerusalem, as the prospects of plunder
seem most inviting.
The vineyards of En-gedi were celebrated by
Solomon (Cant. i. 14); its balsam by Josephus
ENGRAVER
(Ant. ix. 1, 5 2), and its palms by Pliny— « Ra-
gadda oppidum fuit, secundum ab Hierosolymis
fartilitate palmetorumque nemoribus " (v. 17 ;. But
vineyards no longer clothe the mountain-aide, and
neither palm-tree nor balsam is seen on the plain.
In the fourth century there waa still a large village
at En-gedi (Onom. a. v.); it must have been
abandoned very soon afterwards, for there is no
subsequent reference to it in history, nor are there
any traces of recent habitation (Porter's Handbook,
p. 242; Kob. 1. 507). There is a curious reference
to it in Handeville (Early Trav. p. 179), who says
that the district between Jericho and the Dead Sea
is " the land of Dengadda" (Fr. <f Engadda), and
that the balm trees were " still called vines of
Gady." J. L. P.
ENGINE, a term exclusively applied to military
affairs in the Bible. The Hebrew i"OIJpn (9 Chr.
xxvi. 15) is its counterpart in etymological mean-
ing, each referring to the ingenuity (engine, from
ingenium) displayed in the contrivance. The en-
gines to which the term is applied in 2 Chr. were
designed to propel various missiles from the walla
of a besieged town ; one, like the balitta, was for
stones, consisting probably of a strong spring and
a tube to give the right direction to the stone;
another, like the catapulta, for arrows, an enormous
stationary bow. The invention of these is assigned
to Uzaah's time — a statement which is supported
both by the absence of such contrivances In the
representations of Egyptian and Assyrian warfare,
and by the traditional belief that the balitta was
invented in Syria (Pliny, vii. 56). Luther gives
bnalwehren, 1. e. " parapets," as the meaning of
the term. Another war-engine, with which the
vr
n
V37
w w
Assyrian war-enghsss, tram Botta, pi. 190.
Hebrews were acquainted, waa the battering-ram,
described in Ex. xxvi. 9, as "^ij Nil?, ut. a
beating of that which it in front, hence a ram for
striking walls; and still more precisely in Ez. iv. 2,
mi 22. as "1?, a ram. The use of this instrument
was well known both to the Egyptians (Wilkinson,
i. 459) and the Assyrians. The references in Eze-
kiel are to the one used by the latter people, con-
sisting of a high and stoutly built frame-work on
four wheels, covered in at the sides in order to
protect the men moving it, and armed with one or
two pointed weapons. Their appearance was very
linerent from that of the Roman arret with which
the Jews afterwards became acquainted (Joseph.
b J. iii. 7, § 19^. No notice la taken of the
Mttmdc or the tinea (d. Es. xxvi. 9, VtUg.); but it
is not improbable that the Hebrews were acquainted
with them (cf. Wilkinson, 1. 361). The marginal
rendering " engines of shot " (Jer. vi. 6, xxxii. 84;
Ez. xxvi. 8) is incorrect. W. L. B.
ENGRAVER. The term ttHn, so trans-
lated in the A. V., applies broadly to any artificer,
whether in wood, stone, or metal : to restrict it to
the engraver in Ex. xxxv. 35, xxxviii. 28, la im-
proper: a similar latitude must be given to tot
term fl^lD, which expresses the operation of tin
artificer: in Zech. iii. 9, ordinary stone-cutting it
evidently intended. The specific description of an
engraver was J^W &?$ ( VjX - xzviii - ID. and
his chief business was cutting names or devices oc
rings and seals ; the only notices of er graving at*
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EBT-HADDAH
la eooneotion with the high-priest's drew — the;
two onyx-stones, the twelve jewels, and the mitre-
plate having inscriptions on them (Ex. xxviii. 11,
31, 86). The previous notices of signets (Gen.
xxxvUL 18, xH. 42) imply engraving. The art was
widely spread throughout the nations of antiquity,
particularly among the Egyptians (Diod. i. 78;
Wilkinson, iii. 373), the ^Ethiopians (Her. rii. 69),
and the Indians (Von Bohlen, Indien, ii. 133).
W. L. B.
EN-HADDAH (TTytTffl = that?, or
swj/l ipring, Gesen. : Al/mpiic; Alex, vy MS*:
[Enhadda]), one of the cities on the border of
[asachar named next to En-gannim (Josh. xix. 21).
Tan da Velde (i. 315) would identify it with Ain-
Bnud on the western side of Carmel, and about 2
miles only from the sea. [See also Thomson, Land
and Bock, ii. 248.] But this is surely out of the
limits of the tribe of Issachar, and rather in Asher
or Manasseh. G.
BN-HAK-KOTftB [A V. En-hakkore]
(rtnipH ]^ = rt« tpring of the crier: wrryh
rov €vuca\ovfi4you\ [Alex. ewiKXrrros' font invo-
eantu] ), the spring which burst out in answer to
the " cry " of Samson after his exploit with the
jaw-bone (Judg. xr. 19). The name it a pun
founded on the word in Terse 18, yikra (N^lp?,
A. V. '• he called "). The word Makteth, which
in the story denotes the " hollow place " (literally,
the « mortar") in the jaw, and also that for the
"jaw " itself, Lechi, are both names of plaoes. Van
de Velde (Memoir, p. 843) endesTora to identify
Leehi with TeU-d-Lddyth 4 miles N. of Beer-ebeba,
and En-hakkore with the large spring between the
Tell and Khewelfeh. But Sainton's adventures
appear to have been confined to a narrow circle,
and there is no ground for extending them to a
distance of some 30 miles from Gaza, which LeJugeh
is, even in a straight line. [Lkchi ] G.
bn-ha'zor (~nsn ry =«»•»'»? «/<*«
village: mryh ' A<r6p: Enhasor), one of the "fenced
cities " in the inheritance of Naphtali, distinct from
Hazor, named between Edrel and Iron, and ap-
parently not far from Kedesh (Josh. xix. 37). It
has not yet been identified. G.
BN-MISH'PAT (ID^tfJl? ^J [fountain of
judgment] : ^ mrrh tt)» KpUntn '• [font Mit-
ohaC)), Gen. xlv. 7. [Kadesh.]
BTNOOH, and once [twice, 1 Chr. i. 3, 33]
HENOCH (if^D = Chanic [initiated or ini-
tiating, Ges.; teaching, teacher, Fttrst]: Philo, de
Pott. Caini, § 11, ip/rqvt'iitTat 'Erix X<W covi
Emfy; Joseph. "Ayuxof- Henoch). L The eldest
son o? Cain (Gen. It. 17 [Chanoch, A. V. marg.]),
who called the city which he built after his name.
Ewald (Getch. i. 356, note) fancies that there is a
eference to the Phrygian Iconium, in which city
a legend of "Kyyaxot was preserved, evidently de-
rived from the Biblical account of the father of
Methuselah (Steph. Byz. i. v. 'IkoViok, Suid. s. v.
NaVraxoi). Other places have been identified with
the site of Enoch with little probability; e. g.
Anuchtn in Susiana, the Htniocht in the Caucasus,
8. [Vulg. In Jnde 14, Enoch.] The son of .'wed
{^JJ, a descent, of. Jordan* and lathe? if Me-
fnjB^imp, a man of armt fPhlfc. Le.
4T
ENOCH 787
§ 12, MaSoixrAXtu ifawooroXh oawdrov (Gen. T.
18 ff. ; Luke iii. 37)). In the Epistle of Jnde (ver.
14, cf. Enoch lx. 8) he is described as " the tevenlh
from Adam; " and the number is probabk noticed
as conveying the idea of divine completioi «ud rest
(cf. August, c. Fault, rii. 14), while Enoch was
himself a type of perfected humanity, " a man raised
to heaven by pleasing God, while angels fell to earth
by transgression" (Iren. ir. 16, 2). The other
numbers connected with his history appear too
symmetrical to be without meaning. He was born
when Jared was 162 (9 X 6 X 3) years old, and
after the birth of bis eldest son in his 65th
(5 X 6+7) year he lived 300 years. From the
period of 365 years assigned to his life, Ewald (i.
356), with very little probability, regards him as
" the god of the new-year," but the number may
have been not without influence on the later tradi-
tions which assigned to Enoch the discovery of the
science of astronomy (iirrpoKoyla, Eupolemus ap.
Euseb. Prop. Ev. ix. 17, where he is identified
with Atlas). After the birth of Methuselah it is
said (Gen. v. 22-24) that Enoch " walked with God
800 years . . . and he was not; for God took him "
(nn.'j.-Mrrtoi"". LXX. (here only): tuttt, Vulg.).
The phrase " walked with God " (TttJ "Jjbnnn
') is elsewhere only used of Noah
(Gen. vi. 9; cf. Gen. xvii. 1, Ac.), and is to be
explained of a prophetic life spent in immediate
converse with the spiritual world (Enoch xii. 2,
" All his action was with the holy ones, and with
the watchers during his life "). There is no further
mention of Enoch in the O. T., but in Ecclesiasti-
cus (xlix. 14) he is brought forward as one of the
peculiar glories (otiSi th sWovn otos *E.) of the
Jews, for he was taken up (or«Arj$077, Alex.
/MT»Tf07i) from the earth. " He pleased the Ijsrd
and was translated [into Paradise, Vulg.] being a
pattern of repentance " (Ecclus. xliv. 16). In the
Epistle to the Hebrews the spring and issue of
Enoch's life are clearly marked. " By faith Enoch
was translated durtriSn, trantlalut tit, Vulg.)
that he should not see death ... for before his
translation (/tfToeVo'fws) he had this testimony,
that he pleased God." The contrast to this divine
judgment is found in the constrained words of
Josephus: "Enoch departed to the Deity (A»t-
XtipVf Tpos to OtTor), whence [the sacred writers]
nave not recorded his death " (Ant i. 3, § 4).
The Biblical notion of Enoch were a fruitful
source of speculation in later times. Some theolo-
gians disputed with subtilty as to the place to which
he was removed ; whether it was to paradise or to
the immediate presence of God (cf. Feuardentius
ad hen. v. 5), though others more wisely declined
to discuss the question (Thilo, Cod. A/xicr. N. T
p. 758). On other points there was greater una-
nimity. Both the Latin and Greek fathers com
monly coupled Enoch and EUjah as historic wit
nesses of the possibility of a resurrection of the
body and of a true human existence in glory (Iren.
iv. 5, 1 ; TertulL de Returr. Cam. 68 ; Hieron. e.
Joan. flierotoL §j 29, 32, pp. 437, 440); and the
voice of early ecclesiastical tradition is almost
unanimous in regarding them as "the two wit-
nesses " (Rev. xl. 3 ff.) who should fall before " the
beast," and afterwards be raised to heaven before
the great judgment (Hippol. Frag, m Dan. xxli.,
de Antichr. xnli.; Cosmas Indlo. p. 76, ap. Thilo,
•aera tV imkno-tcurruciiv raeiSofir: YeftaB. <*
Digitized by
Google
788 ENOCH, THE BOOK OF
9; Ambros. m Psalm, xlv. 4; Eoang.
Nieod, c. xxv. on which Thilo hu almost exhausted
the question: Cod. Apoc. N. T. p. 766 f.). This
belief removed a serious difficulty which n •up-
posed to attach to their translation; fin thus it was
made clear that they would at last discharge the
common debt of a sinful humanity, from which
they were not exempted by their glorious removal
from the earth (Tertull. de Aniind, L c ; August.
Op. imp. c. Jul vi. 30).
In later times Enoch was celebrated as the in-
ventor of writing, arithmetic, and astronomy (Euaeb.
Prop. Ev. ix. 17). He is said to have filled 300
books with the revelations which he received, and
is commonly identified with Edrit (i. e. the learned),
who is commemorated in the Koran (cap. 19) as
one "exalted [by God] to a high place" (cf. Sale,
I. c; Hottinger, Hist. Orient, p. 30 ff.). But these
traditions were probably due to the apocryphal book
which bears his name (cf. Fabric. Cod, pseudep.
V. T. i. 215 ff.).
Some (Buttm. AfythoL i. 176 ff. ; F.wald, L c.)
have found a trace of the history of Enoch in the
Phrygian legend of Annacus Chmoxot, NdVwutot),
who was distinguished for his piety, lived 300 years,
and predicted the deluge of Deucalion. [Enoch,
1.] In the A. V. of 1 Chr. i. 8, the name is given
as Henoch.
'J. The third son of Milium, the son of Abraham
by Keturah (Gen. xxv. 4, A. V. Hanoch ; 1 Chr.
i. 33, A. V. Henoch).
4. [Vulg. in 1 Chr. v. 3, Enoch.] The eldest
son of Keuben (A. V. Hanoch ; Gen. xlvi. 9; Ex.
vi. 14; 1 Chr. v. 3), from whom came " the family
of the llanochites" (Num. xxvi. 5).
6. In 2 Eadr. vi. 49, 51, Enoch stands in the
Latin (and Eng.) Version for Behemoth in the
iEthkpic. B. F. W.
E'NOCH, THE BOOK OF, is one of the
most important remains of that early apocalyptic
literature of which the book of Daniel is the great
prototype. From its vigorous style and wide range
of speculation the book is well worthy of the atten-
tion which it received in the first ages ; and recent
investigations have still left many points for further
inquiry.
1. The history of the book is remarkable. The
first trace of its existence is generally found in the
Epistle of St Jude (14, IS; cf. Enoch, i. 9), but
the words of the Apostle leave it uncertain whether
he derived his quotation from tradition (Hofmann,
Schrijlbeweis, i. 420) or from writing (iircoaytrrtv-
wtr . . . 'Er&x h.iynt), though the wide spread
of the book in the second century seems almost
decisive in favor of the latter supposition. It ap-
pears to have been known to Justin (A/mi ii. 5),
lrena-us (Adv. Hatr. iv. 16, 2), add Anatolius
(Euseb. H. E. vii. 32). Clement of Alexandria
(Eclog. p. 801). and Origen (yet eomp. c. Celt. v.
p. 267, ed. Spenc.) both make use of it, and numer-
ous r efe rences occur to the "writing," "books,"
and " words " of Enoch in the Testaments of the
XII. Patriarchs, which present more or leas resem-
blance to passages in the present book (Fabr. Cod.
pumdep. V. T. i. 161 ff.; Gfri rer, Proph. pseudejt.
p. 273 f.). Tertnllian (Be Cult Fern. i. 3; cf. Dt
idol 4) expressly quotes the book as one which was
" not received by some, nor admitted into the Jewish
nanon " (in armarium Judaicum), but defends it on
aeeount of its reference to Christ (" kgimus omnem
adifioa.ioni hahilrm dirinitui inspi-
ENOCH, THE BOOK OF
rari"). Augustine (De do. xv. 23, 4) sad aa
anonymous writer whose work is printed with
Jerome's (Brev. in Psalm, cxxxii. 2; ef. H3. aa
Psalm. 1. c.) were both acquainted with it: but
from their time till the revival of letters it was
known in the Western Church only by the quota-
tion in St. Jude (Dillmann, EM. p. lvi.). In the
Eastern Church it was known some centuries later.
Considerable fragments are pr ese rved in the Chro-
nographia of Georgius Syncellus (c 792 A. D.), and
these, with the scanty notices of earlier writers,
constituted the sole remains of the book known in
Europe till the close of the last century. Mean-
while, however, a report was current that the rutin
book was preserved in Abyssinia; and at length,
in 1773, Bruce brought with him on his return
from Egypt three MSS., containing the complete
J£thiopic translation. Notwithstanding the interest
which the discovery excited, the first detailed notice
of this translation was given by Silvestre de Sacy
in 1800, and it was not published till the edition
of Archbishop Ijuirence in 1838 (Libri Enoch
vertio JEthiopica . . . Oxon.). But in the inter-
val Laurence published an English translation, with
an introduction and notes, which passed through
three editions (The Book of Enoch, Ac by R.
Laurence. Oxford, 1821, 1833, 1838). The trans-
lation of Laurence formed the basis of the German
edition of Hofflnann (Das Buch Henoch, ... A.
G. Hofflnann, Jena, 1833-48); and Gfrurcr, in
1840, gave a Latin translation constructed from
the translations of Laurence and Hofflnann (Prv-
pheta veteres pscudepiaraphi . . . ed. A. F.
Gfrcrer, Stuttgartise, 1840). All these editions were
superseded by those of Dillmann, who edited the
yEthiopic text from five HSS. (Liber Henoch,
jElhiopice, Lipsue, 1851), and afterwards gave a
German translation of the book with a good intro-
duction and commentary (Das Buch Henoch, . . .
von Dr. A. Dillmann, Leipzig, 1853). The work
of Dillmann gave a fresh impulse to the study of
the book. Among the essays which were called
out by it the most important were those of Ewald
( tfber des Atiiiopischen Buches Henikh Entitehyny,
Ac., Gottlngen, 1854) and Hilgenfeld (Diejidische
Apokntijptik, Jena, 1857). The older literature on
the subject is reviewed by Fabricius ( Cod. pseudep.
V. T. i. 199 ff.).
2. The iEthiodlc translation was made from the
Greek, and it was probably made about the ssror
time as the translation of the Bible with which it
was afterwards connected, or in other words, towards
the middle or close of the fourth century. The
general coincidence of the translation with the
patristic quotations of corresponding passages shows
satisfactorily that the text from which it was derived
was the same as that current in the early Church
though one considerable passage quoted by Georg
Synoell. is wanting in the present book (DiUm. p.
85). But it is still uncertain whether the Greet
text was the original, or itself a translation. One
of the earliest references to the book occurs in the
Hebrew Book of Jubilees (Dillm. in Ewald's Jnhrb.
1850, p. 90), and the names of the angels and winds
are derived from Aramaic roots (ef. Dillm. p. 236
ff.). In addition to this a Hebrew book of Enoch
was known and used by Jewish writers till the
thirteenth century (Dillm. A-'W n '.vii.), so that
on these grounds, among others, many have sup-
posed (J. Scaliger, Laurence, Hoffmann, Dillmann'
that the book was first composed b Hebrew
(Aranuean). In such a case no stress can be bus
Digitized by
Google
ENOCH, THE BOOK OF
spon the Hebraizing style, which may be found u
■rail ia an author as in a translator; and in the
absence of direct orideuoa u. is difficult to weigh
aiere conjectures. On the oi^e band, if the book
aad been originally written in Hebrew, it might
'.mo. likely that it would have been more used by
Rabbinical teachers; but, on the other band, the
writer certainly appears to have been a native of
Palestine," and therefore likely to have employed
the popular dialect. If the hypothesis of a Hebrew
original be accepted, which as a hypothesis seems
to be the more plausible, the history of the original
and the version finds a good parallel in that of the
Wisdom of Siraoh. [Eccuksiasticus.]
3. In its present shape the book consists of a
series of revelations supposed to bare been given to
Enoch and Noah, which extend to the most varied
aspects of nature and life, and are designed to offer
a comprehensive vindication of the action of Provi-
dence. [Enoch.] It is divided into five parts.
The fir* part (Cc 1-86 Dillm.), after a general
introduction, contains an account of the fall of the
angels (Gen. vi. 1) and of the judgment to come
upon them and upon the giants, their offspring
(9-16); and this is followed by the description of
the journey of Enoch through the earth and lower
heaven in company with an angel, who showed to
him many of the great mysteries of nature, the
treasure-bousM of the storms and winds, and fires
of heaven, the prison of the fallen and the land of
the blessed (17-36). The second part (37-71) is
styled " a vision of wisdom," and consists of three
" parables," in which Enoch relates the revelations
of the higher secrets of heaven and of the spiritual
world which were given to him. The first parable
(38-44) gives chiefly a picture of the future bless-
ings and manifestation of the righteous, with further
details as to the heavenly bodies; the second (46-67)
describes in splendid imagery the coming of Messiah
and the results which it should work among " the
elect " and the gainsayers ; the third (68-69) draws
out at further length the blessedness of '• the elect
ind holy," and the confusion and wretchedness of
the sinful rulers of the world. The Mrd pvrt
(73-89) is styled " the book of the course of the
lights of heaven," and deals with the motions of
the sun and moon, and the changes of the seasons;
and with this the narrative of the journey of Enoch
tloaes. The fourth part (83-81) is not distin-
guished by any special name, but contains the rec-
ord of a dream which was granted to Enoch in his
youth, in which be saw the history of the kingdoms
if God snd of the world up to the final establish-
ment of the throne of Messiah. The fifth part
;3»-105) contains the last addresses of Enoch to
tus children, in which the teaching of the former
shapters is made the groundwork of earnest exhor-
tation. The signs which attended the birth of
Noah are next noticed (106-7); and another short
■' writing of Ei-.och " (108) forms the close to the
whole book (it. Dillm. EM p. i. ft*.; Lucke, Ver-
mch enter volltMnd. EM Ac., i. 93 ft*.).
4. The general unity which the book possesses
la its present form marks it, in the main, as the
work of one man. The several parts, while they
re complete in themselves, are still oonnectec by
the development of a common purpose. But in-
ternal coincidence shows with equal clearness that
I fragments were incorporated by the author
i ay wet* Lesaa
bz the toaaHtv of Has witter in
ENOCH. THE BOOK. OF 789
into his work, and some additions have been prob
ably made afterwards. Different " books " are mea
tioned in early times, and variations in style and
language are discernible in the present book To
distinguish the original elements and later inter-
polations is the great problem which still remains
to be solved, for the different theories which have
been proposed are barely plausible. In each case
the critic seems to start with preconceived notions
as to what was to be expected at a particular time,
and forms his conclusions to suit his prejudices.
Hofmann and VVeiase place the composition of the
whole work after the Christian era, because the one
thinks that St. Jude could not have quoted an
apocryphal book (Hofmann, ScAriftbewds, i. 420
ft".), and the other seeks to detach Christianity
altogether from a Jewish foundation (Weiase,
Emnyctienfrage, 914 ffi ). Stuart (American BiU.
Repot. 1840) so far anticipated the argument of
Weiase ss to regard the Christology of the book as
a clear sign of its post-Christian origin. Ewald,
according to his usual custom, picks out the dif-
ferent elements with a daring confidence, and leaves
a result so complicated that no one can accept it in
its details, while it is characterized in its great
features by masterly judgment and sagacity. He
places the composition of the groundwork of the
book at various intervals between 144 B. c. and
cir. 120 B. c, and supposes that the whole assumed
its present form in the first half of the century
before Christ. Lucke (2d ed.) distinguishes two
great parts, an older part including cc. 1-36, and
72-106, which he dates from the beginning of the
Maccaluean struggle, and a later, cc 37-71, which
he assigns to the period of the rise of Herod the
Great (141, Ac.). He supposes, however, that later
interpolations were made, without attempting to
ascertain their date. Dillmann upholds more de-
cidedly the unity of the book, and assigns the chief
part of it to an Aranuean writer of the time of
John Hyrcanus (c. 110 u. c). To this, according
to him, " historical " and " Noachian additions"
were made, probably in the Greek translation (EM.
p. lii.). Kiistlin (quoted by HilgenfeM, p. 96, Ac.)
assigns cc. 1-16, 31-36, 72-106, to about 110 B. o. ;
cc. 37-71 to c. B. c. 100-64; and the « Noachian
additions " and c. 108 to the time of Herod the
Great. HilgsofeW himself places the original book
(cc 1-16; 20-36; 79-90; 91, 1-19; 93; 94-106)
about the beginning of the first century before
Christ (a. a. 0. p. 145 n.). This book he supposes
to have passed through the hands of a Christian
writer who lived between the times " of Saturninus
and Mansion " (p. 181), who added the chief
remaining portions, including the great Messianic
section, cc. 37-71. In the owe of these conflicting
theories it ia evidently impossible to dogmatize, and
the evidence is Insufficient for conclusive reasoning.
The interpretation of the Apocalyptic histories (or.
66, 57; 83-90), on which the chief stress is laid
for fixing the date of the book, involves necessarily
minute criticism of details, which belongs rather
to a commentary than to a general introduction ;
but notwithstanding the arguments of Hilgenfeld
and Jest (Gear*. 1 Jvd. ii. 918 n.), the whole
book appears to be distinctly of Jewish origin.
Some inconsiderable interpolations may have bees
made in successivu translations, and large fragments
of a much earlier date were undoubtedly iooor-
natxL'iorhood of tbr Caspian an Inceastas'rc.
MUb. B.IL
or
Digitized by
God£f&
740 ENOCH, THE BOOK OF
panted into the work, bat u a whole it may be
regarded ai describing an important phage of Jewish
opinion shortly before the coming of Christ.
5. In doctrine the book of Enoch exhibits a
gnat advance of thought within the limits of rev-
elation in each of the great divisions of knowledge.
The teaching on nature is a curious attempt to
reduce the scattered images of the O. T. to a
physical system. The view of society and man,
nf the temporary triumph and final discomfiture
of the oppressors of God's people, carries out into
elaborate detail the pregnant images of Daniel.
The figure of the Messiah is invested with majestic
dignity as " the Son of God " (c 106, 2 only),
" whose name was named before the sun was made "
(48, 3), and who existed " aforetime in the pres-
ence of God " (63, 6; cf. Laurence, PreL Diss. li.
C). And at the same time his human attributes
as " the son of man," " the son of woman " (c. 62,
5 only), "the elect one," "the righteous one,"
" the anointed," are brought into conspicuous no-
tice. The mysteries of the spiritual work), the
connection of angels and men, the classes and min-
istries of the hosts of heaven, the power of Satan
(40, 7; 65, 6), and the legions of darkness, the
doctrines of resurrection, retribution, and eternal
punishment (c 22, cf. Dillm. p. xix.), are dwelt
upon with growing earnestness ss the horizon of
•peculation * as extended by intercourse with Greece.
But the message of the book is emphatically one
if "f«ith and truth " (cf. Dillm. p. 32), and while
the writer combines and repeats the thoughts of
Scripture, he adds no new element to the teaching
of the prophets. His errors spring from an undis-
ciplined attempt to explain their words, and from
a proud exultation in present success. For the
great characteristic by which the book is distin-
guished from the later apocalypse of Ezra [Esdkas,
2d Book] is the tone of triumphant expectation
by which it is pervaded. It seems to repeat in
every form the great principle that the world, nat-
ural, moral, and spiritual, is under the immediate
government of God. Hence it follows that there
is a terrible retribution reserved for sinners, and a
glorious kingdom prepared for the righteous, and
Messiah is regarded as the divine mediator of this
double issue (c 90, 91). Nor is it without a strik-
ing fitness that a patriarch translated from earth,
and admitted to look upon the divine majesty, is
chosen ss "the herald of wisdom, righteousness,
snd judgment to a people who, even in suffering,
saw in their tyrants only the victims of a coming
rengeance."
6. Notwithstanding the quotation in St. Jade,
and the wide circulation of the book itself, the
apocalypse of Enoch was uniformly and distinctly
separated from the canonical Scriptures. Tertul-
lian alone maintained its authority (t c. ), while he
admitted that it was not received by the Jews.
Origen, on the other hand (c. Celt. v. 267, ed.
Spate), and Augustine (</« tie. xv. 23, 4), defini-
tively mark it as apocryphal, and it is reckoned
among the apocryphal hooks in the Apostolic Con-
stitutions (vi. 16), and in the catalogues of the
Synopsis S. Scriptura, Nicephorus (Credner, Zvr
Sack. d, Kan. 146), and Montfauon (BlbL CoU-
an p. 193).
7. The literature of the subject has been already
noticed incidentally. The German edition of Dill-
sunn places within the reach of the student all
the most important materials for the study of the
kook- Special points are discussed by Gfrurer, Dot
EN BIMMON
Jakrk. d. Beth, I 98 ff.; C. VMeeeler, Di» 71
Woden da Darnel, 1839. An attempt was madt
by the Rev. E. Hurray (Enoch resrsMns, Ac.
Lond. 1838) to " separate from the books of Enocr
the book quoted by St. Jade," which met with
little favor. B. F. W.
* The preceding article may be supplemented
by a brief notice of the more recent literature re-
lating to the subject. The essay of Kostlin, Oeoer
die Kntstehmg del Bucket Henoch (alluded tc
above), appeared in Baur and ZeDer'a ThtoL
Jakrb. 1856, xv. 240-79, 87D-86; oomp. Ewald,
Jahrb. f. Bibl witt. viii. 182 ff., 189 ff. Dillmann,
in his art. Pteudcpiyraphen da A. T. in Herxog's
ReaUEncykl xii. 309, has retracted his earlier
opinion that the book of Enoch, excepting the
Noachian fragments, is substantially the work of a
single author. He is now convinced that it is
made up of two, if not three other books, besides
what has been introduced from the " Noah-book "
in ch. liv. 7-lv. 2, ch. lx., lxv.-lxix. 26, eh. vL-xvu,
and cri. f. He agrees with Ewald in regarding
ch. xxxvii.-lxri. (after tearing out the Noachian
portions) as the first Enoch-book, composed about
144 R. c. Vollnnar, in the Xeittckrift d. devttchen
moroenL UestUscbnJl for 1830, xiv. 87-134, pre-
sents a view of the origin and date of the book
altogetl <r new, maintaining that it was written at
the time of the Jewish revolt under Bar-Cocbba
about 132 A. D., by a disciple of the famous Kabbi
Akiba, to encourage the Jewr in their rebellion.
He finds, however, extensive Christian interpola-
tions in ch. xviii.-lxx., cvi. f. Dillmann has criti-
cized Volkmar's essay in a brief article in the
same Zeitsehrift, xv. Ill ff., not deeming it worthy
of a very elaborate refutation. See also Ewald,
Jahrb. xi. 231 ff. The whole question, with the
connected topics, has been discussed by Hilgerueld
and Volkmar in a succession of articles in Hilgen-
feld's Zeiltckr. f. ram. TheoL for 1860-63. See
also on the book Ewald, (Jack. d. Vollctt Itr., 3*
Ausg. (1364), rv. 465 ff., and especially Marti -waifs
article on the Em ty History of Uatiame Idem,
ic the National Review for April, 1864.
The question of the origin *1 language of the
book is discussed very fully by M. Joseph HahVvi
in the Journal Atwtiqvt for April and Hay, 1867,
pp. 352-95. He maintains, it would seem conclu-
sively, that it was composed in the almost Biblical
Hebrew of the Mishna and the oldest Hidrashiu
The article contains many happy elucidations of dif-
ficult psasages in the book. A.
E"NOCH, CITY. [Eboch, No. 1.]
E7JON. [Mhos.]
ETJOS (tB"P£ [man, especially as mortal,
decaying]: *Ero4t: Enot). The son of Seth;
properly called Enosh, ss in 1 Chr. i. 1 [A. V.]
(Gen. iv. 26, v. 6, 7, 9, 10, 11; Luke in. 38).
* He was the third from Adam in the antedi-
luvian genealogy. That he was bran, had children
(of these Caiman only is named), and died at the
age of 905, is the sum of all that is known of him
The A. V. takes the form of the name from the
LXX. or Vulg. H.
E'NOSH. The same as the preceding (]
Chr. i. 1) [and the stricter Hebrew form, instead
of Esos].
KN-KIM'MON (YtSn V"S [fountain of
pomegranates] : Vat omits, Alex, tr Ptntmr: e.
m Jtimimm), one of the places which the men of
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BN-BOGEL
adah re-inhabited after their return from the Cap-
Wty (Neh. ri. 38). From the town* is company
with which it is mentioned, it aeemi very probable
that the name is the same which in the earlier
books is given in the Hebrew and A. V. in the
separate form of " Ain and Kimmon " (Josh. xr.
83), '< Ain, Kemmon " (xix. 7 ; and see 1 Chr. iv.
83), but in thj LXX. combined, as in Nehemiah.
[Adi, 3.] G.
* Raumer suggests that En or Ain-Rimmon may
be equivalent to Ain and Kimmon, *'. e. virtually
two places, Kimmon and a Fountain or Fountains
in the vicinity (PaUutina, p. 330). It would thus
be accounted for that the names (as stated above)
are found to occur either separately or in combina-
tion. According to Van de Velde (iftmoir, p.
844) the place is now 27m er SummaniM (Mother
of Pomegranates) between Eleutheropolis and Beer-
aheba. There is a copious fountain there at present,
to which the people resort from a wide distance.
H.
KN-BCGEL C>£l yy [fountain 'of At
fuller]: mryh 'VvyhXi font Rogel), a spring
which formed one of the landmarks on the bound-
ary-line between Judah (Josh. xv. 7) and Benjumin
(xviii. 16). It was the point next to Jerusalem,
and at a lower level, as is evident from the use of
the words "ascended" and "descended" in these
two passages. Here, apparently concealed from
the view of the city, Jonathan and Ahimaaz re-
mained, after the Sight of David, awaiting intelli-
gence from within the walls (2 Sam. xvii. 17), and
hen, " by the stone Zohekth, which is ' close to '
(b?M) En-rogel," Adoiujah held the feast, which
was the first and last act of his attempt on the
crown (1 K. i. 9). These are all the occurrences
of the name in the Bible. By Josephua on the
last incident (Ant. vii. 14, § 4) its situation,
given as " without the city, in the royal garden,"
and it is without doubt referred to by him in the
same connection, in his description of the earth-
quake which accompanied the sacrilege of Uzziah
(Am. ix. 10, } 4), and which, " it the place called
Eroge,"* shook down a part it the eastern hill,
" so as to obstruct the roads, and the royal gar-
dens."
In the Targum, and the Arabic and Syriac ver-
sions, the name is commonly given as " the spring
rf the fuller" (W}3i2» «iaJ»), and this u gen-
erally accepted as the signification of the Hebrew
name — Rogel being derived from Rngal, to tread,
in allusion to the practice of the Orientals in wash-
big linen.
In more modern times, a tradition, apparently
first recorded by Brocardus, would make En-rogel
the well of Job or Nehemiah (Btr Eyub), below
the junction of the valleys of Kedron and Hinnom,
and south of the Pool of Siloam. In favor of this
is the fact that in the Arabic version of Josh. xv.
7 the name of Ain-Eyub, or " spring of Job," is
given for En-rogel, and also that in an early Jew-
ish Itinerary (Uri of Bid, iu Hottinger's Cippi
Bebraici) the name is given as " well of Joab," as
f retaining the memory of Joab's connection with
EN-BOG EL
741
• •Stanley (S. f P. p. {01, Amar. ed.) defines Ka-
tog*, as " Spring of the Foot." But the vocallss-
aoa would then be /J)H, and not 7J*">, as In the
■ Hn text. »
Adonyah — a name which it still retains in tfaa
traditions of the Greek Christians (Williams, //o.'|
City, il. 490). Against this general belief, som
strong arguments are urged by Dr. Bonar h> favoi
of identifying En-rogel with the present "Foun-
tain of the Virgin," 'Ain Ummed-Darq/ = " spring
of the mother of steps " — the perennial source
from which the Pool of Siloam is supplied (Land
of Promitt, App. v. ). These arguments are briefly
as follows: — (1.) The Bir Eyub is a well and not a
spring (En), while, on the other hand, the " Fount-
ain of the Virgin " is the only real spring close
to Jerusalem. Thus if the latter be not En-rogel,
the single spring of this locality has escaped men-
tion in the Bible. (2.) The situation of the Fount-
ain of the Virgin agrees better with the course of
the boundary of Benjamin than that of the Btr
Eyub, which is too far south. (8.) Bir Eyub does
not suit the requirements of 3 Sam. xvii. 17. It
is too far off both from the city, and from the di-
rect road over Olivet to the Jordan; and is in full
view of the city (Van de Velde, i. 475), which the
other spot is not. (4.) The martyrdom of St.
James was effected by casting him down from the
temple wall into the valley of Kedron, where he
was finally killed by a fuller with his washing
stick. The natural inference is that St. James
fell near where the fullers were at work. Now
Bir Eyub is too for off from the site of the Tem-
ple to allow of this, but it might very well have
happened at the Fountain of the Virgin. (See
Stanley's Sermons on the Apott. Age, p. 383-34).
(5.) Daraj and Rogel are both from the same root,
and therefore the modern name may be derived
from the ancient one, even though at present it is
taken to allude to the " steps " by which the reter
voir of the Fountain is reached.
Add to these considerations (what will have
more significance when the permanence of Eastern
habits is recollected) — (6.) That the Fountain of
the Virgin is still the great resort of the women of
Jerusalem for washing and treading their clothes -
and also — (7.) That the level of the king's gar-
dens must have been above the Bir Et/ub, even
when the water is at the mouth of the well — and
it is generally seventy or eighty feet below; while
they must have been lower than the Fountain of
the Virgin, which thus might be used without dif-
ficulty to irrigate them. (See Robinson, i. 331
834; and for the best description of the Btr Eyub,
see Williams, Holy City, ii. 48D-496). [Jerusa-
lem.] G.
* In reply to the argument by Bonar, adduced
above, and in support of the theory which identi -
fies Bir Eyub with the En-Kogel of the sacred writ
era, these considerations may be urged. (1.) It is
both a well and a spring. During portions of the
rainy season, a oopious stream issues from ita
mouth, and when it ceases to overflow, its waters
pass off by a subterranean channel. (2.) The nar-
rative of "the martyrdom of St- James" [James
the Little] above referred to, differs from Jose-
phua, and is partly, at least, legendary ; and if the
inoident named is accepted, the " inference " doe*
not follow, nor has it a decisive bearing on this
question. (3.) The narrative in 2 Sam. xvii. 17,
suggests no difficulty. It Implies some place of
concealment near the spot. That the locality was
* This natural intarpnrtatton of
■lightly corrupt appeals to have first t
to Stanl./ (S.fP.v 1A4).
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748
ENROLLED
Utile off from the direct road would be favorable ;
and it* being outside the city, yet within easy
reach of a messenger from it, answers all the re-
quirements. (4.) The position of Sir Eyub accords
entirely with the boundary-line between Judah and
Benjamin, and that of the Fountain of the Virgin
does not. This border, coming from the Pead
Sea, passed up the Valley of Hinnom, south of
Jerusalem. TTie Sir Eyub is in the centre of the
valley through which it passed, while the Fountain
of the Virgin is on a hill-side, several hundred
yards distant from its natural course. If the
reader will turn to the article Jerusalem, Plate
III., on which both points are indicated, he will
see at a glance how inevitably the border would
touch the former point, and how improbable and
unaccountable would be the detour which would
carry it to the latter point. (6.) This theory, if not,
as Thomson claims, more in harmony, is certainly
not less so, with the record iu 1 Kings i. 9, 38, 41.
(6.) Other reasons in its favor are given above,
and it has commanded the general assent of vis-
itors and writers, from Brocardus to Robinson.
The B\r Eyub is 125 feet in depth, walled up
with large square stones on its four sides, one of
which terminates above in an arch. The work is,
evidently, of high antiquity. The water is pure
and sweet, but not very cold. When it passes off
beneath the surface, it issues, during a part of the
year, in a large stream some forty yards below.
Bee Thomson, Land o> Book, ii. 628 f. S. W.
• ENROLLED (Luke ii. 1). [Census;
Taxing.]
EN-SHE'MESH (ttJptjrpj = spr.no of
the sun: i) rrnyh rov TjAfou, rnyii BajflffOjUur;
[in Josh, xviii., Alex. 117777) ia/xt:] Entente*, id
ett, Font Sotit), a spring which formed one of the
landmarks on the north boundary of Judah (Josh,
xv. 7 ) and the south boundary of Benjamin (xviii.
17). From these notices it appears to have been
between the "ascent of Adummim" — the road
leading up from the Jordan valley south of the
Wady Kelt — and the spring of En-rogel, in the
valley of Kedron. It was therefore east of Jeru-
salem and of the Mount of Olives. The only
ipring at present answering to this position is the
'Ain-Haud or 'Am-ChM — the » Well of the Apos-
tles," ° about a mile below Bethany, the traveller's
first halting-place on the road to Jericho. Accord-
ingly this spring is generally identified with En-
Shemesh. The aspect of ' Ain-Haud is such that
the rays of the sun are on it the whole day. This
is not inappropriate in a fountain dedicated to that
luminary. G.
ENSIGN (D3, in the A. V. generally «en-
ugn," sometimes "standard;" v3^, "standard,"
with the exception of Cant. ii. 4, "banner;"
nTH, " ensign "). The distinction between these
three Hebrew terms is sufficiently marked by their
respective uses: net is a signal; degel a military
standard for a large division of an army ; and oth,
the same for a email one. Neither of them, how-
sver, expresses the idea which "standard " conveys
to out minds, namely, ttfiag ; the standards in use
wuog the Hebrews probably resembled those of
ENSIGB
the Egyptians and Assyrians — a figure or 1
of some kind elevated on a pole. (1.) The notice*
of the net or <> ensign " are most frequent; It con-
sisted of some well-understood signal which was
exhibited on the top of a pole from a bare mount-
ain-top (Is. xiii. 2, xviii. 3) — the very emblem
of conspicuous isolation (Is. xxx. 17). Around it
the inhabitants mustered, whether for the purpose
of meeting an enemy (Is. v. 26, xviii. 3, xxxi. 9),
which was sometimes notified by the blast of a
trumpet (Jer. iv. 21, li. 27); or, as a token of res-
cue (Ps. lx. 4; Is. xi. 10; Jer. iv. 6); or for a
public proclamation (Jer. 1. 2); or simply as •
gathering point (Is. xlix. 22, lxii. 10). What the
nature of the signal was, we have no means of
stating; it has been inferred from Is. ""ii 23,
and Ez. xxvii. 7, that it was a flag: we do not ob-
serve a flag depicted either in Egyptian or Assyrian
representations of vessels (Wilkinson, iii. 211;
Bonomi, pp. 166, 167); but, in lieu of a flag, cer-
tain devices, such as the phcenix, flowers, Ac., were
embroidered on the sail; whence it appears that
the device itself, and perhaps also the sail bearing
the device, was the net or " ensign." It may have
been sometimes the name of a leader, as Implied
in the title which Moses gave to his altar " Jeho-
vah-nissi " (Ex. xvti. 15). It may also have been,
as Michaelis (SuppL p. 1648) suggests, a blaring
s£££
« •totalled ftoc Mi bring suppasad that the Apot-
**s at Cork* may nave mated tbera in their journeys.
H.
afevptian Standards, tram Wilkinson
torch. The important point, however, to be ok
served is, that the net was an occasional signal,
and not a military standard, and that elewUiam
and contpicuUy are implied in the use of the term
I hence it is appropriately applied to the " pole " on
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ENSIGN
aaiea the nun serpent hung (Num. xxi. 8),
which ni indeed an "ensign" of deliverance to
the pious Israelite; and again to the censers of
Korah and his company, which became a " sign "
v beacon of warning to Israel (Num xvi. 38).
(2.) The term degtl is used to describe the stand-
ards which were given to each of the four divisions
of the Israelite army at the time of the Exodus
(Num. i. 59, ii. 2 ff., z. 14 ff.)- Some doubt in-
deed exists as to its meaning in these passages, the
LXX. and Vulgate regarding it not us the stand-
ard itself; but as a certain military division an-
nexed to a standard, just as vexilkm is sometimes
used for a body of soldiers (Tac Hit. i. 70; Liv.
viii. 8). The sense of compact and martial array
does certainly seem to lurk in the word; for in
Cant. vi. 4, 10, the brilliant glances of the bride's
eyes are compared to the destructive advance of a
well-arrayed host, and a similar comparison is em-
ployed in reference to the bridegroom (Cant v.
10); but on the other hand, in Cant. ii. 4, no
other sense than that of a "banner" will suit,
and we therefore think the rendering in the A. V.
correct. No reliance can be placed on the term in
Pa. xx. 5, as both the sense and the text are mat-
er* nf doubt (see Olshausen and Hengstenberg, in
tic.). 4 standard implies, of course, a standard-
bearer; but the supposed notice to that officer in
Is. x. 18, is incorrect, the words meaning rather
"as a sick man pineth away;" in a somewhat
parallel passage (Is. lix. 19) the marginal version
is to be followed, rather than the text. The char-
acter of the Hebrew military standards is quite a
matter of conjecture; they probably resembled the
Egyptian, which consisted of a sacred emblem such
as an animal, a boat, or the king's name (Wilkin-
son, i. 994). Rabbinical writers state the devices
to have been as follows: for the tribe of Judah a
ion; for Reuben a man; for Ephraim an ox; and
for Dan an eagle (Carpzov, Crit. App. p. 667); but
no reliance can be placed on this. As each of the
four divisions, consisting of three tribes, had its
standard, so had each tribe its " sign " (oth) or
> ensign," probably in imitation of the Egyptians.
i>mong whom not only each batulion, but even
•ash company had its particular ensign (Wilkin-
son, I c) We know nothing of its nature. The !
word occurs figuratively in Ps. Ixxiv. 4, apparentlr '
J ' ■satsum to the images of idol gods. W.l»B.'i
EPAPHRA8 748
* ENSUE (like the French entunre, ahkh k
from the Latin wuejuor) means in 1 Pet. ii. 11, to
" follow after and overtake: " " Let him sick pease
and ensue it." It has no longer this sense. U.
EN-TAPPU'AH (iyBF\~X*J=ipTingo/
apple, or citron: rnyh ©a*fl<M; [Alex, n -n
Ba8<pw9:] Font Taphwt). The boundary of Ma-
naaaeh went from facing Shecheni " to the inhab-
itants of Eu-tappuah " (Josh. xvii. 7). It is prob
ably identical with Tappuah, the position of which
will be elsewhere examined. [Tappuah.] This
place must not be confounded with Bkth-tappuah
in the mountains of Judah. G.
•ENTRANCE TO HAMATH. [Ha-
math.]
•ENTREAT (written also "intreat") is
often used in the A. V. where we should employ
" treat," or a similar expression, as in the phrases
"to entreat well," "courteously," "spitefully,"
" shamefully," and "to evil entreat; " see Gen. xii.
16; Acts xxvii. 8; Matt xxii. 6; Luke xx. 11;
Acta vii. 19, Ac. The simple "treat" does not
occur in this sense either in the A. T. or in Shake-
speare. " To be entreated " (A. V.) often signifies
" to be prevailed upon by entreaty ; " see 1 Chr. v.
90; 2 Chr. xxxiii. 13; Is. xix. 22, Ac. A.
EP^N'ETUS [A. V. Epenetus] ('Ewaiwoj
[praised or worthy of praite]), a Christian at
Home, greeted by St Paul in Rom. xvi. 6, and
designated as his beloved, and the first fruit of Asia
(so the majority of ancient MSS. and the critical
editors: the received text has 'Ax«f«) UQ to Christ
The Synopsis of the Pseudo-Dorotheus makes him
first bishop of Carthage, but Justinian remarks that
the African churches do not recognize him.
HA.
EP'APHRAS ('Emwppnj {lovely, fascinat-
ing] ), a fellow-laborer with the Apostle Paul, men-
tioned Col. i. 7, as having taught the Colossian
church the grace of God in truth, and designated
a faithful minister (Jidxoi'os) of Christ on their
behalf. (On the question whether Epaphras was
the founder of the Colossian church, see the pro-
legomena to the epistle, in Alford's Greek Testa-
ment, iii. 36 ff.) He was at that time with St
Paul at Rome (CoL iv. 12), and seems by the ex
pression i /{ ifiuv, there used, to have been s
Colossian by birth. We find him again mentioned
in the Epistle to Philemon (ver. 23), which was
sent at the same time as that to the Colossions.
St Paul there calls him 6 ouvatxni\an6s pov,
but whether the word represents matter of fact or
is only a tender and delicate expression of Ep-
aphras's attention to the Apostle in his imprison-
ment (cf. Rom. xvi. 13), we cannot say.
Epaphras may be the same as Kpaphroditus, wh<
is called, in Phil. ii. 25, the apostle of the Philip
pians, and having come from Philippi to Rome with
contributions for St Paul, was sent back with the
epistle. It has been supposed by many, and among
them by Grotius. In all probability the name Ep-
aphras is an abbreviation of Epapbroditua: but on
the question of the identity of the persons, the very
slight notices in the "'. T. do not enable us to
speak with any confidence. The name Epapbro-
ditua was sufficiently common : see Tac. Ann. it.
65; Sueton. DomiU 14; Joseph. Life, % 76. The
martyrologies make Epaphras to nave been first
bishop of Colosse, and tn have suffered martjrdoK
there. H. A.
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EPAPHBODITTJS
144
•TVmgh Epaphras and Epaphroditus may be
nflereut forms of the mine name (see Winer,
Raihe. i. 331), the probability is that in the Epistles
they designate different persons. It is against the
supposed identity, first, that Epaphras belonged to
Colossa (CoL It. 12), and had come thence to
Rome (Col. i. 7), whereas Epaphroditus belonged
to Philippi, and had been sent thence to Rome with
the church's contributions for Paul (Phil. ii. 28);
and, secondly (as the foregoing facte indicate), that
Epaphras had his circuit of labor in Phrygia or
Asia Minor (Col. iv. 13), while Epaphroditus had
his circuit in northern Greece or Macedonia. See
Neander's Pftamunc,, ii. 232 (1847). Again, Ep-
aphras was Paul's fellow-captive, probably in a lit-
eral sense. We may infer this first, from his being
named apart from Paul's fellow-laborers (mmpW)
at Rome (Philem. vv. 23, 24), and, secondly, from
the subjoined fr Xpurrf 'b,<roS, which shows in
what sphere he bore that character. Meyer held
to the figurative sense in his first ed. (1848), but
changes to the other in his third (1865). H.
EPAPHBODITTJS ('Eto^,™,, Phil. ii.
JIB, it. 18). See above under Epaotikas. H. A.
• EPElfETTJS, Bom. xvi. 8. [Ep.kkktus.]
E'PHAH (np*y Idarhneu,] : T <*ip, [IV,**
Vat. m 1 Chr., r«p«p; Alex. In 1 Chr. and Is.,]
raupap: Epha), the first, in order, of the sons of
Midian (Gen. xxt. 4; 1 Chr. i. 33), afterwards
mentioned by Isaiah in the following words: " The
multitude of camels shall cover thee, the drom-
edaries of Midian and Ephah ; all they from Sheba
shall come: they shall bring gold and incense; and
they shall shew forth the praises of the Lord. All
the flocks of Kedar shall be gathered together unto
thee, the rams of Nebaioth shall minister unto thee :
they shall come up with acceptance on mine altar,
and I will glorify the house of my glory" (Is. lx.
6, 7). This passage clearly connects the descend-
ants of Ephah with the Midianites, the Keturahite
Sheba, and the Ishmaelites, both in the position of
their settlements, and in their wandering habits ;
and shows that, as usual, they formed a tribe bear-
ing his name. But no satisfactory identification
of this tribe has been discovered. The Arabic
»ord K JU X (Gheg/cA), which has been supposed
to be the same as Ephah, is the name of a town,
or Tillage, near BulUyi (the modern Bilbey*), a
place in Egypt, in the province of the Sharkeeyeh,
not far from Cairo: but the tradition that Ephah
settled in Africa does not rest on surHcient author-
ity- [Milium; Sheba.] E. S. P.
E'PHAH (nS^y [darbuu]: Taupd: Epha).
L. Concubine of Caleb, in the line of Judah (1
Chr. ii. 48).
2. Son of Jahdai; also in the line of Judah (1
•Jhr. ii. 47).
E'PHAH. [Measures.]
ETHAI [2 syL] (following the Kerf, «Fg ;
to* the original text Is , SW = Ophai [vtary,
•anguid]: and so LXX. 'I« T >«'; [Alex. a<pef. FA.
ttyf.°] Oplii), a Netophathite, whose sons were
smong the "captains (njj?) of the forces" left in
Vtdah after the deportation to Babylon (Jer. xl. 8).
fhey submitted themselves to Gedaliah, the Baby-
«wian governor, and were apparently massacred
with hia by Iahinael (xli. 3, comp. xl. 13).
EPHESLUT8
ETHER (T5J [a eaff, yomg ammai]
'A**Ip, '0$4»s On Gen., Alex. A*«:] Opka
Epher), the second, in order, of the sons of Mid
ian (Gen. xxt. 4; 1 Chr. i. 33), not mentioned ii
the Bible except in these genealogical passages
His settlements have not been identified with anj
probability. According to Geteoius, the name it
e
equivalent to the Arabic Ghi/r, -. qr, signifying
"a calf," and "a certain little animal, or insect, of
animalcule." Two tribes bear a similar appella-
tion, Ghtfar ( »Uift)j but one was a branch of
the first Amalek, the other of the Ishmaelite Kii i
neh (cf. Caussin, Ettai tur tllitt. da Arabe*. i.
20, 297, and 298 ; and Abulfeda, But. AnUsulamca,
ed. Fleischer, p. 196): neither is ascribed to Mid-
ian. The first settled about Yethrib (El-Medeeneh);
the second, in the neighborhood of Mekkeh.
E.S.P.
ETHER C-I9J [o c,Jf]: 'A**, Alex. r«-
ptp: Epker).
1. A son of Ezra, among the descendants of
Judah; possibly, though this is not clear, of the
family of the great Caleb (1 Chr. iv. 17).
2. ('<Wp; [Corns. 'A«>r>; Ald.r«t>ta.]) On*
of the heads of the families of ManasseL on the
east of Jordan (1 Chr. v. 24). The name may be
compared with that of Ophrah, the native place of
Gideon, in Manasseh, on the west of Jordan. In
the original the two are identical except in termi-
nation ("<EJ, mSS); and according to the
LXX. (as above) the vowel-points were once the
same. (}.
E'PHES-DAJEbVMIM (W»? D^g:
'Y.<ptpfth; [Vat. -fttu;) Alex. AAwlg^ii/: m
fnibm Damnum), a place between Soooh and Aae-
kuh, at which the Philistines were encamped be-
fore the affiay in which Goliath was killed (1 Sam.
xvii. 1). The meaning of the word is uncertain,
but it is generally explained as the "end" or
>' boundary of blood," in that case probably derived
from its being the scene of frequent sanguinary
encounters between Israel and the Philistines
Under the shorter form of Pas-dammim it occurs
once again in a similar connection (1 Chr. xi. 13).
For the situation of the place see Elah, Vaixet
op. Q.
•EPHET3IAN ('E«W<riot: Eph emu), au in-
habitant of Epbesus, used in the singular only of
Tkui'HIMVb, one of Paul's Greek friends with him
at Jerusalem (Acts xxi. 29), but in the plural, of
the entire people of that city as notorious for thefa
worship of Diana (Acts xix. 28, 34, 38 Au). [Di-
aha.] h.
EPHESIAN8, THE EPISTLE TO
THE, was written by the Apostle St Paul during
his first capthity at Rome (Acts xxviii. 16), ap-
parently immediately after he had written the
Epistle to <.he Colossians [Colossians, Epistle
to], and during that period (perhaps the early part
of a. o. 62) when his imprisonment had not as-
sumed the severer character which seems to turn
marked its close.
This sublime epistle was addressed to the Chris-
tian church at the ancient and famous city of
Ephesus (see below), that chu- ih which the Afoata
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BPHBSIANS
«kl hlisaiT bunded (Acta zix. 1 ff., oomp. xvili.
19), with which he abode so long (rpitTlay, Act*
n. 31), and from the elders of which he parted
with such a warm-hearted and affecting farewell
(Acta xz. 18-35). It does not seem to have been
sailed out by any special circumstances, nor even
to have involved any distinctly precautionary teach-
ing (oomp. Schneckenburger, BeUragt, p. 135 ff.),
whether against oriental or Judaistic theoaophy,
but to have been suggested by the deep love which
the Apostle felt for his converts at Ephesus, and
which the mission of Tychicus, with an epistle to
the church of Colossse, afforded him a convenient
opportunity of evincing in written teaching and ex-
hortation. The epistle thus contains many thoughts
that had pervaded the nearly contemporaneous
Epistle to the Colossians, reiterates many of the
same practical warnings and exhortations, bears
even the tinge of the same diction, but at the same
time enlarges upon such profound mysteries of the
divine counsels, displays so fully the origin and
ievtlopmattt of the church in Christ, its union,
communion, and aggregation in him, that this ma-
jestic epistle can never be rightly deemed other-
wise than one of the most sublime and consolatory
outpourings of the Spirit of God to the children
of men. To the Christian at Ephesus dwelling
under the shadow of the great temple of Diana,
daily seeing its outward grandeur, and almost daily
hearing of its pompous ritualism, the allusions in
this epistle to that mystic building of which Christ
was the corner-stone, the Apostles the foundations,
and himself and his fellow Christians portions of
the august superstructure (ch. ii. 19-22), must
have spoken with a force, an appropriateness, and
a reassuring depth of teaching that cannot be over-
estimated.
The contents of this epistle easily admit of be-
ing divided into two portions, the first mainly doc-
trinal (ch. i.-iii.), the second hortatory and prac-
tical.
The doctrinal portion opens with a brief address
to the saints in Ephesus (see below), and rapidly
passes into a sublime ascription of praise to God
the Father, who has predestinated us to the adop-
tion of aona, blessed and redeemed us >n Chritt, and
made known to us his eternal purpose of uniting
%U in him (ch. i. 3-14). This not unnaturally
wokes a prayer from the Apostle that hi? con-
verts may be enlightened to know the hope of God's
Jailing, the riches of his grace, and the magnitude
}f that power which was displayed in the resurrec-
tion and transcendent exaltation of Christ — the
bead of his body, the church (eh. i. 15-33).
ITien, with a more immediate address to his con-
verts, the Apostle reminds them how, dead as they
had been in sin, God had quickened them, raised
them, and even enthroned them with Christ, — and
now all was by grace, not by works (ch. ii 1-10).
They were to remember, too, how they had once
been alienated and yet were now brought nigh in
the blood of Christ; how he was their peace; now
»y him both they and the Jews had access to the
rather, and how on him as the corner-stone they
had been built into a spiritual temple to God (ch.
ii. 11-23). On this account, having heard, as they
nust have done, how to the Apostle was revealed
Ihe profound mystery of this call of the Gentile
world, they were not to faint at his troubles v'ch.
di. 1-13): nay, he prayed to the great Father of
iD to give them inward strength to teach them with
He love of Christ and fill them with the fullness of
BPHBSIANS 746
God (ch. iii. 13-19). The prayer is concluded by
a sublime doxology (ch. lit. 30, 31), which serve,
to usher in the more directly practical portion.
This the Apostle commences by entreating them
to walk worthy of this calling, aud to keep the
unity of the spirit: there was but one body, one
Spirit, one Lord, and one God (ch. iv. 1-6). Each
tuc had his portion of grace from God (ch. iv
7-10), who had appointed ministering orders in the
church, until all come to the unity of the faith,
and grow up and become united with the living
Head, even Christ (ch. iv. 11-16). Surely then
they were to walk no longer as darkened, feelingless
heathen; they were to put off the old man, and put
on the new (ch. iv. 17-24). This too was to be
practically evinced in their outward actions; they
were to be truthful, gentle, honest, pure, and for-
giving; they were to walk in love (ch. iv. 25-v. 3).
Fornication, covetouaness, and impurity, were not
even to be named ; they were once in heathen dark-
ness, now they are light, and must reprove the
deeds of the past (ch. v. 3-14). Thus were they
to walk exactly, to be filled with joy, to sing, and
to give thanks (ch. v. 15-21). Wives were to be
subject to their husbands, husbands to lore and
cleave to their wives (ch. v. 22-33); children were
to honor their parents, parents to bring up holily
their children (ch. vi. 1-4); servants and masters
were to perform to each other their reciprocal duties
(ch. vi. 5-9).
With a noble and vivid exhortation to arm them-
selves against their spiritual foes with the armor
of God (ch. vi. 10-20), a brief notice of the coming
of Tychicus (ch. vi. 31, 22), and a twofold doxology
(ch. vi. 33, 34), this sublime epistle comes to it*
close.
With regard to the authenticity and genuinenett
of this epistle, it is not too much to say that there
are ny just grounds for doubt. The testimonies
of antiquity are unusually strong. Even if we dc
not press the supposed allusions in Ignatius, Eph
ch. 12, and Polycarp, Philipp. ch. 12, we can con-
fidently adduce Irenseus, Har. v. 3, 3, v. 14, 3;
Clem. Alex. Padag. i. p. 108 (ed. Pott), Strom.
iv. p. 592 (ed. Pott.); Origen, Contr. Celt. iii. 20;
Tertull. de Prater. Har. ch. 36, and after them
the constant and persistent tradition of the ancient
church. Even Marcion did not deny that the
epistle was written by St. Paul, nor did heretics
refuse occasionally to cite it as confessedly due to
him as its author; comp. Irenseus, Bar. i. 8, 5.
In recent times, however, its genuineness has been
somewhat vehemently called in question. De Wette,
both in the introductory pages of his Commentary
on this epistle (ed. 3, 1847 ), and in his Introduction
to the N. T. (ed. 5, 1848), labors to prove that it
is a mere spiritless expansion of the Epistle to the
Colossians, though compiled in the apostolio age,
Schwegler {Nachnpoti. Ztitalt. ii. 330 ff.), Baur
(Paulut, p. 418 ff), and others advance a step
further and reject both epistles as of no higher
antiquity than the age of Montanism and early
Gnosticism. Without here entering into the details,
it seems just to say that the adverse arguments
have been urged with a certain amount of specious
plausibility, but that the replies have been so clear,
satisfactory, and in some cases crushing, aa to lean
no reasonable and impartial inquirer in doubt aa
to the authorship of the epistle. On the one hand
we have mere subjective judgments, not unmarked
by arrogance, relying mainly on supposed divergences
in doctrine and presumed inaipidhVes if diction, bat
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746
BPHBSIAN8
wholly destitute of an; Bound historical basis; on
the other hand we hare unusually convincing
counter-Investigations, and the unvarying testimony
of the ancient church. If the discrepancies in
matter and style are so decided as to lead a writer
of the 19th century to deny confidently the genuine-
ness of this epistle, how are we to account for its
universal reception by writers of the 2d and 3d
centuries, who spoke the language in which it was
written, and who were by no means unacquainted
with the phenomena of pious fraud and library
imposture?
For a detailed reply to the arguments of De
Wette and Baur, the student may be referred to
Meyer, Einleil. t. Epk. p. 19 ff. (ed. 3), Davidson,
Introd. to /V. T. ii. p. 353 ff., and Alfonl, Pro-
hi/omena, p. 8. [See also Klopper, De OHyint
Epp. iid Epheaos el Colouewet, Gryph. 1863.] "
Two special points require a brief notice.
(1.) The readeri for whom this epistle was de-
signed. In the opening words, Uav\os axoVroXo!
Xpiirrov *Iijo*oD 8ux 0c Ar)/usrot Btov rots ayiois
Tots oloiy iy 'EtpeVai teal moron iy Xpicrry
'Ino-ov, the words «> 'E«W<ry are omitted by B,
67 [a lecunda mnnu], Basil (expressly), and pos-
sibly [probably] Tertullian. This, combined with
the somewhat noticeal.le omission of all greetings
to the members of a church with which the Apostle
stood In such affectionate relation, and some other
internal objections, have suggested a doubt whether
these words really formed a part of the original
text. At first sight these doubts seem plausible;
but when we oppose to them (a) the overwhelming
weight of diplomatic evidence for the insertion of
the words, (4) the testimony of all the versions, (c)
the universal designation of this epistle by the
ancient church (Mansion standing alone in his
assertion that it was written to the Laodiceans) as
an epistle to the Ephesinnt, (d) the extreme diffi-
culty in giving any satisfactory meaning to the
isolated participle, and the absence of any parallel
usage in the Apostle's writings, — we can scarcely
feel any doubt as to the propriety of removing the
brackets in which these words are inclosed in the
2d edition of Tuchenaorf, and of considering them
an integral part of the original text. 6 If called
upon to supply an answer to, or an explanation of
the internal objections, we must record the opinion
that none on the whole seems so free from objection
as that which regards the Epistle as also designed
fix the benefit of churches either conterminous to,
or dependent on, that of Ephesus. The counter-
a * Some good remarks on this topto wlU also be
found In an article on The Tubingen School by the
Her. 8. Q. BulAnch. D. D., in the Monthly Religious
Magazine (Boston) for May, 1866, p. 801 ff. Speaking
of the resemblance of the Epistles to the Ephesians
and the Coloasuuis, and of their rejection by Baur, the
writer observes : —
"Our critio, however, does not hold that one of
these epistles Is genuine and the other forged, but
condemns both together. In so doing, he does not
sppear to perceive that he encounters the very dlffl-
tulty whkh he had just urged against tne common
Belief. It is certainly very unlikely that two perrons
should, without consent, have forged two pretended
epistles so Use each other as there : nor does it seem
■credible that, when one hud forged Coloesl&nr, another
•ounterfelter should have received this base coinage as
3US, and given us forgery upon forgery. The only
supposition remaining for Dr. Baur Is that the pre-
tended author repeated himself — the supposition
which he had already repudiated as applied to l*aul.
EPHESIANS
arguments of Meyer, though ably urged, are net
convincing. Nor can an appeal to the suence of
writers of the ancient church on this further desti
nation be conceived of much weight, as their refer-
ences are to the usual and titular designation of
the epistle, but do not, and are not intended to
affect the question of its wider or narrower destina-
tion. It is not unnatural to suppose that the special
greetings might have been separately intrusted to
the bearer Tychicus, possibly himself an Ephesian,
and certainly commissioned by the Apostle (eh. si.
22) to inform the Ephesians of his state and cir-
cumstances.
(2.) The question of priority in respect of com-
position between this epistle and that to the Cotos-
sians is very difficult to adjust. On the whole,
both internal and external considerations seem
somewhat in favor of the priority of the Epistle to
the Colossians. Comp. Meander, Planting, i. 329
(Bohn), Schleiermacher, Stud. u. Krit. tat 1832, p.
500, and Wieseler, Chronol., p. 450 ff. On the sim-
ilarity of contents, see Coi,ossiaks, Epistui to.
(3.) The opinion that this epistle and those to
the Colossians and to Philemon were written during
the Apostle's imprisonment at Csesarea (Acts xxi.
27-xxvi. 32) has already been noticed [Colos-
sians, Eimsti.e to], and on deliberation rejected.
The weight of probability seems distinctly on the
side of the opinion of the ancient church, that the
present epistle was written during the Apostle's
first imprisonment in Rome.
The editions of [commentaries on] this epistle
have been numerous. We may specify those of
Kiickert (Leipz. 1834), Harless (Erl. 1834), — an
admirable edition, completely undervalued by De
Wette, — Olshausen (Konigsb. 1840), De Wette
(Leipi. 1847), Stier (Berl. 1848), Meyer (Gitt.
1853); and in our own country those of Eadie
(Glasg. 1854 [also New York]), EHicott (Lond
1855), and Alford (Lond. 1857). C. J. E.
* We have later editions of commentaries fron
EUicott, 3d ed., 1864 (Amcr. reprint, 1866); Alford.
1865 (4th ed.); Harless, 1858 (but unchanged);
Stier, 1859 (an abridgment of the earlier edition,
which Ellicott in the Preface to his Epheeitmi so
justly censures for its prolixity); Meyer, 3d ed.,
1859. To the foregoing works we may add those
of Schenkel, Briefe an die Epheser, Ac., 1867 (Ste
Ausg. ) ; Karl Braune, Bit. as aVe Epkeoer, **., 1867
(substituted for Scbenkel's commentary on this
epistle in I Jmge's Bibehverk) ,- Bleek, VorUumgen
Ob. die Briefe an die Kol., den Phitem. u. die
It would be, Indeed, less probable in the ease of •
forger than in that of the Apostle; for the latter,
writing naturally, would not guard himself against
repeating the same thoughts in letters to different par-
sons; while one who was tabrieating raise epistles
would take especial care against whatever might bring
his work into suspicion." (Page 308.) A.
b • The diplomatic evidence against the genuine-
ness of the words iy 'E^c'o-y is now strengthened by
their omission in the Codex Sinaitiau. Basil teettflee
that the reading t<ks oioi* (without ir 'E«^try ) had
been handed down by his pred ec e s sors, and was that
which he had found in the ancient copies of the epistle ;
ovtw yap Km. oi wpo itpitv wapaSe&mtaoi, Kol fffMic *»
rote waAottHC T*>r amypa^ttr tip^cnfity (Contrm
Jnutom. ii. 19). This appears also to have been the
reading of Origen. See the note in Tischendorf w 7th
ed. of the Greek Testament (1859). The externa:
evidence against the words is certainly weighty. Os
this and other questions relating to the epistle, aftf pa*
ocularly Bleak's Yortencngen (1886), p. 172 ff. A,
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EPHESUS
Sf*., 1866 (edited by F. Nitacb); Trapp, in hi*
Commentary on the New Testament (Webster's ed.
Land. 1865); Maurice, Epistle to the Ephesians,
41 his Unity of the New Testament, pp. 512-548
(1864); J. Llewelyn Davies, Epistles of SL Paul
to the Ephesians, Cotossians, and Phikmon, with
Introduction and Notes (Lond. 1886); Alford, in
hi» New Testament for English Readers (1866);
Wordsworth, in hli Greek Testament, with Intro-
ductions and Notts, 1866 (4th ed.); and in our
own country, those of the Rev. Albeit Barnes,
Notes, Explanatory and Practical, on the Epistles
to the Ephesians, Philtppians, and Colossians
(1815), S- H. Turner, D. D., The Epistle to the
Ephesiins, in Greek and English, with an Exeget-
ical Commentary (1856), and Charles Hodge, D. D.,
Comm. on the Epistle to the Ephesians (1856).
The circle of critical questions (such as genuine-
ness, Gnostic tendency, time and place of composi-
tion) to which this epistle has given rise, coincides
very nearly with that connected with the Epistle
to the Colossians. [Colobsians. | On this class
»f questions see especially Prof. Weiss's supple-
mentary article in Herzog's lUnl-h'.ncyk. xix. 481-
487. This writer agrees with those who regard «V
Es)«Va> of the received text (i. 1 ) as a Liter addition,
EPHESUS
741-
and the epistle consequently as encyclical in it*
destination. In his view the textual evidence fot
this conclusion is altogether preponderant, whils
the omission of the words occasions no difficulty.
It was sufficient for the Apostle in the address to
characterize his readers as Christians or saints in
a general way, while at the same time be gave to
Tychicus, the bearer of the letter (Col. iv. 7), oral
instructions as to the particular churches for whom
the epistle was designed. Bleek (EinL in das N.
Test. p. 457) supposes that the letter was sent first
to the church at laodicea (comp. Tertull. adv.
Maroon, v. 11, 17, and Col. iv. 16), but that it
was designed to be communicated to other churches
in the immediate neighlnrhood (as that at Hie-
rapolis), which Paul had not personally visited. Hi
thinks it cannot have been intended also for the
church at Ephesus, which stood in so different a
relation to the Apostle. Dr. J. C. M. Laurent, on
the other hand, in a recent article (Philemon von
Laodikeia, in the Jahrb. f. tkutsche Theol. 1866,
p. 129 ff.) regards the epistle as designed equally
for the churches of Laodicea and Ephesus, and
therefore originally written without any address,
the words ly 'Eitx'irqi in ver. 1 being a later addi-
tion. The various hypotheses have been still mnit
Srts of Spasms. (Tram Ubords.)
recently discussed by Kamphausen, Utber dm
ttrspringL Leserkreis des Ephesevbritfes, in the
Jahrb.f. deutsche Theol., 18(i6. pp. 742-749. He
iupposes that the epistle was originally addressed
to the church at Laodicea. H.
EPH'ESUS CE^co-or), an illustrious city in
the district of Ionia (s-oAir 'Imlat iwit^anto-Tclrii,
Steph. Byz. I. v.), nearly opposite the island of
Samoa, and about the middle of the western coast
jf the peninsula commonly called Asia Minor. Not
that this geographical term was known in the first
century. The Asia of the N. T. was simply the
Roman province which embraced the western part
of the peninsula. Of this province Ephesus was
the capital. [KriiEsua.]
Among the more marked physical features of the
«mlnsula are the two large rivers, Hermui and
afnander, which flow from a remote part of the
oterior westward to the Archipelago, Smyrna (Rev.
I. 8) being; near the mouth >f one and Miletus
(Acts IX. 17) of the other. Between the valleys
trained bv time two -ivers is the shorter str~vm
and smaller basin of the Cayster, called by the
Turks Katschuk- Menthre, or the Little Maeander.
Its upper level (often called the Caystriaii meadows)
was closed to the westward by the gorge between
(lalluus and Pactyas, the latter of these mountains
being a prolongation of the range of Messogis which
bounds the valley of the Mreander on the north,
the former more remotely connected with the range
of Tmolus which bounds the valley of the Hernias
on the south. Beyond the gorge and towards the
sea the valley opens out again into an alluvial flat
(Herod, ii. 10), with hills rising abruptly from it
The plain is now about 5 miles in breadth, but
formerly it must have been smaller; and some of
the hills were once probably Ulandr. Here Ephesus
stood, partlv on the level ground and partly on the
bills.
Of the hills, on which a 1 irze portion of the city
was built, the two most ini]»rtant were Prion and
Coressus, the latter on the S. of the plain, ind
being in fact almost n continuation of Pactyas, the
former being in front of Coressus and near it
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T48
EPHESUS
Ihongh separated by a deep and definite vaBey.
Farther to the N. E. i» another conspicuous emi-
nence, as seems to be the bill mentioned by Pro-
eopim (a> jSdif. r. i.) as one on which a church
dedicated to St. John was built; and its present
name Ayatahik is thought to have reference to
him, and to be a corruption of 6 Sr/iot $eo\iyot.
Ephesus is closely connected with this Apostle, not
only as being the scene (Rer. i. 11, ii. 1) of the
most prominent of the churches of the Apocalypse,
but also in the story of his later life as git-en by
Kusebius. Possibly his Gospel and Epiitles were
written here. There is a tradition that the mother
of our Lord was buried at Ephesus, as also Timothy
and St. John ; and Ignatius addressed one of his
epistles to the church of this place (it? ixKXrtalif
TV teiOfiaKapttrry, rp oUay Iv 'E<^eVy tijs ' A<rfa$,
Hefele, Put. Apvitol. p. 154), which held a con-
spicuous position during the early ages of Chris-
tianity, and was in fact the metropolis of the
churches of this part of Asia. Hut for direct Bililical
illustration we must turn to the life and writings
of St. Paul, in following which minutely it is
remarkable how all the most characteristic features
of ancient Ephesus come successively into view.
1. Geographical Rtlntium. — These may he
viewed in connection, first with the «ea and then
with the land.
All the cities of Ionia were remarkably well
situated for the growth of commercial prosperity
(Herod, i. 142), and none more so than Kphesus.
With a fertile neighborhood and an excellent climate,
it was also most conveniently placed fur traffic with
all the neighboring parts of the levant. In the
time of Augustus it was the great emporium of
all the regions of Asia within the Taurus (Strah.
liv. p. 950): its harbor (named Panorama), at tlie
mouth of the Cayster, was elaborately constructed ;
though alluvial matter caused serious hindrances
both in the time of Attains, and iu St. Paul's own
time (Tac. Ann. xvi. 23). The Apostle's life alone
furnishes illustrations of its mercantile relations
with Achaia on the W., Macedonia on the N-, and
Syria on the E. At the close of his second mis-
lionary circuit, he sailed across from Corinth to
Kphesus (Acts xviii. 19) when on his way to Syria
ib. 21, 22); and there is some reason for believing
that he once made the same short voyage over the
iEgean in the opposite direction at a later period
[Corinthians, First Epistle to]. On the third
missionary circuit, besides the notice of the journey
from Ephesus to Macedonia (xix. 21, xx. 1), we
have the coast voyage on the return to Syria given
In detail (xx., xxi.) and the geographical relations
of this city with the islands and neighboring parts
rf the coast minutely indicated (xx. 15-17). To
Uiese passages we must add 1 Tim. i. 3: 2 Tim.
ir. 12, 20 ; though it is difficult to say confidently
whether the journeys implied there were by land
<r by water. See likewise Acta xix. 27, xx. 1.
As to the relations of Kphesus to the inland
egjons of the continent, these also are prominently
brought before us in the Apostle's travels. The
"upper coasts" (to ivurtpixi p4pv. Acts xix. 1)
through which be passed when about to take up bis
residence in the city, were the Phrygian table-lands
>f the interior; and it was probably in the same
Uttriet that on a previous occasion (Acts xvi. 6) he
ftrmed the unsuccessful project of preaching the
jroapel in the district of Asia. Two great roads at
least in the Roman times, led eastward from Eph-
« one through the passes of Tmolus to Sardis
EPHE8U8
(Rer. IJ. 1) and thence to Galatta and the S K.
the other round the extremity of Paetyas to aUsf-
nesia, and so up the valley of the Msaaoder to bo-
mum, whence the communication waa direct to the
Euphrates and to the Syrian Antioch. There seen:
to have been Sardian and Magnesian gates on the
E. side of Ephesus, corresponding to these roads
respectively. There were also coast-roads leading
northwards to Smyrna and southwards to Miletus.
By the latter of these it is probable that the Ephe-
sian elders travelled, when summoned to meet i*aul
at the latter city (Acts xx. 17, 18). Part of the
pavement of the Sardian road has been noticed by
travellers under the cliffs of Gallesus. All these
roads, and others, are exhibited on the map in
Leake's Asia Minor.
2. Ttmple and Wonliipnf Diana. — Conspic-
uous at the head of the harbor of Ephesus waa
the great temple of Diana or Artemis, the tutelary
divinity of the city. This building was raised on
immense substructions, in consequence of the
swampy nature of the ground. The earlier temple,
which had been begun before the Persian war, was
burnt down in the night when Alexander the Great
rn — I i
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(■lYOIII
. ' . ' a ' n • a ' '
Plan of the Temple of Diana at ■pharos.
Oubl's fykeriaca.)
was bom ; and another structure, raised by the en-
thusiastic axiperation of all the inhabitants of
" Asia," bad taken its place. Its dimensions wen
very great In length it waa 425 feet, and in
breadth 220. The columns were 137 in nuxabar
and each of them was GO feet high. In stylo, too
it constituted an epoch in Greek art (Vitnrr. rr. 1 «
since it was here fixat that the graceful look ordu
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JKPHEStrS
The magnificence of this sanctuary
m • proverb throughout the civilized woiid. fo
rips 'KoriiuSos mot b> 'Ea)««ra> uoVoi i<rr\ Bt&y
•hot, Phtto By*. %>*#• Mund. 7.) All then
circumstances give increased force to the architect-
ural allegory in the great epistle which St. Paul
wrote in this place (1 Cor. iii. 9-17), to the pas-
sages where imagery of this kind is used in the
epistle* addressed to Epheeus (Eph. ii. 19-22; 1
Tim. iii. 15, vi. 19; 2 Tim. ii. 19, 20), and to the
words spoken to the Ephesian elders at Miletus
(Acts xx. 32).
The chief points connected with the uproar at
Ephesua (Acta xix- 22-41) are mentioned in the
article Diana ; but the following details must be
added. In consequence of this devotion, the city
of Ephesua was called rmcipos (ver. 35) or
" warden " of Diana. This was a recognized title
applied in such cases, not only to individuals, but
to communities. In the instance of Ephesua, the
term is abundantly found both on coins and on in-
scriptions. Its neoenrntt was in bet, as the " town-
elerk" said, proverbial. Another consequence of
the celebrity of Diana's worship at Ephesus was,
that a Urge manufactory grew up there of portable
shrines (roof, ver. 24, the atpttpifiara of Dionys.
Halieam. ii 2, and other writers), which strangers
purchased, and devotees carried with them on jour-
neys or set up in their houses. Of the manufact-
urers engaged in this business, perhaps Alexander
the "coppersmith" (i voAxevs, 2 Tim. iv. 14)
was one. The case of Demetrius the "silver-
smith " (ipyvpowotos in the Acts) is explicit. He
was alarmed for his trade when he saw the gospel,
under the preaching of St. Paul, gaining ground
upou idolatry and superstition; and he spread a
panic among the craftsmen of various grades, the
rsxriTOi (ver. 24) or designers, and the ioyirat
(ver. 25) or common workmen, if this is the dis-
tinction between them.
3. 7*Ae Atiarch*. — Public games were connected
with the worship of Diana at Ephesus. The month
of May was sacred to her. The uproar mentioned
in the Acts very probably took place at this season.
St Paul was certainly at Ephesus about that time
of the year (1 Cor. xvi. 8) ; and Demetrius might
well be peculiarly sensitive if he found his trade
(ailing at the time of greatest conoourse. However
EPHESUS
749
ical books which were publicly burnt (vat. 19)
under the influence of St. Paul's preaching, it »
enough here to refer to the 'EaWpia ypi+iuark
(mentioned by Plutarch and others), which were
regarded as a charm when pronounced, and wbec
written down were carried about as amulets. The
faith in these mystic syllables continued, more or
less, till the sixth century. See the Life of Alexan-
der of Tralles in the Diet, of Biog. [See alio
Grotius and Wetatein on Acts xix. 19.]
5. Provincial and municipal government. — It is
well known that Asia was a proconsular province
and in harmony with this fact we find proconsuls
d,4>irarot, "deputies," A. V.) specially men-
tioned (ver. 38). Nor is it necessary to inquire
here whether the plural in this passage is generic,
or whether the governors of other provinces were
present in Ephesus at the time. Again we learn
from Pliny (v. 31) that Ephesus was an assize-
town (forum at comentiu); and in the sacred nar-
rative (ver. 38) we find the court-days alluded tc
as actually being held (ayipauH iyorrcu, A. V.
" the law is open " ) during the uproar; though
perhaps it is not absolutely necessary to give the
expression this exact reference as to time (see
Wordsworth). Ephesus itself was a "free city,"
and had its own assemblies and its own magistrates.
The senate (ytpovala or jSouAi)) is mentioned, not
only by Strabo, but by Josephus (Ant. xiv. 10, J
25, xvi. 6, §§ 4, 7); and St Luke, in the narrative
before us, speaks of the typos (w. 80, 83, A. V.
"the people") and of its customary assemblies
(«Wue> iKKKi)oia, w. 39, A. V. "a lawful as-
sembly"). That the tumultuary meeting which
was gathered on the occasion in question should
Uke place in the theatre (w. 29, 31) was nothing
extraordinary. It was at a meeting in the theatre
at Ctesarea that Agrippa I. received his death-
stroke (Acts xii. 23), and in Greek cities this was
often the place for large assemblies (Tac Hitt. ii
80; Val. Max. ii. 2). We even find conspicuous
mention made of one of the most important mu-
nicipal officers of Ephesus, the " Town-Clerk "
(ypa/ifiartit) or keeper of the records, whom we
know from other sources to have been a person of
great influence and responsibility.
It is remarkable bow all these political and re-
a __ ._ . n ligious characteristics of Ephesus which appear in
this may be, the Asiarchs ('Kaiipx*'* A. V. the sacred narrative, are illustrated by inscriptions
'chiefs of Asia") were present (Acts xix. 31).
rheae were officers appointed, after the manner
sf the sjdiles at Rome, to preside over the games
which were held m different parts of the province
•f Asia, just as other provinces had their Ualat-
archt, Lydareht, 4c Various cities would require
the presence of trjase officers in turn. In the ac-
nunt of Polycarp's martyrdom at Smyrna (Hefele,
Pat. Apost. p. 286) an important part is played by
he Aaiarch Philip. It is a remarkable proof of the
Influence which St. Paul had gained at
Ephesus, that the Asiarchs took his side in
the disturbance. See Dr. Wordsworth's
note on Acts xix. 31. [Auakcii.c]
4. Study and practice of magic. — Not
.mconnected with the preceding subject was
the remarkable prevalence of magical arts
st Ephesus. This also comes conspicuously
Into view in St Luke's narrative. The pe-
and coins. An ipxtuw or state -paper office is
mentioned on an inscription in Chishull. The
ypafiuartvs frequently appears; so also the 'Aci-
ipX 1 " an< ' iWh/waroi. Sometimes these words
are combined in the same inscription : see for in-
•tance Bockh. Corp. hue. 2999, 2994. The fol-
lowing is worth quoting at length, as containing
also .he words Srjfiot and rtutcApof. 'H tpiXwrt
fiacrrbs 'E^fO-fow fiov\i) jrol 6 jrcwfco/Mff irjfws
KaBiifWOav M asfwroVou TltlovKaiou Upnaxii
1 character of St Paul's miracles (tv-
•*M«.t ou rat »xotW, ver. 11) would °*> <* ***** «xblbltta« the Tsmpte of Diana.
■cm to have been intended as antagonistic to the I tnr fa«>io\ui«Vou Ti0. KA. 'IrnJuKOv rov -itmn
trevalent superstition. In illustration of the mag- 1 sstmi tow Hjuu. 29ti6. The coins of F||Lots
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EFHESUS
in ftill of allusions to the worship of Duos in
various aspects. The word vfunipos is of fre-
quent occurrence. That which is given above has
also the word ar6ttVaros '■ it exhibits an image of
the temple, and, bearing as it doss, the name and
bead of Nero, it most have been struck about the
time of St. Paul's stay in Ephesus.
We should enter on doubtful ground if we were
to speculate on the Gnostic and other errors which
grew up at Ephesus in the later apostolic age, and
which are foretold in the address at Miletus, and
indicated in the Epistle to the Ephesians, and more
distinctly in the Epistles to Timothy. It is more
to our purpose if we briefly put down the actual
beta recorded in the N. T. as connected with the
rise and early progress of Christianity in this city.
That Jews were established there in considerable
numbers is known from Josephus (U. &), and might
be inferred from its mercantile eminence; but it is
also evident from Acts ii. 9, vi. 9. In harmony
with the character of Ephesus as a place of con-
course and commerce, it is here, and here only, that
we find disciples of John the Baptist explicitly
mentioned after the ascension of Christ (Acts xviii.
25, xix. 3). The case of Apolloe (xviii. 24) is an
exemplification further of the intercourse between
this place and Alexandria. The first seeds of
Christian truth were possibly snwn at Ephesus
EPHESUS
Immediately after the Great Paitecost (Acta B )
Whatever previous plans St. Paul may have enter-
tained (xvi. G), his first visit was on his return
from the second missionary circuit (xviii. 19-21);
ana his stay on that occasion was very short: not
is there any proof that he found any Christiana at
Ephesua", but be left there Aquila and PriscilsB
(ver. 19), who both then and at a later period (9
Tim. iv. 19) were of signal service. In St. Paul's
own stay of more than two years (xix. 8, 10, xx.
31), which formed the most important paasage of
his third circuit, and during which he labored, first
in the synagogue (xix. 8), and then in the school
of Tyrannus (ver. 9), and also in private bonnes
(xx. 20), and during which he wrote the First
Epistle to the Corinthians, we have the period of
the chief evangelization of this shore of the jEgean.
The direct narrative in Acts xix. receives but little
elucidation from the Epistle to the Epbesiana.
which was written several years after from Rome;
but it is supplemented in some important particu-
lars (especially as regards the Apostle's p e rs o na l
habits of self-denial, xx. 34) by the address at Mi-
letus. This address shows that the church at Eph-
esus was thoroughly organized under its presbyters.
At a later period Timothy was set over them, at
we learn from the two epistles addressed to him.
Among St. Paul's other companions, two, Trophi-
Vlew oT the Theatre at
i. jj and Tyehicus, were natives of Asia (xx. 4),
and the latter probably (2 Tim. iv. 12), the former
certainly (Acts xxi. 29), natives of Ephesus. In
the same connection we ought to mention (hwsipb-
oms (2 Tim. i. 18-18) and his household (iv. 19).
On the other hand must be noticed certain specified
Epheaian antagonists of the Apostle, the sons of
Sceva and his party (Acta xix. 14), Hvmenams and
Alexander (1 Tun. i. 20: 2 Tun. iv. 14), and Phy-
yDus and Hermogenes (2 Tim. i. 15).
The site of ancient Kphesus has been visited and
examined by many travellers during the last 200
C; and descriptions, more or lew copious, hare
given by Pococke, Toumefort, Spon and
Wheler, Chandler, Poujoulat, Prokesch, Beaqjour,
Rehubert, Arundeu, Fellows, and Hamilton. The
toBett accounts are, among the older travellers, in
^handler, and among the more recent, in Hamil-
' ton. Some views are given in the second voiumi
of the limimt Antupatut, published by the Dilet-
1 tanti Society, l-eake, in his Ann M'mor, has a
! discussion on the dimensions and style nf the
i Temple. The whole place is now utterly desolate,
' with the exception of the small Turkish village at
| Aynsnluk. The ruins are of vast extent, both on
Coressus and on the plain ; but there is great doubt
as to many topographical details. In Kjepert's
1/tUat is a map, more or less conjectural, the sub-
stance of which will be found in the Diet of Gtog
a. v. Kph($ut. Guhl's plana also are mostly from
KJepert,
It is satisfactory, however, that the position of
the theatre on Mount Prion is absolutely cert ai n
Fellow* says it must have been one of the largest
in the world. A view of H, from Laborde. is givaa
above. The situation of the temple is doabtfkk
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EPHESl'S
got It probably atoed where certain large massen re-
main on the low ground, full in view }f the theatre.
The disappearance of the temple may easily be ac-
counted for, partly by the rising of the soil, and
partly by the incessant use of its materials for
mediaeval buildings. Some of its columns are said
to be in St Sophia at Constantinople, and even in
the cathedrals of Italy.
To the works above referred to must be added,
Perry, De rebut Ephesiorum (Giitt. 1837), a slight
sketch; Guhl, Eplietiaca (Berl. 1843), a very
elaborate work; Hemsen's Pauius (Giitt. 1830),
which contains a good chapter on Ephesus ; Biscoe
On the Acta (Oxf. 1829), pp. 274-283; Mr. Aker-
man's paper on the Coins of Ephesus in the Tram,
of the Numiimitic Soc., 1841; Gronov. Antiq.
0,-ac. vii. 387-401 ; and an article by Ampere in
the Rev. dee Deux Monde* for January 1842.
An elaborate won; on Ephesus is understood to
be in preparation by Mr. Falkener [since published,
Lond. 1862]. J. S. H.
* The Apostle Paul in all probability wrote his
Epistle to the Galatians at Ephesus, during his so-
journ of nearly three years in that city (Acts xx.
31). [Galatians, Epistle to the.] His so-
journ tnere for so long a time illustrates what appears
to have been a rule of the earliest missionaries, and
that was to plant the gospel first in the principal
towns, and then from these centres to extend the
knowledge of it to other regions. Writing to the
believers at Thessalonica, the most populous place
in northern Greece, Paul commends them, because
from them had "sounded out the word of the
Lord not only in Macedonia and Achaia, but also
in every (other) place " with which travel and com-
merce connected that metropolis (1 Thess. i. $).
Ephesus held a similar rank in relation to the ad-
jacent parts of Asia Minor (Acts xix. 10). The
church at Ephesus was one of the seven churches
to which the Apostle John at a subsequent period
lent messages from Patmos (Rev. U. 1 ff.). How
sadly fulfilled were Paul's predictions respecting the
corruptions which should appear in this church
after his death (Acta xx. 28 ff.), we learn from its
condition as described by John (Rev. ii. 1-C).
[Nicolaitans.] For the import and teachings
of the communication which the Spirit sent through
John to the ch uxh at Ephesus, see Trench's Coram.
en the Epiitiei to the Seven Churchee in Asia, and
Prof. Stuart's Commentary on the Apocalypse.
Forbiger (ffandb. der alien Geogr. ii. 188 ff.)
rites the principal passages in the classical writers
which illustrate the rank and earlier history of this
tapital of Roman Asia. There are articles on
Ephesus" in Pauly's ReaLEncyk. by Wester-
mann, and in Herzog's ReaLEncyk. by Arnold,
l-ewin furnishes a sketch at some length of pro-
consular Asia and Ephesus its capital (Life and
Epistles of St. Paul, i. 344-365). The incidents
relating to Paul's life and labors in that city are
Irawn out in chap. viii. of Howson's Scenes from
'he Life of St. Paul, and their Religious Lessons
;|j)nd. 1866), reprinted by the American Trac*
Society (Boston, 1867). See also Conybeare and
dowson's Life and Letters of St. Pail, ii. 80 ff.
(Amer. ed.).
The approach of the West to the East in the
assimilating power of its commerce, arte, and gen-
eral civilization brings with it strange innovations
A railroad at the present time connects the Apoc-
alyptic places, Smyrna and Ephesus, with each
ather. " By the railway," aara Premense' (.Land
* KPHBAIH 761
of the Gospel, p. 215), " we made the journey h'
two hours. It crosses a smiling, fertile valley, hy-
ing between green mountains, crowned not far from
Ephesus by a fine glacier. Numerous herds are
startled into flight at the whistle of the engine;
several slow caravans pass before us, as if to draw
the contrast between the antique locomotion nf the
desert world and the unbridled haste of a more
advanced civilization." H.
EPH'LAL (V?9N [judgment]: 'A«>»u<iA:
Alex. 0<pAaJ; [Aid. with 8 MSS. '(XpKd\-] Qph
ltd), a descendant of Judah, of the family of Her
ron and of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 37).
EPHOD (T!SbjO, a sacred vestment originally
appropriate to the high-priest (Ex. xxviii. 4), bnt
afterwards worn by ordinary priests (1 Sam. xxiL
18), and deemed characteristic of the office (1 Sam.
ii. 28, xiv. 3; Hos. ill- 4). For a description of
the robe itself see Hioh-priest. A kind of ephod
was worn by Samuel (1 Sam. ii. 18), and by Da-
vid when he brought the ark to Jerusalem (2 Sam
vi. 14; 1 Chr. xv. 27); it differed from the priestly
ephod in material, being made of ordinary linen
(bad), whereas the other was of fine linen (theth);
it is noticeable that the LXX. does not give twa/ilt
or 'E<poiS in the passages last quoted, but terms
of more general import, j-toaJ) {{aAAos, oroAl)
Pmnrlvri. Attached to the ephod of the high-
priest was the breastplate with the Urim and
Thummim; this was the ephod kot' Hoxhr, which
Abiathar carried off (1 Sam. xxiii. 6) from the
tabernacle at Nob (1 Sam. xxi. 9), and which Da-
vid consulted (1 Sam. xxiii. 9, xxx. 7). The im-
portance of the ephod as the receptacle of the
breastplate led to its adoption in the idolatrous forms
of worship instituted in the time of the Judges
(Judg. viii. 27, xvii. 5, xviii. 14 ff.). The amount
of gold used by Gideon in making his ephod (Judg.
viii. 26) has led Gesenius (Thes. p. 135), following
the Peshito version, to give the word the meaning
of on idol-image, as though that and not the priest
was clothed with the ephod; but there is no evi-
dence that the idol was so invested, nor does such
an idea harmonize with the general use of the
ephod. The ephod itself would require a consid-
erable amount of gold (Ex. xxviii. 6 ff., xxxix. 2
ff.); but certainly not so large a sum as is stated
to have been used by Gideon ; may we not therefore
assume that to make an ephod implied the intro-
duction of a new system of worship with its various
accessories, such as the graven image, which seems
from the prominence assigned to it in Judg. xviii.
31 to represent the Urim and Thummim, the
molten image, and the Teraphim (xvii. 4, 6), which
would require a large consumption of metal ?
W. L.B
EPHOD (Tt$ [ephod or image]: %ov<H^
Alex. Owpit: Ephod). Hanniel the son of Ephod,
as head of the tribe of Hanasseh, was one of the
men appointed to assist Joshua and Eleazar in the
apportionment of the land of Canaan (Num. xxxir.
23).
E'PHRAIM [Heb. Ephra'un] (O^T^:
'E<twalp; Joseph. 'E<J>pai/«|r: Ephraim), the "seo-
ond *>n of Joseph by his wife Asenatb He was
born during the seven years of plentoousnecs, and
an allusion to this is possibly latent in the name,
though it may also allude to Joseph's increasing
family : " The nami of the second he called Kporain
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762
EPURAIM
KPHRAIM
(i. a. double fruitnilness), for God hath caused me stance alluded to in Pa. lzxviii. 6 »hn. thi
to be fruitful 0?39'7> hijthrani) in the land of
ny alHiction " (Gen. xli. 52, zlvi. 20).«
The tint indication we have of that ascendency
over hia elder brother Manaueh, which at a later
period the tribe of Ephraim so unmistakably pos-
sessed, is in the blessing of the children by Jacob,
Gen. ilriii. — a passage on the age and genuineness
of which the severest cr'ticism has cast no doubt
(Tuch, Otnuit, p. 848 ; Ewald, i. 634, note). Like
hia own father, on an occasion not dissimilar, Ja-
cob's eyes were dim so that he could not see (zlviii.
10, comp. xxvii. 1). The intention of Joseph was
evidently that the right hand of Jacob should con-
vey its ampkr blessing to the head of Manasseh,
hia first-bora, and he had so arranged the young
men. But the result was otherwise ordained. Ja-
cob had been himself a younger brother, and his
words show plainly that he had not forgotten this,
and that his sympathies were still with the younger
of his two grandchildren. He recalls the time
when he was flying with the birthright from the
vengeance of Esau ; the day when, still a wanderer,
God Almighty had appeared to him at " Lux in
the land of Canaan," and blessed him in words
which foreshadowed the name of 6 Ephraim; the
■till later day when the name of Ephrath ' became
bound up with the sorest trial of his life (xlviii. 7,
xzxv. 16). And thus, notwithstanding the pre-
arntngement and the remonstrance of Joseph, for
the second time in that family, the younger brother
was made greater than the elder — Ephraim was
set before Manasseh (xlviii. 19, 20).
Ephraim would appear at that time to have been
about 21 years old. He was born before the be-
ginning of the seven years of famine, towards the
latter part of which Jacob had come to Egypt,
17 years before hia death (Gen. xlvii. 28). Before
Joseph's death Ephraim's family had reached the
third generation (Gen. 1. 23), and it must have
been about this time that the affray mentioned in
1 Chr. vii. 21 occurred, when some of the sons
were killed on a plundering expedition along the
sea-coast to rob the cattle of the men of Gath, and
Then Ephraim named a son Beriah, to perpetuate
the memory of the disaster which had fallen on his
house. [Bkkiah.] Obscure as is the interpreta-
tion of this fragment, it enables us to catch our
jist glimpse of the patriarch, mourning inconsol-
able in the midst of the circle of his brethren, and
at last commemorating his loss in the name of the
new child, who, unknown to him, was to be the
progenitor of the most illustrious of all his descend-
ants — Jehoshua, or Joshua, the son of Nun (1
Chr. Til. 27 ; see Ewald, i. 491). To this early
period, too, must probably be referred the circum-
" children of Ephraim, carrying slack bowl,'' turned
back in the day of battle." Certaii ly no instance
of such behavior is recorded in the Liter history.
The numbers of the tribe do not at once fulfill
the promise of the blessing of Jacob. At the cen-
sus in the wilderness of Sinai (Num. i. 32, 33, it
19) its numbers were 40,500, placing it at the
head of the children of Rachel, Manasseh's number
being 32,200, and Benjamin's 35,400. But forty
years later, jn the eve of the conquest (Num. xxvi.
37), without any apparent cause, while Manasseh
had advanced to 52,700, and Benjamin to 45,000,
Ephraim had decreased to 32,500, the only smaller
number being that of Simeon, 22,200. At this
period the families of both the brother bribes ais
enumerated, and Manasseh has precedence over
Ephraim in order of mention. During the march
through the wilderness the position of the sons of
Joseph and Benjamin was on the west side of the
tabernacle (Num. ii. 18-24), and the prince of
Ephrahn was Elishama the son of Ammihud
(Num. i. 10).
It la at the time of the sending of the spies that
we are first introduced to the great hero to whom
the tribe owed much of its subsequent greatness.
The representative of Ephraim on this occasion was
>' Oshea the son of Nun," whose name was at the
termination of the affair changed by Moses to the
more distinguished form in which it is familiar to
us. As among the founders of the nation Abnun
bad acquired the name of Abraham, and Jacob of
Israel, so Oshea, "help," became Jehoshua or
Joshua, " the help of Jehovah " (Ewald, ii. 306).
Under this great leader, and in spite of the
sinallness of its numbers, the tribe must have taken
a high p>jsition in the nation, to judge from the
tonu which the Ephraimites assumed on occasions
shortly subsequent to the conquest. These will be
referred to in their turn.
According to the present arrangement of the
records of tie book of Joshua — the "Domesday
book of Palestine " — the two great tribes of Judah
and Joseph (Ephraim and Manasseh) first took
their inheritance ; and after them, the seven other
tribes entered on theirs (Josh, xv., xvi., xvii., xviii.
5). The boundaries of the portion of Ephraim are
given in xvi. 1-10. The passage is evidently in
great disorder, and in our ignorance of the Juid-
marks, and of the force of many of the almost tech-
nical terms with which these descriptions abound,
it is unfortunately impossible to arrive at more
than an approximation to the case. The south
boundary was coincident for part of its tength with
the north bouridary of Benjamin. Commencing at
the Jordan, at the reach opposite Jericho,' it ran
o Jesephus (AM. 11. 6, $ 1) gives the derivation of
ths name somewhat differently — n restorer, because
be was restored to the tree-lorn of his forefathers ; "
MO&Jovf . . . did TO airofioffqi'tti xrK
o «I will make thee fruitful," vf"l$!0, Maphnchti,
tton. xlviii. 4; "Be thou fruitful," fTl?, PHrth,
txxv. 11 ; both from tho same root as the name
fc^SSfflfrl.
c There seems to have been some connection be-
tween Ephrath. or Bethlehein, and Ephraim, the clew
to which !» now Inst (Ewald, Gesch. i. 493, note).
The expression " Kphrathite " is generally applied
es a native of Ephrath, i. t. Bethlohum ; but there are
sous mstaucos of its meaning an Kphrehulta. These or " near " in the A V. has no oueinos there.
an 1 8am. i. 1 ; 1 K. xi. 26 , in I »th of wh'th ths
word la accurately transferred to our version. Hot In
Jodg. xli. ft, where the Hebrew word Is the bum, and
with the definite article ("•rn^BPT), It fa Incorrectly
rendered " an Epbnthnlte." In the other occurrences
of the word " Ephrahntte " In w. 4, 5, 6 of the same
chapter, the Hebrew Is " Ephraim." This narrative
raises the curious inquiry, which we have no means
of satisfying, whether the Ephrslmitee bad not a pe-
culiar accent or patois — similar to that which In laast
times caused " the speech " of the Galileans to " be-
tray " them to the Inhabitants of Jerusalem.
d This is the rendering of Ewald.
' The expression " Jordan Jericho " Is a eommoa
(Num. xxvi. 8,68; xxxl'i. 48. *a.l: the "by*
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EPHRAIM
to the ' water of Jericho," probably the 'Am Dik
or 'Aim Sub&n ; thence by one of the ravines, the
Watly Rarith or IP. Suwtinil, it ascended through
the wilderness — Midbtir, the uncultivated waste
hills — to Mount Bethel and Luz; and thence by
Ataroth, "the Japbletitc," Bethhoron the lower,
and Gezer — all with one exception unknown — to
the Mediterranean, probably about Joppa. This
agrees with the enumeration in 1 Chr. vii., in which
Bethel is given as the eastern, and Gezer — some-
where about Ramlth — as the western limit. The
general direction of this line is N. E. by E. In
Josh. xri. 8, we probably have a fragment of the
northern boundary (comp. xvii. 10), the torrent
Kanah being the Nuhr eUAkhdar just below the
ancient Caesarea. But it is very possible that there
never was any definite subdivision of the territory
assigned to the two brother tribes. Such is cer-
tainly the inference to be drawn from the very old
fragment preserved hi Josh. xvii. 14-18, in which
the two are represented as complaining that only
♦ne portion had been allotted to them. At auy
rata, if any such subdivision did exist, it is not
possible now to make out what it was, except, gen-
erally, that Ephraim lay to the south and Manasseh
to the north. Among the towns named as Manas -
seh's were Beth-sheau in the Jordan valley, Endor
on the slopes of the " Uttle Hermon," Taanach on
the north side of Carmel, and Dor on the sea- coast
south of the same mountain. Here the boundary —
the north boundary — joined that of Asher, which
dipped below Carmel to take in an angle of the plain
of Sharon : N. and N. W. of Manasseh lay Zeb-
ulun and Issachar respectively. The territory thus
allotted to the " house of Joseph " may be roughly
estimated at 55 miles from E. to W. by 70 from N.
to S., a portion about equal in extent to the coun-
ties of Norfolk and Suffolk [England] combined.
But though similar in size, nothing can be more
different in its nature from those level counties than
this broken and hilly tract. Central Palestine con-
sists of an elevated district which rises from the
fiat ranges of the wilderness on the south of Judah.
and terminates on the north with the slopes which
descend into the great plain of Esdraekm. On the
west a fiat strip separates it from the sea, and on
the east another flat strip forms the valley of the
Jordan. Of this district the northern half was
occupied by the great tribe we are now considering.
This was the Har-Ephraim, the "Mount [hill-
country of] Ephraim," a district which seems to
extend as far south as Ramah and Bethel (1 Sam.
i. 1, vii. 17 ; 3 Chr. xiii. 4, 19, compared with xv.
t\ places but a few miles north of Jerusalem, and
within the limits of Benjamin. In structure it is
limestone — rounded hills separated by valleys of
denuiUlion, but much less regular and monotonous
than the part more to the south, about and below
Jerusalem ; with " wide plains in the heart of the
mountains, streams of running water, and continuous
tracts of vegetation " (Stanley, p. 229). All travel-
ers bear testimony to the " general growing rich-
ness " and beauty of the country in going north-
wards from Jerusalem, the " innumerable fountains "
and streamlets, the villages more thickly scattered
than anywhere in the south, the continuous corn-
fields and orchards, the moist, vapory atmosphere
(Martineau, pp. 516, 521; Viin de Velde, i. 886,
388 ; Stanley, p. 234, 235 ). These are the " precious
things of the earth, and the fullness thereof," which
in invoked on the "ten thousands of Ephraim"
and the " thousands of Mmns s ah " in the bleating
KPHRAIM
758
of Moses. These It is which, while Dan, Judah,
and Benjamin are personified as lions and wolves,
making their lair and tearing their prey among the
barren rocks of the south, suggested to the Lawgiver,
as they had done to the Patriarch before him, the
patient " bullock " and the " bough by the spring,
vvhose branches ran over the wall " as fitter images
for Ephraim (Gen. xlix. 22; Deut. xxxiii 17). And
centuries after, when its great disaster had fallen
on the kingdom of Israel, the same images recur
to the prophets. The " flowers " are still there in
the " olive valleys," " faded " though they be (Is.
xxviii. 1). The vine is an empty unprofitable vine,
whose very abundance is evil (Hos. x. 1); Ephraim
is still the "bullock," now "unaccustomed to the
yoke," but waiting a restoration to the " pleasant
places" of his former "pasture" (Jer. xxxi. 18;
Hos. ix. 13, iv. 16) — " the heifer, that is taught
and Iovoth to tread out the corn," the heifer with
the " beautiful neck " (Hos. x. 11 ), or the " kine
of Bashan on the mountain of Samaria " (Amos
iv. 1).
The wealth of their possession had not the same
immediately degrading effect on this tribe that it
had on some of its northern brethren. [Asher.]
Various causes may have helped to avert this evil
(1.) The central situation of Ephraim, in the high-
way of all communications from one part of the
country to another. From north to south, from
Jordan to the Sea — from Galilee, or still more
distant Damascus, to Philistia and Egypt — these
roads all lay more or less through Ephraim, and
the constant traffic along them must have always
tended to keep the district from sinking into stag-
nation. (2.) The position of Shechem, the original
settlement of Jacob, with his well and his " parcel
of ground," with the two sacred mountains of Ebal
and Gerizim, the scene of the impressive and sig-
nificant ceremonial of blessing and cursing; and of
Shiloh, from whence the division of the land was
made, and where the ark remained from the time
of Joshua to that of Eli ; and further of the tomb
and patrimony of Joshua, the great hero not only
of Ephraim but of the nation — the fact that all
these localities were deep in the heart of the tribe,
must have made it always the resort of large num-
bers from all parts of the country — of larger
numbers than any other place, until the establish-
ment of Jerusalem by David. (3.) But there was
a spirit about the tribe itself which may have been
both a cause and a consequence of these advantages
of position. That spirit, though sometimes taking
the form of noble remonstrance and reparation
(2 Chr. xxviii. 9-16), usually manifests itself in
jealous complaint at some enterprise undertaken
or advantage gained in which they had not a chief
share. To Gideon (Judg. viii. 1), to Jephthah
(xii. 1), and to David (2 Sam. xix. 41-43), the cry
is still the same in effect — almost the same in
words — " Why did ye despise us that our advice
should not have been first had ? " " Why bast thou
served us thus, that thou calledst us not? " Tht
unsettled state of the country in general, and of the
interior of Ephraim in particular (Judg. ix.), and
the continual incursions of foreigners, prevented the
power of the tribe from manifesting itself in a more
formidable manner than by these murmurs, during
the time of the Judges and the first stage of tat
monarchy. Samuel, though a Levite, was a native
of Ramah in Mount Ephraim, and Saul belonged
to a tribe closely allied to the family of Joseph, to
that during the priesthood of the former vii thf
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EPHRAIM
feign of the latter the supremacy of Ephraim may
be said to have been practically maintained. Cer-
tainly hi neither cue had any advantage been
gained liy their great rival in the south. Again,
the brilliant successes of David and his wide in
flueuce and religious zeal kept matters smooth for
another period, even in the face of the blow given
to both Shechem and Shiloh by the concentration
of the civil and ecclesiastical capitals at Jerusalem.
Twenty thousand and eight hundred of the choice
warriors of the tribe, " men of name throughout
the house of their Esther," went as far as Hebron
to make David king over Israel (1 Chr. xii. 30).
Among the officers of his court we find more than
one Ephraimite (1 Chr. xxvii. 10, 14), and the
attachment of the tribe to his person seems to have
been great (2 Sam. xix. 41-43). But this could
not last much longer, and the reign of Solomon,
splendid in appearance but oppressive to the people,
developed both the circumstances of revolt, and the
leader who was to turn them to account. Solomon
saw through the crisis, and if he could have suc-
ceedrd in killing Jeroboam as he tried to do (1 K.
xi. 40), the disruption might have been postponed
for another century. As it was, the outbreak was
deferred for a time, but the irritation was not
allayed, and the insane folly of his son brought tbe
.-nischief to a head. Rehoboam probably selected
Shechem - the old capital of the country — for his
coronation, in the hope that his presence and the
ceremonial might make a favorable impression, but
in this he (ailed utterly, and the tumult which
followed shows how complete was the breach — '* To
your tents, Israel ! now see to thine own house,
David ! " Rehoboam was certainly not the last
king of Judah whose chariot went as far north as
Shechem, but he was tbe last wbo visited it as a
part of his own dominion, and he was the last who,
having come so for, returned unmolested to his own
capital. Jehoshaphat escaped, in a manner little
short of miraculous, from the risks of the battle of
Ramoth-Gilead, and it was tbe fate of two of his
successors, Ahaziah and Josinh — differing in every-
thing else, and agreeing only in this — that they
were both carried dead in their chariots from the
plain of Esdraelon to Jerusalem.
Henceforward in two senses the history of
Ephraim is the history of the kingdom of Israel,
since not only did the tribe become a kingdom, but
the kingdom embraced little besides the tribe. This
is not surprising, and quite susceptible of explana-
tion. North of Ephraim the country appears never
to have been really taken possession of by the
Israelites. Whether from want of energy on their
part, or great stubbornness of resistance on that of
the Canaanites, certain it is that of the list of towns
from which the original inhabitants were not ex-
pelled, the great majority belong to the northern
tribes, Manasseh, Asher, Issachar, and Naphtali.
tad in addition to this original defect there is
much in the physical formation and circumstances
of the upper portion of Palestine to explain why
those tribes never took any active part in the
kingdom. They were exposed to the inroads and
seductions of their surrounding heathen neighbors
— on one side the luxurious Phoenician*, on the
other the plundering Bedouins of Midian; they
wen open to the attacks of Syria and Assyria from
the north, and Egypt from the south ; the great
nlain of Estbuelon, which communicated more or
ha* with all the northern tribes, was tbe natural
lutlet of tha no less natural high roads of the
EPHRAIM
maritime plain from Egypt and tne Jatdaa i
for the tribes of the East, and formed an adm'rabat
base of operations for an invading army.
But on the other hand the position of Ephraim
was altogether different. It was one at once of
great richness and great security. Her fertile plains
and well-watered valleys could only be reached by
a laborious ascent through steep and narrow ravines,
all but impassable for an army. There is no record
of any attack on the central kingdom, either from
the Jordan valley or the maritime plain. On the
north aide, from the plain of Esdraelon, it was more
accessible, and it was from this side that the final
invasion appears to have been made. But even or.
that side the entrance was so difficult and so easily
defensible — as we learn from the description it
tbe book of Judith (iv. 6, 7) — that, had the king
dom of Samaria been less weakened by internal
dissensions, the attacks even of the great Shss*-
maneser might have been resisted, as at a later
date were those of HoL (ernes. How that kingdom
originated, bow it progressed, and how it fell, will
be elsewhere considered. [Israel, Kingdom of.]
There are few things more mournful in the sacred
story than the descent of this haughty and jealous
tribe, from the culminating point at which it stood
when it entered on the fairest portion of the Land
of Promise — the chief sanctuary and the chief
settlement of the nation within its limits, its leader
the leader of the whole people — through the dis-
trust which marked its intercourse with its fellows,
while it was a member of the confederacy, and the
tumult, dissension, and ungodliness which charac-
terized its independent existence, down to the sud-
den captivity and total oblivion which closed its
career. Judah had her timet of revival and of re-
curring prosperity, but here the course is uniformly
downward — a sad picture of opportunities wasted
and personal gifts abused. " When Israel was a
child, then I loved him, »nd called my son out of
Egypt. ... I taught Ephraim also to go, taking
them by their arms, but they knew not that I
healed them. I drew them with cords of a man,
with bands of love . . . but tbe Assyrian shall
be their king, because they refused to return. . . .
How shall I give thee up, Ephraim ? bow shall I
deliver thee, Israel? how shall ( make thee as
Admah ? how shall I set thee as Zeboim ? " (Ho*,
xi. 1-8). G.
E'PHRAIM (D^5^l [dot&U frwtfulaca]:
'EQpatu : Jiphrabn). In " Baal-hazor which is
'by' Ephraim" was Absalom's sheep-Arm, at
which took place the murder of Amnon, one of the
earliest precursors of the great revolt (2 Sain. xiU.
23). The Hebrew particle US, rendered abort
" by " (A. V. " beside " ), always seems to imply
actual proximity, and therefore we should conoiuik
that Ephraim was not the tribe of that name, bid
a town. EwaM conjectures that it is identical with
Ephrain, Ephron, and Ophrah of the 0. T
and also with the Ephraim which was for a time
the residence of our Lord (Getch. Hi. 219, note).
But with regard to the three first names there is
the difficulty that they are spelt with the guttural
letter nin, which is very rarely exchanged for the
aitph, which commences the name before us. There
is unfortunately no clew to its situation. The LXX.
make the following addition to verse 34: "And
the watchman went and told the king, and said, I
have seen men on the road of the Oronen (rn
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EPHRAIM
Lfmrr,r, Ahst rw epeawqr) by the tide of the
mountain." Ewald considen this to be a genuine
addition, and to refer to Beth-Won, N. W. of
Jenualem, oft* the NablQs road, but the indication
U surely too alight for such an inference. Any
force it may hare is against the identity of this
Ephraim with that in John xi 64, which was prob-
ably in the direction N. E. of Jerusalem. G.
E'PHBAIM C&tymfc: Ephrem ; Cod. Aniiat.
Kfrem), a city ('E. \(yop4rnv t6\w) " In the
district near the wilderness" to which our Lord
retired with his disciples when threatened with
riolence by the priests (John xi. 54). By the
" wilderness " (tpn/ios) is probably meant the wild
uncultivated hill-country N. E. of Jerusalem, lying
between the central towns and the Jordan valley.
In this case the conjecture of Dr. Kobinson is very
admissible that Ophrah and Ephraim are identical,
and that their modern r ep re sen tation is et-Tuiyibeh,
a village on a conspicuous conical hill, commanding
a view " over the whole eastern slope, the valley of
the Jordan and the Dead Sea" (Rob. i. 444). It
is situated 4 or 5 miles east of Bethel, and 16 from
Jerusalem ; a position agreeing tolerably with the
indications of Jerome in the Onomatticou ( Ephraim,
Ephron), and is too conspicuous to have escaped
mention in the Bible." 6.
E'PHBAIM, GATE OF (D??S$ -)«*# :
xi\i\ 'Eppatfi: porta Ephraim), one of the gates
of the city of Jerusalem (3 K. xiv. 13; 3 Chr. xxv.
93; Neh. viii. 16, xii. 39), doubtless, according to
the oriental practice, on the side looking towards
the locality from which it derived its name, and
therefore at the north, probably at or near the
position of the present " Damascus gate." [Je-
rusalem.] G.
• EPHRAIM, MOUNT (Josh. xvii. 15;
Judg. vii. 34 ; 1 Sam. i. l,and often) must be taken
collectively, i. e. not any single mount, as the
English reader might suppose, but the hill-country,
or high lands generally, which fill up the greater
part of central Palestine on the west of the Jordan.
[Ephraim.] See Rob. Phyt. Gtogr. p. 85.
H.
E'PHBAIM, THE WOOD OP OT.
0?3Mfi tpu/ibs 'Etppatp: tatiui Ephraim), a
wood, or rather a forest (the word ya'ar implying
dense growth), in which the fatal battle was fought
between the armies of David and of Absalom (3
Sam. xviii. 6), and the entanglement in which added
greatly to the slaughter of the latter (ver. 8). It
would be very tempting to believe that the forest
derived its name from the place near which Ab-
salom's sheep-farm was situated (3 Sam. sill. 33),
and ahich would have been a natural spot for his
bend-quarters before the battle, especially associated
as it was with the murder of Amnon. But the
statements of xvii. 34, 36, and also the expression
of xviii. 3, " that thou succor us out of the city,"
e. Mahanaim, allow no escape from the conclusion
vhat the locality was on the east side of Jordan,
hough it is impossible to account satisfactorily for
the presence of the name of Ephraim on that side
of the river. The suggestion is due to Grotius that
the name was derived from the slaughter of Ephraim
<t the fords of Jordan by the Gileadites under
o • For the identification of this Ephraim as the
ftaos of the Saviour's retreat, see especially Dr. RoMn-
«B in JKN. Sacra, II. 898; and for Its Importance In
EPBKATAH 756
Jephthah (Judg xii. 1, 4, 5); but that occurrence
took place at the very brink of the river itself
whHe the city of Mahanaim and the wooded cuuntrv
must have lain several miles away from the stream
and on the higher ground above the Jordan valley
Is it not at least equally probable that the forest
derived its name from this very battle ? The great
tribe of Ephraim, though not specially mentioned
in the transactions of Absalom's revolt, cannot fail
to have taken the most conspicuous part in the
affair, and the reverse was a more serious one thai,
had overtaken the tribe for a very long time, and
possibly combined with other circumstances to
retard materially their rising into an independent
kingdom. 1 i.
ETHRAIMITE 0^9, tf ■ 't<ppa0(rm
[Vat. -9ti-] ; Alex, tx rov Etppat/i: Ephrathaus).
Of the tribe of Ephraim; elsewhere called " Eph-
rathite " (Judg. xii. 6). [Ephhaiji.]
W. A. W.
BTHRAIN [Btbrtx, Ephra'm] (1TIB5,
Ephron; Keri, 1^35 : 'EatyoV: Ephron), a dty
of Israel, which with ' its dependent hamlets
(n 13 3= "daughters," A. V. -towus") Atyjab
and the army of Judah captured from Jeroboam
(3 Chr. xiii. 19). It is mentioned with Bethel and
Jeshanah, but the latter not being known, little
clew to the situation of Ephrain is obtained from
this passage. It has been conjectured that this
Ephrain or Ephron is identical with the Ephraim
by which Absalom's sheep-farm of Baal-hasor was
situated; with the city called Ephraim near the
wilderness in which our Lord lived for some time
[John xi. 54] ; and with Ophrah (iT15y), a city
of Benjamin, apparently not far from Bethel (Josh,
xviii. 23; comp. Joseph. B. J. iv. 9, § 9), and
which has been located by Dr. Kobinson (i. 447),
with some probability, at the modem village of
et-Taiyibch. But nothing more than conjecture
can be arrived at on these points. (See Ewald,
(jfchichlt, Ui. 319, 466, v. 365; Stanley, p. 314. i
G.
EPH'RATAH, or EPHTtATH C^^^f,
or fn?$ [fruitful, Dietr.] : % E<ppaBd and 'E<ppiB ;
[Alex, in ver. 19, 4)006.'] Ephrata, Jerome). 1.
Second wife of Caleb the son of Hezron, mother of
Hur, and grandmother of Caleb the spy, according
to 1 Chr. ii. 19, 50, and probably 24, and iv. 4.
[Caleb-Ephratah.]
2. The ancient name of Bethleliem-Judah, as is
manifest from Gen. xxxv. Hi, 19. xlviii. 7, both
which passages distinctly prove that it was called
Ephrath or Ephratah in Jacob's time, and use the
regular formula for adding the modern name.
DnVfTa N*n, which u Bethlehem, comp. e. g.
Gen.'xxiii. 3, xxxv. 27; Josh. xv. 10. It cannot
therefore have derived its name from EpliraUh, the
mother of Hur, as the author of Quasi. Httr-. m
ParaHp. says, and as one might otherwise have
supposed from the connection of ber descendants,
Salma and Hur, with Bethlehem, which is some-
what obscurely intimated in 1 Chr. ii. 50, 51, Iv.
4. It seems obvious therefore to infer that, 00 thj
hannooJii'-g the Gospels He his Ores* Ms
« 98. U
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766 KPKRATA1I
sontrary, Rpnratah the mother of Hur wu ao ealWr
from the town of ber birth, and that she probably
•« the owner of the town and district. In fact,
that her name was really gentilitious. But if this
be so, it would indicate more communication be-
tween the Israelites in Egypt and the Canaanites
than is commonly supposed. When, however, we
recollect that the land of Goshen was the border
country on the Palestine side; that the Israelites
in Goshen were a tribe of sheep and cattle drovers
(Gen. xlrii. 3); that there was an easy communica-
tion between Palestine and Egypt from the earliest
times (Gen. xii. 10, xvi. 1, xxi. 21, Ac.); that there
are indications of communications Iwtween the
Israelites in Egypt and the Canaanitea, caused by
their trade as keepers of cattle, 1 Chr. vii. 21, and
that in the nature of things the owners or keepers
it large herds and flocks in Gosben would have
dealings with the nomad tribes in Palestine, it will
perhaps seem not impossible that a son of Hezron
may have married a woman having property in
Ephratah. Another way of accounting for the con-
nection between Ephratah's descendants and Beth-
lehem, is to suppose that the elder Caleb was not
really the son of Hezron, but merely reckoned so as
the head of a Hezronite house. He may in this
case have been one of an Edomitish or Horite
tribe, an idea which is favored by the name of his
son Hur [Caleb], and have married an Ephrathite.
Caleb the spy may have been their grandson. It is
singular that " Salma the father of Bethlehem "
should have married a Canaanitish woman. Could
she have been of the kindred of Caleb in any way ?
If she were, and if Salma obtained Bethlehem, a
portion of Hur's inheritance, in consequence, this
would account for both Hur and Salma being called
" father of Bethlehem." Another possible explana-
tion is, that Ephratah may have been the name
given to some daughter of Benjamin to commem-
orate the circumstance of Rachel his mother having
died close to Ephrath. This would receive some
support from the son of Rachel's other son Joseph
being called Ephraim, a word of identical etymology,
is appears from the fact that VPSS means in-
differently an Ephrathite, i. e. BethlehemiU (Kuth
1. 1, 2), or an Ephraimile (1 Sam. i. 1). But it
would not account for Ephratah's descendants being
lettted at Bethlehem. The author of the Quasi.
ffebr. in Paratip. derives Epkrata from Ephraim,
" Ephrath, quia de Ephraim fuit." But this is not
consistent with the appearance of the name in Gen.
It is perhaps impossible to come to any certainty
oa the subject. It must suffice therefore to note,
that in Gen., and perhaps in Cbron., it is called
Ephrath or Ephrata ; in Ruth, Bethlehem-Judah ;
but the inhabitants, Ephrathittt ; in Micah (v. 2),
Btthlehem-Ephratah ; in Matt. ii. 6, Bethlehem in
the land ofJuda. Jerome, and after him Kalisch,
•bajTves that Ephratah, fruitful, has the same
■waning as Bethlehem, home of bread; a view
jrhich is favored by Stanley's description of the
neighboring corn-fields (Sinai and Palatine, p.
164). [Bethlkhem.]
3. Gesenius thinks that in Ps. cxxxii. 6, Ephra-
iteA means Ephraim* A. C. H.
• If Ephratah stands for Ephraim (see No. 3
above) the territory of that name, it must refer
"•orcially to Shiloh, one of the former sanctuaries
rf tee ark of the covenant in that tribe. Hupfeld
(■plains Ephratah In this passage as an appellative,
sot a proper name, i. e. " fruitful," sc. field, put
BPHBON, MOUNT
poetically for Beth-shemesh, like "field of wood'
for Kirjath-jearim in the other line (Du: Psalm**
iv. 811 f.). The two places were near each other,
and those searching for the lost ark after its capture
by the Philistines (2 Sam. vi. 1 ff.) may have heard
of it at one of the places, and have found it at the
other (see the psalm). Hengstenberg insist! (Dit
Psalmen, iv. 75 ff.) that Ephratah is Bethlehem in
this place as elsewhere, and that David, who wrote
the psalm, means that the ark, which he was
removing to Mount Zion where it would be hence-
forth so accessible, might be said now to bs
" found," whereas, in his youth at Bethlehem th*y
had only heard of it, as it were, by rumor. R.
EPH-BATHITB 0O??£: •E^afloTor
Ephraiaus). L An inhabitant of Bethlehem (Ruth
i. 2 [applied to Elimelech and his family]).
2. [1 Sam. i. 1, 'Eippatu, Alex. ZQpaBcuaf, 1
K. xi. 26, 'ZippaBl (Tat. -On).] An Ephraimita
(1 Sam. i. 1 [EUtanah, father of Samuel]; Judg.
xii. 5 [see p. 752, note e], Ac). A. C. H.
ETHRON (friM? [fawn-ate] : >B<H>4, :
Ephron), the son of Zochar [Zohar, A. V.], a HH-
tite; the owner of a field which lay facing Mamre
or Hebron, and of the cave therein contained, which
Abraham bought from him for 400 shekels of silver
(Gen. xxiii. 8-17, xxv. 9, xlix. 20, 30, 1. 13). By
Josephus (AnL i. 14) the name is given as Ephraim;
and the purchase-money 40 shekels.
• In the account of the negotiations betweer
Ephron and Abraham for the purchase of the field
of Machpelah, related with so much minuteness in
Gen. xxiii. 3-18, we have a living picture of lb*
ceremony and finesse for which the Orientals are as
remarkable on such occasions. Dr. Thomson has
an extended passage, in which he shows how exactly
every part of that procedure i» still exemplified in
the dealings of buyers and sellers with each other
among the modern Syrians (Land and Book, ii.
381-384). Hess, not taking into account this
oriental trait, regards the compliments interchanged
between the parties as seriously meant, and hence
as evincive of rare generosity and disinterestedness
(Cesch. der Patriarchen, i 367-371). Wilkinsou
also (Personal Names in the Bible, p. 424) speaks
of Ephron on this occasion as a model of true
courtesy. This sale of Ephron to Abraham is '• the
first recorded legal contract in human history,"
and it relates to the last object of man's earthly
care, the interment of the dead. H.
ETHRON CEtptV: ApAron). a very strong
eHy (toAij utyi\v ixvpi <r«>6tpa) on the east of
Jordan between Carnaim (Ashteroth-Kamaim)ani
Betb-shean, attacked and demolished by Jadsa
Maceabteus (1 Maoo. v. 46-52; 2 Mace. xii. 87).
From the description in the former of these two
passages it appears to hare been situated in a defQa
or valley, and to have completely occupied the pass.
Its site has not been yet discovered. G.
ETHRON, MOUNT (fr^Tf^O- rk
Hoot 'E<pp<iv- Mans Ephron). The "dtim of
Mount Ephron " formed one of the landmarks est
the northern boundary of the tribe of Judah (Josh.
xv. 9), between the "water of Nephtoah" and
Kirjath-jearim. As these latter are with great
probability identified with Ain Lifta and Krriet
tUEnab, Mount Ephron is prohably the rang* of
hills on the west side of the Wadv Beit-Hajsma
(traditional valley of the Terebinth), opposite 7«VU.
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EPICUREANS
mien standi on the eastern tide. It ma; possibly
» the an place aa Ephrauc. G.
EPICURE' ANS, THE (K»«oupfM>i), de-
rived their name from Epicurus (342-271 B. c), a
philosopher of Attic descent, whose " Garden •' at
Athena mailed in popularity the " Porch " and
the " Academy." The doctrines of Epicurus found
wide acceptance in Asia Minor (Lnmptnau, Mity-
Une, Tamil, Diog. L. x. 1, 11 ft*.) and Alexandria
(Diog. L. /. c), and they gained a brilliant advocate
at Rome in Lucretius (95-50 B. c). The object
of Epicurus was to And in philosophy a practical
guide to happiness (iyipytta . . . rbv cvSal/iora
Bior iTfpiwoiowa, Sext Erop. ado. Math. xi. 16 J).
True pleasure and not absolute truth was the end
at which he aimed ; experience and not reason the
test on which he relied. He necessarily cast aside
dialectics as a profitless science (Uiog. L. x. 30, 31),
and substituted in its place (at to kxuwikoV, Uiog.
L. x. 10) an assertion of the right of the senses, in
the widest acceptation of the term, to be considered
as the criterion of truth (xpi-Hipta ttji oAi)0«(at
tlvai t4» tu<rM)<Tfit *a! rat itdoAMcit (general
notions) no) t4 wdit))- He made the study of
physics subservient to the uses of life, and especially
to the removal of superstitious fears (Lucr. i. 140
ft); and maintained that ethics are the proper
study of man, as leading him to that supreme and
lasting pleasure which is the common object of all.
It is obvious that a system thus framed would
degenerate by a natural descent into mere material-
ism ; and in this form Epicurism was the popular
philosophy at the beginning of the Christian era
(cf. Diog. L. x. 5, 0). When St Paul addressed
>' Epicureans and Stoics " (Acts xvii. 18) at Athens,
the philosophy of lire was practically reduced to the
teaching of those two antagonistic schools, which
represented in their final separation the distinct
and complementary elements which the gospel rec-
onctVxi. For it is unjust to regard Epicurism as
a mere sensual opposition to religion. It was a
necessary step in the development of thought, and
prepared the way for the reception of Christianity,
not only negatively but positively. It not only
weakened the hold which polytheism retained on
the mass of men by daring criticism, but it main-
tained with resolute energy the claims of the body
to be considered a necessary part of man's nature
coordinate with the soul, and affirmed the existence
of individual freedom against the Stoic doctrines
of pure spiritualism and absolute fate. Yet out-
wardly Epicurism appears further removed from
Christianity than Stoicism, though essentially it is
at least as near; and in the address of St. Paul
(AMI xvii. 22 ff.) the affirmation of the doctrines
of araation (v. 24), providence (v. 26), inspiration
(t. 98), resurrection, and judgment (v. 31), appears
to be directed against tlie cardinal errors which it
involved.
The tendency which produced Greek Epicurism,
when carried out to its fullest development, is pe-
•ahar to no age or country. Among the Jews it
ted to Sadduceeisra [Sadducees], and Jotephus
ippears to have drawn his picture of the test with
distinct regard to the Greek prototype (Joseph
4nL xriii. 1, § 4; B. J. ii. 8, § 14; cf. AM. x.
11, § 7, de Kpicurrit). In modern times the essay
if Gataendi (Syntagma Phiiotopkia Epiatri, Hag.
3am. 1669) was a significant symptom of the na-
rration of sensationalism.
The chief original authority for the philosophy
KFlSTLiE
767
of Epicurus is Diogenes Laertiua (lib. x.) who hat
preserved some of his letters and a list of his prin
cipal writings. The poem of Lucretius must bf
need with caution, and the notices in Cicero, Sen-
eca, and Phtarch an undisguisedly hostile.
a f. w.
EPIPH'ANES (1 Mace. i. 10, x. 1). [A-tti
ochus Epiphanks.]
EPTPHI CEwiipl C A,ex - "N* E*i«>«.], 3 Mace
vi. 38), name of the eleventh month of the Egyp
tian Vague year, and the Alexandrian or Egypti.ui
Julian year: Copt eilHH ; Arab. <_juul- In
ancient Egyptian It it called " the third month [of]
the season of the waters." [Egypt.] The n.ime
Eplphi is derived from that of the goddess of the
month, Apap-t (I-epsius, Chrm. d. jEg. i. 111).
The supposed derivation of the Hebrew month-
name Abib from Epiphi is discussed in other arti-
cles. [Chkonoloot; Months.] R. 8. P.
EPISTLE. The Epistles of the N. T. are de-
scribed under the names of the Apostles by whom,
or the churches to whom, they were addressed. It
is proposed in the present article to speak of the
epistle or letter as a means of communication.
The use of written letters implies, it needs hardly
be said, a considerable progress in the development
of civilized life. There must be a recognized sya
tern of notation, phonetic or symbolic; men mutt
be taught to write, and have writing materials at
hand. In the early nomadic stages of society ac-
cordingly, like those which mark the period of the
patriarchs of the O. T, we find no traces of any
but oral communications. Messengers are tent
instructed what to say from Jacob to Esau (Gen.
xxxii. 3), from Balak to Balaam (Num. xxii. 5,
7, 16), bringing back in like manner a verbal,
not a written answer (Num. xxiv. 12). The nego-
tiation! between Jephthah and the king of the
Ammonites (Judg. xi. 12, 13) are conducted In the
same way. It ia still the received practice In the
time of Saul (1 Sam. xi. 7, 9). The reign of Da-
vid, bringing the Israelites, as it did, into contact
with the higher civilization of the Phoenician!, wit-
nessed a change in this respect also. The lint
recorded letter ( ".,""' = "btok;" comp. me of
fa$\lov, Herod, i. 123) in the history of the O. T.
was that which " David wrote to Joab, and sent by
the hand of Uriah " (2 Sam. xi. 14), and this must
obviously, like the letters that came into another
history of crime (in this case also in traceable con-
nection with Phoenician influence, 1 K. xxi. 8, 9),
have been " sealed with the king's seal," at at once
the guarantee of their authority, and a safeguard
against their being read by any but the persons tc
whom they were addressed. The material used Sm
the impression of the seal was probably the " clay '
of Job xxxviii. 14. Die act of sending such a let
ter is, however, preeminently, if not exclusively, t
kingly act, where authority and secrecy were neces
airy. Joab, e. jr. answers the letter which Davie*
had sent him after the old plan, and receives a ver-
bal message in return. The demand of Benhadad
and Ahab'a answer to it are c o nveyed in the tame
way (1 K. xx. 2, 5). Written communications
however, become more frequent in the later history.
The king of Syria sends a letter to the king ct
Israel (2 K. v. 5, 6). Elijah the f. pbet sends i
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T58
KPISTLK
srismg (3I?30) lii Jehoram (9 Chr. xn. 12).
(letekiah introduces a system of couriers like that
afterwards so full; organised under the Persian
kings (9 Chr. xxx. 6, 10; comp. Herod, riii. 98,
and Esth. riii. 10, 14), and receives from Sennach-
erib the letter which be "spreads before the Lord "
(2 K. xix. 14). Jeremiah writes a letter to the
exiles in Babylon (Jer. xxix. 1, 3). The books of
Ezra and Neheniiah contain or refer to many such
documents (Ezr. iv. 6, 7, 11, v. 6, vii. 11; Neh. ii.
7, 9, vi. 5). The stress bud upon the " open let-
ter" sent by Sanballat (Neh. vi. 5) indicates that
this was a breach of the customary etiquette of the
Persian court. The influence of Persian, and yet
more, perhaps, that of Greek civilization, led to the
more frequent use of letters as a means of inter-
course. Whatever doubts may be entertained as
to the genuineness of the epistles themselves, their
occurrence in 1 Mace. xi. 30, xii. 6, 20, xv. 1, 16 ;
2 Mace. d. 16, 34, indicates that they were recog-
nized as having altogether superseded the older plan
of messages orally delivered. The two stages of
the history of the N. T. present in this respect a
very striking contrast. The list of the Canonical
Books shows how largely epistles were used in the
expansion and organization of the Church. Those
which have survived may be regarded as the repre-
sentatives of many others that are lost. We are
perhaps too much in the habit of forgetting that
the absence of all sention of written letters from
the gospel history is just as noticeable. With the
exception of the spurious letter to Abgarus of
Edessa (Euseb. H. K. i. 13) there are no epistles
of Jesus. The explanation of this is to be found
partly in the circumstances of one who, known as
the " carpenter's son," was training as his disci-
ples those who, like himself, belonged to the class
of laborers and peasants, partly in the fact that it
was by personal, rather than by written, teaching
that the work of the prophetic office, which he
reproduced and perfected, had to lie accomplished.
The epistles of the N. T. in their outward form
are nuch as might be expected from men who were
brought into contact with Greek and Roman cus-
toms, themselves belonging to a different race, and
so reproducing the imported style with only partial
accuracy. They begin (the Epistle to the Hebrews
and 1 John excepted) with the names of the writ-
er, and of those to whom the epistle is addressed.
Then follows the formula of salutation (analogous
to the 1 1 arpaVrc u> of Greek, the S., S. D., or 8. D.
if., tatutem, talu/em dial, tiliUem dicit multam, of
Latin corre spon dence) — generally in St. Paul's
epistles in some combination of the words xdpir,
tkeot, tipbvy : in others, as in Acta xv. 23, Jam.
i. 1, with the closer equivalent of xalpetv- Then
the letter itself commences, in the first person, the
singular and plural being used, as in the letters of
Cicero, indiscriminately (comp. I Cor. ii. ; 2 Cor.
I 8, 15; 1 Thess. iii. 1, 2; and pntdm). Then
when the substance of the letter has been completed,
uestions answered, truths enforced, come the in-
lividual messages, characteristic, in St. Paul's
rpisties especially, of one who never allowed his
personal affections to be swallowed up in the great-
ness of his work. The conclusion in this case was
probably modified by the fact that the letters were
tictated to an amanuensis. When he had done
ii* work, the Apostle took up the pen or reed, and
added, in his own large characters (Gal. vi. 11),
'.be authenticating autograph, sometimes with ape-
KPI8TLB
del stress on the bet that this was his vrihi* C
Cor. xvi. 21; GeL vi. 11; CoL iv. 18; 2 Than, us
17), always with one of the closing formoue of sal-
utation, "Grace be with thee" — "the grace of
our Ijjrd Jesus Christ be with your spirit." In
one instance, Kom. xvi. 22, the amanuensis in his
own name adds his salutation. In the tpbexn of
Acts xxiii. 30, the fppaxric of Acts xv. 2d, we have
the equivalents to the vale, vnlele, which formed
the customary conclusion of Koruan letters. It
need hardly be said that the fact that St. Paul's
epistles were dictated in this way accounts for
many of their most striking peculiarities, the fre-
quent digressions, the long parentheses, the vehe-
mence and energy as of a man who is speaking
strongly as his feelings prompt him rather than
writing calmly. An allusion in 2 Cor. iii. 1 bring!
before us another class of letters which must have
been in frequent use in the early ages of the Chris-
tian church, the ItiotoAoI o-voTariicai, by whk-b
travellers or teachers were commended by one
church to tlie good offices of others. Other per-
sons (there may be a reference to Apolloa, Acts
xviii. 27) had come to the Church of Corinth re-
lying on these. St Paul appeals to his converts,
as the ttrurroKi) Xfttrrov (2 Cor. iii. 8), written
" not with ink but with the spirit of the living
God." For other particulars as to the material
and implements used for epistles, see Writing.
E.H. P.
* Under this head we may properly notice a few
additional particulars: —
Paul's habit of authenticating his letters, referred
to above, enables us to trace a correspondence be-
tween 2 Thess. iii. 17 and Gal. vi. 11 which is very
striking. The Apostle speaks in the former passage
not only of adding there the salutation by his own
hand, and as a sign (o-iumioiO or attestation of the
genuineness of the letter, but of this attestati on
(oSra* ypAtpa, to I write) as distinguished by a
well-known peculiarity. From Gal. vi. 11, now,
we learn incidentally what this peculiarity was,
namely, the size of the written characters or letters
with which he was accustomed to write (ot|\1«-<ms
ypdfLfiaaif, with how large letteri, not how large a
letter, A. V.), as compared with men's ordinary
writing. Meyer, it is true, thinks that Paul did
not write in his own usual way in that instance,
but employed large letters or capitals because he
would emphasize that particular paragraph of the
letter (Gal. vi. 11-18). With that view, the infer-
ence which has been suggested falls away of course.
But really there is no apparent reason for mak-
ing any such distinction between that part of the
letter and other parts.
Paul's mode of epistolary salutation is similar
indeed to tbe ^aiptiy 0T «i Kpima of the Greeks)
(as remarked above), but diners from it at the same)
time in a peculiar manner. This Apostle never
employs tbe classical form, but invariably sub-
stitutes for it yapis «ol ei/r^rn, x^r ,u > 'Acot,
tlphvri, or a similar combination. Such a rejection
of the customary phrase, and the invention of a
new one, cannot be otherwise than intentional. It
has been suggested that the Greek formula, as con-
taining a virtual prayer to the heathen gods,
awakened heathenish associations, and was but
aside, therefore, for something more consonant to
a just Christian feeling. It is certainly remarkable
that of the N. T. writers the Apostle James onl;
In his Epistle, 1. 1, and in Acts xv. 23, employs Um
Grrak form of salutation (x«u>«r="g rM *n>sT.''
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EPISTLE
a.. V.)." It oecun alio, u we should expect, In
Asts xziii. 96, for it is a Roman officer there, and
heathen, who writes to another Roman officer.
The colloquial xalptiv, which is recognized as still
current at a much later period (2 John, w. 10, 111
was in various respects a different usage.
It has been held by some that Paul always em-
ployed an amanuensis, and wrote no one of his
epistles without that assistance. The rendering of
the A. V. (" How large a letter I have written with
mine iwn hand,'' Gal vi. 11) might lead us to sup-
pose that in that instance, at least, he departed
from his usual practice. But the correct transla-
tion (see above) removes that impression, showing
that the remark applies rather to a few words or
verses only of the lettev as the customary token of
authenticity. There is more reason for supposing
that he may have written the letter to Philemon
without dictation, both on account of its brevity
and the private nature of the contents. Paul's
saying in ver. 19 that "he wrote" the guarantee
to pay the debt (if Onesimus was to be held liable
for anything), does not prove that he did not write
the rest of the letter, but serves only to affirm the
security of the pledge. It is barely possible that
the capacity in which Onesimus proved himself so
useful to Paul (Phileni. w. 11, 13) was that of an
occasional amanuensis. His being a slave is not at
variance with that supposition; for among the
Greeks and Romans slaves were often trained to
that particular art, and in other respects were so
well educated as to be employed altogether for lit-
erary services. (See Becker's Uallut, i. 121 ft'.,
Eng. trans.)
In his Neutatamentliche StwSen (Goths, 1866),
J. C. M. Laurent discusses several questions of in-
terest, relating to the composition and form of
Paul's epistles. He maintains that the Apostle
dictated all his letters with the exception of that
to Philemon (which was wholly written by himself),
and that he attested them all by some addition or
postscript from his own hand. He attempts to dis-
tinguish in every instance the places where Paul
took the pen and inserted the attesting words. In
the Epistle to the Romans he finds them in xv. 14-
33; in 1 Cor. xvi. 21 ff., and 2 Cor. xiii. 10-13; in
Gal. vi. 11-18; in Eph. vi. 21-24; in Phil. iv.
21-23; in Col. iv. 18; in 1 Thess. v. 25-28, and
1 Thess. Hi. 17, 18; in 1 Tim. vi. 20, 21, and 2
Tim. iv. 19-22, and in Tit. iii. 12-15. The con-
clusion in some of the instances is very slightly
supported. For example, the Pauline ivopulfa,
and the strictly personal import of the paragraph,
■ said to prove that the words in 1 Thess. v. 25-28
*» certainly from Paul's hand. Again, it is argued
that i/iV >n P°il- •»• 30 closed the official part of
the letter, and hence that the rest was written, as it
were, prieatbn. On the other hand, Paul states
sxpn-ssly that he adds the salutation in Col. iv. 18,
and that also in 1 Cor. xvi. 21, from which it
would certainly be violent to separate the next two
rrrses. So also yoi<fxo in 2 Cor. xiii. 10 brings
orward so distinctly the individual after the plu-
rals (t!>x&n<Ba, SvvA/itBa, go/po/up) which pre-
cede, that we may reasonably ascribe that verse to
"aul as well as the next two verses so closely con-
tacted with it. The reasoning is similar to this in
sbe case of other epistles.
BRAN
759
a * It Is supposed that the Apostle James drew np
las totter Inserted in Acts xv. 28-29, In virtue of his
s>.« as | istnr of the church at JsrusaVnn. Tha oe-
This writer adopts the hypothesis of certain other
critics, though carried by him to a much grestoi
extent, that Paul, after dictating his letters to the
amanuensis, carefully read them himself or had
them read to him, and then wrote or had written on
the margin various annotatory remarks where ex-
pressions of the text seemed incomplete or obscure.
Subsequent copyists transferred these remarks to
the text itself. " These marginal notations are uot
only as much inspired as the words of the text, but
they often bear the impress of a special emphasis
designed by the author. . . . And though they
were forced into the text by the fault of the copyist.
against the will of the Apostle, the words of the
Apostle remained entirely unaltered. The import-
ance of the hypothesis is philological rather than
dogmatic: the style of the Apostle is freed thereby
from many an irregularity, the connection of the
sentences from many an impediment." It is hardly
worth while to illustrate this procedure at length
The character of it will be understood if we men-
tion t. g. that Laurent proposes to insert Rom. xvi.
19 after ver. 16, because the logical relation of
these verses to each other appears to him more sat-
isfactory than that which he finds between w. 18
and 19. Hence, to account for the dislocation of
the true text, he assumes that the Apostle wrote
ver. 19 in the margin with the intention of having
it read as explanatory of ver. 16, but by some mis-
take of a transcriber it became attached to ver. 18,
where it seems to be so Irrelevant. It is sajf-evi-
dent that such a mode of criticism is not only un-
historical, but arbitrary and subjective, and hence
utterly vague and unreliable. Vet it should be-
mud, in justice to this able treatise, that many of
the suggestions which the writer makes in the de-
velopment of his theory are not only ingenious but
valuable in an exegetical point of view, and deserve
the attention of the critical student. H.
* EQUAL, no longer used as a transitive verb,
has that force in Lam. ii. 13; »'. «. "to make
equal," " compare " : " What shall I equal to thee,
that I may comfort thee, O virgin daughter of
Zion?" H.
ER ("1J, watchful: »H/>: Htr). 1. First-born
of Judah. His mother was Bath-Shuah (daughter
of Shuah), a Canaanite. His wife was Tamar, the
mother, after his death, of Pharos and Zarah, by
Judah. Er " was wicked in the sight of the Lord ;
and the I>ord slew him." It does not appear what
the nature of his sin was; but, from his Canajc-
itish birth on the mother's side, it was probably
connected with the abominable idolatries of Canaan
(Geu. xxxviii. 3-7; Num. xxvi. 19).
2. Descendant of Shelah the son of Judah (1
Chr. iv. 21).
3. Son of Jose, and father of Elmodam, in our
Lord's genealogy (Luke iii. 28), about contempo-
rary with Uzxiah king of Judah. A. C. H.
EUAN <Xy?. [matching], but Sam. and Syr.
ITS, Edan: 'EStV: Htran), son of Shuthekh,
eldest son of Ephraim (Num. xxvi. 36). The name
does not occur in the genealogies of Ephraim in 1
Chr. vii. 20-29, though a name, Ezeb (~TO), is
currence Itself of xo^P"" m that document and rn tba
epistle indicates, ss Bengel, Blevk, and others oeavr**,
that (he two somposltlnra are from Ittaiw haw
H
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760
. ERANITES
iMnd which may possibly be a corruption of it
Even to the head of the family of
E1UNITBS, THE P?$gQ [tee above];
8am. ^"TSn: i 'EStrl [Vat -mi]: Beramta),
Knm. xxvi. 36.
ERASTTJS C'Epooroi [beloved]: Erattu).
1. One of the attendants or deacons of St Paul at
Ephesus, who with Timothy was sent forward into
Macedonia while the Apostle himself remained in
Asia (Acts jrix. 22). He is probably the same with
Erastus who is again mentioned in the salutations
to Timothy (2 Tim. ir. 20), though not, as Meyer
maintains, the same with Erastus the chamberlain
of Corinth (Rom. xvi. 23).
2. Erastus the chamberlain, or rather the public
treasurer (o\kov6iu>s, arcariut) of Corinth, who
was one of the early converts to Christianity (Rom.
xvi 23). According to the traditions of the Greek
Church {Mtnol. Gracum, i. 179), he was first
oeconomus to the church at Jerusalem, and after-
wards bishop of Paneas. He is probably not the
same with Erastus who was with St Paul at Eph-
esus, for in this case we should be compelled to as-
sume that he is mentioned in the. Epistle to the Ro-
mans by the title of an office which he had once held
and afterwards resigned. W. A. W.
ET1ECH (TfTH [as Heb. enduring, ilow, but
tee an/raj: "Op<fx : AracA), one of the cities of
Nimrod's kingdom in the land of Shinar (Gen. x.
10). Until recently, the received opinion, following
the authority of St. Ephrem, Jerome, and the Tar-
gumists, identified it with Edessa or Callirhoe ( Ur-
fah), a town in the northwest of Mesopotamia.
This opinion is supported by Von Bohlen (Introd.
to Gen. p. 233), who connects the name Callirhoti
with the Biblical Erech through the Syrian form
Ewhok, suggesting the Greek word itfiboos. This
identification is, however, untenable: Edessa was
probably built by Seleucus, and could not, therefore,
hare been in existence in Ezra's time (Ezr. iv. 9),
and the extent thus given to the land of Shinar
presents a great objection. Erech must be sought
in the neighborhood of Babylon : Gesenius ( Tlitt.
p. 151 ) identifies it with Aracca on the Tigris in
Susiana; but it is doubtless the same as Orchoe
[of the Greeks], 82 miles 8. and 43 E. of Babylon,
the modem designations of the site, Warka, Irkn,
and Irak, bearing a considerable affinity to the
original name. This place appears to have been the
necropolis of the Assyrian kings, the whole neigh-
borhood being covered with mounds, and strewed
witn the remains of bricks and coffins. Some of
the bricks bear a monogram of " the moon," and
Col. Rawlinson surmises that the name Erech may
be nothing more than a form of tj.~.'} (Bonomi,
Ifinevth, p. 45, 508). The inhabitants of this
place were among those who were transplanted to
Samaria by Axnapper (Ezr. iv. 9). W. L. B.
* As to the interest of the supposed ruins of
Erch at Warka, and the discoveries there, see
Rawlinson's Five Great Monarchies, 1. 23, and
Loftus's Chaldaa and Sutinna, p. 160 ff. Prof.
Kodiger describes some of these and their monu-
nental importance, In the Zeittch. der deuttchtn
Mora. Geselltchaft, ix. 332 and x. 720. Col.
KawUnaon held at one time that Warka was Abra-
ham's Ur in Chaldaai, but subsequently was oon-
Haocd that it must be Erech. H.
ESAB-HADDON
EOtl 0*3^ [watching]: •Arflett, 'Attl [Vat
A<S«i]; Alex." AijSis in Gen.: fferi, Ber). ftos
of Gad (Gen. xlvi. 16; Num. xxvi. 16).
ELITES, THE ( s "3?n : i 'A9SI [Vat. A»
8«]: Herita). A branch of the tribe of Gad,
descended from Era (Num. xxvi. 16).
ESA1AS [8 syl.] (Rec. T. [Tisch. Treg.]
'Ho-otas; I>achm. with B [B has no breathings
o prima manu] 'Haaias'- /taias; Cod. Amiat
Etaiat), Matt iii. 3, iv. 14, viii. 17, xii. 17, xiiL
14, xv. 7; Mark [i. 2 in the best editions,] vii. 6;
Luke iii. 4, iv. 17; John i. 23, xii. 38, 39, 41;
Acts viii. 28, 30, xxviii. 25; Rom. ix. 27, 29, x.
16, 20, xv. 12. [Isaiah.]
E'SAB-HADOtON CFUT">W : [in 8 K.
and Is.,] 'Ao-optoV, [exe. Sin. in Is., Nax°pW;
in Ezr. iv. 2, ' AaapaSdv, Vat Ao-cuwasW, Alex.
AcapaSSttv;] XaxtpSor6s, LXX. [?]: 'Affaplta-
ret, Ptol.: Auliurakh-iddinn, Assyr.: Asar-hnd-
don), one of the greatest of the kings of Assyria.
He was the son of Sennacherib (2 K. xix. 37) and
the grandson of Sargon who succeeded Shahnane-
ser. It has been generally thought that he was
Sennacherib's eldest son ; and this seems to have
been the view of Polyhistor, who made Sennacherib
place a son, Atordanet, on the throne of Babylon
during his own lifetime (ap. Euseb- Chron. Can. i-
6). The contrary, however, appears by the inscrip-
tions, which show the Babylonian viceroy — called
Atordanet by Polyhistor, but Apuranaihut (Aesar-
anadius?) by Ptolemy — to have been a distinct
person from Esar-haddon. Thus nothing is really
known of Esar-haddon until his succession (ab.
u. c. 680), which seems to have followed quietly
and without difficulty on the murder of his father
and the flight of his guilty brothers (2 K. xix. 37 ,
Is. xxxvii. 38). It may, perhaps, be concluded
from this that he was, at the death of hit father,
the eldest son, Assaranadius, the Babylonian vice-
roy, having died previously.
Esar-haddou appears by his monuments to have
been one of the most powerful — if not the most
powerful — of all the Assyrian monarchs. He car-
ried his arms over all Asia between the Persian
Gulf, the Armenian mountains, and the Mediter-
ranean. Towards the east he engaged in wars with
Median tribes "of which his fathers had never
heard the name; " towards the west he extended
his influence over Cilicia and Cyprus; towards th«
south he claims authority over Egypt and over
Ethiopia. In consequence of the disaffection of
Babylon, and its frequent revolts from former
Assyrian kings, Esar-haddon, having subdued the
sons of Merodach-Baladan who headed the national
party, introduced the new policy of substituting for
the former government by viceroys a direct depend-
ence upon the Assyrian crown. He did not reduce
Babylonia to a province, or attempt its actual
absorption into the empire, but united it to bis
kingdom in the way that Hungary was, until 1848,
united to Austria, by holding both crowns himself
and residing now at one and now at the oioet
capital. He is the only Assyrian monarch whom
we find to have actually reigned at Babylon, where
he built himself a palace, bricks from which ban
been recently recovered bearing his name. lb*
Babylonian reign lasted thirteen years, from B. o
680 to b. c. 667; and it was undoubtedly within
this space of time that Manasseh, king of Jadah,
having been seized by his cantainr at <
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E8AH-H.VJDJD0N
iiImijii of rebellion, m brought before him at
Babylon (2 Chr. xxxiii. 11) and detained for a time
•s prisoner there. [Mamasskh.] Eventually Eser-
haddon, persuaded of his innocence, or excusing hie
guilt, restored him to his throne, thus giving a
proof of clemency not very usual in an oriental
monarch. It seems to hare been in a similar spirit
that Esar-haddon, according to the inscriptions,
gave a territory upon the Persian Gulf to a son of
Merodach-Boladan, who submitted to his authority
tod became a refugee at his court.
As a builder of great works Esar-haddon is
particularly distinguished. Besides his palace at
Babylon, which has been already mentioned, he
built at least three others in different parts of his
dominions, either for himself or his son ; while in a
■ingle inscription he mentions the erection by his
hands of no fewer than thirty temples in Assyria
and Mesopotamia. His works appear to have pos-
sessed a peculiar magnificence. He describes bis
temples as " shining with silver and gold," and
boasts of his Nineveh palace that it was " a build-
ing such as the kings his fathers who went before
him had never made." The southwest palace at
Nimrud is the best p re s erved of bis constructions.
This building, which was excavated by Mr. Layard,
is remarkable from the peculiarity of its plan as
well as from the scale on which it is constructed.
It corresponds in its general design almost exactly
with the palace of Solomon (1 K. vii. 1-12), but
is of larger dimensions, the great hall being 220
feet long by 100 broad (Layord's JVtn. if Bab. p.
834), and the porch or antechamber 160 feet by
60. It had the usual adornment of winged bulla,
colossal sphinxes, and sculptured slabs, but has
furnished less to our collections than many inferior
buildings, from the circumstance that it had been
originally destroyed by fire, by which the stones
and alabaster were split and calcined. This is the
more to be regretted as there is reason to believe
that Phoenician and Greek artists took part in the
ornamentation.
It is impossible to fix the length of Esar-haddon's
reign, or the order of the events which occurred in
it. Little is known to us of his history but from
his own records, and they hare not come dowu to
us in the shape of annals, but only in the form of a
general summary. That he reigned thirteen years
si Babylon is certain from the Canon of Ptolemy,
and he cannot have reigned a shorter time in
Assyria. He may, however, have reigned longer;
for it is not improbable that after a while he felt
sufficiently secure of the affections of the Baby-
lonians to reestablish the old system of rice-regal
government in their country. Saosduchinus may
have been set up as ruler of Babylon by bis authority
in B. c. 667, and he may hare withdrawn to Nin-
eveh and continued to reign there for some time
longer. His many expeditions and his great works
seem to indicate, if not even to require, a reign of
some considerable duration. It has been conjectured
bat he died about b. c. 660, after occupying the
wane for twenty years. He appears to have been
• jeeeeded by hU son Aethurjxmi-pul, or Sar-
ianapalus II., the prince for whom he had built a
palace in his own lifetime. G. R.
* For the connections of this Assyrian king with
.be Hebrew history, and for confirmation if the
Scripture account of him by the Babylonian monu-
nente, the reader may see M. von Nieuuhr,
Gachichte Auur't and Babtt$, pp. 38. 182 ff.;
Rerun Aetyr. Tempera, p. 41 ; Layard a
H8ATJ 76)
Nheveh and Babyon, pp. 845, 621 (Loud. 18U)
Rawlinson't Bampton Lecture*, p. 123 (Amor
ed.); Five Great Monorchia of At Aneitm
World, voL iii., by the same author; and Milnun's
Hilton) of the Jem, i. 483 (Ainer. ed.). H
E'SAU fHo-oS: i'tau], the oldest son of Isaac
and twin-brother of Jacob. The singular appear-
ance of the child at his birth originated the name:
" And the first came out red 031I37H), all over
like an hairy garment, and they called his name
Keau" ("lip?, Le. "hairy," « rough," Gen. xxv.
26). This was not the only remarkable circum-
stance connected with the birth of the infant Even
in the womb the twin-brothers struggled together
(xxv. 22). Esau was the first-born ; but as he was
issuing into life Jacob's hand grasped his heel.
The bitter enmity of two brothers, and the increas-
ing strife of two great nations, were thus fore-
shadowed (xxv. 23, 28). Esau's robust frame and
'• rough " aspect were the types of a wild and daring
nature. The peculiarities of his character soon
began to develop themselves. Scorning the peace-
ful and commonplace occupations of the shepherd,
he revelled in the excitement of the chase, and in
the martial exercises of the Canaanites (xxv. 27).
He was, in feet, a thorough Bedawy, a " son of the
desert" (so we may translate tt^p tt^H), who
delighted to roam free as the wind of heaven, and
who was impatient of the restraints of civilized or
settled life. His old father, by a caprice of affection
not uncommon, lored his willful, vagrant boy ; and
his keen relish for savory food being gratified by
Esau's venison, he liked him all the better for hia
skill in hunting (xxv. 28). An event occurred
which exhibited the reckless character of Esau on
the one hand, and the selfish, grasping nature of
his brother on the other. The former returned
from the field, exhausted by the exercise of the
chase, and faint with hunger. Seeing some pottage
of lentiles which Jacob had prepared, he asked foi
it. Jacob only consented to give the food on Esau's
swearing to him that he would in return give up
his birthright. There is something revolting in
this whole transaction. Jacob takes advantage of
his brother's distress to rob him of that which was
dear as life itself to an Eastern patriarch. The
birthright not only gave him the headship of the
tribe, both spiritual and temporal, and the posses-
sion of the great bulk of the family property, bat it
carried with it the covenant blemny (xxvii. 28, 29,
36; Heb. xii. 16, 17). Then again whilst Esau,
under the pressure of temporary suffering, despises
his birthright by selling it for a mess of potUgt
(Gen. xxv. 34), he afterwards attempts to seems
that which he had deliberately sold (xxvii. 4, 84,
38; Heb. xii. 17).
It is evident the whole transaction was public
for it resulted in a new name being given to Esau.
He said to Jacob, " Feed nee with that same rea
(D*T^)i therefore was bis name called Edam"
(Dllg), Gen. xxv. 80). It is worthy of note,
however, that this name is seldom applied to Esau
himself, though almost universally given to the
country he settled in, and to his posterity. [Edom ;
EovMiTEs] The name "Children of Esau" is
in a few cases applied to the Edomitas (Dent. ii. 4 ,
Jer dix. 8; Obad. 18); but it la rather a poetical
i expression.
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762
ESAU
Em lurried at the age of 40, and contrary to
the wish of his parents. His wives were both
Canaanites; and they "were bitterness of spirit
onto Isaac and to Rebekah " (Gen. xxvi. 34, 36).
The next episode in the history of Esau and
Jacob is still more painful than the former, as it
brings fully out those bitter family rivalries and
divisions, which were all but universal in ancient
times, and which are still a disgrace to Eastern
society. Jacob, through the craft of his mother, is
again successful, and secures irrevocably the cove-
nant blessing. Esau vows vengeance. But fearing
his aged father's patriarchal authority, he secretly
congratulates himself: " The days of mourning for
my father are at hand, then will I slay my brother
Jacob " (Gen. xxvii. 41). Thus he imagined that
by one bloody deed he would regain all that had
been taken from him by artifice. But he knew not
a mother's watchful care. Not a sinister glance
of his eyes, not a hasty expression of bis tongue,
escaped Rebekah. She felt that the life of her
darling son, whose gentle nature and domestic
habits had won her heart's affections, was now in
imminent peril; and she advised him to Bee for a
time to her relations in Mesopotamia. The sins
of both mother and child were visited upon them
by a long and painful separation, and all the
attendant anxieties and dangers. By a character-
istic piece of domestic policy Rebekah succeeded
both in exciting Isaac's anger against Esau, and
obtaining his consent to Jacob's departure — " and
Rebekah said to Isaac, I am weary of my life be-
cause of the daughters of Heth ; if Jacob take a
wife such as these, what good shall my life do me ? "
Her object was attained at once. The blessing was
renewed to Jacob, and he received his father's com-
mands to go to Fadan-aram (Gen. xxvii. 46, xxviii.
1-6).
When Esau heard that his father had com-
manded Jacob to take a wife of the daughters of
his kinsman I-aban, he also resolved to try whether
by a new alliance he could propitiate his parents.
He accordingly married his cousin Mahalath, the
daughter of Ishmael (xxviii. 8, 9). This marriage
appears to have brought him into connection with
the Ishmaelitish tribes beyond the valley of Arabah.
He soon afterwards established himself in Mount
Seir ; still retaining, however, some interest in his
father's property in southern Palestine. It is prob-
able that his own habits, and the idolatrous prac-
tices of his wives and rising family, continued to
excite and even increase the anger of his parents ;
uid that he, consequently, considered it more
jrudent to remove his household to a distance. He
was residing in Mount Seir when Jacob returned
from Padan-aram, and had then become so rich
and powerful that the impressions of his brother's
early offenses seem to have been almost con pletely
effaced. His reception of Jacob was cordial and
honest; though doubts and fears still lurked in the
mind of the latter, and betrayed him into some-
thing of his old duplicity; for while he promises to
go (o Seir, he carefully declines his brother's escort,
md immediately after his departure turns westward
across the Jordan (Gen. xxxii. 7, 8, 11; xxxiii. 4,
U, 17).
It does not appear that the brothers again met
Until the death of their father, about 20 years after-
wards. Mutual interests and mutual fear seem to
(ave constrained them to act honestly, and even
(Bnerously towards each other at this solemn inter-
«iew. They united in laying Isaac's body in the
rVTDRAELON
cava of Machpelah. Then "Esau Isok ah Us
cattle, ami all his substance, which he had got fat
the land of Canaan " — such, doubtless, aa Hf
father with Jacob's consent had assigned to him —
" and went into the country from the face of his
brother Jacob " (xxxv. 89, xxxvi. 8). He now saw
clearly that the covenant blessing was Jacob's; that
God had inalienably allotted the land of Canaan
to Jacob's posterity ; and that it would be folly tc
strive against the Divine will. He knew also that
as Canaan was given to Jacob, Mount Seir wan
given to himself (comp. xxvii. 39, xxxii. 8; and
Deut ii. 6); and he was, therefore, desirous with
his increased wealth and power to enter into full
possession of his country, and drive out its old
inhabitants (Deut ii. 12). Another circumstance
may have influenced him in leaving Canaan. He
lived by his sword" (Gen. xxvii. 40); and he
felt that the rocky fastnesses of Edom would be a
safer and more suitable abode for such as by their
habits provoked the hostilities of neighboring tribes,
than the open plains of southern Palestine-
There is a difficulty connected with the names
of Esau's wives, which is discussed under Ahou-
bahah and Bash km atii. Of his subst quent his-
tory nothing is known ; for that of his descendants
see Edom and Edomites. J. L. P.
ETSAU CHtni: fief), 1 Esdr. v. 39. [Ziba.]
E'SAY ('Hernial : I$aia, l$aia$), Ecclus. xhriii.
90, 33; 9 Esdr. ii. 18. [Isaiah.]
• ESCHEW, now seldom used, means in the
A. V. (Job 1. 1, 8, ii. 3; 1 Pet. iii. 11) "to flea
from" or "shun." It is from the "Id French
uehiver in that sense. H.
ESDRAEXON [Jud. iii. 9, *E<ro>ijA.<S>'; Sto.t
EffJtjpAosK; Vat. Comp. Aid. 'EaipafjKwri i" 8,
Vat. Eo-pnAwy; Alex. ZatfrriX'™'' *"• *» 'EoSpJi-
Kd/x, Vat Sin. -\mi; Comp. Aid. 'ZaSpariktifi;
i. 8, 'Eo'tpnA^.; Sin. -Aw; Vat Effppryt; Alex.
EcSpq/t : inlreliir.]. This name is merely the
Greek form of the Hebrew word Jf.zheeu It
occurs in this exact shape only twice in the A. V.
(Jud. iii. 9, iv. 6). In Jud. vii. 3 it is Es-
draelom [Esdradon, ed. 1611], and in i. 8
Esdrelom [Esdrelon, ed. 1611], with the addition
of " the great plain." In the O. T. the plain is
called the Valijcy of Jkzkeel; by Josephus the
great plain, to tiSIov p£ya. The name is derived
from the old royal city of Jkzreel, « hich occupied
a commanding site, near the eastern extremity of
the plain, on a spur of Mount Gilboa.
" The great plain of Esdraelon " extends across
central Palestine from the Mediterranean to the
Jordan, separating the mountain ranges of Carmri
and Samaria from those of Galilee. The western
section of it is properly the plain of Accro, or
'Akka. The main body of the plain is a triangle
Its base on the east extends from Jtnin (the an
dent En-gannim) to the foot of the hills belo-#
Nazareth, and is about 16 miles long; the north
side, formed by the hills of Galilee, is about 19
miles long; and the south side, formed by the
Samaria range, is about 18 miles. The apex on
the west is a uanow pass opening into the plain of
'Akka. This vast expanse has a gently undulating
surface — in spring all green with corn where cul-
ti rated, and rank weeds and grass where neglected
— dotted with several low gray tells, and near the
aides with a few olive groves. This is that fa Br)
of Mtgiddo ('"TOl!? nyn?, •» call** from *•
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E8DRAELO*
a** of Mxuddo, which stood on 1U southern
border), whan Bank triumphed, and whan king
Jofhh wu defeated and received hit death-wound
(Jndg. t.; 9 Chr. xxxv.). Probably, too, it wai
baton the mind of the Apoatle John when ha flg-
uratrrery described the final conflict between the
hoaU of good and aril who wan gathered to a
place called Ar-mageddon ('ApfurytSSiy, from the
Hebrew ITjO ~iy, that is, At city o/Megiddo;
Bar. xri. 16). The river Kukon — " that ancient
rinr" eo fatal to the atmj of Siasn (Judg. t. 91)
— drains the plain, and flows off through the pass
westward to the Mediterranean.
From the bate of this triangular plain three
branches stretch oat eastward, like fingers from a
hand, divided by two bleak, gray ridges — one bear-
ing the familiar name of Mount Gilboa; the other
called by Franks Little Hennon, but by natives
Jebei td-Duky. The northern branch has Tabor
>a the on* tide, and little Harmon on the other;
ESDBAE1.0N
768
into it the troops of Barak defiled from the heights
of Tabor (Judg. it. 6); and on its opposite side an
the sites of Nain and Endor. The swifter* branch
lies between Jenbt and Gilboa, terminating in a
point among the hilla to the eastward; it was across
it Ahasiah fled from Jehu (3 K. ix. 97). The
central branch it the richest at well at the most
celebrated; it descends in green, fertila slopes to the
banks of the Jordan, having Jesresl and Shiinem
on opposite tides at the western end, and Beth-
ahean in its midst towards the east This is the
"Valley of Jen-eel" proper— the battle-field on
which Gideon triumphed, and Saul and Jonathan
wen overthrown (Judg. vii. 1 ff.; 1 Sam. nix.
and xxxi.)
Two things an worthy of special notice in the
plain of Eedraelon. (1.) Itt wonderful richness.
Itt unbroken expanse of verdun contrasts strangely
with the gray, bleak crowns of Gilboa, and the
rugged ranges on the north and south. The gigan-
tie thistles, the luxuriant gnat, and the exubanaoa
of the crops on the far cultivated spots, show the
futility of the soil. It was the frontier of Zeb-
dun — •' Rejoice, Zebulun, in thy going out " (Deut
txxiii. 18). But it was the special portion of Is-
sachar — "And he saw that rest was good, and the
land that it was pleasant; and bowed his shoulder
to bear, and became a servant unto tribute " (Gen.
xlix. 15). (2.) Its desolation. If we except the
•astern branches, then it not a tingle inhabited
Wage on its whole surface, and not more than one
•Jxth of itt toil it cultivated. It it the home
of the wild, wandering Bedawtn, wh< scour itt
smooth turf on their fleet horses in search of plun-
der; and when hard pressed can speedily remove
heir tents and flocks beyond the Jordan, and be-
yond the reach of a weak government. It has
tlwajs bean insecure once history began. The old
CanaanUe tribes drove victoriously through it In
their iron chariots (Judg. It. 3, 7); the nomad
MUianltea and AmalaUtea— those "children of
■a* east." who wan • as grasshoppers for multi-
tude," whose "camels wen without number" -
devoured its rich pastures (Judg. vi. 1-6, vii. 1 '
the Philistines long held it, establishing a strong
hold at Beth-shean (1 Sam. xxix. 1, xxxi. 10); and
the Syrians frequently swept over it with their
armies (1 K. xx. 28; 9 K. xiii. 17). In its con-
dition, thus exposed to every hasty incursion, and
to every shock of war, we read the fortunes of that
tribe which for the sake of itt richness consented
to sink into a half-nomadic state — "Rejoice,
Issachar, in thy tents . . . Isaachar It a strong ass,
couching down between two burdens; sod he saw
that rest was good, and the land that it wu pleas-
ant, and bowed bis shoulder to bear, and became a
servant unto tribute" (Gen. xlix. 14, IS; Deut
xxxiii. 18). Once only did this tribe shake off the
yoke; when under the heavy pressure of Siasn,
" the chiefs of Isaachar were with Deborah " (Judg.
t. 15' Their expueed position and valuable pos-
sessions in this open plain made them anxious fat
the tunriiasli'in of David to the throne, at one irndai
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764 BSDBAELON
•boa p o wer f ul protection they would enjoy tint
petes and net the; loved; and the; joined with
their neighbors of Zebulun and Naphtali in •end-
ing to David pieaenU of the richest production! of
their rich country (1 Chr. lii. 83, 40).
The whole borders of the plain of Eedraelon are
dotted with places of high historio and sacred in-
terest Here we group tbem together, while re-
ferring toe reader for detail* to the separate articles.
On the east we hare Endur, Nain, and SAuntm,
ranged round the base of the "hill of Monk;"
then Belh-thean in the centre of the " Valley of
Jeered; " then (Jilboa, with the '• well of Hand,"
and the ruins of J cartel at its western bate. On
the south are En-ganmm, Taanach, and Mtgiddo.
At the western apex, on the overhanging brow of
Cai-mti, is the scene of Elijah's sacrifice; and close
by the foot of the mountain below, runs the Kitbon,
on whose banks the Use prophets of Baal were
•bun. On the north, among places of less note,
are Naaartth and Tabor. The modern Syrians
have forgotten the ancient name as they have for-
gotten the ancient history of Eedraelon; and it is
low known among them only as Merj ibn 'Amer,
"the Plain of the Son of 'Amer." A graphic
sketch of Ksdradon is given in Stanley's S. <f P.
p. 835 £ See also the Handbook for Syria and
Palatmt, p. 351 ff. ; Robinson, ii. 315-30, 366, lii.
113 ff. J. L. P.
* The plain of Esdraelon is remarkable for the
number and sanguinary character of the battles
which have been fought there from the earliest
times down to our own age. The language of the
traveller, Dr. Clarke, hardly needs qualification
when he says ( Trawls, Ac., ii. 408) that " warriors
out of every nation which is under heaven have
pitched their tent in the plain of Eedraelon, and
have beheld the various banners of their nations
wet with the dews of Tabor and of Hermon." It
was bare that Barak encountered the forces of
Siaera, and the severe battle ensued (commemorated
in the song of Deborah and Barak) which swept
over almost the entire plain and dyed its waters
with blood (Judg. iv. 4 ff. and v. 1 ff.). At the
foot of the ridge where Jezreel (Zerin) was situated,
Gideon achieved his great victory over the Amalek-
ites and Midianitea (Judg. ri. 33, lii. 1 ff.). By
the fountain ('Am J&lud) near the same city, the
host of Israel under Saul encamped, before it was
chased and scattered on the mountains of GUboa
(1 Sam. nil. 1, xzxi. 1 ff.). At Megiddo, on the
southern frontier, between Issachar and Manasseh,
Josiah, king of Judah, was defeated and shun by
the Egyptians under Necbo (3 K. xxiii. 39; 3 Chr.
txxv. 33). The army of Nebuchadnezzar, at the
lead of which was Holoferues, had their quarters
acre before Bethulia, the strong poet which com-
nranded the pass between Galilee and Samaria (Jud.
rB. 3); and here, at the foot of Tabor, Vespasian
fought against the Jews (Joseph. B. J. iv. 6, § 8).
Hsre the Crusaders and the Saracens slaughtered
a • In the Vatican. Alexandrine, and Sinaitto MSS.
J the Septuagint, and in the Aldln. edition, the books
if bra and Nnheml&h are united in one under the
attne of 2d Badru. In the Alexandrine MS. 1st b-
1ms Is entitled A Ut»m, " The Priest," and iipm Is
also prefixed as a title to 2d Bsdrea (Bom and Nehe-
sdah). A.
ft " Oratto Manassas, necnon librl duo qui sub ttbrl
drat *t quart! Esdras nomine "trcumfcrunwr, Doe hi
eco, extra scilicet seriem eanonkorum ttbrorum, qune
ESDRAS, FIRST BOOK Of
each other; and here in 1799 the Turks, with aa
army of 35,000 men, were vanquished by 3,0M
French troops under Bonaparte and KJeber. Fee
interesting notices concerning this plain, the moat
remarkable in Palestine, both geographically and
historically, see Hitter's Geography of Palatine
Mr. Gage's trans, ii. 817, 333, iv. 343 ff; and Boh
Phyt. Ueoyr. pp. 181-135. The best view of Ee-
draelon is that spread out before the observer from
the Wt ly on the hill-top above Nazareth, and the
best description of that view is the one written by
Dr. Bobinson (BibL Ret. in. 189 ff, 1st ed.). '
H.
RS'DRAS CXooptai Etdrat), 1 Sab. viiL 1,
3, 7, 8, 9, 19, 23, 25, 91, 98, 96; ix. 1, 7, 16, 39,
40, 42, 45, 46, 49; 3 Esdr. i. It it. 10, 83, 43; vi
10; vii. 8, 36; viii. 8, 19; xiv. 1, 88. [Ezra.]
E8DRA8, FIRST BOOK OF, the first in
order of the apocryphal books in the English Bible,
which follows Luther and the German Bibles in
separating the apocryphal from the canonical
books, instead of binding them up together accord-
ing to historical order (Walton's Proltgom. de
Vert. Oroc. § 9). The classification of the 4 books
which have been named after Ezra Is particularly
complicated. In the Vatican and other quasi-mod-
em editions of the LXX., our 1st Esdr. is called
thejrrst book of Esdras in relation to the canonical
book of Ezra, which follows it and is called the
fecund Esdras." But in the Vulgate, 1st Eadr.
means the canonical book of Ezra, and 3d Eadr.
means Ntktmiah, according to the primitive He-
brew arrangement, mentioned by Jerome, in which
Exra and Nthevual, made up two parts of the one
book of Ezra; and 3d and 4th Esdr. are what we
now call 1 and 3 Esdras. These last, with the
prayer of Matrasses, are the only apocryphal books
admitted to nomine into the Romish Bibles, the
other Apocrypha being declared canonical by the
Council of Trent The reason of the exclusion of
3d Esdras from the Canon seems to be that the
Tridentine fathers, in 1546, were not aware that it
existed in Greek. For it is not in the Compluten-
sian edition (1515), nor in the Biblia Regia; Vata-
blus (about 1640) bad never seen a Greek copy,
and, in the preface to the apocryphal books, speaks
of it as only existing in some MSS. and printed
Latin Bibles.' 1 Baduel also, a French Protestant
divine (BiU. Crit.) (about 1550), says that he knew
of no one who had ever seen a Greek copy. For
this reason, it seems, it was excluded from the
Canon, though it has certainly quite as good a title
to be admitted as Tobit, Judith, Ac It has in-
deed been stated (Bp. Marsh, Comp. Vita, ap.
Soames Hut. of Rtf. ii. 608) that the Council of
lYent in excluding the 3 books of Esdras followed
Augustine's Canon. But this is not so. Augus-
tine (de Doetr. Chritt. lib. U. 13) distinctly men-
tions among the libri canonici, Etdra <foo;* and
mseta Trldsnona synodus soseeett, et pro i
sufloiptaadofl decrerlt, Mpoattt sunt, ne pr awns hit**-
brent, qulppe qui 4 nonnuttls Sanctis Patriboa mtar
dum citantur, et in allquibus Biblils Latinis, tarn au»
uscriptis quam lmpressls, repsriuntur."
c Jerome, in bis preface to bis Latin vsvaaosi of
Sari and AWmioA, says, " TJaos a nobis liber <
est," etc. ; though be implies that they were aa
tinvx called 1 and 2 Ksiru.
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BSDKA8, FIK8T BOOK OF
that one of these ni our 1st Esdras is manifest
ban the quotation from it given below from Dt
(Sat. Da. Hence it is also sure that it wag in-
cluded among those pronounced as canonical by the
Id Council of Carthage A. D. 397, or 419, where
the same title is given, EnJi-a Hbri duo : where it
is to be noticed, by the way, that Augustine and
the Council of Carthage use the term canonical in
a much broader sense than we do; and that the
manifest (pound of considering them canonical in
an; sense, u their being found in the Greek copies
of the LXX. in use at that time. In all the earlier
editions of the English Bible the books of Esdras
are numbered as in the Vulgate. In the 6th Art-
icle of the Church of England (first introduced in
1571) the 1st and 3d books denote Km and Ne-
heroiah, and the 3d and 4th, among the Apocry-
pha, are our present 1st and 9d. In the list of
revtwrs or translators of the Bishops' Bible, sent by
Archbishop Parker to Sir William Cecil with the
portion revised by each, Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther,
and the apocryphal books of Esdras, seem to be all
comprised under the one title of Ebdras. Barlow,
Bp. of Chichester, was the translator, as also of the
books of Judith, Tobias, and Sapientia ( Correip.
af Arclibp. Parker, Park. Soc. p. 336). The
Geneva Bible first adopted the classification used in
our present Bibles, in which Ezha and Nehemiah
give their names to the two canonical books, and
the two apocryphal become 1 and 3 Esdras; where
I be Greek form of the name marks that these books
do not exist in Hebrew or Chaldee.
As regards the antiquity of this book and the
rank assigned to it in the early church, it may
lutfice to mention that Josepbus quotes largely
"mm it, and follows its authority, even in contra-
diction to the canonical Ezra and Nehemiah, by
•vhich he has been led into hopeless historical blun-
ders snd anachronisms. It is qnoted also by Cle-
mens Alexandrinus (Strom, i.); and the famous
sentence " Veritas manet, et invalescit in (sternum,
et vivit et obtinet in saacula swculorum," is cited
by Cyprian as from Esdras, prefaced by ui tcryjtvm
at (KpitL lxxiv.). Augustine also refers to the
same passage (Dt Chit. Dei, xviil. 36), and sug-
gests that it may be prophetical of Christ who is
the truth. He includes under the name of Esdras
sur 1 Esdr., and the canonical books of Eon and
Nehemiah. 1 Esdr. is also cited by Athanasius
and other fathers; and perhaps there is no sentence
that has been more widely divulged than that of
1 Esdr. iv. 41, " Magna est Veritas et prssvalebit."
But though it is most strange that the Council of
rrent should not have admitted this book into their
wide Canon, nothing can be cl e ar e r , on the other
hand, than that it is rightly included by us among
be Apocrypha, not only on the ground of its his-
wical inaccuracy, and contradiction of the true
azra, but also on the external evidence of the early
church. That it was never known to exist in He-
brew, and formed no part of the Hebrew Canon, is
admitted by all. Jerome, in his preface to Err.
sod Neh., speaks contemptuously of the dreams
(•omnia) of the 3d and 4th Esdras, and says they
ire to be utterly rejected. In his Proiogvt Oalt-
ttmt he clearly defines the number of books in the
V-anon, 23, corresponding to the 33 letters of the
tebrew alphabet, and says that all others are anoe-
lyphal. This of course excludes 1 Esdras. Melito,
Origen, Rusebius, Athanasius, Gregory Nazianxen,
Hilary ot Poitiers, Cyril of Jerusalem, the Council
■° LAodisea, and many other fathers, expressly fol-
E8DRAS, FIKST BOOK OF 766
low the same canon, counting as apocryphal <
ever is not comprehended in it.
As regards the contents of the book, and tbt
author o* authors of it — the first chapter n *
transcript of the two last chapters of 3 Chr. for
the most part verbntim, and only in one or two
parts slightly abridged and paraphrased, and show
tag some corruptions of the text, the use of a
different Greek version, and some various readings,
as e. ffyi. 4, /uytiKtiiri)ra for 8ia X"p4t, indi-
cating a various reading in the Hebrew ; perhaps
nb39 for 2J-)?S, or, as Bretachneidei suggests,
t3£l9»S wperfroV (*PaV), for the Hebrew of 9
Chr. xxxv. 12, TJ?^?' " with "■• oxen >" *°-
Chapters iii., iv., and v., to the end of v. 6. are th»
original portions of the book, containing the legend
of the three young Jews at the court of Darius;
and the rest is a transcript more or less exact of
the bode of Ecra, with the chapters transposed
and quite otherwise arranged, and a portion of Ne-
hemiah. Hence a twofold design in the compiler
is discernible: one to introduce and give Script-
ural sanction to the legend about Zerubbabel, which
may or may not have an historical base, and may
have existed as a separate work; the other to ex-
plain the great obscurities of the book of Ezra, and
to present the narrative, as the author understood
it, in historical order, in which, however, he has
signally failed. For, not to advert to innumerable
other contradictions, the introducing the opposition
of the heathen, as offered to Zerubbabel itfler he
had been sent to Jerusalem in such triumph by
Darius, and the describing that opposition as last-
ing "until the reign of Darius" (v. 73), and as
put down by an appeal to the decree of Cyrus, is
such a palpable inconsistency, as is alone sufficient
quite to discredit the authority of the book. It
even induces the suspicion that it is a farrago made
up of scraps by several different hands. At all
events, attempts to reconcile the different portions
with each other, or with Scripture, is lost labor.
As regards the time and place when the com-
pilation was made, the origiml portion is that
which alone affords much clew. This seems to
indicate that the writer was thoroughly conversant
with Hebrew, even if he did not write the book in
that language. He was well acquainted too with
the books of Esther and Daniel (I Kadr. iii. 1, 3
ft".), and other books of Scripture {it. i. 30, 21, 39,
41, Ac, and 46 compared with Pa. cxxxvil. 7)
But that he did not lire under the Persian kings,
and was not contemporary with the events narrated,
appears by the undiscriminating way in which he
uses promiscuously the phrase Mtdtt ami Ptrtiant,
or, Ptrtiant ami Mtdtt, according as he happened
to be imitating the language of Daniel or of the
book of Esther. The allusion in ch. Iv. 23 to
" sailing upon the sea and upon the rivers," for the
purpose of " robbing and stealing," seems to Indi-
cate residence In Egypt, and acquaintance with tlie
lawlessness of Greek pirates there acquired. The
phraseology of v. 73 savors also strongly of Greek
rather than Hebrew. If, however, as seems very
probable, the legend of Zerubbabel appeared first as
a separate piece, and was afterwards incorporated
into the narrative made up from the book of Eire,
this Greek sentence from ch. v. would net provt
anything as to the language in which the original
legend was written. The expressions in iv. 40,
" Sb# is the strength, kingdom, power, aid majastl
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766 B8DRAS, SECOND BOOK 07
rf all ages," is very like the doxology found in tome
oopiei of the lord's Prayer, and retained by lis,
"thine is the kingdom and the power and the
glory for ever." [t'omp. 1 Chr. xxix. 13.] But
Lightfoot says that the Jews in the temple serv-
ice, instead of saving Amen, used this antiphon,
'• Blessed be the name of the Glory of His King-
dom for ever and ever" (vi. 427). So that the re-
semblance may be accounted for by their being both
taken from a common source.
For a further account of the history of 'he times
embraced in this book, see Ezra; Esdkas 11.;
Joseph. Antiq. Jwl. xi. ; Hervey's Gentalog. of our
Lord Jena Chriet, ch. xi. ; Bp. Cosin on the Canon
of Scr. i Fulke's Defence of TrantL of Bible
(Park. Soc. p. 18 ff.); Kitto, Cydnp. of BM. Lit.,
art. Eedrai ; and the authorities cited in the course
of thu article. A. C. H.
* For a fuller discussion of the questions sug-
gested by this book, see Trendelenburg's essay
Uebtr den apokr. Etrat, in Kichhorn's Allgem.
BibtioOuk d. bibL Lit. i. 180 if., reprinted in Kich-
horn's EM in die apokr. Schrlflen del A. T.
(1795 ), pp. 336-377 ; O. F. Fritzeche, Exeg. Handb.
tu d. Apokr. da A. T., Lief. i. (1851), the best
commentary; De Wette, Einl 7" Ausg. (1859), pp.
395-97; Palfrey, Led. on the Jewiih Scripture*.
iv. 106-119 (Boston, 1853); Ken, EM. 8« Aufl.
(1859), pp. 677-682; Bertheau, Die Bucher /.'«»,
Necliem. u. Eiter (Exeg. Handb. Lief. xvit, 1862),
p. 14 f., on its relation to the canonical book of
Ezra; Davidson, Jntrod. to the Old TetU iii. 352-
57 (1863) , Kwald, Getch. d. Volktt /tract, 3' Ausg.
(1864), iv. 165 ft*., and the art. Etdrat by Ginsburg
in the 3d ed. of Kitto's Cijcl. of BibL Literature.
The following table may facilitate the comparison
bf the apocryphal 1st Esdras with the correspond-
ing portions of the canonical books of the Old
Testament:
Ch. i. is from 2 Chr. xxxv., xxxri.
" ii. 1-15 » Ezr. i.
« ii. 16-30 •' Ezr. tv. 7-24.
'• v. 7-73 « Err. ii. 1-iv. 5.
« Ti. 1-ix. 86 « Ear. v. 1-x. 44.
« ix. 37-56 '« Neh. vii. 73-viil. 13.
The abrupt termination of the book has led
.nost scholars to consider it incomplete in its pres-
ent form. Trendelenburg, Kichhom, De Wette,
Fritzsche, Ilertheau, and Ginsburg regard the work
as in the main a free translation from the Hebrew
»f the Old Testament books, and consequently, as
A some value for the criticism of the original text :
Keil, on the otber hand, with whom Davidson
agrees, maintains that the compiler used the Sep-
tuagint version. Tbe peculiar passage iii. 1-v. 6
is generally supposed to have been originally written
in Givek. The style of the book is much better
than that of most portions of the Septuagint, and
Is comparatively free from Hebraisms. The Syriac
version of 1st Esdras has been recently published
y Lagarde in a form more correct than that in
Gallon's Polygiott (Libri Vet. TetU apocryphi
Syriace, lips. 1861) A.
ESDRAS, THE SECOND BOOK OF,
In the English Version of the Apocrypha, and so
" by the author (2 Eadr. i. 1), is more com-
« Ofronr obtained a transcript of a Greek MS. at
•aria, bearing the title, which proved to be a wortta-
WtasnpiMkwoflaeadate. JaJirk. d. Milt, I. 70, n. ;
ESDRAS, SECOND BOOK OF
monly known, according to the reckoning of to*
Latin Version, as the fourth book of Ezra [set
above, Esdkab I.] ; but the arrangement in tbt
Latin MSS. is not uniform, and in the Arabic anc
i£thiopic versions the book is called the first of
Ezra. The original title, 'Awoa-dAvtfat "Efffyw (at
TfHXpvrtla "EcrSpa), "the Revelation of Ezra,"
which is preserved in some old catalogues of the
canonical and apocryphal books (Nicepborua, ap
Fabric. Cod. Pteudep. V. T. ii. 176 [Cod. Apocr
N. T. i. 962], Hontfiuioon, BiUioth. Coitlin. p.
194), is far more appropriate, and it were to be
wished that it could be restored."
1. For a long time this book of Ezra was knows
only by an old Latin version, which is preserved in
some MSS. of the Vulgate. This version was seed
by Ambrose, and, like the other parts of tbe Vetut
Latina, is probably older than the time of Tertul-
lian. A second Arabic text was discovered by air-
Gregory about the middle of the 17th century in
two Bodleian MSS., and an English version made
from this by Simon Ockley was inserted by Whiston
in the last [4th] volume of his Primitive Chrittitm-
ity (London, 1711 ). Fabricius added the various
readings of the Arabic text to his edition of the
Latin in 1723 (Cod. Pteudep. V. T. ii. 173 ff.). A
third jEthiopic text was published in 1820 by
[Archhp.] Laurence with English and Latin trans-
lations, likewise from a Bodleian MS. which had
remained wholly disregarded, though quoted by
Ludolf in his Dictionary (Primi Eira libri, tenia
jEthiofjica . . . Latint Angticeque reddita, Oxon.
1820). The Latin translation has been reprinted
by Ufrrrer, with tbe various readings of tbe Latin
and Arabic (Prqph. Pteudep. Stuttg. 1840, p. 66
ff.) ; but the original Arabic text had not yet been
published.
2. The three versions were all made directly
from a Greek text. This is evidently the case with
regard to the Latin (l.iicke, Vertuch enter vuOtt.
Einleitung, i. 149) aud the A£thiopic (Van der
Vlis, Ditputatio eritica de Etrat Kb. apocr. Amstel.,
1839, p. 76 ff.), and apparently so with regard to
the Arabic. A clear trace of a Greek text occurs
in tbe Epistle of Barnabas (c. xii. = 2 Ear. v. 5).
but tbe other supposed references in the Apostolic
Fathers are very uncertain (e. g. Clem. i. 20; Herm.
Past. i. 1, 3, Ac.). The next witness to the Greek
text is Clement of Alexandria, who expressly quotes
the book as the work of "the prophet Ezra"
(Strom, iii. 16, § 100). A question, however, has
been raised whether the Greek text was not itself
a translation from the Hebrew (Bretschneider, in
Henke's .Vim. iii. 478 ff. ap. LUcke,i c); but the
arguments from language by which the hypothesis
of a Hebrew (Aramaic) original is supported, are
wholly unsatisfactory ; aud in default of direct
evidence to the contrary, it must be supposed that
tbe book was composed in Greek. This conclusion
is further strengthened by its internal character,
which points to Egypt as the place of its composi-
tion.
3. The common Latin text, which is followed in
the English version, contains two important inter-
polations (ch. i., ii. ; xv., xvi.) which are not found
in thit Arabic and jEthiopic versions, and are Sep
anted from tbe genuine Apocalypse in the best
Latin MSS. Both of these passages are evidanUj
camp. Tan der Vila, Dup. eHt. de
Prof. p. 8 S
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ESDRAd, SECOND BOOK OF
af Christian origin : they contain traces of the me
af the Christian Scriptures (e. g. i. 30, 83, 37, ii.
U, 90, 46 ff., xv. 8, 35, xvi. 64), and still more
they are pervaded by an anti-Jewish spirit. Thin,
In the o|ieiiiiig chapter, Ezra is commanded to
reprove the people of Israel for their continual
rebeUkws (i. 1-23), in consequence of which God
threatens to cant them off (i. 34-34) and to "give
their houses to a people that shall come." But in
spite of their desertion, God oners once more to
receive them (ii. 1-32). The offer is rejected (ii.
33), and the heathen are called. Then Ezra sees
" the Son of God " standing in the midst of a great
multitude " wearing crowns and bearing palms in
their hands " in token of their victorious confession
of the truth. The last two chapters (xv., xvi.) are
different in character. They contain a stem prophecy
of the woes which shall come upon Egypt, Babylon,
Asia, and Syria, and upon the whole earth, with
an exhortation to the chosen to guard their faith
in the midst of all the trials with which they shall
be visited ( V the Decian persecution. Of. Liicke, p.
186, Ac.) Another smaller interpolation occurs
in the Latin version in vii. 28, where JiUut mens
Jettu answers to '* My Messiah " in the ^Ethiopic,
and to " My Son Messiah " In the Arabic (ef.
Liicke, p. 170 n. Ac). On the other band, a long
passage occurs in the .£thiopic and Arabic versions
after vii. 36, which la not found in the Latin
(Jfthlop. c. vi.), though it bears all the marks of
genuineness, and was known to Ambrose (it Bono
Mori. 10, 11). In this case the omission was prob-
ably due to dogmatic causes. The chapter con-
tains a strange description of the intermediate state
of souls, and ends with a peremptory denial of the
efficacy of human intercession after death. Vigilan-
tius appealed to the passage in support of his views,
and called down upon himself by this the severe
reproof of Jerome (Lib. c Vigil e. 7). This cir-
cumstance, combined with the Jewish complexion
of the narrative, may have led to its rejection in
later times (cf. Liicke, p. 166 ff.).
4. The original Apocalypse (lii.-xiv.) consists of
a aeries of angelic 1 revelations and visions in which
Ezra is instructed in some of the great mysteries
of the moral world, and assured of the final triumph
of the righteous. The Jirtt revelation (iii.-v. 15,
according to the A. V.) is given by the angel Uriel
to Ezra, in " the thirtieth year after the rain of
the city," in answer to his complaints (c. iii.) that
Israel was neglected by God while the heathen were
lords over them ; and the chief subject is the un-
searchableness of God's purposes, and the signs of
the last age. The second revelation (v. 20-vi. 34)
carries out this teaching yet further, and lays open
the gradual progress of the plan of Providence, and
tbe nearness of the visitstion before which evil must
attain its most terrible climax. The third recti i-
tion (vi. 35-ix. 25) answers the objections which
arise from the apparent narrowness of the limits
within which the hope of blessedness is confined,
and describes the coming of Messiah and the last
scene of Judgment. After this follow three visions.
The/nd rinon (ix. 36-x. 59) is of a woman (Skm)
tn deep sorrow, lamenting tbe death, upon his
bridal day, of her only son (the city ouih by
Solomon), who had been born to her after she had
bad no child for thirty years. But while Ezra
' ■ The description of the duration of the world as
'•Mdtd into twelve (Ian JRA.) parts, of which km
■ sans are fans already, and half of a tenth part " fxjv.
JE8DRAS, SECOND BOOK OF 761
looked, her face "upon a sudden shined exceed-
ingly," and " the woman appeared no more, but
there was a city builded." The second vision (xi.-
xiL), in a dream, is of an eagle (Rome) which
"came up from the sea" and "spread hei
wings over all tbe earth." As Ezra looked, the
eagle suffered strange transformations, so that at
one time "three heads and six little wings" re-
mained; and at last only one head was left, when
suddenly a lion (Messiah) came forth, and with tbe
voice of a man rebuked the eagle, and it was burnt
up. The third vision (xiii.), in a dream, is of i
man (Messiah) " flying with tbe clouds of heaven,"
against whom the nations of the earth are gathered
tUl be destroys them with the blast of his mouth,
and gathers together the lost tribes of Israel and
offers Skm, " prepared and builded," to his people
Tbe last chapter (xiv.) recounts an appearance to
Ezra of tbe Lord who showed himself to Moses in
the bush, at whose command he receives again the
Law which had been burnt, and with tbe help of
scribes writes down ninety-four books (the twenty-
four canonical books of the O. T. and seventy books
of secret mysteries), and thus the people is prepared
for its last trial, guided by tbe recovered Law.
6. Tbe data of the book is much disputed,
though the limits within which opinions vary are
narrower than in the case of the book of Enoch.
Liicke ( Vertuch einer voilti. /.'inf. Ac., 2« Aufl. i.
209) places it in the time of Caesar; Van der Vlis
(Disput. crU. I c) shortly sfter the death of Coast
Laurence (L c.) brings it down somewhat lower, to
28-25 B. c, and HUgenfeld (Jid. Apolc p. 221)
agrees with this conclusion, though he arrives at
it by very different reasoning. On the other hand
Gfrorer (Jahrh. d. Heils,i. 69 ff.) assigns the book
to the time of Domitian, and in this he is followed
by Wiesder and by [Bruno] Bauer (Liicke, p. 189,
die.), while Liicke in bis first edition bad regarded
it as tbe work of a Hellenist of the time of Trajan.
The interpretation of the details nf the vision of
the eagle, which furnishes the chief data for de-
termining the time of its composition, is extremely
uncertain from the difficulty of regarding the his-
tory of the period from the point of view of the
author; and this difficulty is increased by the
allusion to the desolation of Jerusalem, which may
be merely suggested by tbe circuuutanom of Ezra,
the imaginary author: or, on the contrary, the
last destruction of Jerusalem may have suggested
Ezra as the medium of the new revelation. (Ct.
Fabrioiua, Cod. Psevdep. ii. p. 189 ff. and Liicke,
p. 187, n. Ac., for a summary of the earlier opinions
on tbe composition of the book.)
6. Tbe chief characteristics of the " three-headed
eagle " which refer apparently to historic details,'
are " twelve feathered wings " (duodecim ale pen
narum), "eight counter-feathers" (contraries peo-
ns), and "three heads;" but though the writer
expressly interprets these of kings (xii. 14, 20) and
"kingdoms" (xii. 23), be is, perhaps intentionally,
so obscure in his allusions, that the interpretation
only increases the difficulties of the vision itself. One
point only may be considered certain, — the eagle
can typify no other empire than Home. Notwith
standing the identification of the eagle with tot
fourth empire of Daniel (cf. Barn. Ep. 4; Dajosu ,
Book or), it is impossible to suppose that it rep-
11), Is so wasertstn In its reckoning, that no erguoMSIt
can be b as ed upon It.
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768 ESDBAS, SECOND BOOK OF
resents the Greek kingdom (Hilgenfeld; ef. Volk-
our, Das vierte Buck Etra, p. 36 ff. Zurich, 1868).
The power of the Ptolemies could scarcely have
been deaoribed in language which maybe rightly
applied to Rome (xi. 2, 6, 40); and the succession
sf kings quoted by Hilgenfeld to represent ■> the
twelve wings" preserves only a faint resemblance
to the imagery of the vision. But when it is estab-
lished that the interpretation of the vision is to be
sought in the history of Rome, the chief difficulties
of the problem begin. The second wing (i. e. long)
rules twice as long as the other (xi. 17). This fact
seems to point to Octavian and the line of the
Caesars ; but thus the line of " twelve " leads to no
plausible conclusion. If it is supposed to close with
Trajan (Ldcke, late Aufl.), the "three beads"
receive no satisfactory explanation. If, again, the
" three heads " represent the three Flavii, then '• the
twelve" must be composed of the nine Caesars
(Jul. Cases* — Vitellius) and the three pretenders
Piso, Vindex, and Nymphidius (Gfrirer), who could
scarcely have been brought within the range of a
Jewish Apocalypse. Volkmar proposes a new in-
terpretation, by which two wings are to represent
one king, and argues that this symbol was chosen
in order to conceal better from strange eyes the
revelation of the seer. The twelve wings thus rep-
resent the six Caesars (Caesar — Nero); the eight
" counter-feathers," the usurping emperors Galba,
Otho, Vitellius, and Nerva; and the three heads
the three Fundi. This hypothesis offers many
striking coincidences with the text, but at the same
time it is directly opposed to the form of interpre-
tation given by Kzra (xii. 14, regnabunt . . . duo-
dedm reges ... v. \S,oclo reges), and Volkmar' »
hypothesis that the tmlct and tiyht were marked
in the original MS. in some way so as to suggest
the notion of division, is extremely improbable.
Van der Vlis and Liicke in his later edition regard
the twelve kings as only generally symbolic of the
Roman power; and while they identify the three
heads with the Triumvirs, seek no explanation of
the other details. All is evidently as yet vague
and uncertain, and will probably remain so till
some clearer light can be thrown upon Jewish
thought and history during the critical period 100
b. c-100 A. r>.
7. But while the date of the book must be left un-
leteruiined, there can be no doubt that it is a gen-
uine product of Jewish thought. Weisse (£mn-
geKtn/rnge, p. 233) alone dissents on this point
from the unanimous judgment of recent scholars
(Hilgenfeld, p. 190, Ac.); and the contrast between
the tone and style of the Christian interpolations
and the remainder of the book is in itself sufficient
to prove the fact. The Apocalypse was probably
written in Egypt; the opening and closing chapters
xrtainly were.
8. In tone and character the Apocalypse of Ezra
offers a striking contrast to that of Enoch [Enoch,
Book of.] Triumphant anticipations are over-
shadowed by gloomy forebodings of the destiny of
the world. The idea of victory is lost in that of
revaige. Future blessedness is reserved only for
'a very few" (rli. 70, rill. 1, 8, 62-66, rii. 1-13).
Hie great question is " not bow the ungodly shall
x punished, but how the righteous shall be saved,
far whom the world is created" (ix. 18). The
"woes of Messiah" are described with a terrible
minuteness which approaches the despairing tradi-
tion! of the Talmud (v., xiv. 10 ff., ix. 3 ff.): and
iftar a reign of 400 years (rii. 28-35; the clause
ESDBAS, SECOND BOOK Ot
h wanting in iEth. v. 89) " Christ," it Is said
'• my Son, shall die (Arab, omits), and all men shall
have breath; and the world shall be turned intc
the old silence seven days, like as In the first be-
ginning, and no man shall remain " (rii. 29).
Then shall follow the resurrection and the judg-
ment, " the end of this time and the beginning of
immortality " (rii. 43). In other points the doe-
trine of the book offers curious approximations to
that of St Paul, as the imagery does to that of the
Apocalypse (e. g. 2 Esdr. xiii. 48 ff.; r. 4). The
relation of " the first Adam " to his sinful poster-
ity, and the operation of the Law (iii. 20 ff., rii
48, ix. 86) ; the transitoriness of the world (b. 86);
the eternal counsels of God (ri. ff.); hit providence
(rii. 11) and long-suffering (rii. 64); his ssnctmca-
tion of his people >• from the beginning " (ix. 8)
and their peculiar and lasting privileges (ri. 69)
are plainly stated : and on the other hand the effi-
cacy of good works (viii. 83) in conjunction with
faith (ix. 7) Is no less clearly affirmed.
9. One tradition which the book contains ob-
tained a wide reception in early times, and served
as a pendant to the legend of the origin of the
LXX. Ezra, it is said, in answer to his prayer
that he might be inspired to write again all the
Law which was burnt, received a command to take
with him tablet* and five men, and retire for forty
days. In this retirement a cop was given him to
drink, and forthwith his understanding was quick-
ened and his memory strengthened ; and for forty
days and forty nights he dictated to his scribes,
who wrote ninety-four books (Latin, 204), of which
twenty-four were delivered to the people in place
of the books which were lost (xiv. 20-48). This
strange story waa repeated in various forms by Ire-
nseus (adv. Har. iii. 31, 3), Tertullian (He Cult.
Farm, i. 3, " omne instrumentum Judaic*; litera-
ture per Esdram constat restauratum"), Clement
of Alexandria (Strom. 1. 22, p. 410, P. cf. p. 892),
Jerome (adv. liek. 7, cf. Pseudo-Augustine, dt
Afirnb. S. Scr. it. 33), and many others; and
probably owed it* origin to the tradition which
regarded Kara as the representative of the men of
" the Great Synagogue," to whom the final revision
of the canonical books was universally assigned in
early times. [Canon.]
10. Though the book was assigned to the
•' prophet " Kara by Clement of Alexandria (Strom.
iii. 16, p. 666 P.) and quoted with respect by Ire-
n«eua (I. c), Tertullian (? L c. Cf. mh. Mare. ir.
16), and Ambrose (£>. xxxIy. 2; dt Bom Mortit,
10 ff.), it did not maintain its ecclesiastical position
in the church. Jerome speaks of it with contempt,
and it is rarely found in MSS. of the I>atin Bible.
Archbishop Laurence examined 181) MSS. and the
book was contained only in thirteen, and in these
it was arranged very differently. It is found, bow-
ever, in the printed copies of the Vulgate older
than the Council of Trent, by which it waa ex-
cluded from the Canon; and quotations from it
still occur in the Roman services (Basnage, ap.
Fabr. Cad. Puudtp. ii. 191 ). On the other hand,
though this book Is included among those which
are "read for examples of life" by the English
Church, no use of it is there made in public wo*
ship. Luther and the Reformed Church rejected
the book entirely; but it waa held in high estima-
tion by numerous mystics (Fabric. L c. p. 178 ff.' _
for whom its contents naturally had great astrao '
tiona.
11. The chief literature of the subject ha* bees
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ESDRAS, SECOND BOOK OF
E8H-BAAL
T69
in the course of the article. I.iicke has,
perhaps, given the beet general account of the book;
but the essay of Van der Vli* it the moat important
contribution to the study of the text, of which a
critical edition is still needed, though the Latin
materials for its construction are abundant.
B. F. W.
* Since the preceding article was published, the
subject has been much discussed ; and the recent
literature is too important to be passed over with-
out notice. Volkmar's view of the book as set
forth in his Dnt vietle Bach Etra, u. s. w. Zurich,
1868, was criticised by Hilgenfeld ( Vollcmar'i £nl~
deckungen ib. dnt Apok. det Etra, u. s. w.) in his
Zeittchr. f. ma. TheoL 1858, i. 247-270. In the
routine of the same periodical for 1880 (iii. 1-81),
the Abject was further discussed by A. von Gut-
achmid, Die Apuk. d. Etra u. ihre tpStern Bearbeit-
mom (comp. Kwald, Jahrb. x. 222 ff.) ; and Ewald
had in the mean time presented his view of the
question in his Getch. d. I'olket Itr. vii. 62-78
(1859), referring the book to the tune of Titus, 78-
81 A. 0. See also Dilknann, art. Pttudepigr. dtt
A. T. in Herxog's ReaLEncykl xii. 310 ff. (1860).
Gutschmid agreed with Hilgenfeld in assigning the
date of the main body of the work to about 30
B. c, but endeavored to rid himself of that crux
interpretam, the vision of the Eagle (ch. xi., xii.)
by the hypothesis of interpolation. Uilgenfeld re-
viewed the recent Apocalyptic literature in an elab-
orate article, Die jud. Apokalyptik u. die neuetten
Fortchungen, in his Zeittchr./. mitt. Theol. 1860,
iii. 301-362 (on 2 Esdras, p. 335 ff.). In this arti-
cle he was constrained to abandon the explanation
which he had previously given of the 20 kings in
the vision of the Eagle, and endeavored to find
them among the Seleucida instead of the Ptole-
mies. It must be confessed, however, that the
manner in which they are made out is far from
jatiafactory. Volkmar briefly replied in the Zeittchr.
f. wim. Theol 1861, iv. 83 ff., and in 1863 pub-
lished Dai vierte Buck Etra, turn Erttenmale mil-
tlundig herauigegeben, as the 2d Abtbeilung of
his ffandbveh zv den Apokryphen. This important
work, indispensable to one who would make a thor-
ough study of the book, contains a critical edition
of the text of the Old Latin or Italic version, ac-
cording to the Codex Sangermnnenrii of the 9th
century, with the various readings of a newly dis-
covered MS. of that version belonging to the State
Library at Zurich (Codex Turicentii), and also of
the Arabic and /F.thiopic versions, so far as the
means of giving them were then available. This
text is accompanied by a critical and exegetical
commentary, a new German translation, and a full
discussion (pp. 273-408) of the questions relating
to the nature and history of the book. This work
was reviewed by Hilgenfeld in an article in his
Zeittchr.f. tout. TheoL tor 1863, which was issued
separately, with additions, under the title Die
Prepketen Etra u. Daniel u. ihre neuetten Bear-
beitiengen, Halle, 1863. Shortly after, in the same
year, Ewald (who had previously criticised Volkmar
in the Getting, gelehrte Anzeigen, 1863, p. 641 ff.)
published Dnt vierte Etrabuch nach teinem tetial-
ler, semen Arabitehen uberitsungen u. einer neuen
uiedcrhertteUung, Gottingen, 1883, 4to, separately
printed from vol xi. of the Abhandlmgv. of the
• The word rendered "atrln " (2 > "1) In the former
■art of tit. 20, and In 21 and 21,1s not the ssnwas
skat from which E—k dntvtd lis name ud should
48
Royal Acad, of Sciences at Gottingen. Here be
gives us for the first time, from a MS. in the Bod-
leian Library at Oxford, an edition of the Arabic
version of the book, which bad before been known
only by Ockley's English translation, also a portion
of another Arabic version, and various readings,
communicated by Dilknann, of several MSS. of the
/Ethiopic version. — As to the comparative fidelity
of these ancient translations, there is a difference
of opinion. Volkmar regards the Old Latin ver-
sion as almost a daguerreotype of the original
Greek ; Hilgenfeld gives the preference to the Arabic ;
Ewald generally adheres to the Old Latin text, but
not (infrequently adopts the readings of the Araoic,
and occasionally of the iEthiopic, in their stead.
For a good review, by Hermann Schultz, of the
essays of Hilgenfeld, Volkmar, and Ewald, on the
2d book of Esdras, see the Jahrb. f. deuttche
TheoL 1864, ix. 166-173. Volkmar's view re-
specting the date of 2d Esdras (97 A. D.) appears
to be gaining prevalence, being adopted by writers
of opposite schools, as Strauss, Colani, Scholten,
lYessensd, and the Catholic Langen in his recent
treatise, Dai Judenthum tar Ztit Jetu (1866), p.
118 ff. But the contest, it appears, is not yet over.
Hilgenfeld, hi a notice of Volkmar's last work,
Mote Prophe&e u. ffimmel/ahrt, Leipz. 1867,
which is closely connected in its subject with the
second book of Esdras, announces that be " sliall
soon speak further respecting the prophet Ears,
and explain the only real difficulty in the way 04
his view, namely, the passage, ch. xi. 17, without
any alteration of the text" (Zeittchr. f. mitt.
TheoL 1867, x. 217). A.
• ESDRBTiOM, ESDRE'LON. [Ea-
URAELOH.]
ES'EBON, they op (rob* 'E«™/Wto»
(Vat -r«-; Sin. Aid.] Alex, root 'Eo-«0dV: Bt»
ebon), Jud. v. 15. [Hesiibon.]
ESEBRI'AS ('Enorffor; [Aid. 'Ecr.pjBuu
Wechel (1597) 'Eatfylas:] Sedebiat), 1 Esdr
viii. 54. [Sherebiah.J
E'SEK (p^? {ttrife} : 'Aoucfa: Cahmma)
a well (TH5) containing a spring of water; which
the herdsmen of Isaac dug in the valley of Gerar,
and which received its name of Esek or "strife," be
cause the herd men of Gerar " strove " OlpHPynn)
with him for the possession of it " (Gen. xxvi. 20)
ESIl-BA'AL (Vpat^ = Bonn mot •
'Aaa0i\i [1 Chr. viii. 33, Alex. Uffaa\, Aid
'Ico-flodA, Comp. 'Io-SadA; ix. 39, Vat ItjBooA
Alex. BaaA, AM. 'lofiiiK, Comp. Sin. 'l<r$aix]
Etb tat), the fourth son of Saul, according to the
genealogy of 1 Chr. viii. 33 and ix. 39. He is
doubtless the same person as Imi-bosheth, since
it was the practice to change the obnoxious name
of Baal into Bosheth or Besheth, as in the case of
Jerub-besheth for Jerub-baal, and (in this very
genealogy) of Merib-baal for Mephi-bosheth : com-
pare also Hos. ix. 10, where Bosheth (A. V.
"shame") appears to be used as a synonym fot
Baal. If Esh-baal is not identical with Ish-bosBeth,
the latter has been omitted entirely from these lists
of Saul's descendants, which, considering his- post-
be translated by a dUbrent English word. Sack
points, though small, an anything but mnmpor!aat
In eannseMon with these ancient and nscollar r words
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T70
ESHBAN
Hon, b not likely. Which of the two names ii
the earlier It U not possible to decide. G.
ESHTJAN O^BJH [woe hero, Fiirst]: 'A<r-
«■>, 'Avfidr; Alex, [in 1 Chr.] Ets&u-: l'«e-
fcm), a Horite; one of the four sons of Dish ah
(so the Hebrew in Gen.; but A. V. has Diahon),
the sou of Seir the Horite (Gen. ixxvi. 26; 1 Chr.
i. 41). No trace of the name appears to have
been discovered among the modern tribes of Idu-
ESH'COL (bbtpM [a bunch, duster, espe-
cially of grapes] : 'Eo^A ; [Alex. rer. 24, Zur-
S»A;] Josephus 'Eff;r.a>Aigf : Aieiof), brother of
.scare the Amorite, and of Aner; and one of
Abraham's companions in his pursuit of the four
kings who had carried off tot (Gen. xiv. 13, 24).
According to Josephus (Ant. i. 10, § 2) he was
the foremost of the three brothers, but the Bible
narrative leaves this quite uncertain (comp. 13 with
24). Their residence was at Hebron (xiii. 18),
and possibly the name of Eshcol remained attached
to one of the fruitful valleys in that district till the
arrival of the Israelites, who then interpreted the
appellation as significant of the gigantic " cluster "
(in Hebr. Etheol), which they obtained there.
• It is more probable that Eshcol, the chieftain,
derived the name from the region or town over
which he ruled, which in its turn was so called on
account of its fruitful vineyards. So in the case
of Shechem (Gen. xxxiv. 2), the Hivito prince
must have taken his name from the place, and not
the place from him [Shechem]. The Amoritic
name may well have been very similar in form, as
well as meaning, to the later Hebrew name. H.
BSH'OOIi, THE VALLEY, OK THE
BROOK, OP (VlS^rbra, or bitftg:
'pifxtyt, pirpvot' [Torrent botri,] Nehdencol, id
tit torrent botri, [Valtis botri]), a wady In the
neighborhood of Hebron, explored by the spies who
were sent by Moses from Kadesh-baniea. From
the terms of two of the notices of this transaction
(Num. xxxii. 9; Deut- i. 24) it might he gathered
that Eshcol was the furthest point to which the
spies penetrated. But this would be to contradict
the express statement of Num. xiii. 21, that tbey
went as far as Rehob. From this fruitful valley
they brought back a huge cluster of grapes, an in-
cident which, according to the narrative, obtained
for the place its appellation of the " valley of the
cluster" (Num. xiii. 23, 24). It is true that in
Hebrew Eshcol signifies a cluster or bunch, but
the name had existed in this neighborhood centu-
ries before, when Abraham lived there with the
chiefs Aner, Eshcol, and Mature, not Hebrews but
Amorites; and this was possibly the Hebrew way
of appropriating the ancient name derived from
that hero into the language of the conquerors, con-
sistently with the paronomastic turns so much in
favor at that time, and vith a practice of which
traces appear elsewhere. [See under Kslicou]
In the Onomastiam of Eusebius the <pdptry{ $6-
rpvat is placed, with some hesitation, at Gophna,
Ifteen miles north of Jerusalem, on the Neapolis
* • We bava a minute account of the valley of
tiebron %nd Its immediate neighborhood, by Dr. Bonn,
lbs Prussian consul at Jerusalem, In the Zfittck. d. D.
m QnOnkafl, 1868 (ril. 481.482). Im-tead of Van
Is Md»* ' Am-Estali (written Sshkali than ; aw bis
ESHTAOL
road. By Jerome it Is given as noith o. Hebron
on the road to Bethsur (Epitaph. Prmim). The
Jewish traveller Ha-Parchi speaks of it as north of
the mountain on which the (ancient) city of Helena
stood (Benjamin of Tudela, Ather, ii. 437); and
here the name bu been lately observed still attached
to a spring of remarkably fine water called ' Ain-
EskhiU, in a valley which crosses the vale of He-
bron N. E. and S. W., and about two miles north
of the town (Tan de Velde, Nnrratkt, Ac, ii. 64).
It is right to say that this interesting intelligence
has not been yet confirmed by other observers*
G.
* Mr. Tristram's description of this valla} aa ii
now is (Lnnd of Israel, p. 397, 2d ed.), shows bow
well it must have deserved its ancient fame. « Tin
walk up the valley revealed to us for the first timt
what Judah was everywhere else in the days of its
prosperity. Bare and stony as are the hill-sides,
not an inch of space is lost. Terraces, where tit*
ground is not too rocky, support the soil. Ancient
vineyards cling to the lower slopes; olive, mulberry,
almond, fig, and pomegranate trees fill every availa-
ble cranny to the very crest, while the bottom of
the valley is carefully tilled for corn, carrots, aud
cauliflowers, which will soon give place to melons
and cucumbers. Streamlets of fresh water trickled
on each side of our path. The production and fer-
tility, as evidenced even in winter, is extraordinary;
and the culture is equal to that of Malta, flat
catacomb of perished cities, the hill-country of
Judah, through whose labyrinths we yesterday
wandered, is all explained by a walk up the Vale
of Eshcol ; and those who doubt the ancient records
of the population, or the census of David or his
successors, have only to look at this valley, and by
the light of its commentary to read the story of
those cities.'' II.
ESHEAN Oyt^: 2op*<; [Comp. Aid.]
Alex. 'Eo-uV: Etaan), one of the cities of Judah,
in the mountainous district, and in the same group
with Hebron (Josh. xv. 52). The name does not
occur again, nor has it been met with in modern
times. U.
E'SHEK (ptpy: 'AcrtiA; Alex. Eo-cAck;
[Comp. 'Ao-e*:] Etec), a Benjamite, one of the
kite descendants of Saul; the founder of a large
and noted fa nily of archers, lit. " traders of the
bow " (1 Cht. viii. 39). The name is omitted in
the parallel lilt of 1 Chr. ix.
ESH'KALONITES, THE (accurately "the
Eshklonite," ^V^t^n, in the singular num-
ber: t<? 'A<rKaK»v{rp{ [Vat. -rs«-:] Ascalomtx)
Josh. xiii. 3. [Abhkeloh.]
ESHTAOL (V«$??tf »d >fo?Xfo [r.
cent, Ges. ; deep or hoVoa way, Fttrst] : ' AffrsuS*.,
'Aci, 'Eo-ftuJA, [etc. : Ertaol,'] Etthaot), a town in
the low country — the Sheftiah — of Judah. It
is the first of the first group of cities in that dis-
trict (Josh. xr. 83), enumerated with Zoreah (Heb
Zareah), in company with which It is oommonlj
mentioned. Zorah and Eshtaol were two of the
towns allotted to the tribe of Dan out of Judah
Syr. $ Pal. H. 64), Dr. Rosen, who speaks of the mm
fountain, writes the name as ' Ain-et-KasUtala. Though
an expert Arabic scholar, he ion not recognise Urir
name as related In any way to Bahooi Res ales Bse>
Pkgi. Ototr. p. 121 ■-
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BSHTAULITB8
^osh. xix. 41). Between them, and behind Kir-
jath-jearim, was situated Mahaneh-Dan, the camp
ir stronghold which formed the head-quarters of
that little community during their constant en-
sounters with the Philistines. Here, among the
aid warriors of the tribe, Samson spent his boy-
hood, and experienced the first impulses of the
Spirit of Jehovah ; and hither after his last exploit
his body was brought, up the long slopes of the
western hills, to it* last rest in the burying-phce
of Manoah his father (Jndg. xiii. 25, xvi. 31, xviii.
2, 8, 1 1, 13). [Dan.] In the genealogical records
rf 1 Chron. the relationship between Eshtaol,
Zareah, and Kirjath-jearim is still maintained.
[ESHTAVLITBS.]
Iu the Onomastiem of Eusebhu tnd Jerome
Eshtaol is twice mentioned — (1) as Astaol of Ju-
dah, described as then existing between Azotus and
Ascalon under the name of Aitho; (2) as Esthaul
of Dan, ten miles N. of Eleutheropolis. The latter
position is hardly more in accordance with the in-
dications of the Bible. In more modern times the
name has vanished. Zorah has been recognized as
Strah (Rob. 3. 14, 16, 224, iu. 163), but the iden-
tification of Eshtaol has yet to be made. Schwarz
(p. 102) mentions a Tillage named Stunl, west of
Zorah, but, apart from the fact that this is corrob-
orated by no other traveller and by no map, the
situation is too far west to be " behind Kirjath-
jearim" if Kuryet eLEnab be Kirjath-jearim,
The village marked on the maps of Robinson and
Van de Velde, Yethia, and alluded to by the former
(iii. 155), is nearer the requisite position; but the
resemblance between the two names is too faint to
admit of identification. G.
ESSEN ES
771
ESHTAULITES, THE 07^-NpWn,
iccurately " the Esbtalilite," in singular number ;
viol 'EaSain, Alex.. oi EtrOawAoioi : Eilhaolila),
with the Zareathites, were among the families of
Kirjath-jearim (1 Chr. ii. 53). [Eshtaol.]
ESHTEMO'A, and in shorter form, without
the final guttural, ESHTEMOH (yVDijI?^
*nd n&i^trt4 [tconum of renown, but uncertain] ;
the latter occurs in Josh. xv. only: [in Josh, iv.,]
oorruptly 'Et «al M«V; Alex. EaQt/ut; [Josh,
xxi.,] Tt/ti; [Alex. KaBt/ut; 1 Sam.,] 'Eo-fW
[Vat. -«««; Alex. EffOc/ta; 1 Chr. iv. 17, '%a9mr
udr; Alex. E(T0€/M>r; vi. 57,] 'Eo4ayu(: Istemo,
E$temo, [Etthamo, Etthemo]), a town of Judah, in
the mountains; one of the group containing De-
bih (Josh. xv. 50). With its "suburbs" Esh-
letnoa was allotted to the priests (xxi. 14; 1 Chr.
ti. 57). It was one of the places frequented by
David and his followers during the long period of
their wanderings; and to his friends there he sent
presents of the spoil of the Amalekites (1 Sam.
xxx. 28, comp. 81). The place was known in the
time of Eusebius and Jerome (pragrandit view),
though their description of its locality is too vague
to enable us to determine it (Onom. EttAemo).
But there is little doubt that it has been discovered
Dy Dr. Robinson at Semu'a, a village wen miles
south nl Hebron, on the grent road from tl-MUh,
aontaining considerable ancient remains, and in the
aeighborhood of other villages still bearing the
nines of its companions in the list of Josh, xv.,
M Anab, Soeoh, Jattir, Ac. (See Robinson, 1. 494.
1. 204, 205; Schwarz, p. 105; [Wilson, LaivUof
t<Ji»!,lM])
la tba hats —half genealogical, half topograph-
ical — of the descendants of Judu in I Chr., Esh-
temoa occurs as derived from Ishbah, " the father
of Eshtemoa" (1 Chr. iv. 17); Gedor, Soeoh, and
Zanoah, all towns in the same locality, being named
in the following verse. Eshtemna appears to hare
been founded by the descendants of the Egyptian
wife of a certain Mend, the three other towns by
those of his Jewish wife. See the explanations of
Bertheau (Chronile, ad loc.). 0.
• The " father of Eshtemoa," as Ishbah is called
(see above), means that be was its founder or re-
pairer, and head of the dan. [Father.] A
recent traveller says that the town has now about
500 inhabitants. The ruins there consist of the
remains of an early Greek church, many pieces of
ancient carving, a marble sarcophagus built into
the wall, and numerous sculptured doorways and
broken columns (Tristram, Land of Itrael, p. 891,
2d ed.). The " hill-country " of Judah is full of
such examples of the ancient prosperity and pre*
ent decay. H.
ESHTEMO'A r/EcrOwpftV; Alex. I«r0c/u»i:
Etthamo] in 1 Chr. iv. 19 appears to be the name
of an actual person. [Maachathitk.]
ESHTON (pTlttft* [effeminate or mmiom,
Gesen.]: 'KaaaBiv- Etthon), a name which oc-
curs in the genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 11, 12).
Hehir was " the father of Esbton," and amongst
the names of his four children [three] are two —
Beth-rapha and Ir-nahash — which hare the appear
ance of being names, not of persons [merely], but
of places. G.
£80,1 (Rec T. 'Eo-Af, [Tiach. and Treg. with]
B [Sin. eto] 'EoAsf, probably ==in^?SM, Aea-
li ah : EiK, Cod. Amiat. Hetli), son of Nagge oc
Naggai, and father of Naum, in the genealogy of
Christ (Luke iii. 25). See Hervey, Genttuogie*,
Ac., p. 136.
ESOTRA (KUntpi; [Sin.i Ajxwroiwia; Comp.
Aid. 'E<n»j><(:] Vulg. omits: the Peshito Syriae
reads Belhchorn), a place fortified by the Jews on
the approach of the Assyrian army under Hdofer-
nes (Jud. ir. 4). The name may be the represent-
ative of the Hebrew word Hazor, or Zorah (Si-
moms, Onom. N. T. 19), but no identification has
yet been arrived at. The Syriae reading suggests
Beth-boron, which is not impossible.
•ESPOUSAL. [Marriage.]
ESTtlL CEo-plA; [Vat. £<>«*;] Alex, zfa,
Vulg omits), 1 Esdr. ix. 84. [Azahekl 4, «
Sharai.]
ESUOM (Rec T. 'Eopjm} in Lake, Lachm.
with B, 'Eo-paV [so Hi. and Tisch. 7th ed.]: Et-
rom\ Matt. i. 3; Luke iii. 33. [HxzRox.j
ESSETfES. 1. In describing the different
sects which existed among the Jews in his own
time, Josephus dwells at great length and with
especial emphasis on the faith and practice of the
Eitenet, who appear in his description to combine
the ascetic virtues of the Pythagoreans and Stoics
with a spiritual knowledge of the Divine Law. An
analogous sect, marked, however, by characteristic
differences, appears in the Egyptian TherapeuttB,
and from the detailed notices of Josephus (B. J.
ii 8; Ant. xiii 5, § 9, xv. 10, § 4 f., xviii. 1, § 2 fr.)
and Philo ( Quod m*. prob. liber, 5 12 ft; Fragm.
de Vita ocmtemplniita ap. Euseb. Prop. Ev.), aad
the casual remarks of Pliny (H. N. v. 17), latet
writers have frequently discussed the relation wkiea
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772 ESSENES
thaw Jewish mystics occupied towards the papular
religion of the time, and more particularly towards
the doctrines of Christianity. For it is a most
remarkable fact that the existence of such sects
appears to be unrecognised both in the apostolic
writings snd in early Hebrew literature.
2. The name Ettene ('Eo-o-nrof, Joseph. Etteni,
Win.) or Eetoxm ('Eovcuoi, Philo; Joseph. B. J.
. 3, § 6, Ac.) is itself roll of difficulty. Various
derivations have been proposed for it, and all are
more or less open to objection. Some have con-
nected it with "PDTT ('Ao-ioVuot), puritan, or
PSXIS, the retiring, or ftH, the tenant (of
Cod); others, again, find the root in MDM, to
Iteal (Baur), or HDT1, (0 bathe (Grate). Philo,
according to bis fashion, saw in the word a possible
connection with the Greek oViot, huly ( Quod omn.
prob. lib. § 12); and Kpiphanius interpreted ihe
collateral form 'Ooanvol as meaning "the stout
race" (ari/Sapiv yivot, Hmr. xix. i. e. T'Dn).
It seems more likely that Essene represents f^iTT,
teert (so Suidas = dtvpnrucol, Hngenfeld., or
fH&n, the tiUnl, the mysterious (Jost). a Jo-
sephus represents fWH (I.XX. Koyuor), the hiyh-
priett't breattplate, by 'Eatrhrnt, interpreting the
word as equivalent to \6yior, oracle (Ant. iii. 7,
I 5). Comp. Jost, (jesch. d. Judenth. i. 207 n.:
Hilgenfeld, J id. Apuk. p. 277 t; Ewald, Vetch.
Itr. it. 420 n.
3. The obscurity of the Essenes as a distinct
body arises from the fact that they represented
originally a tendency rather than an organization.
The communities which were formed out of them
wen a result of their practice, and not a necessary
part of it. As a sect they were distinguished by
an aspiration after ideal purity rather than by any
special code of doctrines; and like the Chasldim
if earlier times [Asbideans], they were confouuded
in the popular estimation with the great body of
the nealous observers of the Law (Pharisees). The
growth of Essenism was a natural result of the re-
ligious feeling which was called out by the circum-
stances of the Greek dominion; and it is easy to
trace the process by which it was matured. From
the Maccabeean age there was a continuous effort
among the stricter Jews to attain an absolute
standard of holiness. Each class of devotees was
looked upon as practically impure by their succes-
sors, who carried the laws of purity still further;
and the Essenes stand at the extreme limit of the
mystic asceticism which was thus gradually reduced
to shape. The associations of the " Scribes and
Phsrisees" (D^ian, the compamont, the wise)
-gave place to others bound by a more rigid rule:
and the rule of the Essenes was made gradually
stricter. Judas, the earliest Essene who is men-
tioned (c 110 b. c), appears living in ordinary
society (Joseph. B. J. i. 3, J 5). Menahem, ac-
cording to tradition a colleague of Hillel, was a
friend of Herod, and brought upon his sect the
ESSENES
favor oi the king (Joseph. Ant. xv. 10, § 5). Bat
by a natural impulse the Essenes withdraw trots
the dangers and distractions of business. From
the cities they retired to the wilderness to realis*
the conceptions of religion which they formal, but
still they remained on the whole true to their an-
cient faith. To the Pharisees they stood nearly
in the same relation as that in which the Pharisees
themselves stood with regard to the mass of the
people; The differences lay mainly in rigor of
practice, and not in articles of belief.
4. The traces of the existence of Essenes ia
common society are not wanting nor confined to
individual cases. Not only was a gate at Jerusalem
named from them (Joseph. B. J. v. 4, § 3, 'Eo*vw*
riv *~&Kn), but a later tradition mentions the ex-
istence of a congregation there which devoted " one
third of the day to study, one third to prayer, and
one third to labor" (Frankel, Zeittcknfi, 1846, p.
458). Those, again, whom Josephus speaks of as
allowing marriage, may be supposed to have be-
longed to such bodies as had not yet withdrawn
from intercourse with their fellow-men. But the
practice of the extreme section was afterwards
regarded as charateristic of the whole class, and
the isolated communities of Essenes famished the
type which is preserved in the popular descriptions.
These were regulated by stand rules, analogous to
those of the monastic institutions of a later date.
The candidate for admission first passed through a
year's noviciate, in which he received, as symbolic
gifts, an axe, an apron, and a white robe, and gave
proof of his temperance by observing the ascetic
rules of the order M)» tM' tlatrar). At the
close of this probation, his character (to j|t)oi) was
submitted to a fresh trial of two years, and mean-
while he shared in the lustra! rites of the initiated,
but not in their meals. The fall membership was
Imparted at the end of this second period, when the
novice bound himself " by awful oaths " — though
oaths were absolutely forbidden at all other times
— to observe piety, justice, obedience, honesty, and
secrecy, " preserving alike the books of their sect,
and the namet of the anyelt " (Joseph. B. J. U. 8,
$7).
5. The order itself was regulated by an Internal
jurisdiction. Excommunication was equivalent to
a slow death, since an Essene could not take food
prepared by strangers for fear of pollution. AD
things were held in common, without distinction of
property or house; and special provision was madt
for the relief of the poor. Self-denial, temperance,
and labor — especially agriculture — were the marks
of the outward life of the Essenes; purity and
divine communion the objects of their aspiration.
Slavery, war, and commerce were alike forbidden
(Philo, Quod omn. prob. liber, § 12, p. 87T M.);
and, according to Philo, their conduct generaOy
was directed by three rules, " the love of God, the
love of virtue, and the love of man " (Philo, L c).
6. In doctrine, as has been seen already, they
did not differ essentially from strict Pharisees.
Moses was honored by them next to God (Joseph
B. J. ii. 8, 9). They observed the Sabbath with
singular strictness; and though they were unablt
i •Jost himself, as Gmsborg correctly remarks
(Kltto'i Oyd. of AM. Lit., 8d ed., i. 827, note), hasards
an opinion about the etymology of this nam*. He
■Mtaqr says that Josephus seems to derive It from
MB?!"!, «ss be sUant" " mysterious." Glial vg (I
e.) enumerates 19 different etymologies which have
been proposed for the word, the last being the darts*.
Hon from K*Dn, "pious." To tut he
"because it plainly oonneois we
OatWtm, tram which they originated."
Digitized by
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J
ESSEN ES
j» oAt sacrifices at Jerusalem, probably from re-
gard to purity (StatpoaorriTt ayviir), they sent
gifts thither (Joseph. Ant.iviii. 2, 55): at the same
time, like moat ascetics, they turned their attention
specially to the mysteries of the spiritual world,
and looked upon the body aa a mere prison of the
soul" They studied and practiced with signal suc-
cess, according to Josephus, the art of prophecy
(Joseph. B. J. ii. 8; ef. Ant. xv. 10, $ 5; B. J. i.
3, § 6); and familiar intercourse with nature gave
them an unusual knowledge of physical truths.
They asserted with peculiar boldness the absolute
power and foreknowledge of God (Joseph. Ant. xiii.
5, § 9, xviii. 1, $ 6); and disparaged the various
forms of mental philosophy as useless or beyond
the range of man (1'hilo, Up. 877).
7. The number of the Essence is roughly esti-
mated by Philo at 4000 (Philo, L «.), and Josephus
■ays that there were " more than 4000 " who ob-
served their rule (Ant. xviii. 2, § 5). Their best-
known settlements were on the N. W. shore of the
Dead Sea (Philo, Plin,fl. «.), but others lived in
scattered communities throughout Palestine, and
perhaps also in cities (Joseph. B. J. ii. 8, § 4. Of.
[Hippo!.] Philo: ix. 90).
8. In the Talmudic writings there is, as has
been already said, no direct mention of the Kasenes,
but their existence is recognized by the notioe of
peculiar points of practice and teaching. Under
the titles of " the pious," " the weakly " (i. e.
with study), "the retiring," their maxims are
quoted with respect, and many of the traits pre-
served in Josephus find parallels in the notices of
the Talmud (Z. Frankel, Zaltckrifl, Dec. 1846, p.
451 ff.; ifomtuchrifl, 1853, p. 37 ff.). The four
stages of purity which are distinguished by the
doctors (Chagiga, 18 a, ap. Frankel, L c. p. 451)
correspond in a singular manner with the four
classes into which the Essenes are said to have been
divided (Joseph. B. J. ii. 8, $ 10); and the periods
of probation observed in the two cases oner similar
coincidences.
9. Rut the best among the Jews felt the peril of
Essenism as a system, and combined to discourage
it. They shrank with an instinctive dread from
the danger of connecting asceticism with spiritual
power, and cherished the great truth which lay in
the saying " Doctrine is not in heaven." The
miraculous energy which was attributed to mystics
was regarded by them rather aa a source of sus-
picion than of respect; and theosophic speculations
were condemned with emphatic distinctness (Fran-
kel, Utomttuchrifi, 1863, pp. 62 ff., 68, 71).
10. The character of Essenism limited its spread.
Out of Palestine, Levities! purity was impossible,
fu the very land was impure; and thus there is
no trace of the sect in Babylonia. The case was
different in Egypt, where Judaism assumed a new
shape from its intimate connection with Greece.
Here the original form in which it was moulded
was represented not by direct copies, but by anal-
ogous forms; and the tendency which gave birth
to the Essence found a fresh development in the
pure speculation of the Therapeutas. These Alex-
andrine mystics abjured the practical labors which
■ightly belonged to the Esseues, and gave them-
tdves up to the study of the inner meaning of the
BbSENES
778
a • Accordingly, though they believed tn tt > fro-
aortality of the soul, they did not belters In the res-
i of the body (Joseph. B. J. tt. 8, $ 11).
A.
Scriptures. Toe impossibility of fulfilling the law
naturally led them to substitute a spiritual for a
literal interpretation; and it was their object to
ascertain its meaning by intense labor, and then to
satisfy its requirements by absolute devotion. The
" whole day, from sunrise to sunset, was spent in
mental discipline." Bodily wants were often for
gotten in the absorbing pursuit of wisdom, and
" meat and drink " were at all times held to be
unworthy of the light (Philo, De viL contempt.
§ *)■
11. From the nature of the case Essenism in its
extreme form could exercise very little influence on
Christianity. In all its practical bearings it was
diametrically opposed to the apostolic teaching.
The dangers which it involved were far more clear
to the eye of the Christian than they were to the
Jewish doctors. The only real similarity between
Essenism and Christianity lay in the common ele-
ment of true Judaism : and there is little excuse
for modern writers who follow the error of Eusebius,
and confound the society of the Therapeuta with
Christian brotherhood'.. Nationally, however, the
Kasenes occupy the same petition as that to which
John the Baptist was personally called. They mark
the close of the old, the longing for the new, but
in this case without the promise. In place of the
message of the coming " kingdom " they could pro-
claim only individual purity and isolation. At a f
later time traces of Essenism appear in the Clemen-
tines, and the strange account which Epiphaniua
gives of the Ossein ('Oao-nrol) appears to - point to
some combination of Essene and pseudo-Christian
doctrines (How. xix.). After the Jewish war the
Essence disappear from history. The character of
Judaism was changed, and ascetic Pharisaism be-
came almost impossible.
12. The origins! sources for the history of the
Essence have been already noticed. Of modern
esjays, the most original and important are those
of Frankel in hU Zeittcllrift, 1846, pp. 441-461.
and Monaiuchrift, 1853, p. 30 ff., taken in con
junction with the wider view of Jost, Getch. a
Judenth. i. 207 ff. The account of Hilgenfeld (Jid.
Apokalgptilc, p. 345 ff.) is interesting and ingenious,
but essentially one-sided and subservient to the
writer's theory (cf. Volkmar, Das vierte B. iim,
p. 60). Gfrurer (Philo, ii. 299 ff.), Dahne (Jud.
Alex. RtUg.-Philos. i. 467 ff.), and EwaW (Getch
d. Voile, ltr. iv. 420 ff.), all contribute important
sketches from their respective points of view. The
earlier literature, as far aa it is of any value, is
embodied in these works. B. F. W.
* It may be well to add to the preceding article
references to the more recent discussions concerning
the Kasenes, noticing also some older works which
may still be useful to the inquirer. Prideaux, Con-
nection, etc. pL ii. bk. v. has translated in full the
passages of Josephus and Philo which relate to
them — to be sure, not always accurately. See also
Bellermann, Getch. Nachrichten out dent Alttr-
thumc tiber Ett&er u. ThempeuUn, Bed. 1821, and
P. Beer, Geschichte, Lehren u. Meinungtn alter
rtlig. Sekten d. Juden, Briinn, 1822, I. 68-113.
De Quinoey's ingenious but paradoxical essay, in
which he endeavors to show that Josephus has
e'ven under the name of Essenes a disguised ac-
count of a portion of Oe early Christians, first
appeared in Blackwood's Magazine for Jan., April,
and May, 1840, and was reprinted in his flitt. an*
Crit. Etttyt, Boston, 1856, i. 28-112, with a Sup-
plement in bis Avenger, Ac. (ibid. 1859), pp. 107.
Digitized by
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T74
ESTHER
UO. Then ii a review of De Quincey in KiUo'a
An. of&urtd Lit. for Oct. 1863, pp. 176-86;
Me also on the Etsenes the number for April 1853,
f. 170 ft The relation of Christianity to Eaaeninn
a elaborately discussed by A. F. V. too Wegnern
(Dot Verk&tmu det Christenthumt turn EttenU-
ams) in Illgan'a Zeittchr. f. d. hitL TheoL 1841,
U. 3-76. See alio, for different views, Neander'a
HitL of the Christ. ReL and Chun*, i. 43-49
(Torrey'a tranal.) ; Baur, ftu ChriMenthum d.
drei ertten Jahrh., 2« Aufl. 1860. p. 19 ff.; Hil-
genfeM, Der Ettaumut und Jetut, in hia Zeittchr.
f. win. TheoL 1867, z. 97-111 (oomp. it. Hi.
368-63); and A. Reville, Jetut el IKuemtrnt,
in the Strasbourg Rev. de theuL 1867, pp. 221-
346 (oomp. Rev. det Deux Mondtt for Sept. 16,
1867, p. 331 ff.) On the general subject one may
further compare RHtchl, Ueber die Ettener, in
Baur and Zeiler's TheoL Jahrh. 1866, xiv. 316-66
(oomp- hia Entttehung d. altkath. Kirche, 3« Aufl.
1867, pp. 179-348); Zdler, Ueber den Zutam-
menhang de* EtMUtmut mil dan Griechenthwn,
ibid. 1866, xv. 401-88; Didlinger, Beidenthum u.
Judenthum, 1867, p. 754 ff., or (Eng. trans.) The
QenUle and Jew, ii. 309-17; Reuse, HitL de la
IkeoL chretiennt, 3* ed. 1860, pp. 116-35; M.
Nicolas, Det doctrinet relig. del Juift, 1860, pp.
80-92; and Ginsburg, The Ettenet, their Bittory
and Doctrinet, Ijoud. 1861. The last mentioned
writer in his art. Ettenet in Kitto's Cycl. of BibL
Lit. 3d ed., says that " Greets, adopting the results
rf Frankel, and pursuing the same course still
further, has given a masterly treatiae upon the
Easenes in his Oetchichte der Juden, l-eiprig, 1866,
iii. 96 ff., 618 ff."; and also commends highly
Herzfeld's account in hia Gttchichte d. Volktt
Jitrael, Nordhauaen, 1867, ii. 368, 388 ff. He
further speaks ot " the rery interesting and im-
portant relics of the Essence, published by Jellinek
... in Beth Ha-Midrath, vol. ii. (Leipz. 1863),
p. xviii. ff. ; vol. iii. p. zz. ff."
Only a bint can be here given of the distinctive
views of some of the writers above named. Dahne
traces in the sect the influence of the Jewish-
Alexandrian philosophy; oomp. Uhlhorn in Her-
sog's RenUEna/kL iv. 176. Baur and ZeDer derive
Easenism mainly from the influence of the Neo-
Pythagorean philosophy and asceticism upon Juda-
ism. Neander regards it as modified by the infusion
i f old oriental, Paisi, and Chaldasan elements. Hil-
genfeld connects it with the later Jewish prophetic
tendency as shown in apocalyptic writings, but
derives many characteristics of the sect from Partd
and even Buddhistic influences. Ritachl regards
It as an attempt to embody the idea that all the
Jews, and not a particular order, were a " kingdom
of priests " unto God (Ex. xix. 6). He with other
writers (as Reuse) finds a close connection between
Easenism and Ebionitism, and traces its influence in
the history of the Christian church. Ewald(Ce*cA.
i. Volket Jtr. iv. 476 ff., 3d ed.), Frankel, Jost,
Ginsburg, and Rlville agree substantially in the
view presented in the preceding article. A.
ESTHER OEIWJ, «*« planet Venut: 'Ee-
irip), the Persian name of Hadassah, daughter
of Abihail the son of Shimei, the son of Kish, a
Benjamite, and cousin of Mokdecai. The ex-
, Sanation of her old name Hadassah, by the addition
.f her new name, by which she was better known.
Mb the formula, ^£9$ rW, » that U Esther "
ESTHER
(Esth. 0. 7), k exactly analogous to the anal aJ
dition of the modern names of town* to explain lot
use of the old obsolete ones (Gen. xxxv. 19, 87;
Josh. xv. 10, 4c). Esther was a beautiful Jewish
maiden, whose ancestor Kish had been among the
captives led away from Jerusalem (part of which
was in the tribe of Benjamin) by Nebuchadneaaar
when Jehoiachim was taken captive. She was an
orphan without father or mother, and had been
brought up by her cousin Hordecai, who had an
office in the household of Ahasuerus king of Persia,
and dwelt at " Shushan the palace." Whan Vaahti
was dismissed from being queen, and all the fairest
virgins of the kingdom bad been collected at Shu-
shan for the king to make choice of a raceessor so
her from among them, the choice fell upon Esther,
and she was crowned queen in the room of Vaahti
with much pomp and rejoicing. Tbe king was not
aware, however, of her race and parentage; and so,
with the careless profusion of a sensual despot, on
the representation of Hainan tbe Agagite, his prime
minister, that the Jews scattered through bis em-
pire were a pernicious race, be gave him full power
and authority to kill them all, young and old,
women and children, and take possession of ail their
property. Tbe means taken by Esther to avert this
great calamity from her people and her kindred, at
the risk of her own life, and to turn upon Human
the destruction be had plotted against the Jews,
and the success of her scheme, by which she changed
their mourning, fasting, weeping, and wailing, into
light and gladness and joy and honor, and became
for ever especially honored amongst ber countrymen,
are fully related in the book of Esther. The feast
of Purim, i. «. of Lott, was appointed by Esther
and Mordecai to be kept on the 14tfa and 16th of
tbe month Adar (February and March) in com-
memoration of this great deliverance. [Purim.]
The decree of Esther to this effect is tbe last thing
recorded of her (ix. 33). The continuous celebra-
tion of this feast by the Jews to the present day is
thought to be a strong evidence of the historical
truth of tbe book. [Esthkk, Book ok.]
The questions which arise in attempting to give
Esther ber place in profane history an —
I. Who is Ahasuerus? This question la answered
under Ahasuerus, and the reasons there given
lead to the conclusion that he was Xerxes the son
of Darius Hystaspis.
II. The second inquiry is, who tben was Esther ?
Artissona, Atosaa, and others sre indeed excluded
by the above decision ; but are we to conclude with
Scaliger, that because Ahasuerus is Xerxes, there
fore Esther is Amestris? Surely not. None of the
historical particulars related by Herodotus concern-
ing Amestris make it possible to identify bet with
Esther. Amestris was the daughter of Glunaa
(Onophas in Cteaias), one of Xerxes' generals, and
brother to his father Darius (Herod, vii. 61, 88).
Esther's father and mother had been Jews. Ames-
tris was wife to Xerxes before the Greek expedition
(Herod, vii. 61), and ber sons accompanied Xerxes
to Greece (Herod, vii. 89), and had all three oome
to man's estate at the death of Xerxes in the 80th
year of his reign. Darius, the eldest, had married
immediately after the return from Greece. Esther
did not enter the king's palace till hia 7th year,
just tbe time of Darius's marriage. These objections
are conclusive, without adding the difference of
character of the two queens. The truth is res*
history is wholly silent both about Vaahti sad
Esther. Herodotus only happens to usntioa as*
Digitized by
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ESTHER
t Inn' wives; Scripture only mentions two, if
Indeed either of them were wives at all. But since
a* know that it was the custom of the Persian
kings bef >re Xerxes to have several wives, besides
their concubines; that Cyrus had several (Herod.
Hi. 8); that Cambyse* had four whose names are
mentioned, and other* besides (iii. 81, 32, 08); that
Smerdia had sereral (ib. 68, 69); and that Darius
had six wives, whose names are mentioned (it.
iKissun), it is most improbable that Xerxes should
bsve been content with one wife. Another strong
objection to the idea of Esther being his one legiti-
mate wife, and perhaps to her being strictly his
wife at aU, is that the Persian kings selected their
uwei not from the harem, but, if not foreign prin-
cesses, from the noblest Persian, families, either
their own nearest relatives, or from one of the seven
threat Persian houses. It seems therefore natural
to conclude that Esther, a captive, and one of the
harem, was not of the highest rank of wives, but
that a special honor, with the name of queen, may
have been given to her, as to Vashti before bier, as
the favorite concubine or inferior wife, whose off-
spring, however, if she had any, would not have
succeeded to the Persian throne. This view, which
seems to be strictly in accordance with what we
know of the manners of the Persian court, removes
all difficulty in reconciling the history of Esther
with the scanty accounts left us by profane authors
of the reign of Xerxes.
It only remains to remark on the character of
Esther as given in the Bible. She appears there as
a woman of deep piety, faith, courage, patriotism,
and caution,, combined with resolution; a dutiful
daughter to her adoptive father, docile and obedient
to his counsels, and anxious to share the king's
favor with him for the good of the Jewish people.
That she was a virtuous woman, and, ss far ss her
situation made it possible, a good wife to the king,
her continued influence over him for so long a time
warrants us to infer. And there must have been a
singular grace and charm in her aspect and man-
ners, since she " obtained favor in the sight of all
that looked upon her" (ii. 15). That she was
raised up as an Instrument in the hands of God to
avert the destruction of the Jewish people, and to
af) «d them protection, and forward their wealth
and peace in their captivity, is also manifest from
the Scripture account. But to impute to her the
sentiments put into her mouth by the apocryphal
sathor of ch. xiv., or to accuse her of cruelty be-
;auss of the death of Hainan and bis sons, and the
second day's slaughter of the Jews' enemies at
Shushan, is utterly to ignore the manners and feel-
ings of her age and nation, and to judge her by the
standard of Christian morality in our own age and
ciuntry instead. In fact the simplicity and truth
to nature of the Scriptural narrative afford a striking
contrast, both with the forced and florid amplifica-
tions of the apocryphal additions, and with the
sentiments of some later commentators. It may
be convenient to add that the 3rd year of Xerxes
was B. C. 483, his 7th, 479, and' his 12th, 474
(Clinton, F. H.), and that the simultaneous battles
X Platan and Mycale, which frightened Xerxes
■rom Sardia (Diod. Sic. xi. § 36) to Susa, happened,
according to Prideaux and Clinton, in September
jf his 7th year. For a fuller discussion of the
ESTHER, BOOK OF
776
identity of Esther, and different views of the sub-
ject, see Prideaux's CurmcclUm, L 230, 248, 297
ff., and Petav. de Uoctr. Temp. xii. 27, 28, who
make Esther wife of Artaxerxes Longim., foUoiring
Joseph. Ant. xi. 6, as be followed the LXX. and the
apocryphal Esther; J. Scalig. (de Emend. Ttmp. vi.
691; Auimadv. Euub. p. 100), making Ahasuerus,
Xerxes; Usher (An/uU. Vet. Tat), making him
Darius Hystaspis; Loftus, Cluildata, Ac. Eusebiui
(Canon. Chrun. p. 338, ed. MedioL) rejects the
hypothesis of Artaxerxes Longim., on the score of
the silence of the books of Ezra and Nchemiah, and
adopts that of Artaxerxes Mnemon, following the
Jews, who make Darius Codomanus to be the same
as Darius Hystaspis, and the son of Artaxerxes by
Esther ! It is most observable that all Petavius's
and Prideaux's arguments against Scaliger'a view
apply solely to the statement that Esther is Ames-
tris. A. a H.
ESTHER, BOOK OF, one of the latest of
the canonical books of Scripture, having been
written late in the reign of Xerxes, or early in that
of his son Artaxerxes Longimanus. The aui nor is
not known, but may very probably have been
Mordecai himself. The minute details given of the
great banquet, of the names of the chamberlains
and eunuchs, and Hainan's wife and sons, and of
the customs and regulations of the palace, betoken
that the author lived at Shushan, and probably at
court, while his no less intimate acquaintance with
the most private affairs both of Esther and Mor-
decai well suits the hypothesis of the latter being
himself the writer. It is also in itself probable that
as Daniel, Ezra, and Nehenuah, who held high
offices under the Persian kings, wrote an account
of the affairs of their nation, in which they took
a leading part, so Mordecai should have recorded
the transactions of the book of Esther likewise.
The termination of the book with the mention of
Mordecai's elevation and. government, agrees also
well with this view, which has the further sanction
of many great names, as A ben Ezra, and most of
the Jews, Vatablus, Carptovius, and many others.
Those who ascribe it to Ezra, or the men of the
great Synagogue, may have merely meant that
Ezra edited and added it to the canon of Scripture,
which he probably did, bringing it, and perhaps
the book of Daniel, with him from Babylon to
Jerusalem.
The book of Esther appears in a different form
in the LXX-," and the translations therefrom, from
that in which it is found in the Hebrew Bible. In
speaking of it we shall first speak of the canonical
book found in Hebrew, to which also the above
observations refer; and next of the Greek book
with its apocryphal additions. The canonical Es-
ther then is placed among the Hagiographa or
D^SITI^) by the Jews, and in that first portion
of them which they call the five volumes, HI vlftp.
It is sometimes emphatically called MegiOah, with-
out other distinction, and was held in such high
repute by the Jews that it is a saying of Maimonidei
that in the days of Messiah the prophetic and
hagiographical books will paab away, except the
book of Esther, which will remain with the Pen-
tateuch. This book is read through by the Jews
■ It Is not intended by this npnastoo to Imply that farm LXX Is used to Indicate t k » wools Grssk toIssbm
i of the Hsbnw Btbla Into Greet; ware as »« uow have lu
or the apwr/phal additions. Thai
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776
ESTHER, BOOK OF
H their synagogues at the feast of 1'urim, when it
tu, and is still in some synagogues, the custom at
the mention of Hainan's name to hiss, and stamp,
and clench the fist, and cry, " Let his name be
oloUad out; may the name of the wicked rot." It
is said also that the names of Hainan's ten sons are
read in one breath, to signify that they all expired
at the same instant of time. Even in writing the
names of Hainan's sons in the 7th, 8th, and 9th
verses of Esth. ii., the Jewish scribes have con-
trived to express their abhorrence of the race of
Hainan; for these ten names are written in three
perpendicular columns of 3, 3, 4, as if they were
hanging upon three parallel cords, three upon each
cord, one above another, to represent the hanging of
Hainan's sons (Stehelin's Hiibbin. Literat. vol. ii.
p. 349). The Targum of Esth. ix., in Walton's
Folyglott," inserts a very minute account of the
exact position occupied by Hainan and his sons on
the gallows, the height from the ground, and the
interval between each; according to which they all
hung in one hue, Hanian at the top, and his ten
sons at intervals of half a cubit under him. It is
added that Zeresh and Hainan's seventy surviving
sons fled, and begged their bread from door to door,
in evident allusion to Ps. cix. 9, 10. It has often
been remarked as a peculiarity of this book that
the name of God does not once occur in it. Some
of the ancient Jewish teachers were somewhat
staggered at this, but others accounted for it by
saying that it was a transcript, under Divine inspi-
ration, from the Chronicles of the Medes and
Persians, and that being meant to be read by
heathen, the sacred name was wisely omitted.
Baxter (Samft Rett, pt~ iv. ch. iii.) speaks of the
Jews using to cast to the ground the book of
Esther, because the name of God was not in it.
But Wolf (B. II. pt. ii. p. 90) denies this, and
says that if any such custom prevailed among the
oriental Jews, to whom it is ascribed by Sandys,
it most have been rather to express their hatred of
Danism. Certain it is that this book was always
reckoned in the Jewish canon, and is named or
implied in almost every enumeration of the books
composing it, from Josephus downwards. Jerome
mentions it by name in the Prvt>y. OuL, in hi*
Epistle to Paulinos, and in the preface to Esther;
as does Augustine, de CiriL Dei, and de Doetr.
Christ., and Origen, as cited by Eusebius (Hut.
KecUt. vi. 25), and many others. Some modern
commentators, both English and German, have
objected to the contents of the book as improbable;
but if it be true, as Diodorus Sic. relates, that
Xerxes put the Medians foremost at Thermopylae
on purpose that tbey might be all killed, because
he thought they were not thoroughly reconciled to
the loss of their national supremacy, it is surely
not incredible that he should have given permission
to Hainan to destroy a few thousand strange people
like the Jews, who were represented to be injurious
o his empire, and disobedient to his laws. Nor
•gain, when we remember what Herodotus relates
of Xerxes in respect to promises made at banquets,
cm we deem it incredible that he should perform
nil promise to Esther to reverse the decree in the
id) way that seemed practicable. It is likely too
iul the secret friends and adherents of Hainan
« Than are two T&rgums to Bither, both of late
«tt. Us* Wolf's BM. Hebr. pars Ii. pp. 1171-81.
* Dr. W. Lee also has some remarks on the proof
*J Mas hi^o-iixil character of the book derived from
ESTHER, BOOK OF
would be the persona to attack the Jew?, which
would be a reason why Ahasuerus would rather
rejoice at their destruction. In all other respects
the writer shows such an accurate acquaintance
with Persian manners, and is so true to history
and chronology, as to afford the strongest internal
evidences to the troth of the book. The casual way
in which the author of 2 Mace xv. 36 alludes to
the feast of Purim, under the name of " Mar-
dochEus's day," as kept by the Jews in the time
of Nicanor, is another strong testimony in its favor,
and tends to justify the strong expression of Dr.
Lee (quoted in Whiston's Josephus, xi. eh. vi.),
that " the truth of this history is demonstrated by
the feast of Purim, kept up from that time to this
very day." *
'Die style of writing Is remarkabl} chaste ai d
simple, and the narrative of the struggle in Estist 's
mind between fear and the desire to save her people,
and of the final resolve made in the strength of
that help which was to be sought in prayer and
fasting, is very touching and beautiful, and without
any exaggeration. It does not in the least savor
of romance. The Hebrew is very like that of Ezra
and parts of the Chronicles; generally pure, but
mixed with some words of Persian origin, and some
of Cbaldaic affinity, which do not occur In oldet
Hebrew, such ai It^jQ. fV$3, )J$nB,
ta , 3"1tP. In short it is just what one would
expect' to find in a work of the age which the book
of Esther pretends to belong to.
As regards the LXX. version of the book (of
which there are two texts, called by Dr. Fritzsche,
A and B), it consists of the canonical Esther with
various interpolations prefixed, interspersed,* and
added at the close. Kead in Greek it makes a
complete and continuous history, except that here
and there, as e. jr. in the repetition of Mordecai's
pedigree, the patch-work betrays itself. The chief
additions are, Mordecai's pedigree, his dream, and
his appointment to sit in the king's gate, in the
second year of Artaxerxea, prefixed [Apoc. Esther
A. V. and Vulg., ch. xi. 2-xii. 6]. Then, in the
third chapter, a pretended copy of Artaxerxes'a
decree for the destruction of the Jews added, writ-
ten in thorough Greek style [Apoc. xiii. 1-7] ; a
prayer of Mordecai inserted in the fourth chapter,
followed by a prayer of Esther, in which she excuses
herself for being wife to the uncircumcised king,
and denies having eaten anything or drunk wine at
the table of Haman [Apoc. xiii. 8-xiv. 19]; an
amplification of v. 1-3 [Apoc xv. 1-16, A. V.;
Vulg. 4-19]; a pretended copy of irtaxerxes'
letter for reversing the previous decree, also of
manifestly Greek origin, in ch. viii., in which Ha-
man is called a Macedonian, and is accused of
having plotted to transfer the empire from the Per-
sians to the Macedonians, a palpable proof of this
portion having been composed after the overthrow
of the Persian empire by the Greeks [Apoc ch
xri.] ; and lastly an addition to the tenth chapter,
in which Mordecai shows how his dream was ful-
filled in the events that had happened, gives glory
to God, and prescribes the observation of the feast
of the 14th and 16th Adar [Apoc x. 4-13]. Ttu
whole book is dosed with the following entry: —
the feast of Purim, as well as ot other points (
n/H S. p. 430 ft).
c The Tajztnn to Brther contains other or psoas
belUshmants and ampnocaUons. [Moanmal ]
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ESTHER. BOOK OF
In the fourth year of the reign ol Ptolenuous and
Cleopatra, Doaitheus, who said he was a priest and
Levite, and Ptolemy his son, brought this epistle of
Phurim, which they said was the same, and that
Lysimachug, the son of Ptolemy, that was in Jera-
salem, had interpreted it" [Apoc. xi. 1]. This
entry was apparently intended to give authority to
this Greek version of Esther, by pretending that
it was a certified translation from the Hebrew orig-
inal. Ptolemy Philometor, who is here meant,"
began to reign B. c. 181. Though, however, the
interpolations of the Greek copy are thus manifest,
they make a consistent and intelligible story. But
the apocryphal additions as they are inserted in
some editions of the Latin Vulgate, and in the
English Bible, are incomprehensible; the history
of which is this: When Jerome translated the
book of Esther, he first gave the version of the
Hebrew alone as being alone authentic. He then
added at the end a version in Latin of those several
passages which he found in the LXX., and which
were not in the Hebrew, staling where each passage
came in, and marking them all with an obelus,
rhe first passage so given is that which forms the
continuation of chapter x. (which of course imme-
diately precedes it), ending with the above entry
about Doeitheua. Having annexed this conclusion,
he then gives the Proosmium, which he says forms
the beginning of the Greek Vulgate, beginning
with what is now verse 2 of chapter xi.; and so
proceeds with the other passages. But in subse-
quent editions all Jerome's explanatory matter has
been swept away, and the disjointed portions have
been printed as chapters xi., xii., xiii., xiv., xv.,
ivi., as if they formed a narrative in continuance
of the canonical book. The extreme absurdity of
this arrangement is nowhere more apparent than
in chapter xi., where the verse (1) which closes the
whole book in the Greek copies, and in St. Jerome's
I -stiri translation, is actually made immediately to
precede that (ver. 2) which is the very first verse
of the Proosmium. As regards the place assigned
to Esther in the LXX., in the Vatican edition,
and most others, it comes between Judith and Job.
Its place before Job is a remnant of the Hebrew
order, Esther there closing the historical, and Job
beginning the metrical Mtgitloth. Tobit and Ju-
dith have been placed between it and Nehemiah,
doubtless for chronological reasons. But in the
very ancient Codex published by Teschendorf, and
called C. Friderico-Augutiimu, Esther immedi-
ately follows Nehemiah (included under Esdras B),
and precedes Tobit This Codex, which contains
the apocryphal additions to Esther, was copied
from one written by the martyr Pamphilus with
his own hand, as far as to the end of Esther, and
is ascribed by the editor to the fourth century. 6
As regards the motive which led to these addi-
tions, one seems evidently to have been to supply
what was thought an omission in the Hebrew book,
by introducing copious mention of the name of
ESTHER, BOOK OF 777
God. It is further evident from the other apoc-
ryphal books, and additions to canonical Scripture,
which appear in the LXX., such as Bel and the
Dragon, Susanna, the Sotg of the Three Chil-
dren, Ac., that the Alexandrian Jews loved to dwell
upon the events of the Babylonish Captivity, and
especially upon the Divine interpositions in tbeil
behalf, probably as being the latest manifestations
of God's special care for Israel. Traditional stories
would be likely to be current among them, and
these would be sure sooner or later to be committed
to writing, with additions according to the fancy
of the writers. The most popular among them, or
those which had most of an historical basis, or
which were written by men of most weight, or
whose origin was lost in the most remote antiquity,
or which most gratified the national feelings, would
acquire something of sacred authority (sspecially
in the absence of real inspiration dictating fresh
Scriptures), and get admitted into the volume of
Scripture, less rigidly fenced by the Hellenistic
ihan by the Hebrew Jews. No subject would be
more likely to engage the thoughts and exercise
the pens of such writers, than the deliverance of
the Jews from utter destruction by the intervention
of Esther and Mordecai, and the overthrow of their
enemies in their stead. Those who made the ad-
ditions to the Hebrew narrative according to the
religious taste and feeling of their own times, prob-
ably acted in the same spirit as others have often
done, who have added florid architectural orna-
ment* to temples which were too plain for then-
own corrupted taste. The account which Josephus
follows seems to have contained yet further partic-
ulars, as, e. g. the name of the eunuch's servant,
a Jew, who betrayed the conspiracy to Mordecai;
other passages from the Persian Chronicles read to
Ahasuerus, besides that relating to Mordecai, and
amplifications of the king's speech to Haman, dx.
It is of this LXX. version that Athanasius (Fat.
Epitt 89, Oxf. transl. ) spoke when he ascribed the
book of Esther to the non-canonical books; and
this also is perhaps the reason why in some of the
lilts of the canonical books Esther is not named,
as, e. g. In those of Melito of Sardis and Gregory
Nazianzen, unless in these it is included under
some other book, as Ruth, or Esdras c (see Whita-
ker, Ditpul. on It. Scr. Park. Soc. 57, 58; Cosin
on the Canon of Scr. p. 49, 60). Origen, singu-
larly enough, takes a different line in his Ep. ft)
Africamu (Opp. i. 14). He defends the canon-
icity of these Greek additions, though he admit*
they are not in the Hebrew. His sole argument,
unworthy of a great scholar, is the use of the LXX.
in the churches, an argument which embraces
equally all the apocryphal books. Africanus, in
his Ep. to Origen, had made the being in the He-
brew essential to canonicity, as Jerome did later.
The Council of Trent pronounces the whole book
of Esther to be canonical, and Vatablus says that
prior to that decision it was doubtful whether or no
» He 1s the same as Is frequently mentioned in 1
Usee.; t. ft. x. 67, xi. 12; ef. Joseph. AM. xiii. 4. § 1,
i, and Clinton, P. H. 111. p. 898. Doaitheus seams to
m a Qreek version of Mattithiah ; Ptolemy was also a
toomon name for Jews at that Urns.
» • The position of the book of Bather lr the Vatt-
xii mmtucript is vary different from that which It
aos in the Vatican, or rather, Boman edition (1587),
aaspttotieu above. In the Vattasn manutrript, Kara
and Nehemiah (united In one book aa 2d Badraa) are
^mediately followed by the whole series of poetical
books (as distinguished from the prophetical), namely,
Psalms, Proverbs, Eocleefautes, Canticles, Job, Wisdom
of Solomon, Keeleataatlcua. Then come Esther, Judith,
ToUt, followed first by the minor, then by the greater
prophets. (See further, under Bona, p. 805, note *,
Amer. ed.). The Codex FrUrrieo-Au^vsianui Is a part
of the same manuscript aa the Codex Suunliaa, pub
Uahed by Ttschendorf In 1882. A.
e " This book of Esther, or sixth of Badraa, as It k
placed In some of the ro^at ancient copies of the Vol
■ate." — Im'i Dissert, on 24 Stdrat p 26
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T78
ESTHER, BOOK OF
Either wai to be included in the Canon, some an-
Lhon affirming, and aome denying it. He after-
wards qualifies tie statement by saying that at all
events the seren last chanters were doubtful. Six-
tus Senensis, in spite of the decision of the Coun-
cil, speaks of these additions, after the example of
Jerome, as " lacinias bir.c hide quorumdam Scripto-
rum temeritate insertas," and thinks that they are
chiefly derived from Josephus, but this last opinion
U without probability. The manner and the order
in which Josephus cites them (AnL xi. 6) show
that they had already in his days obtained currency
among the Hellenistic Jews as portions of the book
of Esther; as we know from the way in which he
cites other apocryphal books that they were cur-
rent likewise, with others which are now lost.
For it was probably from such that Josephus de-
rived his stories about Moses, about Sanballat, and
the temple on Mount Gerizim. and the meeting of
the high-priest and Alexander the Great. But
these, not having happened to be bound up with
the LXX., perished. However, the marvellous
purity with which the Hebrew Canon has been
preserved, under the providence of Cod, is brought
out into very strong light, by the contrast of the
Greek volume. Nor is it uninteresting to observe
now the relaxation of the .peculiarity of their na-
tional character, by the Alexandrian Jews, implied
in the adoption of the Greek language and Greek
names, seems to have been accompanied with a less
jealous, and consequently a less trustworthy guard-
ianship of thrir great national treasures, " the ora-
ekaofGod."
See further, Bishop Cosin, on the Canon of Holy
Script.; Wolf's BibL Iltbr. ii. 88, and passim;
Hotting. Thesaur. p. 494; Walton, Prole g. ix. §
13; Whitaker, Duput. of Script, ch. viil.; Dr. O.
F. Fritzsche, Zus&tze zum Buck Esther [in the
Kvrzgef. txeg. Ilandb. xu den Apok. des A. T.,
IJef. i. (1851)] ; Baumgarteu, de Fide Lib. Esthercs
(Hal. Sax. 1839], 4c. A. C. H.
* M. Baumgarten, author of the treatise dt Fide
Lib. Esthcra, Ac., has an excellent article on the
same subject in Herzog's Jteil-Encyk. iv. 177-
185 (1855). We make room for one of his sug-
gestions. In respect to the omission of the name
of God in the book, he remarks that it is the less
surprising, because it occurs in a history which is
so full of interpositions, revealing the actual pres-
ence of Him who presides over the destiny of men
and nations, and also the power of that faith in the
unseen One, which made the actors in this drama
so hopeful, enduring, and triumphant. The his-
torical credibility of the events related in the book
is well attested, and at present generally acknowl-
edged (see Win. BibL Realw. i. 350). Prof. Stuart
says very truly: '• The fact that the feast of Purim
has come down to us from time almost immemorial
. . . proves as certainly that the main events
related in the book of Esther happened, as the
Declaration of Independence and the celebration
of the Fourth of July prove that we separated from
Great Britain, and became an independent nation.
. . . The book of Esther was an essential docu-
ment to explain the feast of Purim." See his
Bistoiy and Defence of the 0. T. Qwon, p. 357.
[Pvbih.] It is interesting to observe the self-
sssetting character of truthfulness which the Script-
are narrative assumes as expanded and illustrated
Ton contemporary sources in Dean Milman's sketch
if the events (fllfo-i of the Jetcs, 1. 479-477,
. ed.).
ETAM THE BOOK
The iter commentators or expositors sm Ha
theau, Die Backer Etra, Nechemia u. Ester etk
Utrt (1862, Lief. xvil. of the Kurngef. exeg. Handt
turn A. T.), containing, with a commentary, a fnl
critical introduction to the book; Oppert, Corns*
hist, et ph'd. du Litre it Esther, dapris lis Uctmrt
des inscriptions perses (Paris, 1864), a small
pamphlet; Chr. Wordsworth, The Book of Esther,
in his Bolt/ Bible, icith Notes and Introductions,
iii. 367-384 (1866); and A. D. Davidson, Lectures,
Expository and Practical, on the Book of Esther
(Edln. 1859). Bishop Hall (Contemplations, Ac,
bk. xxi.) has five discourses founded on portions of
this suggestive history. Dr. Thomas M'Crk'i
lectures on Hie Book of Esther (Edin. 1838), are
commended by Prof. Douglas (art. Esther in Fair-
bairn's Imp. Bible Diet.) for "comprehensiveness,
brevity, and raciness."
On the critical questions connected with the
book, and for different opinions respecting its char
acter, the reader may further consult Havemiek,
Handb. der EM. in das A. Test ii. 361 ff., trans-
lated, with additions from other sources, In the
Christian Rev. for Sept. 1848; ReU, Lehrb. d.
kisL-krU. EM. u. s. w., 2« Aufl., pp. 468-47+
Bleek, EM. in das A. Test. pp. 401-409; Ewald
Gtsch. d. Voltes In: iv. 396 if. (3« Ausg.); Herx-
feld, Gesch. d. Vollces Jisrael, ii. 1-9 (1856); David-
son, Introd. to the Old Test. ii. 151-173; and
Kuenen, Hist. crit. des litres de tAndcn Test ,
trad, par Pierson, i. 533-534. H.
ETAM (0^5 [lair of mid beasts] : AhsU>;
[Comp. 'Erd>; Aid. 'Hrd>0 Etam). L A Til-
lage (*TOn) of the tribe of Simeon, specified only
in the list in 1 Chr. iv. 39 (comp. Josh. xix. 7)
but that it is intentionally introduced appears from
the fact that the number of places is summed as
five, though in the parallel list as four. The cities
of Simeon appear all to have been in the extreme
south of the country (see Joseph. AnL v. 1, § 29).
Different from this, therefore, was: —
3. [AirdV; Vat." Away; Alex. Arrari: Comp.
'Era/*.] A place in Judah, fortified and garrisoned
by Kehoboam (3 Chr. xi. 6). From its position in
this list we may conclude that it was near Beth-
lehem and Tekoah ; and in accordance with this is
the mention of the name among the ten cities
which the LXX. insert in the text of Josh. xv. 60,
" Thecoa and Ephratha which is Bethlehem, Pha-
gor and Aitan (Ethan)." Keasons are shown be
low for believing it possible that this may have bee-i
the scene of Samson's residence, the cliff Etam
being one of the numerous bold eminences which
abound in this part of the country ; and the spring
of En-hak-kore one of those abundant fountains
which have procured for Etam its chief fame. For
here, according to the statements of Josephus (AnL
viii. 7, § 3) and the Talmudiats, were the sources
of the water from which Solomon's gardens ami
pleasure-grounds were fed, and Bethlehem and tbi'
Temple supplied. (See Lightfoot, on John v.)
3. [AtrdVi Vat -ray; Comp. 'Hrdfu] A
name occurring in the lists of Judah's descendants
(1 Chr. iv. 8), but probably referring to the pesos
named above (9), Bethlehem being mentioned la
the following verse.
ETAM, THE ROCK (Ott^ "Sh^i *
virpa Hrifi, tot Alex, see below; Joseph. Arrstr
Petra, and silex, Etam), a cliff or lofty rock (sad
seems to be the special force of Sela') liitr a els*
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B1HAM
» chasm O"??: A. V. "top"), of which Sam-
mi retired after 'his daughter of the Philistine*, in
revenge for their burning the Timnite woman who
ww to have been his wife (Judg. it. 8, 11 <•). This
natural tbronghold (weVpa 8' i<rr\r ix"fA< Joseph.
Ant. T. 8, J 8) was in the tribe of Judah ; ana
near it, probably at its foot, was Lehi or Ramath-
lehi, and En-hak-kore (it. 9, 14, 17, 19). These
names hare all vanished ; at any rate none of them
hare been yet discovered within that comparatively
narrow circle to which Samson's exploits appear to
have been confined. Van de Velde (ii. 141) would
identify Lehi with Lekiyth, a short distance north
of Beer-sbeba, but this has nothing beyond its name
to recommend it. The name Etam, however, was
held by a city in the neighborhood of Bethlehem,
fortified by Rehoboam (3 Chr. ii. 6), and which
from other sources is known to have been situated
in the extremely uneven and broken country round
the modern Urint. Here is a fitting scene for the
adventure of Samson. It was sufficiently distant
from Timnah to have seemed a safe refuge from the
wrath of the Philistines, while on the other band
it was not too far for them to reach in search of
him; for even at Bethlehem, still more distant from
Philistia, they had a garrison, and that in the time
of their great enemy king David. In the abun-
iant springs and the numerous eminences of the
district round UrUa, the cliff Etam, Ramath-lehi,
and En-hak-kore may be yet discovered. G.
ETHAM [DH& from the Coptic aliom,
"boundary of the sea," Jablonski: Ex. xiii. 20,
'OMfi, Alex- OSoju; Num. xxxiii. 6, 7, Bov6Av-
Etham]. [Exodus, the.]
ETHAN O^N ifirm, ttrmgy. Vai«i»\ fin
1 Chr. and Ps.,] Alfetu (Alex. AiSo»\ and so Tat.
and Sin. in Ps. :] Ethan). The name of several
persons. 1. Etrak the Kzbahitk, one of the
four sons of Mahol, whose wisdom was excelled by
Solomon (1 K. iv. 31). His name is in the title
of Ps. lxxiix. There is little doubt that this is
the same person who in 1 Chr. ii. 6 is mentioned
— with the same brothers as before — as a son of
Zerah, the son of Judah. [Darda; Ezrahitk.]
But being a son of Judah he must have been a
different person from
2. [In 1 Chr. vi., Al6d>, Alex. AiAu>: xv.,
Al0dV, FA. in ver. 17, AieV.] Son of Kishi or
Kushaiah; a Merarite Levite, bead of that family
in the time of king David (1 Chr. vi. 44, Heb. 89),
and spoken of as a " singer." With Heman and
Aiaph, the heads of the other two families of Le-
vites, Ethan was appointed to sound with cymbals
(xv. 17, 19). From the fact that in other passages
af these books the three names are given as Asaph,
Heman, and Jkddthoh, it has* been conjectured
thai the two names both belonged to the one man,
or are identical; but there is no direct evidence of
this, nor is there anything to show that Ethan the
singer was the same person ss Ethan the Ezrahite,
whose name stands at the head of Ps. Ixxxix.,
though it is a curious coincidence that there should
be two persons named Heman and Ethan so closely
soanected in two different tribes sod walks of life.
3. [AWd>; Vat - Alter; Alex. Ov»«.] A Ger-
shonite Levite, one of the ancestors of Asaph the
i Is some uncertainty about the text of this
js. the Alex. IIS. of the LXX. [In vtr. 8] lowi-
ng ths words rapjt rov gftji v^ov (ry iptp \p{x? ], " by
ETHIOPIA. 77$
singer (1 Chr. vi 49, Heb. 27). In the ravened
genealogy of the Gershonites (ver. 31 of this chap.)
Joah stands in the place of Ethan as the son of
Zimmah.
ETH'ANIM. [Mobtim.]
ETHBA'AL (bjJflN [«** Baal, i. e
favored by him, Gesen.] : ['lt0c$ad\ ; Alex
lafiaaW Comp.j 'E$$aa\; Joseph. 'lSi$a\ot
Ethbant), king of Sidon and father of Jezebel, win
of Ahab (1 K. xvi. 31). Josephus (Ant. viii. 13,
§ 1) represents him ss king of the Tynans ss well
as the Sidonians. We may thus identify him with
Eithobalus (Eldii&aAos), noticed by Mennndei
(Joseph, e. Apion. i. 18), a priest of Astarte, who,
after having assassinated Pheles, usurped the throne
of Tyre for 32 years. As SO years elapsed between
the deaths of Hiram and Pheles, the date of Eth-
baal's reign may be given as about B. c. 940-908.
The variation in the name is easily explained :
Ethbaal = wi*A Baal [•'. e. his help]; Ithobalua
(bp3VlH)=fiani with him, which is preferable
in point of sense to the other. The position which
Ethbaal held explains, to a certain extent, the idol-
atrous zeal which Jezebel displayed. W. L. B.
ETHER Opy £<*»*H«oej: 'Wet*, *•.«•*>;
Alex. Aijwp [Alex! i Aety?], Beety; [Comp. 'A<r<>.
'ZBtp; Aid. 'A9«o, *E0<p:] Ether, Alhar), one of
the cities of Judah in the low country, the Shtft-
lnh (Josh. xv. 42) allotted to Simeon (xix. 7). In
the parallel list of the towns of Simeon in 1 Chr.
iv. 32, Tocren is substituted for Ether. In his
Onomatticon Eusebius mentions it twice, as Ether
and as Jether (in the latter case confounding it with
Jattir, a city of priests and containing frieuds
of David during his troubles under Saul). It was
then a considerable place dttSun pryforn), retain-
ing the name of Jethira or Etera, very near Mal-
atha in the interior of the district of Daroma, that
is in the desert country below Hebron and to toe
east of Beer-sheba. The name of Ether has not
yet been identified with any existing remains; but
Van de Velde heard of a Tel Athar in this direc-
tion (Memoir, p. 311). G.
ETHIOPIA (tC"0 : A/*Wa: ^Ethiopia).
The country, which the Greeks and Romans de-
scribed as "^Ethiopia" and the Hebrews as " Gush "
lay to the S. of Egypt, and embraced, in its most
extended sense, the modem Nubia, Sennaar, Kor-
dofan, and northern Abyttiniit, and in its more
definite sense the kingdom of Heroe, from the
junction of the Blue and White branches of tbr
Nile to the border of Egypt. The only direction
in which a clear boundary can be fixed is in the
N., where Syene marked the division between
Ethiopia and Egypt (Ez. xxix. 10): in other direc-
tions the boundaries can be only generally described
as the Red Sea on the E., the Libyan desert on
the W., and the Abyssinian highlands on the S.
The name " Ethiopia " is probably an adaptation
of the native Egyptian name " Ethaush," which
bears a tolerably close resemblance to the gentile
form '• yEthiops; " the Greeks themselves regarded
it as expressive of a dark complexion (from atV*>,
"to burn," and an)>, "a countenance " ). The He-
brews transformed the ethnical designation "Cush "
the torrent," before ths mention of ths rock [h t«'
ra|Aut> 'Ht*>]. In var. 11 ths reading senss wist
the H»fc"»w.
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780 ETHIOPIA
into a territorial one, restricting it, however, in the
latter seme to the African settlements of the Cuah-
ite race. [Cush.] The Hebrews do not appear to
have bad much practical acquaintance with Ethiopia
itself, though the Ethiopians were well known to
them through their intercourse with Egypt. They
were, however, perfectly aware of its position
(Ez. xxix. 10); and they describe it as a well-
watered country lying " by the side of" (A. V.
" beyond ") the waters of Cush (Is. xviii. 1; Zeph.
iii. 10), being traversed by the two branches of the
Nile, and by the Astaboras or Tacazzt. The Nile
descends with a rapid stream in this part of its
course, forming a series of cataracts: its violence
seems to be referred to in the words of Is. xviii. 2,
" whose land the rivers have spoiled." The He-
brews seem also to have been aware of its tropical
characteristics, the words translated in the A. V.
"the land shadowing with wings" (Is. xviii. 1)
admitting of the sense " the land of the shadow of
both sides," the shadows falling towards the north
and south at different periods of the year — a feat-
ure which is noticed by many early writers (comp.
the expression in Strabo, ii. p. 133, ifuplvKiot;
Virg. EcL x. 68; Plin. ii. 75). The papyrus
boats ('< vessels of bulrushes," Is. xviii 2), which
were peculiarly adapted to the navigation of the
Upper Nile, admitting of being carried on men's
locks when necessary, were regarded as a charac-
teristic feature of the country. The Hebrews car-
ried on commercial intercourse with Ethiopia, its
"merchandise" (Is. xlv. 14) consisting of ebony,
ivory, frankincense and gold (Herod, iii. 97, 114),
and precious stones (Job xxviii. 19; Joseph. Ant.
viii. 6, § S). The country is for the most part
mountainous, the ranges gradually increasing in
altitude towards the S., until they attain an eleva-
tion of about 8000 feet in Abyssinia.
The inhabitants of Ethiopia were a Hamitic race
(Gen. x. 6), and are described in the Bible as a
dark-complexioned (Jer. xiii. 23) and stalwart race
(Is. xlv. 14, "men of stature;" xviii. 2, for
"scattered," substitute "tall''). Their stature is
noticed by Herodotus (iii. 20, 114), as well as their
handsomeness. Not improbably the latter quality
is intended by the term in Is. xviii. 2, which in the
A. 7. is rendered " peeled," but which rather means
" fine-looking." Their appearance led to their be-
ing selected as attendants in royal households (Jer.
txxviii. 7). The Ethiopians are on one occasion
»upled with the Arabians, as occupying the oppo-
site shores of the Red Sea (2 Chr. xxi. 16); but
elsewhere they are connected with African nations,
particularly Egypt (Ps. lxviii. 31; Is. xx. 3, 4,
xliii. 3, xlv. 14), Phut (Jer. xlvi. 9), Lub and l.ud
(Ez. xxx. 5), and the Suklriim (2 Chr. xii. 3).
They were divided into various tribes, of which the
Siboans were the most powerful. [Sbba ; Sck-
■nx.]
The history of Ethiopia is closely interwoven with
that of Egypt The two countries were not un-
frequently united under the rule of the same sov-
ereign. The first Egyptian king who governed
Ethiopia was one of the XHth dynasty, named
OsirUsen I., the Sesortris of Herod, ii. 110. Dur-
ing the occupation of Egypt by the Hyksos, the
XHlth dynasty retired to the Ethiopian capital, Na-
pata ; and again we find the kings of the XVIIIth
Mid XlXth dynasties exercising a supremacy over
Ethiopia, and erecting numerous temples, the ruins
•f which still exist at Semneh, Amada, Soleb,
Muommbd, and Jebtl Berkd. The tradition of the
ETHIOPIAN EUNUCH
successful expedition of M oses against the Ethi
opians, recorded by Joeephus (Ant. ii. 10), was
doubtless founded on the general superiority of the
Egyptians over the Ethiopians at that period of
their history. The XXIId dynasty still held sway
over Ethiopia, as we find Ethiopians forming a por-
tion of Shisfaak's army (2 Chr. xii. 3), and his suc-
cessor Osorkon apparently described as Zerah " the
Ethiopian "(2 Chr. xir. 9). The kings of the XX Vth
dynasty were certainly Ethiopians, who ruled the
whole of Upper Egypt, and at one time Lower
Egypt also, from their northern capital, Napata.
Two of these kings are connected with sacred his-
tory, namely, So, probably Sebichus, who made an
alliance with Hoshea king of Israel (2 K. xvii. 4),
and Tirhakah, or Tarau, who advanced against
Sennacherib in aid of Hezekiah king of Judab (2
K. xix. 9). The prophets appear to refer to a sub-
jection of Ethiopia by the Assyrians as occurring
about this period (Is. xx. 4), and particularly to
the capture of Thebes at a time when the Ethi-
opians were among its defenders (Nah. iii. 8, 9).
We find, in confirmation of these notices, that
Esar-haddon is stated in the Assyrian inscriptions
to have conquered both Egypt and Ethiopia. At
the time of the conquest of Egypt, Cambyaes ad-
vanced against Meroe and subdued it; but the
Persian rule did not take any root there, nor did
the influence of the Itolemies generally extend
beyond northern Ethiopia. Shortly before our
Saviour's birth, a native dynasty of females, hold-
ing the official title of Candaoe (Plin. vii. 35), held
sway in Ethiopia, and even resisted the advance of
the Roman arms. One of these is the queen
noticed in Acts viii. 27. [Candace.]
W.L.B.
ETHIOPIAN OOfaS : Attfs*: ^Ethwps).
Properly "Cushite" (Jer. xiii. 23); used of Zerah
(2 Chr. xiv. 9 [8] ), and ELed-melech (Jer. xxxviii.
7, 10, 12, xxxix. 16).« W. A. W.
• ETHIOPIAN EUNUCH, baptized by
the Evangelist Philip on the way between Jerusalem
and Gaza (Acta viii. 26 ft). [Betii-zur.] Whether
he was an Ethiopian by birth, or a Jew who lived in
Ethiopia (comp. Acts ii. 10), has been disputed. The
sense of M$i6rmr (same versa) belongs naturally
to Ai0i'oif>, as applied to the eunuch, and in that case
the latter must refer to his Gentile extraction. It
was customary for proselytes, as well as foreign
Jews, to repair to Jerusalem for worship at the
great festivals (see John xii. 20; Acts ii. 10). He
was no doubt a eunuch in the strict import of that
word, and not in its secondary or official sense as
denoting a minister of state or courtier merely ; for
hi the latter case, SuvdVrnr which follows would
be superfluous. His office under Caxdack (which
see) as treasurer or chamberlain (M riLrnt ttjs
■yifat) was one of high rank.
The Ethiopian was reading one of the most
remarkable of the Messianic predictions when
Philip overtook him. It is not improbable that he
had heard, at Jerusalem, of the death of Jesus and
the attendant miracles, of the claim put forth by
the crucified one to be the Messiah, and of taw
existence of a numerous party who acknowledged
him in that character. Hence he may have heeo
a • In Acts vUL 27, AiMb* is strictly « Ethiopian
and not "man of Rthtopia" (A V.). bm Cunuea
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ETHIOPIA* WOMAN
r", lining the prophecies at the moment of Philip's
approach to him, with reference to the question
bow far the; had been aooomplithed in the history
if the person concerning whom such reports had
reached him. Fhe extraordinary means which God
employed for bringing the two stranger* into con-
nection with each other, and the readiness with
which the Ethiopian embraced the gospel, certainly
indicate that his mind had been specially prepared
tor the reception of the truth. Tradition adds that
the eunuch's name was Indich, and that it was he
who first preached the gospel in Ethiopia, It is
sertain that Christianity existed there at an early
period, but its introduction, says Neander, cannot
he traced to any connection with his labors.
H.
ETHIOPIAN WOMAN (rt^ : AlSco-
wlvaa- JEthiopitta). Zipporah, the wife of Hoses,
is so described in Num. xii. 1. She is elsewhere
said to hare been the daughter of a Midianite, and
in consequence of this Ewald and others have sup-
posed that the allusion is to another wife whom
Moses married after the death of Zipporah.
W. A. W.
ETHIOTIANS (tTIS, Is. xx. 4; Jer. xM.
9; ^I^O : Aitfons: ^Ethiopia, uEthiopes). Prop-
erly "Cosh" or "Ethiopia" in two passages (Is.
xx. 4; Jer. xlvi. 9). Elsewhere " Cusbites," or
inhabitants of Ethiopia (2 Chr. xii. 3, xiv. 13 [11],
13 [12], xri. 8, xxi. 16; Dan. xi. 43; Am. U. 7;
Zeph. ii. 12 [AcU via. 271). [Ethiopia.]
W. A. W.
ETH'MA ('E«fuf i [Vat. Oopa;] Alex. Noo/ua:
A*u6et), 1 Esdr. ix. 88; apparently a corruption of
Nkbo in the parallel list of Ezra x. 43.
ETITNAN Ojrj^ [gift, hire]: 'Zotardp;
[Vat. }inw; Comp. 'EfodV;] Alex. EtfraSi:
Klhnan), a descendant of Judah; one of the sons
>f Helah the wife of Ashur, "the father of Tekoa"
(1 Chr. iv. 7).
•ETHNARCH (2 tor. xi. 32). [Gov-
EKNOR, 11.)
ETHTU ("OTfe} [mmtfcent]: 'A«oW, [Vat]
Alex. A6W«: Aliatud), a Gershonite Levite, one
of the forefathers of Asaph the singer (1 Chr. vi.
41, Heb. 26).
EUBUXUS (Etfavkoi [of good counsel,
prudent]), a Christian at Rome mentioned by St.
Paul (3 Tim. Iv. 21).
EUER'GETES (Etyrysrr)*, a benefactor:
PtoUmams Euergetes), a common surname and
title of honor (of. Plato, Oorg. p. 606 c, and Stallb.
ad be.) in Greek states, conferred at Athens by a
public vote (Dem. p. 475), and so notorious as to
pass into a proverb (Luke xxii. 25). The title was
bt me by two of the Ptolemies, Ptol III., Euergetes
., B. c. 247-222, and Ptol. VII., Euergetes II.,
. C. (170) 146-117. The Euergetes mentioned
In the prologue to Ecclesiasticus has been identified
with each of these, according to the different views
taken of the history of the book. [Ecclesiasti-
cus: Jbsus son op Sirach.] B. F. W.
EUTMENES II. (Zbrfrnt [weU-ditpoud,
tind]), king of Pergamus, succeeded his father
Attains I., b. c. 197, from whom he innerited the
Vwor and alliance of the Romans. In the war with
intiochus the Great be rendered the most important
i to the growing republic; and at the battlo
EUNUCH
781
of Magnesia (b. a 190) commanded bis eontingenl
in person (Just. xxxi. 8, 5; App. Syr. 84). Afiei
peace was made (b. c. 189) he repaired to Rome
to claim the reward of his loyalty; and the Senate
conferred on him the provinces of Mysia, Lydia, and
Ionia (with some exceptions), Phrygia, Lycaonia,
and the Thracian Chersonese (App. Sgr. 44 ; Polyt
xxii. 7; Liv. xxxviii. 56). His influence at Rouw
continued uninterrupted till the war with Perseus,
with whom he is said to have entertained treason-
able correspondence (Liv. xxiv. 24, 25) ; and after
the defeat of Perseus (u. c. 167) he was looked
upon with suspicion which he vainly endeavored to
remove. The exact date of his death is not men-
tioned, but it must have taken place in b. c. 159.
The large accession of territory which was
granted to Eumenes from the former dominions of
Antiochus is mentioned 1 Mace viii. 8, but the
present reading of the Greek and Latin texts offers
insuperable difficulties. " The Romans gave him,"
it is said, " the country of India and Media, and
Lydia and parts of his (Antiochus) fairest countries
(o>o rir koAA. x»)wr a b r o »)•" Various con-
jectures have been proposed to remove these obvi-
ous errors; but though it may be reasonably allowed
that Mysia may have stood originally for Media
(''DS for "HD, Michaelis), it is not equally easy
to explain the origin of x^pay rhr 'IrSiiriir. It is
barely possible that 'lvtuetir may have been sub-
stituted for 'lwvutfiv after Mtj&W was already
established in the text. Other explanations are
given by Grimm, Exeg. Bandb. ad toe.; Werns-
dorf, Defide Libr. Mace. p. 50 ff.; but they have
little plausibility. B. F. W.
EU'NATAN CEwjrdV; Alex. EAt-oSa*:
Emagam), 1 Esdr. viii. 44. [Elxathan.]
* This form of the name in the A. V. may be
a mere misprint for Ennatan, the reading of the
Genevan version and the Bishops' Bible. A.
EUNI'OE (Ebriieri [Aoflpty notorious]),
mother of Timotheus, 2 Tim. 1. 5 ; there spoken
of as possessing unfeigned faith; and described hi
Acts xvL 1, as a ywii 'lovtala wiotv/. H. A
EUNUCH (D"H9: «4w5 X o», »Aa««j:
spado ; variously rendered in the A. V. " eunuch,"
"officer," and "chamberlain," apparently as though
the word intended a class of attendants who were
not always mutilated)." The original Hebrew word
(root Arab. i>m«4m, impotent erne ad venerem,
Gesen. «. v.) clearly implies the incapacity which
mutilation involves, and perhaps includes all the
classes mentioned in Matt. xix. 12, not signifying,
as the Greek suvovxpt, an office merely. The law,
Deut. xxiii. 1 (comp. Lev. xxii. 24), is repugnant
to thus treating any Israelite; and Samuel, when
describing the arbitrary power of the future king
(1 Sam. viii. 15, marg.), mentions " his eunuchs,"
but does not say that he would make •' their sons "
such. This, if we compare 2 K. xx. 18; Is. xxxix
" possibly Implies that these persons would be
foreigners. It was a barbarous custom of the East
thus to treat captives (Herod, ill- 49, vi. 32), not
only of tender age (when a non-development of
beard, and feminine mould of limbs and modulation
of voice ensues), but, It should seem, when past
puberty, wnlch there occurs at an early age. Phys-
iological considerations lead to the supposition thai
<• So WnistOD, Joseph. Ant. x. 10, J 2, not*
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782
EUNUCH
in til* latter can a remnant of animal feeling ii
Ml; which may explain Ecclus. xx. 4, xxx. 90
(camp. Jut. ri. 860, and Mart vi. 67; Philostr.
Apoll Tyan. i. 37; Ter. Ann. iv. 8, 24), where a
sexual function, though fruitless, is implied. Bus-
bequius (Ep. ill. 122, Ox. 1660) seems to ascribe
the absence or presence of this to the total or par-
tial character of the mutilation ; but modern surgery
would rather assign the earlier or later period of
the operation as the real explanation. It is total
among modern Turks (Tournefbrt, ii. 8, 9, 10, ed.
Par. 1717, tallies a flew de centre); a precaution
arising from mixed ignorance and jealousy. The
" officer " Potiphsr (Gen. xxxrii. 86, mix. 1, marg.
"eunuch") was an Egyptian, was married, and
was the " captain of the guard ; " and in the As-
syrian monuments an eunuch often appears, some-
times armed, and in a warlike capacity, or as a
scribe, noting the number of heads and amount of
spoil, as receiving the prisoners, and even as offici-
ating in religious ceremonies (Layard, Nineveh, ii.
VU-6, 334). A bloated beardless face and double
chin is there their conventional type. Chardin
(Voyages en Perse, ii. 283, ed. Amsterd. 1711)
speaks of eunuchs having a harem of their own. If
Potiphar had become such by operation for disease,
by accident, or even by malice, such a marriage
seems, therefore, according to Eastern notions, sup-
potable. 11 (See Grotius on Deut- xxiii. 1; comp.
Burckhardt, Trav. in Arab. i. 290.) Nor is it
wholly repugnant to that barbarous social standard
to think that the prospect of rank, honor, and royal
confidence, might even induce parents to thus treat
their children at a later age, if they showed an
aptness for such preferment. The characteristics
as regards beard, voice, Ac., might then perhaps
be modified, or might gradually follow. The Poti-
pherah of Gen. xli. 50, whose daughter Joseph
married, was "priest of On," and no doubt a dif-
ferent person.
The origination of the practice is ascribed to
8emiramis (Amm. Marcell. xiv. 6), and is no doubt
as early, or nearly so, as eastern despotism itself.
Their incapacity, as in the case of mutes, is the
ground of reliance upon them (Clarke's Travels,
part ii. § 1, 13; Busbeq. Ep. i. 33). By reason
of the mysterious distance at which the sovereign
sought to keep his subjects (Herod, i. 99, comp.
Esth. iv. 11 ), and of the malignant jealousy fostered
by the debased relation of the sexes, such wretches,
detached from social interests and hopes of issue
(especially when, as commonly, and as amongst the
Jews, foreigners), the natural slaves of either sex
(Esth. iv. 5), and having no prospect in rebellion
save the change of masters, were the fittest props
of a government resting on a servile relation, the
most complete ipyava (fitfrvya of its despotism or
its lust, the surest (but see Esth. ii. 91) guardians
(Xenoph. Cyrop. vii. 5, § 15; Herod, viii. 105) of
the monarch's person, and the sole confidential
witnesses of his unguarded or undignified moments.
EOJETUOH
! Hence they have in all ages frequen tly risen to h%s
, offices of trust. Thus the "chief" » of the eu*>
j bearers and of the cooks of Pharaoh were eunuchs
as being near his person, though their inftrioi
agents need not have been so (Gen. xl. 1). Tb«
complete assimilation of the kingdom of Israel, and
latterly of Judah, to the neighboring models of
despotism, is traceable in the rank and prominence
of eunuchs (2 K. viii. 6, ix. 32, xxiii. H, xxv. 19;
Is. lvi. 3, 4; Jer. xxix. 2, xxxlv. 19, xxxviii. 7, xli.
16, Hi. 25). They mostly appear in one of two
relations, either military as " set over the men of
war," greater trustworthiness possibly own t« bal-
ancing inferior courage and military rigor, or as-
sociated, as we mostly recognize them, with women
and children. We find the Assyrian Rab-Saris, a*
chief eunuch (2 K. xviii. 17), employed togethet
with other high officials as ambassador. Similarly,
in the details of the travels of an embassy sent by
the Duke of Holstein (p. 186), we find a eunuch
mentioned as sent on occasion of a state-marriage
to negotiate, and of another (p. 273) who was ths
Meheter, or chamberlain of Shah Abbas, who was
always near his person, and had his ear (comp.
Chardin, iii. 87), and of another, originally a
Georgian nrisoner, who officiated as supreme judge.
Fryer (Travels in India and Persia, 1698) and
Chardin (ii. 383) describe them as being the base
and ready tools of licentiousness, as tyrannical in
humor, and pertinacious in the authority which
they exercise ; Clarke ( Travel* *n Europe, Ac., part
ii. § 1, p. 22), as eluded and ridiculed by those
whom it is their office to guard. A great number
of them accompany the Shah and his ladies when
hunting, and no one is allowed, on pain of death,
to come within two leagues of the field, unless the
king sends an eunuch for him. So eunuchs run
before the closed arabahs of the sultanas when
abroad, crying out to all to keep at a distance
This illustrates Esth. i. 10, 12. 15, 16, ii. 3, 8, 14
The moral tendency of this sad condition is weL
known to be the repression of courage, gentleness
shame, and remorse, the development of malice, and
often of melancholy, and a disposition to suicide
The favorable description of them in Xenophon
(L c.) is overcharged, or at least is not confirmed
by modern observation. They are not more liable
to disease than others, unless of such as often fol-
lows the' foul vices of which they are the took.
The operation itself, especially in infancy, is not
more dangerous than an ordinary amputation.
Chardin (ii. 285) says that only one in four sur-
vives; and Clot Bey, chief physician of the Pasha,
states that two thirds die. Burckhardt, therefore
(Nub. p. 329), is mistaken, when he says that the
operation is only fatal in about two out of a hundred
• Ths Jewish tradition is that Joseph was made a
tattuoh on his first introduction to Egypt ; and jet
Ills accusation of Potiphar's wife, his marriage and
thi birth o) his children, an related subsequent!;
without any explanation. See Targum Peeudojon.
sn Oen. xxxix. 1, xli. 50, and the details given at
cxxU.13.
6 Wilkinson (Axe. Egypt, Ii. 61) denies the use of
susraehs in Igrpt. Herodt tus, Indeed (U. 92), eon-
tan* hi* statement as ressu Is Egyptian monogamy ;
It is probable that Daniel and his companions
were thus treated, in nilfiUment of 2 K. xx. 17, 18;
Is. xxxix. 7 ; comp. Dan. L 3, 7. The court of
Herod of course had its eunuchs (Joseph. Amu xvi.
but if this as a rule applied to the kings, they ssssa
at any rate to have allowed themselves concoMnes
(*. 181). From the general beardless character or
Egyptian heads It is not easy to prow unco wheel at
any eunuchs appear in the sculptures or not.
c 2 Chr. iivtil. 1, is remarkable as sacrum*,
eunuchs to the period of David, nor can It be doubted
that Solomon's polygamy made them a necessary eoo
sequence ; but to the state they do not seem to have
played an important part at this period.
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EUNUCH ETHIOPIA*
t. { 1, xv. 7, § 4), u had also that of Queen
Oandeoe (AeU viii. 27 J. Michaelis (ii. 180) regards
them as the proper consequence of the gross polyg-
eny of the East, although his further remark that
the; tend to balance the sexual dispt-ity which
such monopoly of women causes is less just, since
the countries despoiled of their women for the one
purpose are not commonly those which furnish
male children for the other.
In the three classes mentioned in Matt. xix. 12
the first is to be ranked with other examples of
defective organization, the last, if taken literally, as
it is said to have been personally exemplified in
Origen (Euseb. feci. But. vi. 8), is sn instance
of human ways and means of ascetic devotion being
valued by the Jews above revealed precept (see
Schottgcn, Hot. Heb. i. 159). But a figurative
sense of tirouxos (comp. 1 Cor. vii. 32, 34) is also
possible.
In the A. V. of Esther the word " chamberlain "
(mug. "eunuch") is the constant rendering of
D^D • and as the word also occurs in Acts xii.
20 and Rom. xvi. 23, where the original expressions
are very different, some caution is required. In
Acta xii. 20 to» M rod leoirAras rod $aeih(m
may mean a " chamberlain " merely. Such were
persons of public influence, as we learn from a
Greek inscription, preserved in Walpole's Turkey
(ii. 569), in honor of P. JSlius Alcibiades, "cham-
berlain of the emperor " («Vl Konmvos 2<j3.)i the
epithets in which exactly suggest the kind of
patronage expressed. In Rom. xvi. 23 the word
Mi f «m>s is the one commonly rendered " steward "
(e. g. Matt xx. 8; Luke viii. 3), and means the
one to whom the care of the city was committed.
For further information, Salden, Oiia TheoL de
Ewxuehit [and Winer's Realm, art. Verschmttent],
may be consulted. H. H.
• EUNUCH, ETHIOPIAN. [ETmoMA»
EUMCCH.]
EUPHRATES
78i
* EUODIA. [EuoDiAS.]
EUODIAS (Et-aSfa [Staph., fragrant; Eis-
lia, Eb. Griesb. Lachm. Tisch., with ail the uncial
MSS., prosperous J), a Christian woman at PhUippi
(Phil. iv. 2). The name, however, is correctly
Euodia [as in the Genevan vers.], that being the
aominative case of EimSlay. The two persons
whom St. Paul there wishes to bring into accord-
ance are both women, referred to in the following
verse by alrreus and aTrircs- H. A.
• The A. V. in Phil. iv. 8 does not bring out
this relation of aureus to the previous names. In-
stead of " help those women which labored," Ac.,
the rendering should be " help them," i. e. the
women before mentioned, "which labored," Ac.
The conjecture that Euodia may have taken the
uame (note the meaning) on becoming a Christian,
tanuot be proved or disproved. Most of those who
;ecojrnize an order of "deaconesses in the primitive
inurch, thjjk that Euodia belonged to that order.
" Okacokess ] H.
EUPHRATES (rn? : Zixppirnf- Euphrn-
•■») is probably a word of Aryan origin, the initial
sument being 'u, which is in Sanscrit su, in Zend
fw, and in Greek tZx and the second element being
fra, the particle of abundance. The Euphrates is
thus " the good and abounding river." It is not
snprobable that in common parlance the name was
uaa shortened to its modern form of Frit, which
is almost exactly what the Hebrew litstation ex-
presses. But It is most frequently denoted in the
Bible by the term '^'t'?'?) han-ndhAr, i. e. -'the
river," the river of Asia, in grand contrast to the
short-lived torrents of Palestine. (For a list of the
occurrences of this term, see Stanley, 8. <f P. App.
5 34).
The Euphrates is the largest, the longest, and
by far the most important of the rivers of western
Asia. It rises from two chief sources in the Ar-
menian mountains, one of them at Domli, 26 miles
N. E. of Enseroum, and little more than a degree
from the Black Sea; the other on the northern
slope of the mountain range called Ala-J'aglt, neat
the village of DiyiuHn, and not far from Mount
Ararat. The former, or Northern Euphrates, has
the name Frat from the first, but is known also as
the Kara-Su (Black River) ; the latter, or Southern
Euphrates, is not called the Frat but the Murad
Chai, yet it is in reality the main river. Both
branches Sow at first towards the west or south-
west, passing through the wildest mountain-dis-
tricts of Armenia; they meet at Kebban-Afaden,
nearly in Ions;. 39° E. from Greenwich, having run
respectively 400 and 270 mles. Here the stream
formed by their combined waters is 120 yards wide,
rapid, and very deep; it now Sows nearly south-
ward, but in a tortuous course, forcing a way
through the ranges of Taurus and Anti-Taurus,
and still seeming as if it would empty itself into
the Mediterranean; but prevented from so doing
by the longitudinal ranges of Amanus and Leba-
non, which here run parallel to the Syrian coast,
and at no great distance from it; the river at last
desists from its endeavor, and in about lat 38°
turns towards the southeast, and proceeds in this
direction for above 1000 miles to its embouchure in
the Persian Gulf. The last part of its course, from
Hit downwards, is through a low, flat, and alluvial
plain, over which it has a tendency to spread and
stagnate; above Hit, and from thence to SumtUat
(Samosata), the country along its banks is for the
most part open but hilly; north of Sumeuat, the
stream runs in a narrow valley among high mount-
ains, and is interrupted by numerous rapids. The
entire course is calculated at 1780 miles, nearly
650 more than that of the Tigris, and only 200
short of that of the Indus; and of this distanoe
more than two thirds (1200 miles) is navigable for
boats, and even, as the expedition of CoL Chesney
proved, for small steamers. The width of the river
is greatest at the distance of 700 or 800 miles from
its mouth — that is to say, from its junction with
the Khubour to the village of Werai. It there
averages 400 yards, while lower down, from Word*
to Lamlam, it continually decreases, until at the
last named place its width is not more than 120
yards, its depth having at the same time dimin -
ished from an average of 18 to one of 12 feet
The causes of this singular phenomenon are the
entire lack of tributaries below the Khabow, and
the employment of the water in irrigation. The
river has also in this part of its course the tendency
already noted, to run off and waste itself in vast
marshes, which every year more and more cover
the alluvial tract west and south of the stream.
From this cause its lower course is continually
varying, and it is doubtM whether at present, ex-
cept in the season of the inundation, any portion
of the Euphrates water is poured into the oAaf-s»
Arab.
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EUPHRATES
The annual inundation of the Euphrates is caused
oy the melting of the mows in the Armenian high-
land*. It occurs in the month of May. The rise
of the Tigris is earlier, since it drains the toulhern
Sank of the great Armenian chain. The Tigris
scarcely ever overflows [Hiddekel], but the Eu-
phrates Inundates large tracts on both aides of its
course from Hit downwards. The great hydraulic
works ascribed to Nebuchadnezzar (Abyden. Fr. 8)
had for their great object to control the inundation
by turning the waters through sluices into canals
prepared for them, and distributing them in chan-
nels over a wide extent of country.
The Euphrates has at all times been of some im-
portance as furnishing a Hue of traffic between the
East and the West. Herodotus speaks of persons,
probably merchants, using it regularly on their
passage from the Mediterranean to Babylon (Herod.
1. 185). He also describes the boats which were in
use upon the stream (i. 194) — and mentions that
their principal freight was wine, which he seems to
hare thought was furnished by Armenia. It was,
however, more probably Syrian, as Armenia is too
cold for the vine. Boats such as he describes, of
wicker work, and coated with bitumen, or some-
times covered with skins, still abound on the river.
Alexander appears to have brought to Babylon by
the Euphrates route vessels of some considerable
size, which he had had made in Cyprus and Phoe-
nicia. They were so constructed that they could
take to pieces, and were thus carried piecemeal to
Thapsacus, where they were put together and
launched (Aristobul. ap. Strab. xvi. 1, § 11). The
disadvantage of the route was the difficulty of con-
veying return cargoes against the current. Accord-
ing to Herodotus the boats which descended the
river were broken to pieces and sold at Babylon,
and the owners returned on foot to Armenia, tak-
ing with them only the skins (i. 194). Aristobulus
however related (ap. Strab. xvi. 8, § 3) that the
Gerrhreans aacerded the river in their rafts not
only to Babylon, but to Thapsacus, whence they
carried their wares on foot in all directions. The
■pices and other products of Arabia formed their
principal merchandise. On the whole there are
sufficient grounds for believing that throughout
the Babylonian and Persian periods this route was
made use of by the merchants of various nations,
and that by it the East and West continually inter-
changed their most important products. (See
layard's Nineveh and Babylon, pp. 536-37).
The Euphrates is first mentioned in Scripture as
one of the four rivers of Eden (Gen. ii. 14). Its
celebrity is there sufficiently indicated by the ab-
tenoe of any explanatory phrase, such as accom-
panies the names of the other streams. We next
hear of it in the covenant made with Abraham
(Gen. xv. 18), where the whole country from " the
jtrcat river, the river Euphrates " to the river of
Egyj t Is promised to the chosen race. In Deuter-
*nou;y and Joshua we find that this promise was
>orue in mind at the time of the settlement in
Canaan (Deut. i. 7, xi. 24; Josh. i. 4); and from
in Important passage in the first book of Chroni-
cles it appears that the tribe of Reuben did act-
ually extend itself to the Euphrates in the times
interior to Saul (1 Cbr. v. 9). Here they came
in contact with the Hagarites, who appear upon
the middle Euphrates in the Assyrian inscriptions
►f the Inter empire. It is David, however, who
ser-ss for the first time to have entered on the full
enjoyment of the premise, by the victories whicb
EUPHRATES
he gained over Hadadezer, king of Zobah, and hit
allies, the Syrians of Damascus (3 Sim. vili. 3-8:
1 Chr. xviii. 8). The object of his expedition wai
" to recover his border," and "to stabbah his do-
minion by the river Euphrates; " and In this object
he appears to have been altogether successful : in
aomuch that Solomon, his son, who was not a man
of war, but only inherited his father's dominions,
is said to hare " reigned over all kingdoms from
the river (»'. e. the Euphrates) unto the land of the
Philistines and unto the border of Egypt " (1 K.
iv. 21; compare 2 Chr. ix. 26). Thus during the
reigns of David and Solomon the dominion of
Israel actually attained to the full extent both ways
of the original promise, the Euphrates forming the
boundary of their empire to the northeast, and the
river of Egypt (turrem jEgypti) to the southwest.
This wide-spread dominion ma lost upon the dis-
ruptiou of the empire under Rehoboam; and no
more is heard in Scripture of the Euphrates until
the expedition of Necho against the Babylonians
in the reign of Joaiah. The " Great River " had
meanwhile served for some time as a boundary be
tween Assyria and the country of the Hittites (see
Assyria), but bad been repeatedly crossed by the
armies of the Ninevite kings, who gradually estab-
lished their sway over the countries upon its right
bank. The crossing of the river was always diffi-
cult; and at the point where certain natural facili-
ties fixed the ordinary passage, the strong fort of
Carchemish had been built, probably in very eaily
times, to command the position. [Cahchkmimi.)
Hence, when Necho determined to attempt the per-
manent conquest of Syria, his march was directed
upon '• Carchemish by Euphrates " (2 Chr. xxxr.
2U), which he captured and held, thus extending
the dominion of Egypt to the Euphrates, and re-
newing the old glories of the Ranwssid* kings. Hit
triumph, however, was short-lived. Three years
afterwards the Babylonians — who had inherited
the Assyrian dominion in these parts — made an
expedition under Nebuchadnezzar against Necho,
defeated his army, " which was by the river Eu-
phrates in Carchemish " (Jer. xlvi. 2), and recov-
ered all Syria and Palestine. Then " the king of
Egypt came no more out of his land, for the king
of Babylon had taken from the river of Egypt unto
the river Euphrates all that pertained to the king
of Egypt" (2 K. xxiv. 7).
These an the chief events which Scripture dis-
tinctly connects with the "Great River." It it
probably included among the " rivers of Babylon,"
by the side of which the Jewish captives " remem-
bered Zkm" and "wept" (Fs. exxxvii. 1); and no
doubt is glanced at in the threats of Jeremiah
against the Chaldean "waters" and "springs,"
upon which there is to be a " drought," that shall
"dry them up" (Jer. L 38; Ii. 36). The fulfill-
ment of these prophecies has been noticed under
the head of Chald.ka. Hie river still brings
down as much water as of old, but the prtcinn*
element is wasted by the neglect of man ; the vari-
ous water-courses along which it was in former
times conveyed are dry; the main channel has
shrunk; and the water stagnates in unwholesome
marshes.
It is remarkable that Scripture contains no clear
and distinct reference to that striking occasion
when, according to profane historians (Herod.
191 : Xen. Cynp. vii. 5), the Euphrates was turnet
against its mistiest, and used to effect the ruin of
Babylon. The brevity of Daniel ^v. JO, 31) is pet
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" BUPOLEMUS
saps sumeient to account for bis silence on the
point; but It might have been expected from the
fullness of Jeremiah (chs. L and li. ) that io remark-
able a feature of the aiege would not hare escaped
mention. We must, however, remember, in the
first place, that a clear prophecy may have been
purposely withheld, in order that the Babylonians
might not be put upon their guard. And secondly,
we may notice, that there does seem to be at least
one reference to the circumstance, though it is cov-
ert, as it was necessary that it should be. In
immediate conjunction with the passage which most
clearly declares the taking of the city by a surprise
is found an expression, which reads very obscurely
in our version — "the passages are stopped " (Jer.
li. 33). Here the Hebrew term used (nVl^iyO)
applies most properly to " fords or ferries over riv-
ers" (comp. Judg. iii. 28); and the whole passage
mty best be translated, " the ferries are seized " or
" occupied ; " which agrees very well with the en-
trance of the Persians by the river, and with the
ordinary mode of transit in the place, where there
was but one bridge (Herod, i. 186).
(See, for a general account of the Euphrates,
Col. Chesney's Euphrates Ex/xditum, vol. i. ; and
for the lower course of the stream, compare Loftus's
Chaldaa and Sudani. See also Kawlinson's He-
rodu'ju, vol. i. Essay ix., and Layard'a Nineveh and
Bibyhm, chs. xxi. aud xxii.) G. R.
EUPOI/EMUS (EuroX«/ioi [food in war]),
the "son of John, the son of Acoos" ('Axmtt;
cf. Neh. iii. 4, 21, Ac.), one of the envoys sent to
Rome by Judas Maccabeus, cir. b. c. 161 (1 Mace,
viii. 17; 2 Mace. ir. 11; Joseph. Ant. xii. 10, § 6).
He has been identified with the historian of the
same name (Euseb. Prop. Ev. ix. 17 ff.); but it is
by no means clear that the historian was of Jewish
descent (Joseph, c. Ap'um. i. 23; yet cf. Hieron.
at Vtr. Jibuti: 38). B. F. W.
ErjROCLYDON (EipoKKitttr [Uchm.
Treg., with A B* Sin., EtyxutoAtw : Euro-
aqutlo]), the name given (Acts xxvii. 14) to the
gale of wind, which off the south coast of Crete
seized the ship iu which St. Haul was ultimately
wrecked on the coast of Malta. The circumstances
of this gale are described with much particularity ;
and they admit of abundant illustration from the
experience of modern seamen in the Levant. In
'Jie first place it came down from the Island (icaV
wtjjs)," and therefore must have blown, more or
ass, from the northward, since the ship was sailing
.long the south coast, not far from Mount Ida, and
in the way from Fair Havkns toward Phiexice.
£o Captain Spratt, R. N., after leaving Fair Ha-
vens with a light southerly wind, fell in with " a
strong northerly breeze, blowing direct from Mount
Ida " (Smith, Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul,
1896, pp. 97, 245 [p. 101, ed. of 1866]). Next,
the wind is described as being like a typhoon or
whirlwind (tv^wikos, A. V. "tempestuous");
and the same authority speaks of such gales in the
Levant as being generally '• accompanied by terrific
gusts and squalls from those high mountains "
(Life and Eputla of Su Paul, 1856, ii. 401).
It is also observable that the change of wind in the
voyage before us (xxvii. 13, 14) is exactly what
might bare been expected; for Captain J. S'ewart,
EVANGELIST
r8o
' On the turn at mmf «r*c , w addiBo* mvlar
B
50
R. N., observes, in his remarks on the Arehipeiafa,
that " it is always safe to anchor under the lee of
an island with a northerly wind, as it dies away
gradually, but it would be extremely dangerous
with southerly winds, as they almost invariably
shift to a violent northerly wind " (Purdy's Sailing
Directory, pt. U. p. 61). The long duration of the
gale (" the fourteenth night," 27), the overclouded
state of the sky (" neither sun nor stars appearing,"
20), and even the heavy rain which conoluded the
storm (tok ftrroV, xxviii. 2) could easily be matched
with parallel instances in modern times (see Voy.
and Shipiertck, p. 144 ; Life and Epp. p. 412)
We have seen that the wind was more or less
northerly. The context gives us full materials for
determining its direction with great exactitude.
The vessel was driven from the coast of Crete to
Clauda (xxvii. 16), and apprehension was felt
that she would be driven into the African Syrtis
(ver. 17). Combining these two circumstances with
the fact that she was less than half way from Fair
Havens to Phcenice when the storm began (ver. 14),
we come to the conclusion that it came from the
N. E. or E. N. E. This is quite iu harmony with
the natural sense of EbpaxiKay (Euroaquilo,
Vulg.), which is regarded as the true reading by
lientley, and is found in some of the best MSS. ;
but we are disposed to adhere to the Received Text,
more especially as it is the more difficult reading
and the phrase used by St. Luke (o *a\oiutvoi
EvpoKkitar) seems to point to some peculiar won]
in use among the sailors. Dean Alfurd thinks
that the true name of the wind was cupcucv\ay,
but that the Greek sailors, not understanding the
Lathi termination, corrupted the word into tupoit-
AtSSstr, and that so St. Luke wrote it [Winds.]
J. S. II.
EUTYOHUS (E6rwx«» [fortunatt]), a
youth at Troas (Acts xx. 9), who sitting in a win-
dow, and having fallen asleep while St. Paul was
discoursing far into the night, fell from the third
story, and being taken up dead, was miraculously
restored to life by the Apostle. The plain state-
ment, ijptn rtKpis, and the proceeding of St. Paul
with the body (cf. 2 K. iv. 34), forbid us for
moment to entertain the view of De Wette, Meyer
and Olshausen, who suppose that animation was
merely suspended. H. A.
* In his later editions (ApottelgacHchte, 1854
and 1861), Meyer discards his earlier opinion, and
declares fully that Eutychus was killed by the fall,
and hence was restored to life by a miracle. We
may add that the window, out of which the sleeper
fell, projected (according to the side of the house
where the window was) either over the street or
over the interior court; and hence, in either case,
he fell from " the third story " upon the hard earth
or pavement below. The lamentation of those pres-
ent ($opv$ti(r$t, and see Mark v. 38) shows that
they considered him dead, which is also the antith-
esis suggested by (£rra in ver. 12. H.
EVANGELIST. The constitution of the
Apostolic Church included an order or body of
men known as Evangelists. The absence of any
detailed account of the organization and practical
working of the church of the Ant century leaves
us in some uncertainty as to their functions and
positions. The meaning of the name, « the pub-
lishers of glad tidings," seems common to the work
of the Christian ministry generally, yet in Eph. hr.
11 tie svayvsAurraf appear on the one hand after
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789 EVANGELIST
Ik* «sreVraAoi and wpoeVirraj; on the other before
the roifiirts and SiSoVitaAoi. Anuming that the
Apostles here, whether limited to the Twelve or
not, are those who were looked on ae the special
delegate! and representatives of Christ, and there-
tire higher than all others hi their authority, and
that the prophets were men speaking under the
immediate impulse of the Spirit words that were
mighty in their effects on men's hearts and con-
sciences, it would follow that the evangelists had
a function subordinate to theirs, yet more conspic-
uous, and so far higher, than that of the pastors
who watched over a church that had been founded,
and of the teachers who carried on the work of
ystematic instruction. This passage accordingly
would lead us to think of them as standing between
the two other groups — sent forth as missionary
preachers of the Gospel by the first, and as such
preparing the way for the labors of the second.
The same inference would seem to follow the occur-
rence of the word as applied to Philip in Acts zxi.
8. Ue had been one ot those who had gone every
where, tuayysAi^/uroi ror Ae^or (Acta viii. 4),
uow in one city, now in another (viii. 40); but he
has not the power or authority of an Apostle, does
not speak as a prophet himself, though the gift of
prophecy belongs to his four daughters (xxi. 9),
exercises apparently no pastoral superintendence
over any portion of the nock. The omission of
evangelists in the list of 1 Cor. xii. may be ex-
plained on the hypothesis that the nature of St.
Paul's argument led him there to speak of the set-
tled organization of a given local church, which of
course presupposed the work of the missionary
preacher as already accomplished, while the train
of thought in Eph. iv. 11 brought before his mind
all who were in any way instrumental in building
up the church universal It follows from what has
been said that the calling of the evangelist is ex-
pressed by the word K-qpioeuv rather than Sitia-
Ktiv, or xafOKa\tiv; it is the proclamation of
the glad-tidings to those who have not known
'.hem, rather than the instruction and pastoral care
it those who have believed and been baptized.
And this is also what we gather from 2 Tim. iv.
i, 6. Timotheus is " to preach the word ; " in
doing this he is to fulfill " the work of an evangel-
st." It follows also that the name denotes a work
*ather than an order. The evangelist might or
might not be a bishop-elder or a deacon. The
Apostles, so far as they evangelized (Acts viii. 25,
xlv. 7; 1 Cor. i. 17), might claim the title, though
there were many evangelists who were not Apos-
tles. The brother, " whose praise was in the gos-
pel" (2 Cor. viii. 18), may be looked on as one of
St. Paul's companions in the work, and known
probably by the same name. In this, as in other
points connected with the organization of the
ebureh in the Apostolic age, but little information
is to be gained from later writers. The name was
no longer explained by the presence of those to
whom it had been specially applied, and came to
be variously interpreted. Theoderet (on Eph. iv.
11) describes the evangelists (as they have been
iescrlbed above) as travelling missionaries^ Chry-
ustom, as men who preached the gospel u^ mpuor-
v« woktoxou. The account given by Eusebius
H. E. iii. 37), though somewhat rhetorical and
'ague, gives prominence to toe idea of itinerant
missionary preaching. Hen "do the work of
evangelists, leaving their homes to proclaim Christ,
sod deliver the written gospels to those who were
EVIDENCE *
.gnorant of the fluth." The last chase sf lis*
description indicates a change in the work, whion
before long affected the meaning of the nasnst.
If the gospel was a written book, sod the office of
the evangelists was to read or distribute it, then
the writers of such books were nor" ^|o;rf* THB
evangelist*. It is thus, accordingly, that Eusebius
(I c.) speaks of them, though the old meaning of
the word (as in U. E. v. 10, where he applies it tc
Panttenus) is not forgotten by him. Soon this
meaning so overshadowed the old that CEomaai'ns
(Kstius on Eph. iv. 11) has no other notion of tfee
evangelist* than as those who have written a gos-
pel (conip. Hariess on Eph. iv. 11). Augustine,
though commonly using the word in this sense, at
times remembers its earlier signification (Sent.
xdx. and eclxvi.). Ambrosianus (Esiius, L c)
identifies them with deacons. In later liturgies.,
language the work was applied to the reader of tue
gospel for the day. (Comp. Neauder, PJlauz. u.
Lot. iii. 5; Hooker, E. P. bk. Ixxviii. 7, 9.)
E.H. P.
EVE (rPTl, L e. Chacvah .- LXX. in Gen. iii
20, Z»Wj, elsewhere EJo: Haxi), the name given in
Scripture to the first woman. It is simply a femi-
nine form of the adjective > n, Using, afire, which
more commonly makes '"'JC; or it may be re-
garded as a variation of the noun it'll, which
means Ufe. The account of Eve's creation is found
at Gen. ii. 21, 22. Upon the failure of a compan-
ion suitable for Adam among the creatures which
were brought to him to be named, the Lord God
caused a deep sleep to fall upon him, and took one
of his ribs from him, which be fashioned into a
woman, and brought her to the man. Various
explanations of this narrative have been offered.
Perhaps that which we are chiefly intended to learn
from it is the foundation upon which the unioc
between man and wife is built, namely, identity of
nature and oneness of origin.
Through the subtlety of the serpent, Eve was)
beguiled into a violation of the one commandment
which had been imposed upon her and Adam. She
took of the fruit of the forbidden tree and gave it
her husband (comp. 2 Cor. xi. 8; 1 Tim. ii. 13,
14). [Adah.] lie different aspects under which
Eve regarded her mission as a mother are seen in
the names of her sons. At the birth of the first
she said " I have gotten a man from the Lord,"
[" with Jehovah," t. e. his aid ?] or perhaps, " I
have gotten a man, eren the Lord," mistaking bin.
for the Redeemer. When the second was bora,
finding her hopes frustrated, she named him Abel,
or vanity. [Abel.] When his brother had slain
him, and she again bare a son, she called his name
Seth, and the joy of a mother seemed to outweigh
the sense of the vanity of life : " For God," said
she, "hath .appointed me another seed instead of
Abel, for Cain slew him." The Scripture account
of Eve closes with the birth of Seth. S. L.
E-VI Oltf [oVsfreJ: EM; [V**- Evsi, and m
Alex, in Num.:] A'ri, Hemut), one of the fiv*
kings or princes of Midian, slain by the Israeiitea
in the war after the matter of Bnal-peor, and whose
lands were afterwards allotted to Keubeo (Nun
mi. 8; Josh. xiii. 21). [Midian.] E. S. P.
• E\ IDENCE (Jer. xxxii. 10 IT.) means •• Ml
of sale" (njjTSn ~1§D), niet-tioued repeatedly ss
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EVIL-MEKODAlii
the acwuisit of Jeremiah's fictitious purchase of a
Held. Thit was a symbolic act, signifying that
though the threatened dentation must come. God's
word of promise ma aura, and " bouses and field*
and vineyards ahould again be poaaeaaed in the
land " (Jar. xxxii. 15). H.
BTUi-MBROTDACH OTfip V»)H:
EvtaApafwisK [Vat. -«»-], [Alex. Ewuomputax,
Ov\a)tapa&ax < ^* "* "**'' OuKttafmx tt P >J
OuKtu/iaSixV' Abyden. 'A/uA/tofwuftoicos ; He-
ro*. Elnt\fuip4Swxos: EvUmcrvdiuh), according
to Berosu* and Abydenus, was the son and succes-
sor of Nebuchadnezzar. We learn from the second
book of Kings (2 K. xxv. 27) and from Jeremiah
(Jer. lii. 31), that in the first year of hi* reign this
king had compassion upon hi* father's enemy, Jehoi-
ochln, and released him from prison where he bad
lm.giii.had for thirty-seven yean, "spake kindly to
him," and gave him a portion at his table for the
rest of his life. He reigned but a short term, hav-
ing ascended the throne on the death of Nebuchad-
nezzar in B. o. 661, and being himself succeeded
by Neriglissar in b. o. 559. (See the Canon of
Ptolemy, given under Babyuom.) He thus ap-
pears to have reigned but two years, which is the
time assigned to him by Abydenua (Fr. 9) and
Berosu* (Fr. 14). At the end of this brief space
Kvil-Merodach was murdered by Neriglissar [Nek-
OAL-shabiziir] — a Babylonian noble married to
his sister — who then seized the crown. Accord-
ing to Berosu*, Evil-Merodach provoked his fate by
lawless government and intemperance. Perhaps
the departure from the policy of hi* father, and
the substitution of mild for severe measures, may
have been viewed in this light. G. R.
• EVIL SPIRIT. [Demon.]
• EXCELLENCY OF CARMEL, Is.
xxxv. 2. [Cabmkl, especially note, p. 389, Amer.
ed.]
• EXCELLENT, after the Latin excellent,
baa its older sense of " surpassing," "transcend-
ent," in Don- ■■■ 31 ("brightness . . . excellent")
and 2 Peter i. 17 ("excellent glory"). In con-
formity with that usage, we find Shakespeare speak-
ing of " a grand excellent tyrant," and Taylor of
" excellent pain."
"Host excellent" (fcodVurros) a* applied to
Theophilus, Luke L 8, and to Felix, Acts xxffi.
26, is unquestionably a title of rank or office. It
is the same Greek term that the A. V. renders
•* noble " as applied to Felix, Acts xxiv. 8, and to
Festus, Acts xxvi. 25. [THBOPHiura.] H.
•EXCHANGERS. [Honet-Chahobbs.]
EXCOMMUNICATION (tyopurpif. ex-
oonummicatio). Excommunication is a power
founded upon a right inherent in all religious so-
cieties, and is analogous to the powers of capital
punishment, banishment, and exclusion from mem-
bership, which are exercised by political and mu-
nicipal bodies. If Christianity is merely a philosoph-
ical idea thrown into the world to do battle with
other theories, and to be valued according as it
maintain* it* ground or not in the conflict o* opin-
ons, axcommuniea ion and ecclesiastical punish-
ments and penitential discipline are unreasonable.
if a society has bean instituted for maintaining
any body of doctrine and any code of morals, they
in neeesury to the existence of that society. That
the Christian church is an organized polity, a spir-
tual " kingdom of God " on earth, is the dectara-
EXOOMMCNICATION 787
tion of the Bible [Chdkoh]; and that the Jews*
church was at once a spiritual and a tumoral er
gsnixation is clear.
1. Jewish Excommunication. — The Jewish syc
tern of excommunication was threefold. For a first
offense a delinquent was subjected to the penalty of
*n3 (Niddui). Rambam (quoted by Lightfoot.
Bora Bebraiom on 1 Cor. v. 6), Morbus (IK
Pomtentia, tv. 27), and Buxtorf (Lexicon, a. v
""TO) enumerate the twenty-four offenses for which
it was inflicted. They are various, and range in
n«inousness from the offense of keeping a fierce dog
to that of taking God's name in vain. Elsewhere
(Bab. Moed Knton, fol. 16, 1) the causes of its
infliction are reduced to two, termed money and
epicurism, by which is meant debt and wanton in-
solence. The offender was first cited to appear in
court, and If he refused to appear or to make amends,
his sentence was pronounced — •' Let M. or N. be
under excommunication." The excommunicated
person was prohibited the use of the bath, or of
the razor, or of the convivial table; and all who
had to do with him were commanded to keep him
at four cubits' distance. He was allowed to go to
the Temple, but not to make the circuit in the or-
dinary manner. The term of this punishment was
thirty days; and it was extended to a second, and
to a third thirty days when necessary. If at the
end of that time the offender was still contuma-
cious, he was subjected to the second excommuni-
cation, termed D^PI (cherem), a word meaning
something devoted to God (Lev. xxvii. 21, 28; Ex.
xxii. 20 [19] ; Num. xviii. 14). Severer penalties
were now attached. The offender was not allowed
to teach or to be taught in company with others, to
hire or to be hired, nor to perform any commercial
transactions beyond purchasing the necessaries of
life. The sentence was delivered by a court of ten,
and was accompanied by a solemn malediction, for
which authority was supposed to be found in the
"Curs»yeMero»"of Judg.v.23. Lastly followed
NT1BU7 (Shnmmdlhd), which was an entire cut-
ting off from the congregation. It has been sup-
posed by some that these two latter forms of excom-
munication were undistinguishable from each other.
The punishment of excommunication is not ap-
pointed by the Law of Moses. It is founded on
the natural right of self-protection which all socie-
ties enjoy. The case of Koran, Dothou, and Abi-
ram (Num. xvL), the curse denounced on Meroz
(Judg. v. 23), the commission and proclamation of
Ezra (vii. 26, x. 8), and the reformation of Nehe-
miah (xiii. 25), are appealed to by the Tolmudists
as precedents by which their proceedings ore regu-
lated. In respect to the principle involved, the
" cutting off from the people " commanded for ear
tain sins (Ex. xxx. 33, 38, xxxi. 14; Lev. xvii. 4),
and the exclusion from the camp denounced on the
leprous (Lev. xiii. 46; Num. xii. 14) are more
apposite.
In the New Testament, Jewish exoommnnication
is brought prominently before us in the case of the
man that was born blind and restored to light (John
ix.). " The Jew* had agreed already that if any
man did confess that he was Christ, e should be
put out of the synagogue. Therefore said his par-
ents, He is of age, ask him " (22, 23). " And
they cast him out Jesus beard that they hod cost
him out" (34, 36). The expressions here used
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EXCOMMUNICATION
knrvrirywyot yinrrat — i\ijia\av abrhr {{at,
tela, nc doubt, to the first form of excommunica-
tion or niddui. Our Lord warns his disciples that
they will hare to suffer excommunication at the
hands of their countrymen (John xvi. 9); and the
fear of it is described as sufficient to prevent per-
sons in a respectable position from acknowledging
their belief in Christ (John xii. 42). In Luke vi.
22, it has been thought that our Lord referred spe-
cifically to the three forms of Jewish excommuni-
cation — " Blessed are ye when men shall hate you,
and when they shall separate you from their com-
pany (lupopiauaiv), and shall reproach you (o«i-
SlooMTir), and cast out your name as evil (fo/fldAv-
atr), for the Son of Han's sake." Toe three
words very accurately express the simple separation,
the additional malediction, and the final exclusion
of niddui, cherem, and shammdiJid. This verse
makes it probable that the three stages were already
formally distinguished from each other, though, no
doubt, the words appropriate to each are occasion-
ally used inaccurately. 11
II. Chrittian JixcommimiaUkm. — Excommuni-
cation, as exercised by the Christian church, is not
merely founded on the natural right possessed by
all societies, nor merely on the example of the Jew-
ish church and nation. It was instituted by our
Lord (Matt, xviii. IS, 18), and it was practiced by
and commanded by St. Paul (1 Tim. i. 20; 1 Cor.
v. 11; Tit. ill. 10).
Jit Imtitution. — The passage in St. Matthew
has led to much controversy, into which we do not
enter. It runs as follows: " If thy brother shall
trespass against thee, go and tell him his fault
between thee and him alone: if he shall hear thee,
thou hast gained thy brother. But if he will not
hear thee, then take with thee one or two more,
that in the mouth of two or three witnesses every
word may be established. And if he shall neglect
to hear them, tell it unto the church : but if he
neglect to hear the church, let him be unto thee as
a heathen man and a publican." " Verily I say unto
you, Whatsoever ye shall bind on earth shall be
bound in heaven, and whatsoever ye shall loose on
earth shall be loosed in heaven." Our Lord here
recognizes and appoints a way in which a member
of his church is to become to his brethren as a
heathen man and a publican — i. e. be reduced to
a state analogous to that of the Jew suffering the
penalty of the third form of excommunication. It
is to follow on his contempt of the censure of the
church passed on him for a trespass which he has
committed. The final excision is to be preceded,
as in the case of the Jew, by two warnings.
ApottoHc Example. — In the epistles we find
St Paul frequently claiming the right to exercise
discipline over his converts (comp. 2 Cor. i. 23, xiii.
10). In two cases we find him exercising this au-
thority to the extent of cutting off offenders from
the church. One of these is the case of the incest-
uous Corinthian : " Ye are puffed up, and have
Dot rather mourned, that he that hath done this
deed might be taken away from among you. For
I verily, as absent in body, but present in spirit,
have judged already, as though I were present,
• • (hi the forms and degrees of Jewish excommu-
eSjaoon, ate particularly Buxtorfs Lex. Tatm. col.
827-39, 1808-07, 2466-70. A tremendous example of
BBS) dmm Is given (from Buxtorf) In Stuart's Gomm.
•a Kama**, p. 408, 2d ed. (note on Rom. Ix 8). The
i pronounced < o Spiooa bv a Jewish tribunal
EXCOMMUNICATION
concerning him that hath to done this deed, in ths
name of our Lord Jesus Christ, when ye an gath-
ered together, and my spirit, with the power «f on
Lord Jesus Christ, to deliver such an one unto
Satan for the destruction of the flesh, that the
spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord Jeans "
(1 Cor. v. 2-6). The other case is that of Hyme-
nals and Alexander: "Holding faith, and a good
conscience; which some having put away concern-
ing faith have made shipwreck : of whom is Hyme-
neus and Alexander; whom I have delivered onto
Satan, that they may learn not to blaspheme " (1
Tim. i. 10, 20). It seems certain that these pet-
sons were excommunicated, the first for immorality,
others for heresy. What is the full meaning of
the expression, " deliver unto Satan," is doubtful
All agree that excommunication is contained in it,
but whether it implies any further punishment,
inflicted by the extraordinary powers committed
specially to the Apostles, has been questioned.
The strongest argument for the phrase meaning
no more than excommunication may be drawn
from a comparison of Col. i. 13. Addressing him-
self to the " saints and faithful brethren in Christ
which are at Colosse," St Paul exhorts them to
11 give thanks unto the Father which hath made us
meet to he partakers of the inheritance of the
saints in light: who hath delivered us from the
power of darkness, and hath translated us into the
kingdom of his dear Son : in whom we have re-
demption through his blood, even the forgiveness
of siiis." The conception of the Apostle here is
of men lying in the realm of darkness, and trans-
ported from thence into the kingdom of the Son
of God, which is the inheritance of the saints in
light, by admission into the church. What be
means by the power of darkness is abundantly clear
from many other passages in his writings, of which
it will be sufficient to quote Eph. vi. 12: •• Put
on the whole armor of God, that ye may be able
to stand against the wiles of the devil; for we
wrestle not against flesh and blood, but against
principalities, against powers, against the rulers
of the darkness of this world, against spiritual
wickedness in high places." Introduction into
the church is therefore, in St Paul's mind, a trans-
lation from the kingdom and power of Satan to
the kingdom and government of Christ This
being so, he could hardly more naturally describe
the effect of excluding a man from the church than
by the words, " deliver him unto Satan," the idea
being, that the man, ceasing to be a subject of
Christ's kingdom of light, was at once transported
back to the kingdom of darkness, and delivered
therefore into the power of its ruler, Satan. This
interpretation is strongly confirmed by the terms
in which St Paul describes the commission
which he received from the Lord Jems Christ,
when he was sent to the Gentiles : " To open
their eyes, and to turn them from darkness to light,
and from the power of Satan unto God, that they
may receive forgiveness of sins, and inheritance
among them which are sanctified by faith that is
in me" (Acts xxvi. 18). Here again the act of
being placed in Christ's kingdom, the church, a
In 1668 Is another remarkable specimen of emstng k
the name of religion. It has been recently pnbUsbsr
in the SxppUmrnntm to the Works of Sptnoaa (eon
talnlng hitherto insulted treatises) p. SKI (Anus
1882). A.
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EXCOMMUNICATION
tronouneed to be a translation from dareness to
jght, from the power of Satan unto God. Con-
versely, to be cast out of the church would be to
bo removed from light to darkness, to be Vitbdrawn
from God's government, and delivered into the
power of Satan (so Balsamon and Zonaras, in Ba-
sil. Can. 7; Estius, in 1 Cor. v.; Beveridge, in
Can. ApofL x.). If, however, the expression
means more than excommunication, it would im-
ply the additional exercise of a special apostolical
power, similar to that exerted on Ananias and Sap-
phire (Acts v. 1), Simon Magus (viii. 20), and
Elymas (xiii. 10). (So Chrysostom, Ambrose,
Augustine, Hammond, Grotius, Lightfoot.)
Apoilolic Prtctpt. — In addition to the claim to
exercise discipline, and its actual exercise in the
form of excommunication, by the Apostles, we find
apostolic precepts directing that discipline should
be exercised by the rulers of the church, and that
is some case) excommunication should be resorted
to : "If any man obey not our word by this
epistle, note that man, and hare no company with
him, that he may be ashamed. Yet count him not
as an enemy, but admonish him as a brother,"
writes St. Paul to the Thessalonlans (2 Tbess. iii.
14). To the Romans: "Mark them which cause
divisions and offenses contrary to the doctrine
which ye have h»ard, and avoid them " (Horn. xvi.
17). To the Galatians: " I would they were even
cut off that trouble you " (Gal. v. 12). To Tim-
othy : " If any man teach otherwise, .... from
such withdraw thyself" (1 Tim. vi. 3). To Titus
he uses a still stronger expression : " A man that
is an heretic, after the first and second admonition,
reject " (Tit. iii. 10). St. John instructs the lady
to whom he addresses his second epistle, not to
receive into her house, nor bid God speed to any
who did not believe in Christ (2 John 10) ; and we
read that in the case of Cerinthus he acted himself
on the precept that he had given (Euseb. II. E. iii.
28). In his third epistle he describes Diotrephes,
apparently a Judaizing presbyter, " who loved to
have the preeminence," as "casting out of the
church," i. t. refusing church communion to, the
stranger brethren who were travelling about preach-
ing to the Gentiles (3 John 10). In the addresses
to the Seven Churches, the angels or rulers of the
Church of Pergamos and of Thyatira are rebuked
for "suffering" the Nicolaitans and Balaam! tee
" to teach and to seduce my servants to commit
fornication, and to eat things sacrificed unto idols "
(Rev. ii. 20). There are two passages still more
important to our subject In the Epistle to the
Galatians, St. Paul denounces, " Though we, or an
angel from heaven, preach any other gospel unto
you than that which we have preached unto you,
let him be accursed (iyiBtfta t<mi). As I said
before, so say I now again, If any man preach any
other gospel unto you than that ye hare received,
let him be accursed " (lui4$ipa tartt, Gal. L 8, 9).
And in the First Epistle to the Corinthians: " If
wy man love not the Lord Jesus Christ, let him
-> Anathema Maran-atha " (1 Cor. xvi. 22). It
as been supposed that these two expressions, " let
him be Anathema," " let him be Anathema Mar-
in-etha," refer respectively to the two later stages
f Jewish excommunication — the cherem and the
+ammdth&. This requires consideration.
The words IwiBtfia and iyiBiifta have evidently
the same derivation, and originally they bore tin
same meaning. They express a person or thing
set apart, laid up, or devoted. But whereas a thing
BXCOMM U NICATluN
789
may beset apart by way of honor or for destruction,
the words, like the Latin " sacer " and the Englial
"devoted," came to have opposite senses — t:
ianiXKarpmuiroii ©«oS, and ro tufmpur^rot
0<f>. The LXX. and several ecclesiastical writen
use the two words almost indiscriminately, but in
general the form ijiABnpa is applied to the votivt
offering (see 2 Mace. ix. 16; Luke xxi. 5; and
Chrys. Horn. xvi. in JCp. ad Bom.), and the form
lurABt/ia to that which is devoted to evil (see UeuC
vii. 26; Josh. vi. 17, viii. 13). Thus St. Paul
declares that he could wish himself an ayiSt/ui
from Christ, if he could thereby save the Jaws
(Kom. ix. 3). His meaning is that he would be
willing to be set apart as a vile thing, to be cast
aside and destroyed, if only it could bring about
the salvation of his brethren. Hence we see the
force of iyiSt/m ttrrm in Gal. t. 8. " Have
nothing to do with him," would be the Apostle's
injunction, "but let him be set apart as an evil
thing, for God to deal with him as he thinks fit."
Hammond (in be.) paraphrases it as follows: —
" You are. to disclaim and renounce all communion
with him, to look on him as on an excommunicated
person, under the second degree of excommunica-
tion, that none is to have any commerce with in
sacred things." Hence it is that iwiStfia ftrra
came to be the common expression employed by
Councils at the termination of each canon which
they enacted, meaning that whoever was disobedi-
ent to the canon was to be separated from the
oommunion of the church and its privileges, and
from tbe favor of God, until he repented (see Bing-
ham, Ant xvi. 2, 16).
Tbe expression 'Ayi$ffia itapayaSi, as it stands
by itself without explanation in 1 Cor. xvi. 22, is
so peculiar, that it has tempted a number of in-
genious expositions. Parkhurst hesitatingly derives
it from HipM Dnrp}, » Cursed be thou." But
this derivation is not tenable. Buitorf, Morinus,
Hammond, Bingham, and others identify it with
tbe Jewish skammaOid. They do so by translating
thnmmithd, " The Lord comes." But thammdthA
cannot be made to mean " The Lord comes " (see
Lightfoot, in he). Several fanciful derivations are
giren by Rabbinical writers, as " There is death,"
" There is desolation; " but there is no mention by
them of such a signification as " The Lord comes."
Lightfoot derives it from HJgB?, and it probably
means a thing excluded or shut out. Maranatha,
however peculiar its use in the text may seem to
us, is a Syro-Chaldaio expression, signifying " The
Lord is come " (Chrysostom, Jerome, Estius, Light-
foot), or " The Lord cometh." If we take the for-
mer meaning, we may regard it as giving the reason
why the offender was to be anathematized ; if tbe
latter, it would either imply that the separation
was to be in perpetuity, " donee Dominus redeat "
(Augustine), or, more properly, it would be a form
of solemn appeal to the day on which the judgment
should be ratified by the Lord (comp. Jude 14).
In any case, it is a strengthened form of the simple
iriBipa (<rru. And thus it may be regard«d ae
holding towards it a similar relation to that which
existed between the ihammAthi and the chertm.
but not on any supposed ground of etymological
identity between the two words tlmmmdihi and
maran-atha. Perhaps we ought to interpunctnat*
more strongly between anidc/ta and itaoavaBi, and
read Ijru avASt/ia- /toporaOd, i. ft "Let him bt
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790 EXCOMMUNICATION
■aa. The Lord win come." The anathema
and the ckerem uuwer very exactly to each other
(Me Lev. xxvii. 28; Num. xxi. 3; Is. xliii. 28).
Restoration to Communion Two cue* of ex-
sommunication are related in Holy Scripture; and
in one of them the restitution of the offender is
ipecially recounted. The incestuous Corinthian
had been excommunicated by the authority of
St. Paul, who had issued his sentence from a dis-
tance without any consultation with the Corinthi-
ans. He had required them publicly to promul-
gate it and to act upon it. They had done so.
The offender had been brought to repentance, and
was overwhelmed with grief. Hereupon St. Paul,
•till absent as before, forbids the further infliction
of the punishment, pronounces the forgiveness of
the penitent, and exhorts the Corinthians to re-
ceive him back to communion, and to confirm tbeir
love towards him.
Tht Nature of Excommunication is made more
evident by these acts of St. Paul than by any in-
vestigation of Jewish practice or of the etymology
of words. We thus find, (1) that it is a spiritual
penalty, involving no temporal punishment, except
accidentally ; (2) that it consists in separation from
the communion of the church; (3) that its object
is the good of the sufferer (1 Cor. v. 5), and the
protection of the sound members of the church
(2 Tim. iii. 17); (4) that its subjects are those who
are guilty of heresy (1 Tim. i. 20), or gross immo-
rality (1 Cor. T. 1); (6) that it is inflicted by the
authority of the church at large (Matt, xriii. 18),
wielded by the highest ecclesiastical officer (1 Cor.
v. 3; Tit. iii. 10); (6) that this officer's sentence
is promulgated by the congregation to which the
offender belongs (1 Cor. v. 4), in deference to his
superior judgment and command (2 Cor. ii. 9),
and in spite of any opposition on the part of a
minority (to. 6); (7) that the exclusion may be of
indefinite duration, or for a period; (8) that its
duration may be abridged at the discretion and by
the indulgence of the person who has imposed tbe
penalty (ib. 8); (9) that penitence is the condition
on which restoration to communion is granted (ib.
7); (10) that tbe sentence is to be publicly reversed
as it was publicly promulgated (to. 10).
Practice of Excommunication in the Post-Apos-
•alic Church. — Tbe first step was an admonition
o the offender, repeated once, or even more than
once, in accordance with St Paul's precept (Tit.
i'i. 10). (See S. Ambr. De OJhc. ii. 27; Prosper,
be VU. Contempt, ii. 7; Synesius, Ep. lviii.) If
this did not reclaim him, it was succeeded by the
lesser excommunication (atpopurpot), by which he
was excluded from the participation of the eucha-
tist, and was shut out from the communion-service,
tltbough admitted to what was called the service
•f the catechumens (see Theodoret, Ep. Ixxvii.
id EulnL). Thirdly followed the greater excom-
munication or Anathema (warrtXiit bQoptoiUi,
'wittfia), by which the offender was debarred, not
■nly from the eucharist, but from taking part in
ill religious acts in any assembly of the church,
and from the company of the faithful in the ordi-
nary concerns of life. In ease of submission, offend-
ers were received back to communion by going
through the four stages of public penance, in which
they were termed, (1) xponckaiorrts, fientes, or
weepers; (i) tufiunm, a m t e mtu , or hearers
(3) Inrowlitrorrtt, eubstrati, ar kneelers: (4) m*
a~rair «t, -onsisttntes, or oo-standers; after which
ibey were -(-stored to oommunion by sb a nhrt fcsx,
EXODUS
acoompanied by imposition of hands. To trace asjl
this branch of the subject more minutely would
carry na beyond our legitimate sphere. Reference
may be made to Suicer's Thttaurui EccUsiasti
cut, s. w. TpoVraAavo-iT, axpiairis, dwirrmra,
riorums.
References. — Tertuilian, De PamUentia; Opp.
i. 139, Lutet. 1634; S. Ambrose, De PamUentia,
Paris, 1686; Morinua, De PamUentia, Antv. 1682
Hammond, Power of the Key; Works, i. 406,
Loud. 1684; Selden, De Jure NaturaH et Gentium
juzta DiedpUnam Hebranrum, Lips. 1695 ; Light-
foot, Uora Hebraiox, On 1 Cor. v. 6; Works, ii.
746, Lond. 1684; Bingham, Antiquities of the
Christian Church, books xvi., xviii., Lond. 1862;
Marshall, Penitential Discipline of the Primitive
Church, Oxf. 1844; Thomdike, The Church's
Power of Excommunication, as found in Script-
ure; Works, vi. 21 (see also i. 65, ii. 157), Oxf.
1856 ; Waterland, No Communion with Impugner*
of Fundamentals; Works, iii. 456, Oxf. 1843,
Hey, Lectures in Divinity, On Art iixiii., Camb.
1822; Palmer, Treatise on the Church, ii. 224,
Lond. 1842; Browne, Exposition of the Articles,
On Art xxxiii., Lond. 1863. F. M.
EXECUTIONER (n$$: <nr«ouAdV»p).
The Hebrew tabbich describes in the first instance
tbe office of executioner, and secondarily, the gen-
eral duties of the body-guard of a monarch. Thus
Potipbar was " captain of the executioners " (Gen.
xxxvii. 36; see margin), and had his official resi-
dence at tbe public jail (Gen. xl. 3). Nebuzara-
dan (2 K. xxr. 8 ; Jer. xxxix. 9) and Arioch (Dan.
ii. 14) held the same office. That the "captain
of the guard " himself occasionally performed tbe
duty of an executioner appears from 1 K. ii. 25,
34. Nevertheless the post was one of high dig-
nity, and something beyond the present position
of the zib'U of modem Egypt (comp. Lane, i. 163),
with which Wilkinson (ii. 45) compares it. It is
still not unusual for officers of high rank to inflict
corporal punishment with their own hands (Wilkin-
son, ii. 43). The LXX. takes the word in its orig-
inal sense (cf. 1 Sam. ix. 23), and terms Potiphai
chief-cook, apxi/tutysipot.
The Greek trwtKovKarup (Mark vi. 37) is bor-
rowed from the Latin peculator; originally a
military spy or scout, but under the emperors
transferred to the body-guard, from the vigilance
which their office demanded (Tac. Hist. ii. 11;
Suet. Claud. 35). W. L. B.
EXILE. [Capttvitt.]
EX ODUS (rnBlJ* nVfln, being the first
words of the book, or abbr. flTDtp ; in the Ma-
son to Gen. xxiv. 8 called T'P^W, see Buxt. Lex.
Talm. col. 1325: "E{ooot : Exodus), the second
book of tbe Law or Pentateuch.
A. Contents. — The book may be divided into
two principal parts, I. Historical, L 1-xviii. 27;
and II. Iiegislative, xix. 1-xL 38. Tbe former of
these may be subdivided into (1) the preparation
for tbe deliverance of Israel from their bondage in
Egypt; (2) the accomplishment of that deliver-
ance.
I. (1.) The first section (i. 1-xii. 36) contains
an account of the following particulars : Tin
great increase of Jacob's posterity in the land t*
Egypt, and their oppression under a Dew dynasty
which occupied the throne after tbe death nf Jeaenl
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EXODUS
.eh. .); the birth, education, tnd flight of Horn
(B.) his solemn call to be the deliverer of his people
(Hi. 1-hr. 17), and hii return to Egypt in conse-
quence (It. 18-31); hie fint ineffectual attempt to
prerall upon Pharaoh to let the Israelites go, which
only resulted in an increase of their burdens (t. 1-
Sl); a further preparation of Moses and Aaron for
their office, together with the account of their gene-
alogies (t. 22-vii 7); the succeasire signs and
wonders, by means of which the deliveranoe of Is-
rael from the land of bondage is at length accom-
plished, and the institution of the Passover (rli.
8-xii.86).
(9.) A narrative of events from the departure
out of Egypt to the arrival of the Israelites at
Mount Sinai. We have in this section (a.) the
departure and (mentioned in connection with it) the
injunctions then given respecting the Passover and
the sanctincation of the first-born (xiL 87-xiii 16);
the march to the Red Sea, the passage through it,
and the destruction of Pharaoh and his host in the
midst of the sea, together with Moses' song of
triumph on the occasion (xiii. 17-xv. 21); (A.)
the principal events on the journey from the Red
Saa to Sinai, the bitter waters at Marsh, the giving
of quails and of the manna, the observance of the
Sabbath, the miraculous supply of water from the
rock at Kephidim, and the battle there with the
Amalekttes (xv. 22-xvii. 16); the arrival of Jethro
In the Israelii ish camp, and his advice as to the
civil government of the people (xviiL).
II. The solemn establishment of the Theocracy
on Mount Sinai. The people are set apart to God
as " a kingdom of priests and an holy nation " (xix.
6); the ten commandments are given, and the laws
which are to regulate the social life of the people
are enacted (xxi. 1-xxiii. 19) ; an Angel is promised
as their guide to the Promised Land, and the cov-
enant between God and Moses, Nadab and Abihu,
and seventy elders, sa the r epr es en tatives of the
people, is most solemnly ratified (xxiii. 20-xxtv. 18) ;
instructions are given respecting the tabernacle, the
ark, the mercy-seat, the altar of burnt-offering,
the separation of Aaron and his sons for the priest's
office, the vestments which they ire to wear, the
ceremonies to be observed at their consecration, the
altar of incense, the laver, the holy oil, the selec-
tion of Bezaleel and Aholiab for the work of the
tabernacle, the observance of the Sabbath, snd the
delivery of the two tables of the Law into the
hands of Moses (xxv. 1-xxxi. 18); the sin of the
people in the matter of the golden calf, their re-
jection in consequence, and their restoration to
God's favor at the intercession of Moses (xxxii. 1-
xxxiv. 36); lastly, the construction of the taber-
nacle, and all pertaining to its service in accordance
with the injunctions previously given (xxxv. 1-xL
88).
This book, in short, gives a sketch of the early
history of Israel as a nation: and the history has
three clearly marked stages. First we see a nation
enalavsd; next a nation redeemed; lastly a nation
set apurt, and through the blending of its relig-
ions and political life consecrated to the service o*
God.
B. Integrity. — According to von Lengerke (Ke-
Kaan, lxxxviii., xc ) the following portions of the
■jook belong to the original or Elohistic document:
Thap. L 1-14, ii. 33-25, vi. 2-vii. 7, xii. 1-28, 37. 38,
10-61 (xlil. 1, 2, perhaps), xvi., xix. 1, xx., xxv.-
axL, xxxv.-xL Stabelin (Ki-it. Unterm.) and De
Wests (Einlatmg) agree in the main with this dl-
BXODTTS ' 791
vision. Knobel [1857], the most recent writer os
the subject, in the introduction to his commentar)
on Exodus and Leviticus, has sifted these books stil!
more carefully, and with regard to many pasjagrs
has formed a different judgment. He assigns U
the Elohist : i. 1-7, 18, 14, ii. 23-26 from "TOrn,
vi 2-vii. 7 (except vi 8), vii 8-18, 18-22, viii. 1-8.
11 from Nb"), and 12-15, Ix. 8-12 and 86, xi. 9,
10, xii 1-28, 28, 87 a, 40-42,48-61, xiii 1, 2, 20,
xiv. 1-4, 8, 9, 16-18 (exoept "'br* pVSH JTO
in ver. 15, and 1 "Tea HH DIH In ver. 16),
21-23, and 26-28 (except 27 from SBm), xv. 19,
22, 23, 27, xvi 1, 2, 9-36, 31-86, xvU. 1, xix. 2 a,
xxv.-xxxi. 11, 12-17 in the main; xxxv. 1-xl. 38.
A mere comparison of the two lists of parages
selected by these different writers as belonging tc
the original document is sufficient to show how very
uncertain all such critical processes must be. The
first, that of von Lengerke, is open to many ob-
jections, which have been urged by Havernick
(Aini m der PmL § 117), Kanke, and others.
Thus, for instance, chap. vi. 6, which all agree in
regarding as Elohistic, speaks of "great judg-
ments" (EPVt? DNSJI^B in the plur.), where-
with God would redeem Israel, and yet not a word
is said of these in the so-called original document.
Again xii. 12, 23, 27 contains the announcement
of the destruction of the first-born of Egypt, but
the fulfillment of the threat is to be found, accord-
ing to the critics, only in the later Jehovistic ad-
ditions. Hupfeld has tried to escape this difficulty
by supposing that the original documents did con-
tain on account of the slaying of the first-bom, sa
the institution of the Passover in xii 12, Ac. has
clearly a reference to it: only be will not allow that
the story as it now stands is that account. But
even then the difficulty is only partially removed,
for thus one judgment only is mentioned, not many
(vi. 6). Knobel has done his best to obviate this
glaring Inconsistency. Feeling no doubt that the
ground taken by bis predecessors was not tenable,
he retains as a part of the original work much
which they had rejected. It is especially worthy
of notice that he considers some at least of the
miraculous portions of the story to belong to the
older document, and so accounts for the expression
in vi. 6. The changing of Aaron's rod into a ser-
pent, of the waters of the Nile into blood, the plague
of frogs, of mosquitoes (A. V. lice), and of boils,
and the destruction of the first-born, are, according
to Knobel, Elohistic. He points out what be con-
siders here links of connection, and a regular se-
quence in the narrative. He bids us observe that
Jehovah always addresses Moses, and that Moses
directs Aaron how to act- The miracles, then, are
arranged in order of importance: first there is
the sign which serves to accredit the mission of
Aaron; next follow three plagues, which, however,
do not touch men, and these are sent through
the instrumentality of Aaron ; the fourth plague is
a plague upon man, and here Hoses takes tne most
prominent part; the fifth and last is accomplished
by Jenuvah himself. Thus the miracles increase in
intensity as they go on. The agents likewise rise
in dignity if Aaron with his rod of might be-
gins the work, he gives way afterwards to his Qreatei
brother, whilst for the hist act of redemption Jo
hovah employs no human agency, buf himself wits
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T02 JB.XODU8
i nighty tuu.d and outstretched axm effect* the
deliverance of his people. The passages thus se-
lected have do doubt a sort of connection, but it is
in the highest degree arbitrary to conclude that
because portions of a work may be omitted without
seriously disturbing the sense, these portions do not
belong to the original work, but must be regarded
as subsequent embellishments and additions.
Again, all agree in assigning chaps, iii. and iv.
to the Jehovist. The call of Moses, as there de-
scribed, is said to be merely the Jehovistic parallel
to ri. 2-vii. 7- Yet it seems improbable that the
Klohist should introduce Moses with the bare words,
" And God spake to Moses," ri. 2, without a single
word as to the previous history of so remarkable a
man. So argues Havemick, and as it appears to
us, not without reason. It will be observed that
none of these critics attempt to make the divine
names a criterion whereby to distinguish the sev-
eral documents. Thus in the Jehovistic portion,
chap. i. 15-22, De Wette is obliged to remark, with
a sort of uneasy candor, '■ but vv. 17, 20, Kluhan
( ?)," and again, chap. iii. 4, 6, 11-15 " here seven
times Elnhim." In other places there is the same
difficulty as in chap. xix. 17, 19, which Stahelin, as
well as Knobel, gives to the Jehovist. In the pas-
sages in chaps, vii., viii., ix., which Knobel classes
in the earlier record, the name Jehovah occurs
throughout. It is obvious, then, that there must
be other means of determining the relative antiquity
of the different portions of the book, or the attempt
to ascertain which are earlier and which are later
must entirely fail. Accordingly certain peculiar-
ities of style are supposed to be characteristic of
the two documents. Thus, for instance, De Wette
(EM. § 151, S. 183) appeals to TO"V1 PHE, i. 7,
ntn Vi OXS3, iH. i7, «, rp-o apn, n.
4, the formula 1D«b n»D bW ^ tSV\
or. 1, xxx. 11, Ac., iTWaS, vt. 86, vii. 4, xfl.
17, 41, 61; D"»a"TOn ^3, xii. 6, xxlx. 41, xxx.
8, and other expressions, as decisive of the Elohist.
Stahelin also proposes on very similar grounds to
separate the first from the second legislation.
" Wherever," he says, " I find mention of a pillar
of fire, or of a cloud, Ex. xxxiii. 9, 10, or an ' An-
gel of Jehovah,' as Ex. xxiii., xxxiv.. or the phrase
'flowing with milk and honey,' as Ex. xlii. 5,
xxxiii. 3 . . . where mention is made of a coming
down of God, as Ex. xix., xxxiv. 5, or where the
Canaanite nations are numbered, or the tabernacle
supposed to be without the camp, Ex. xxxiii. 7, 1
feel tolerably certain that I am reading the words
of the author of the second legislation (». e. the
Jehovist)." But these nice critical distinctions are
very precarious, especially in a stereotyped language
like the Hebrew.
Unfortunately, too, dogmatical prepossessions
have been allowed some share in the controversy.
De Wette and his school chose to set down every-
thing which savored of a miracle as proof of later
authorship. The love of the marvellous, which
Is all they see in the stories of miracles, accord-
ing to them could not have existed in an earlier
and simpler age. But on their own hypothesis
this is a very extraordinary view. For the earlier
traditions of a people are not generally the least
wonderful, but the reverse. And one cannot, thus,
aeqult the second writer of a dtrign in embellish-
on his narrative. However, this is not the nlace
EXODTJ8
to argue with those who deny the possibility of a
miracle, or who make the narration of anrsesai
proof sufficient of later authorship. Into this an
Knobel, it is true, has not fallen. By Emitting
some of the plagues into his Elohistic catalogue, he
shows that he is at least free from the dogmatic
prejudices of critics like De Wette. But his owe
critical tests are not conclusive. And the way in
which he cuts verses to pieces, as in viii. 11, and
xiii. 15, 16, 27, where it suits his purpose, is so
completely arbitrary, and results so evidently from
the stem constraint of a theory, that his labors in
this direction are not more satisfactory than those
of his predecessors.
On the whole there seems much reason to doubt
whether critical acumen will ever be able plausibly
to distinguish between the original and the supple-
ment in the book of Exodus. There is nothing in-
deed forced or improbable in the supposition, either
that Moses himself incorporated in his memoirs
ancient tradition, whether oral or written, or that a
writer later than Moses made use of materials left
by the great legislator in a somewhat fragmentary
form. There is an occasional abruptness in the
narrative, which suggests that this may possibly
have been the case, as in the introduction of the
genealogy vi. 13-27. The remarks in xi. 8, xri.
35, 36 lead to the same conclusion. The apparent
confusion at xi. 1-3 may be explained by regarding
these verses as parenthetical.
We shall give reasons hereafter for concluding
that the Pentateuch m tit prctetU form was no;
altogether the work of Moses. [Pextatkcch.;
For the present it is sufficient to remark, that even
admitting the hand of an editor or compiler to be
risible in the book of Exodus, it is quite impossible
accurately to distinguish the documents from each
other, or from his own additions.
C. Credibility. — Almost every historical fact
mentioned in Exodus has at some time or other
been called in question. But it is certain that all
investigation has hitherto tended only to establish
the veracity of the narrator. A comparison with
other writers and an examination of the monuments
confirm, or at least do not contradict, the most ma-
terial statements of this book. Thus, for instance,
Manetho's story of the Hyksos, questionable as
much of it is, and differently as it has been inter-
preted by different writers, points at least to some
early connection between the Israelites and the
Egyptians, and is corroborative of the fact implied
in tile Pentateuch that, at the time of the Israelitish
sojourn, Egypt was ruled by a foreign dynasty.
[Egypt. J Manetho speaks, too, of strangers from
tiie East who occupied the eastern part of l.ower
Egypt. And his account shows that the Israelites
had become a numerous and formidable people.
According to Ex. xii. 37, the number of men beside
women and children who left Egypt was 600,000.
This would give for the whole nation about two
millions and a half. There is no doubt some dif-
ficulty In accounting for this immense increase, if
we suppose (as on many accounts seems probable)
that the actual residence of the children of Iaran
was only 215 years. We must remember, indeed,
that the number who went into Egypt with Jaoot
was considerably more than " threescore and tec
souls" [see Chbosolooy]; we must also taxi
into account the extraordinary fhutfulneas of
Egypt « (concerning which all writers are agreed '
a Ot Stnbo, XT p. 878 ; Arista*. Hit. Amm. rt
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KXODUS
r it that put of it in which the b-
nsJJtea dwelt. Still it would be more satisfactory
a* we could allow 430 yean for the increase of the
nation rather than any shorter period.
According to De Wette, the story of Moses' birth
b mythical, and arises from an attempt to account
etrmologuailly for his name. Hut the beautiful
simplicity of the narrative places it far above the
stories cf Romulus, Cyrus, and Semiramis, with
which it has been compared (Knobet, p. 14). And
at regards the etymology of the name, there can be
fery Utile doubt that it is Egyptian (from the Copt.
•J(_00 "water," and 2£J or (Jj "to take;"
ef. Uesen. Thet. in v., and Knobel, Comm. in loc.);
and if so, the author has either played upon the
name or is mistaken in bis philology. But this
•loes not prove that the whole story is nothing but
a myth. Philology as a science is of very modem
growth, and the truth of history does not stand or
fall with the explanation of etymologies. The same
remark applies to De Wette'a objection to the ety-
mology in ii. 22.
Other objections are of a very arbitrary kind,
rhus Knobel thinks the command to destroy the
male children (i. 15 ff.) extremely improbable, be-
cause the object of the king was not to destroy the
people, but to make use of them as slaves. To
require the niklwives to act as the enemies of their
own people, and to issue an injunction that every
son born of Israelitish parents should be thrown
into the Nile, was a piece of downright madness
of which be thinks the king would not be guilty.
But we do not know that the niidwives were He-
brew, they may have been Egyptian ; and kings,
like other slave owners, may act contrary to their
interest in oledience to their fears or their passions;
indeed, Knobel himself compares the story of King
Bocchoris, who commanded all the unclean in his
land to be cast into the sea (l.ysim. ap. Joteph. c.
A/iion. i. 34), and the destruction of the Spartan
Helots (Plutarch, Lycuiy. 28). He object* further
that it is not easy to reconcile such a command
with the number of the Israelites at their exodus.
But we may suppose that in very many instances
the command of the king would be evaded, and
probably it did not long continue in force-
Again, I)e Wette objects to the caD of Moses
that he eouil not have thus formed the resolve to
become the savior of his people — which, as Haver-
nick justly remarks, is a dogmatical, not a critical
decision.
The ten plagues are physically, many of them,
what might be expected in Egypt, although in their
•ntensity and in their rapid succession they are
learly supernatural. Even the order in which
toey occur is an order in which physical causes are
allowed to operate. The corruption of the river is
followed by the plague of frogs. From the dead
frogs are bred the gnats and flies, from these came
the murrain among the cattle and the boils on
men, and so on.
Most of the plagues indeed, though of course in
a much leas aggravated form, and without such
succession, are actually experienced at this day in
Egypt. Of the plague of locusts it is expressly
xmarked that " before them were no such locusts,
.chhrr after them shall be such." > nd all travel-
er* in Egypt have observed swarm* of locusts,
KXODUS
79*
• ; PUn. H. X vil. 3; Seneca, Qu. Hal. ffl. 26, quoted
• Hi /arnica
I wrought generally by a southwest wind (Daooa,
1 however, mentions their coming with an east wind),
and in the winter or spring of the year. This last
fact agrees also with our narrative. I.epsius speaks
of being in a " regular snow-drift of locmtt," whict
came from the desert in hundreds of thousands to
the valley. >• At the edge of the fruitful plain,"
he says, " they fell down in showers." And this
continued for six days, indeed in weaker flight*
much longer. He also saw hail in Egypt. In
January 1843, he and his party were surprised by
a storm. " Suddenly," he writes, " the storm grew
to a tremendous hurricane, such as I have never
seen in Europe, and hail fell upon us in such
masses, as almost to turn day into night." He
notices, too, an extraordinary cattb murrain
" which carried ofT40,OUO head of cattle " (.Letter*
from Egg/it, Eng. trans, pp. 49, 27, 14).
The institution of the Passover (cb. xii.) ha*
been subjected to severe criticism. This has also
been called a mythic fiction. The alleged circum-
stances are not historical, it is said, but arise out
of a later attempt to explain the origin of the
ceremony and to refer it to the time of Moses
The critics rest mainly on the difference between
the directions given for the observance of this the
first, and those given for subsequent passover*.
Bat there is no reason why, considering the very
remarkable circumstances under which it was insti-
tuted, the first Passover should not have had it*
own peculiar solemnities, or why instructions should
not then have been given for a somewhat different
observance for the future. [Passovek.]
In minor details the writer shows a remarkable
acquaintance with Egypt. Thus, for instance.
Pharaoh's daughter goes to the river to bathe. -At
the present day it is true that only women of tbe
lower orders bathe in the river. But Herodotus
(ii. 35) tells us (what we learn also from the mon-
uments) that in ancient Egypt tbe women were
under no restraint, but apparently lived mere in
public than the men. To this must be added that
the Egyptians supposed a sovereign virtue to exist
in tbe Nile-waters. The writer speaks of chariot*
and "chosen chariots" (xir. 7) a* constituting an
important element in the Egyptian army, and of
tijo king as leading in person. The monuments
amply confirm this representation. The Pharaohs
lead their armies to battle, and the arnita consist
entirely of infantry and chariots.
Many other facts have been disputed, men as
the passage of the Ked Sea, tbe giving of the
uiaiina, Ac. But respecting these it may suffice to
refer to other articles in which they are discussed
[The Exodus; Manna; The Rkd Ska.]
D. The authorship and dato of the book ar»
discussed under Pentateuch. J. J. S. P.
* Of recent exegetical works on the book of
Exodus the following may be mentioned : Mecklen-
burg, Scriptvra ac Traditio, Cotn,perpet. in rent.
1839 ; Heinemann. Thornth Emeth, die /»»/
Backer MotU, 1853; Laborde, Commentaiie geo-
graphiqut rur tExode et let Nombret, 1812;
Herrheimer, Schutchnn Eduth, ErUarmg der
fin) Backer Motit, 1858-56; Kalisch, Out. am
Oft. Commentary on At Old Testament, with a
Na~ Trantlation, Exodus, 1855; Knobet, in the
Kvrtgef. exeget, Hondo, turn A. T., 'oL eU.
Exotut u. LetUicm erkUh-t, 1867; Chr. Words-
worth, Holy BibU with Notes, voL I., Fin Booh
of Motet, 3d ed 1865; KeU, BibL Kommentat
flier dot A. T. ton Ktil u. PrJitztck. 1« Rand
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T94
EXODUS, THE
Genesis «. Eiixlm, Ste Aufl. 1866; J. 6. Murphy,
Com men tary on Hie Book of Exodui, 1866.
T. J. &
EX'ODUS, THE. The object of this article
b to gin a combined riew of the result* stated in
the various articles relating or referring to the
Exodus of the children of Israel from Egypt It
may be divided into three parts, treating of the
chronological, the historical, and the geographical
aspect of the event.
1. Dnlr. — The date of the Exodus is discussed
under Chronology, where it is held that a pre-
ponderance of evidence is in favor of the year n. c.
1662. The historical questions connected with this
date are noticed under Egypt. Hales places the
EXODUS, THE
Exodus b. c 1648, Usher n. c. 1401, and Ban—
b. c. 1390.
9. Hitter*. — The Exodus is a great tumiafC
point in Biblical history. With it the Patriarch*
dispensation ends and the Law begins, and with it
the Israelites cease to be a family and become a
nation. It is therefore important to observe how
the previous history led up to this event. The
advancement of Joseph, and the placing of bis
kinsmen in what was to a pastoral people, at I fast ,
" the best of the land," yet, as far as possible, apart
from Egyptian influence, favored the multiplying
of the Israelites and tie preservation of weir
nationality. The subsequent persecution bound
them more firmly together, and at the same tims
loosened the hold that Egypt had gained upon
Hap to illustrate the Exodus of Um Israelites.
Assn. It was thus that the Israelite were ready,
»hea>Mc*es declared his mission, to go forth as one
tan tarn the land of their bondage. [Joseph;
Ktosju; Egyft.j
The histoiy of the Exodus i»«elf commences with
"»e close of that of the Ten Plagues [Plagues or
Koyft]. In the night in which, at midnight, the
first bub were slain (Ex. xii 29), Pharaoh urged
the departure of the Israelite* (w. 31, 39). They
at once set forth from Rameses (w. 37, 39* «p-
panaitly during the night (ver. 42), but Urnaids
•noming, on Use 15th day of the first month (Num.
xxxiii. 3). They made three journeys and enoami»d
by the Red Sea. Here Pharaoh overtook them,
and the great miracle occurred by which they weit
saved, while the pursuer and his army were de-
stroyed. It has been thought by some that Pharaoh
did not perish in the Red Sea; but not only does
the narrative seem to forbid such a supposition
(Ex. xiv. 18, 23, 28), but it is expressly oontradioted
i in Ps. exxxvi. (ver. 15). Recently it has been «•*»■
i Rested that the Israelites crossed by a ford. »i
I however, their sife presage could thus be accounted
' for, the drowning cf the Egyptians would "
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EXODUS, THE
Mate extraordinary than before. Obviously srdi-
onry causes are uot sufficient to explain the deliver-
uiee of the former and the destruction of the latter.
But eren were it so, the question would bare to be
asked whether the occurrence of the event at the
lit time could reasonably be considered as due to
such ordinary causes, and the necessary negative
reply would show the fallacy of attempting a nat-
uralistic explanation of the event on account of the
use of natural means. It would be more reasonable
to deny the event, but this could not be attempted
in the face of the overwhelming evidence of its
occurrence.
3. Geography. — The determination of the route
by which the Israelites left Egypt is one of the
most difficult questions in Biblical geography. The
following points must be settled exactly or approx-
imately : the situation of the Land of Goshen,
the length of each day's march, the position of the
first station (Rameses), and the direction of the
journey.
The Land of Goshen may be concluded from the
IKblical narrative to have been part of Egypt, but
not of what was then held to be Egypt Proper. It
must therefore have been an outer eastern province
of Lower Egypt. The Israelites, setting out from
a town of Goshen, made two days' journey towards
the Ked Sea, and then entered the wilderness, a
day's journey or less from the sea. They could
only therefore have gone by the valley now called
;ha Wddt-uTuneyUit, for every other cultivated
v cultivable tract is too far from the Red Sea.
rtsmeses, as we shall see, must have lain in this
valley, which thus corresponded in part at least to
Goshen. . That it wholly corresponded to that region
is evident from its being markedly a single valley,
and from the insufficiency of any smaller territory
to support the Israelites. [Gobhkn.J
Ii is not difficult to fix very nearly the length of
each day's march of the Israelites. As they had
with them women, children, and cattle, it cannot
be supposed that they went more than fifteen miles
daily; at the same time it is unlikely that they fell
lar short of this. The three journeys would there-
fore give a distance of about forty-five miles. There
seems, however, as we shall see, to have been, a
ieflexion from a direct course, so that we cannot
consider the whole distance from the starting-point,
Rameses, to the shore of the Red Sea as much
more than about thirty miles in a direct line.
Measuring from the ancient western shore of the
Arabian Gulf due east of the W ddi-t- TumtytdL, a
liatanea of thirty miles in a direct line places the
site of Rameses near the mound called in the present
day EW Abbdtteyth, not far from the western end
of the valley. That the Israelites started from a
place in this position is further evident from' the
account of the two routes that lay before them:
' And it came to pass, when Pharaoh had let the
people go, that God led them not [by] the way of
the laud of the Philistines, although that [was]
near; for God said, Lest peradventure the people
repent when they see war, and they return to
Egypt; but God let the people turn to the way of
he wilderness of the Red Sea" (Ex. xiii. 17, 18).
rbe expression used, 3§I1 does not necessarily
snply a change in the direction of the journey, but
may mean that God did not lead the Israelites into
Palestine by the nearest route, but took them about
jy the way of the wilderness. Were the meaning
hat the people turned, we shculd have to suppose
EXODUS, THE
795
Barneses to have been beyond the valley to the
west, and this would probably make the distance
to the Red Sea too great for the time oocupied ir
traversing it, besides overthrowing the reasonable
identification of the Land of Goshen. [Ka«E(_Eo.]
Hence it is clear that they must have started from
near the eastern side of the ancient Delta, along
which lies the commencement of the route to the
Philistine territory.
Kameses is evidently the Raamses of Ex. i. 11.
It seems to have been the chief town of the Land of
Goshen, for that region, or possibly a part of it, i*
called the land of Rameses in Gen. xlvii. 11, coup
4, 6. [Rameses; Goshen.]
After the first day's Journey the Israelites en
camped at Succoth (Ex. xii. 37, xiii. 30; Num.
xxxiii. 6, 6). This was probably a mere resting-
place of caravans, or a military station, or else a
town named from one of the two. Such names as
the Scene Veteranorum (which has been rashly
identified with Succoth), and the Scene Maudre
of the Itinerary of Antoninus, and the settlement
of Ionian and Carian mercenaries called rh irpari-
w«8o (Herod, ii. 154), may be compared to this.
Obviously such a name is very difficult of identifica-
tion. [Succoth.]
The next camping-place was Etham, the position
of which may be very nearly fixed in consequence
of its being described as " in the edge of the wilder-
ness" (Ex. xiii. 30; Num. xxxiii. 6, 7). The cul-
tivable land now extends very nearly to the western
side of the ancient head of the gulf. At a period
when the eastern part of Lower Egypt was largely
inhabited by Asiatic settlers, there can be no doubt
that this tract was under cultivation. It is there-
fore reasonable to place Etham where the cultivable
land ceases, near the Sebn Biar, or /Seven Weill,
about three miles from the western side of the
ancient head of the gulf. The Patumoa of Herod-
otus and Strabo, which appears to have been the
same as the Thoum or Thou of the Itinerary of
Antoninus, is more likely to be the Pithom than
the Etham of Scripture. [PrraoM.] It is too
far west for the latter.
After leaving Etham the direction of the route
changed. The Israelites were commanded " to turn
and encamp before Pi-hahiroth, between Migdol and
the sea, over against Baal-zephon " (Ex. xiv. 3).
Therefore it is most probable that they at once
turned, although they may have done so later is
the march. The direction cannot be doubted, ii
our description of the route thus far be correct, for
they would have been entangled (ver. 3) only by
turning southward, not northward. They encamped
for the night by the sea, probably after a full day's
journey. The place of their encampment and of
the passage of tile sea would therefore be not far
from the Persepolitan monument, which is made
in Linant's map the site of the Serapeum. We dc
not venture to attempt the identification of the
places mentioned in the narrative with modern sites.
Nothing but the discovery of ancient Egyptian
names, and their positive appropriation to such
sites, could enable us to do so. Something, how-
ever, may be gathered from the names of the places
The position of the Israelite encampment was be-
fore or at Pl-hahlroth, behind which was Migdol,
and on the other hand Baal-zephon and the sea.
[Baal-zkphoj».] Pi-hahiroth or Hahiroth is
probably the name of a natural locality. The sep-
arable prefix is evidently the Egyptian masculine
article, and we therefore hold the name to ha
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EXOB0I8T
Egyptian. Jab-onaky proposed the Coptic ety-
mology, ni-iVl-OCDTj "* lle P 1 ** wnere
■edge grows," which, or a similar name, the erit-
iaai aagacity of Fresnel reooguized hi the modem
Ghumtybet-tUota, " the bed of reeds." We can-
not, however, hold that the Ghuweybtrt- el-boot in
the neighborhood where we place the passage of the
sea is the Pi-hahiroth of the Bible: there is another
Ghuweybet-elrboaK near Suez, and such a name
would of courne depend for its permanence upon
the continuance of a vegetation subject to change.
[Pi-hahiiioth.J Migdol appears to have been a
common name for a frontier watch-tower. [Mig-
dol.] Baal-zephon we take to have had a similar
meaning to that of Migdol. [Uaai^zei-hon.]
We should expect therefore that the encampment
would have been in a depression, partly marshy,
having on cither hand an elevation marked by a
watch-tower.
The actual passage of the sea forms the subject
of another article. [Red Sea, Passage of.]
There can be no doubt that the direction was from
the west to the east, and that the breadth at the
place of crossing was great, since the whole Egyp-
tian army perished.
We do not propose to examine the various the-
ories that have been put forth respecting the route
of the Israelites. We have thought it enough to
state alT the points of evidence which can, in our
judgment, lead to a satisfactory conclusion. It
might, however, be thought neglectful if we did not
allude to what Prof. Lepsius has written on the
subject. He does not enter into any detailed ex-
position of the geography of the Exodus, and
attempts but one identification with any modern
«ite — that of Rameses with the ancient Egyp-
tii'ii sitr now called Aboo-Kt»hryd, about eight miles
from the old head of the gulf. The argument he
adduces for this identification is that a monolith is
tound here representing Kameses II. seated betw&n
the gods Turn and Ra, and that therefore he was
worshipped at the place which must have borne his
name. It might equally, however, have been called
Pa-turn, from Turn, and have oorres)>onded in ety-
mology to Patumos or else Pithom. The conclusion
to which Prof. Lepsius arrives, that because Aboo-
Kttheyd is Rameses, therefore the Land of Goshen
must have been within the eastern part of Lower
Egypt below Heliopolis, is singularly illogical, for
Rameses was in the Land of Goshen, and not 20
miles east of it, and it occupied the Israelites more
than two days to journey from it to the lied Sea,
which makes its allocation within about eight miles
of the sea absurd. The supposition involves there-
in a double impossibility.
The preceding map exhibits the main features
rf the country in which we place the route of the
Israelites, and the places referred to in this article.
Die 'km' map is Linant's, in the Atlas of the Perce-
mem de lltthme de Suez. R. S. P.
ESOBCIST (i(opKurrit •■ acorcuia). The
vrti i^npKlCu occurs once in the N. T. and once
Hi to. . JCX. version of the 0- T. In both cases
in used, not in the sense of exora'ee, but as a
■ynonym of the simple verb ipnt(a, to charge wilh
m oath, to adjure. Comp. Gen. xxiv. 3 (P^atpH,
A. V. "I will make thee swear") with 57, 'and
Matt- xxvi. 63 with Mark v. 7; and see 1 Then.
r. 17 (fatyurlfw, Lachm. Tischend.). The cognate
atan, hotwrar, together with the simple verb, is
EZBAI
found once (Acts xix. 13) with referent*) to tot
ejection of evil spirits from persons possessed by
them (cf. {{opawis, i/Mcia, Joseph. AtU. via. 3,
§5). The use of the term exorcists in that passage
as the designation of a well-known class of persona
to which the individuals mentioned belonged, con-
firms what we know from other sources as to the
common practice of exorcism amongst the Jews.
That some, at least, of them not only pretended to.
but possessed, the power of exorcising, appears by
our Lord's admission when he asks the Pharisees,
" If I by Beelzebub cast out devils, by whom dc
your disciples (viol) cast them out'/ " (Matt. xii.
27.) What means were employed by real exorcist*
we are not informed. David, by playing skillfully
on a harp, procured the temporary departure of the
evil spirit which troubled Saul (1 Sam. xvi. 23).
Justin Martyr has an interesting suggestion as to
the possibility of a Jew successfully exorcising a
devil, by employing the name of the God of Abra-
ham, Isaac, and Jacob. ('AAA' ti aoa l{o/Mrf£»
Tit 6fuZy mra rov flfoS 'A0paan xal 0coD 'IsraaW
<tal Stov 'laxiifi, tffas UTorayhaerat [to SaiuA-
via*], DiaL am Ttypk. c. 85, p. 311, C. See
also ApoL II. c. 6, p. 45, 13, where he claims for
Christianity superior but not necessarily exclusive
power in this respect. Compare the statements of
Iren. adv. Bmrtt. ii. 5, and the authorities qootod
by Grotius on Matt. xii. 27.) But Justin goes on
to say that the Jewish exorcists, as a class, had
sunk down to the superstitious rites and usages of
the heathen (*H8n fi4vrot ol ifc ttfi&y twopicurral
TJ) t^«), &nr« xal ra (0rn f xpAptvoi i^opnt-
(owri *al iufuifuuri xal KaraXia/uus xpmrat,
thrw). With this agrees the account given by
Josephus (AtU. viii. 2, § 5) of an exorcism which
he saw performed by Kleazar, a Jew, in the presence
of Vespasian and his sons, though the virtue of the
cure is attributed to the mention of the name of
Solomon, and to the use of a root, and of certain
incantations said to have been prescribed by him.
It was the profane use of the name of Jesus as a
mere charm or spell which led to the disastrous
issue recorded in the Act* of the Apostles (xix.
13-16).
The power of casting out devils was bestowed by
Christ while on earth upon the apostles (Matt, x.
8) and the seventy disciples (Luke x. 17-19), and
was, according to his promise (Mark xvi. 17), ex-
ercised by believers after his ascension (Acts xvi.
18); but to the Christian miracle, whether as per-
formed by our Lord himself or by his followers, the
N. T. writers never apply the terms "exorcise"
or "exorcist." [See Demos; Demoniacs.]
T. T. P.
EXPIATION. [Sacrifice.]
* EYE-SERVICE, a word for which we an
indebted to our English translators (found in the
Bishops' Bible, CoL iii. 22, and in the A. V., both
there and Eph. vi. 6). I' is their rendering of
o<p0aAfu>SovAefa, which means, service performed
only as it were under the master's eye, ■'. e. reluc-
tant and meroenaiy. The Greek word does net
occur elsewhere. H.
* E'ZAR is found in many modern editions
of the A. V. in 1 Chr. L 38 instead of the correct
form Ezrr. [Ezkr.] A.
EZTBAI [2syL] P3?S [thick or ihort, Dietr.j
•Aio0ai; [Vat Afr&u; Alex. Aj>! FA. Afcs*
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BZBOK
Joaau. Ar$ai :] Atbai), father of Naaral, who tu
got of David's thirty might/ men (1 Chr. xi. 37).
In the parallel list (2 Sam. xziii. 36) the names
are given " Paarai the Arbite," whicu Kennicott
decides to be a corruption of the reading in Chron-
icles. (Dissertation, Ac. p. 209.)
EZ-BON OaVH [perh. inclined, Gt».] : euro-
(Uy. Etebon). i. Son of Gad, and founder of one
of the Gadite fiunilies (Gen. xlvi. 16; Num. xxvi.
It). In the latter passage the name is written
*3J^ (A. V. Ozni), probably by a corruption of
the text of very early date, since the I.XX. have
'Af«W. The process seems to have been the acci-
dental omission of the 2 in the first instance (as
>n "T^aS, Abiezer (Josh. xvii. 2), which in
Num. xxvi. is written "U5 , M, Jeezer), and then,
when ^^y was no longer a Hebrew form, the
changing it into ^3?N*
2. 0*139^ :] '¥**$**; [Vat. 2./W: Alex.]
Aai0tnr' [/'soon]. Son of Bela, the son of Ben-
jamin, according to 1 Chr. vii. 7. It is singular,
however, that while Ezbon is nowhere else men-
tioned among the sons of Bela, or Benjamin, be
appears here in company with v "]V-'j Iri, which
is not a Benjamite family either, according to the
other lists, but which is found in company with
Ezbon among the Gadite families, both in Gen.
xlvi. 16 (Eri, "HJ), and Num. xxvi. 16. Were
these two Gadite families incorporated into Ben-
jamin after the slaughter mentioned Judg. xx. ?
Possibly they were from Jabesh-Gilead (comp. xxi.
12-14). [Bkcher.] 1 Chr. vii. 2, seems to fix
the date of the census as in king David's time.
A. C. H.
EZECHI'AS ('EC««fai i [Vat. Efcior :] Oant).
1. 1 Esdr. ix. 14; put for Jaiiaziah in Err.
x. IS.
3. (Eneckiat.) 2 Esdr. vii. 40. [Hrzekiah.]
EZEOI'AS ('E(«rfot: Ettchia,), 1 Esdr. ix.
43; for Hilkiah in the parallel passage, Neh.
viii. 4.
BZEKI'AS (Ef«(«, and so Codex B in N.
T.: Etechiat), Eoclus. xlvUi. 17, 22; xlix. 4; 2
Mace. xt. 22; Matt, i 9, 10. [Hbzkmam.]
EZxTKIEL (bN|7».0\ L e. Yeehetbd, for
7$ pjrP, God mil strengthen, or from pTTT
bMn, the strength of God: 'I,f«riJA: Ettddet),
one of the four greater prophets. There have been
various fancies about his name; according to Abar-
banel (Praf. in Etech.) it implies " one who nar-
Ues the might of God to be displayed in the
future," and some (as Villalpandus, Praf. in Etech.
p. x.) see. s play on the word in the expressions
3, i?jn, and s |7t.n (UL 7, 8, 9), whence the
groundfcas conjecture of Sanctius (Prolegom. in
Etech. p. 2, n. 2) that the name was given him
subsequently to the commencement of his career
(Carpsov, Jntrod. ad libr. BiU Va Tutam. ii. ,
part ili. eh. v.). He was the son if a priest
wmed Buzi, respecting whom fresh conjectures I
Ms* been recorded, although nothing is known
about him (as Arehbp. Newrome observes) beyond
tSZHKlBL 79?
the fact that he must have given his son a ossvtV
and learned education. The Kabbis hail a rak
that every prophet in Scripture was also the son
of a prophet, and beiice they (as K. Dav. Kimcbi
in his Commentary) absurdly identify Buzi with
Jeremiah, who they say was so called, buiuse lie
was rejected and despised. Another tradition makes
Ezekiel the servant of Jeremiah (Greg. Nas. Or.
xlvii.), and Jerome supposes that the prophets
being contemporaries during a part of their mission
interchanged their prophecies, set ding them re-
spectively to Jerusalem and Clialdaia for mutual
confirmation and encouragement, that the Jsws
might hear as it were a strophe and antistrophe of
warning and promise, "vdut ae si duo cantons
alto: ad alterius vocem sese componerent " (Calvin,
Comment, ad Etech. i. 2). Although it was only
towards quite the close of Jeremiah's lengthened
office that Ezekiel received his commission, yet
these suppositions are easily accounted for by the
internal harmony between the two prophets, in
proof of which Havernick (Introd. to Etech.) quotes
Ex. xiii. as compared with Jer. xxiii. 9 ff., and Ex.
xxxiv. with Jer. xxxiii. Ac. This inner resemblance
is the more striking from the otherwise wide dif-
ference of character which separates the two proph-
ets; for the elegiac tenderness of Jeremiah is the
reflex of his gentle, calm, and introspective spirit,
while Ezekiel, in that ase when true prophecy was
so rare (Ex. xii. 21 ; \/an. ii. 9), " comes forward
with all abruptness and iron consistency. Has be
to contend with a people of brazen front and un-
bending neck ? He possesses on his own part an
unbending nature, opposing the evil with an un-
flinching spirit of boldness, with words full of con-
suming fire" (Hiirernick's Introd. translated by
Rev. F. W. Gotch in Journal of S. I., i. 23).
Unlike his predecessor in the prophetic office,
who gives us the amplest details of his personal
history, Ezekiel rarely alludes to the facts of his
own life, and we have to complete the imperfect
picture by the colors of late and dubious tradition.
We shall mention both sources of information, con-
tenting ourselves with this general caution against
the latter. He was taken captive in ■yijt lapnpA
(Isidor. de VU. et Ob. Sanct 39; Kpiphan. de VU.
et Mart Prophet ix. ap. Carpzov.) in the captivity
(or transmigration, as Jerome more accurately pre-
fers to render /h?J, i. 2) of Jehoiachin (not Je
boiachim as Josephus (Ant. x. 6, § 3) states, prob-
ably by a slip of memory) with other distinguished
exiles (2 K. xxiv. IS), e»ven years before the de-
struction of Jerusalem. Josephus (/. c.) says that
this removal happened when he was a hoy, and
although we cannot consider the assertion to be
refuted by Hiivernick's argument from the matured
vigorous, priestly character of his writings, and feel
still less inclined to say that he had " undoubtedly "
exercised for some considerable time the function of >
priest, yet the statement is questionable, b e cau se it
is improbable (as Hiivernick also point* out) thai
Ezekiel long survived the 27th year of his exile (xxix.
17), so that if Josephus be correct he must have die*
very young. He was a member of a community
of Jewish exiles who settled on the banks of tbs
Chebar, a " river " or stream of Babylonia, which
is sometimes taken to be the Khabour, but which
the latest investigators suppose to be the Nahr
Malcha or royal canal of Nebuchadnezzar. [Che-
bar.] The actual name of the spot where hf
resided was 2^3^ bft (aeervm ncmrmm /r*
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asTeitTwr.
pttm, Vulg. /urimpos teal Ttprij\$o» (?) LXX M
'• the hill of grief," Syr.), a name which Jerome, as
anal, allegorizes. It ia thought by MichaeUs to
oe the game as Thallaba in D'Anville's map
(Rosenmiill. SchuL in Ez. iii. 15). It was by this
river " in the land of the Chaldaeans " that God's
message first reached him (i. 8); the Chaldee ver-
sion, however, interpolates the words " in the land
[of Israel: and again a second time he spake to
him in the land] of the Chaldasans," because the
Jews had a notion that the Shekinah could not
overshadow a prophet out of the Holy Land.
Hence R. Jarchi thinks that ch. zvii. was EzekieTs
fast prophecy, and was uttered before the Cap-
tivity, a view which be supports by the Hebrew
Idiom iTTT nMl (A. V. " came expressly ") in i.
3. K. Kinv.hi, however, makes an exception to
the rule in case the prophecy was inspired in some
pure and quiet spot like a rivet's bank (cf. Pa.
exxxvii. 1). His call took place " in the fifth year
of king Jehoiachin'a captivity " n. c. 595 (i. 2),
u in the thirtieth year in the fourth month." The
latter expression is very uncertain. Most com-
mentators take it to mean the 30th year of bis age,
the recognized period for assuming lull priestly
functions (Num. iv. 23, 30). Origen, following
this assumption, makes the prophet a type of Christ,
to whom also " the heavens were opened " when he
was baptized in Jordan. But, as lYadus argues,
such a computation would be unusual, and would
not be sufficiently important or well known as a
mark of genuineness, and would require some more
definite addition. The Chald. paraphrase by Jon.
ben Uzael has — "30 years after Hilkiah the high-
priest had found the book of the Law in the sanct-
uary in the vestibule under the porch at midnight
after the setting of the moon in the days of Josiah,
Ac, in the month Thammuz, in the fifth day of
the month " (cf. 2 K. xxii.). This view is adopted
by Jerome, Umber, Havernick, Ac. ; but had this
been a recognized era, we should have found traces
of it elsewhere, whereas even Ezekiel never refers
to it again. There are similar and more forcible
objections to its being the 30th year from the
Jubilee, as Hitzig supposes, following many of the
early commentators. It now seems generally agreed
that it was the 30th year from the new era of Na-
bopolassar, father of Nebuchadnezzar, who began
to reign b. c. 625 (Rawlinson's Herod, i. 508).
The use of this Chaldee epoch is the more appro-
priate as the prophet wrote in Babylonia, and he gives
a Jewish chronology in ver. 2. Compare the notes
of time in Dan. ii. 1, vii. 1; Ez. viL 7; Neh. ii.
1, ?. 14 (Kosenmiiller, ScfioL; Foli Syrwps. in
•oc. ; Scaliger, de emend. Temp. Prolegom. p. xii.).
llis decision of the question is the leas important,
because in all other places Ezekiel dates from the
year of Jehoiachin'a captivity (xxix. 17, xxx. 20,
•tpatsim). We learn from an incidental allusion
rxiv. 18) —the only reference which he makes to
his personal history — that he was married, and had
a bouse (viii. 1) in bis place of exile, and lost his
wife by a sudden and unforeseen stroke. He lived
in the highest consideration among his companions
in exile, and their elders consulted him on all occa-
sions (viii. 1, xi. 25, xiv. 1, *x. 1, Ac.), because in
RZKKIKT.
his united offices of priest and prophet he snas t
i living witness to " them of the Captivity " thai tiesl
had not abandoned them. Vitringa even says (i*
Synag. VtL p. 332) that "in asdibua suis at ia
schola quadara publics conventus institnebat, ibiqass
coram frequenti condone divinam interpretabatnr
voluntatem oratione facunda" (quoted by Haver-
nick). There seems to be little ground for Theo-
doret's supposition that he was a Nazarite. The
last date be mentions is the 27th year of the Cap-
tivity (xxix. 17), so that his mission extended over
twenty-two years, during part of which period
Daniel was probably living, and already famoua
(Ez. xiv. 14, xxviii. 3). Tradition ascribes various
miracles to him, as, for instance, escaping from his
enemies by walking dry-shod across the Chebar;
feeding the famished people with « miraculous
draught of fishes, Ac. He is said to have been
murdered in Babylon by some Jewish prince ( r i
Tryoi/Mvos toD Actov, called in the Soman martyr-
ology for vi. Id. Apr. "judex populi." Carpzov,
Introd. 1. c), whom be had convicted of idolatry;
and to have been buried in a (rmfkeuor SnrAoEr,
the tomb of Shem and Arphaxad, on the banks of
the Euphrates (Kpiphan de VU. el Mini. Prophet ..
The tomb, said to hate been built by Jehoiaehiu,
was shown a few days' journey from Bagdad (Me-
naase ben Israel, de Rrmr. Mori. p. 23), and was
called ■' habitaculum elegantis." A lamp waa kept
there continually burning, and the autograph copy
of the prophecies was said to be there preserved.
The tomb is mentioned by Pietro de la Valle, and
fully described in the Itinerary of R. Benjamin of
Tudela (Ilottinger, The: PhiL II. L 3; Cippi Ue-
braid, p. 82). A curious conjecture (discredited
by Clemens Atexsndrinus (Strom, i.), but consid-
ered not impossible by Selden (Syntogm. dt Dm
Syr. ii. p. 120), Meyer, and others, identifies him
with "Nataratus the Assyrian," the teacher of
Pythagoras. We need hardly mention the ridicu-
lous suppositions that he is identical with Zoroaster,
or with the 'EfntfnXor i riv lovSalKur «Mry«r
ot&y wonrr^i (Clem. Alex. Strom, i. [23]; Euaeb.
Prop. A'vang. ix. 28, 29) who wrote a play on the
Exodus, called 'E£<ryaryri (Kabricius, BM. Grax.
ii. 19). This Ezekiel lived B. c. 40 (Silt Sen.
BM. Sand. iv. 23S).«
But, as Havernick remarks, " by the side of the
scattered data of his external life, those of his in-
ternal life appear so much the richer." We have
already noticed his stem and inflexible energy of
will and character; and we also observe a derated
adherence to the rites and ceremonies of his national
religion. Ezekiel is no cosmopolite, but displays
everywhere the peculiar tendencies of a Hebrew
educated under Levitical training. The priestly
bias ia always visible, especially in chaps, viii.-xi.,
xl.-xiviii., and in iv. 13 ft"., xx. 12 ff., xxi. 8, He.
It is strange of De Wette and Gesenius to attrib-
ute this to a " contracted spirituality," and of
Ewald to see in it " a one-sided conception of an-
tiquity which he obtained merely from books and
traditions," and " a depression of spirit (!) enhanced
by the long continuance of the banishment mi
bondage of the people" (Havemick's Jntrad.\ It
was surely this very intensity of patriotic loysJt*
to a system whose partial suspension he both psx.
■ *Tnts writer Is now generally assigned to the
swond century 9. 0. Sea Smith's Diet, of Gruk and
Rswwh Biogr., art Eztkietus, and Bernhardy's Qrtmd-
•Ms a. (MM. Utwamr, ii. J»btku 41. pp. 88, 72 ft
The poem, edited by Uutmer, has (nan nabBskvel as
Dldot In an apmndix to Wagners edlTlon of the haf
BBD«s<f £■•«•«*■ (ftrla, 1846). A.
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JSZEKIEL
Meted aid survived, wbieh cheered the exiles with
the confidence of his hopes in the future, and tended
to pr ese rve their decaying nationality. Mr. F. W.
Newman is even more contemptuous than the Ger-
asan critics. " The writings of Esekiel," he says
(Ifeb. Sfonnrdiy, p. 330, 2d ed.), "painfully show
the growth of what is merely visionary, and an in-
creasing value of hard sacerdotalism ; " and be
speaks of the " heavy materialism " of Ezekiel's
temple, with its priests, sacrifices, Ac., as " tedious
and unedifying as taviticus itself." His own re-
mark that Kzekiel's predictions " so kept alive on
the minds of the next generation a belief in certain
return from captivity, as to have exceedingly oon-
iluced towards the result," is a sufficient refutation
of such criticisms.
We may also note in Ezekiel the absorbing recog-
nition of his high calling which enabled him cheer-
fully to endure any deprivation or misery (except,
indeed, ceremonial pollution, from which he shrinks
with characteristic loathing, iv. 14), if thereby he
may give any warning or lesson to his people (iv.,
xxiv. 15, 18, Ac.), whom he so ardently loved (ix.
8, xi. 13). On one occasion, and on one only, the
feelings of the man burst, in one single expression,
through the self-devotion of the prophet; and while
even then his obedience is unwavering, yet the in-
expressible depth of submissive pathos in the brief
words which tell how in one day " the desire of his
eyes was taken from him" (xxiv. 15-18), shows
what well-springs of the tenderest human emotion
were concealed under his uncompromising oppuei
tion to every furm of sin.
His predictions are marvellously varied. He has
instances of visions (viii.-xi.), symbolical actions
(as iv. 8), similitudes (xii., xv.), parables (as xvil.
proverbs (as xii. 33, xviii. 1 ft*.), poems (as xix.),
allegories (at xxiii., xxiv.), open prophecies (as vi.,
vii., xx. Ac), "tantaque ubertateet figurarum va-
riatkme floret ut unus omnes prophetici nrrmonis
numeros ae modos expksvisse, jure suo sit dicendus
(Carpsov, fntrod. ii. pt. iii. 5). It is therefore un-
just to charge him with plagiarism, as is done by
Hichaelis and others, although no doubt his lan-
guage (in which several Aramaisms and tbra( Kt-
yifura also occur) is colored largely both by the
Pentateuch and by the writings of Jeremiah. His
style is characterized by "numberless particular
isms," as may be clearly observed by contrasting
his prophecy against Tyre (xxviil.) with that of
Isaiah (xxiii.) (Kairbairn's Eickiel). (irotius (in
Critiei Saeri, iv. 8) compares him to Homer for
bis knowledge, especially of architecture, from which
he repeatedly draws his illustrations ; and Witsius
(Mite. Sacr. i. 343) says, that besides his "incom-
parabile donum prophetic," he deserves high lit-
erary reputation for the learning and beauty of his
style. Mirhaelia, on the other hand, in very dispar-
aging, and I/nrth (referring to the diflueeness of
his details) says " he is oftener to be classed with
the orators than the poets." Few will agree with
Archbishop Xewcome's depreciation of such re-
jiarks on the ground (apparently) that even the
l-nguage of a sacred writer is a matter of inspira-
.ioo; for it is clear that inspiration in no way
supersedes the individualities of the divine messen-
ger. Ewald (.Die Preph. del Allen Bmdte, U.
813), though not enthusiastic, admits that " simply
ss a writer he shows great excellences, particularly
In this dismal period," and he points out his " even-
oaas and repow" of style, to which we suppose
.'srnnt alludes «nwn M says, -Sermo ejus nee
WtRKTUTi 790
satis disertus nee admodum nations, <sd ex utrxrue
genere medie temperatus" (Prof, m Kerch.).
Hasernick seems to us too strong in saying that
" the glow of the divine indignation, the mighty
rushing of the spirit of the Lord, the holy majesty
of Jehovah, as the seer beheld it, are remarkably
reflected in his writings. . . . The loft) action, the
torrent of his eloquence . . . rest* on this com-
bination of power and consistency, the one as un-
wearied sa the other is imposing." Among the
most splendid pasesges are chapter i. (called by the
Kabbis n"^)"T?})> the prophecy against Tyrus
(xxvL-xxriii.), that against Assyria, " the noblest
monument of eastern history" (xxxi.), and eh
viii., the account of what he saw in the Tempi*
porch, —
" When, by the vision led.
His eye surveyed the dark IdoUtrlM
Of ausoated Judah." — MUton, Par. Lot, I.
Certain phrases constantly recur in bis writings, a*
" Son of Man," >' They shall know that I am the
Lord," •' The band of the Lord was upon me,"
" Set thy bee against," Ac.
The depth of his matter, and the marvellous
nature of his visions, make him occasionally ob-
scure. Hence his prophecy was placed by the Jews
among the VTJ3 (treasures), those portions of
Scripture which (like the early part of Genesis,
and the Canticles) were not allowed to be read till
the age of 30 (Jer. Ep. ad Erutoeh. ; Orig. /Win.
Ilumil. Iv. in Cantie.; Hettinger, The*. PhU. il.
1,3). Hence Jerome compares the " inextricaUBs
error" of his writings to Virgil's labyrinth ("Oce-
anus Scripturarum, mysteriorumque Dei laby-
rinthus"), and also to the catacombs. The Jews
classed him in the very highest rank of prophets.
Gregory Xaz. ( Or. 33) culls him i -itpoQirritr flow
(uuTi&Taro* ical Hm\6rarof, and again A t«t
fteyd^Mf eroirrijj vol ^{TryY}rl;r pwrrripi*,*. Isi-
dore (rfe It/, tt Ob. SancL 39) makes him a type
of Christ from the title « Son of Man," 1 ut that
is equally applied to Daniel (viii. 17). Other sim-
ilar testimonies are quoted by Carpzov (lntrod. ii.
193 if.). The Sanhedrim is said to have hesitated
long whether his book should form part of the
canon, from the occasional obscurity, and from the
supposed contradiction of xviii. 30 to Ex. xx. 5,
xxxiv. 7; Jer. xxxii 18. But in point of fact
these apparent oppositions are the mere expression
of truths complementary to each other, as Moses
himself might have taught them (Deut. xxiv. 16).
Although generally speaking comments on this
book were forbidden, a certain K. Nananias under-
took to reconcile the supposed differences. (Spinosa,
Tract. Theol. Polit. ii. 27, partly from these con-
siderations, infers that the present book is unit
up of mere airaruaoTurna, but his argument from
its commencing with a 1, and from the expression
in i. 3 above alluded to, hardly needs refutation.)
Of the authenticity of Ezekiel's prophecy then
has been no real dispute, although a lew rash critics
(as Oeder, VogeL and Corrodi) have raised quee
tions about the last chapters, even suggesting that
they might have bean written by a Samaritan,
to incite the Jews to suffer the cooperation in re
building toe Taunts. There is hardly a shadow
of argument in favor of this view, and absolutely
none to support the anonymous objections in the
Monthly Magazine for 1798 against the genuine-
ness of other chapters, which never would ban
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BZEKIKL
attracted any notice had not Jihn taken the super-
fluous trouble to answer them. The specific nature
of tome of hii predictions (xii. 12, xxvii. 6, Ac ;
do the former paange and its apparent contradic-
tion to Jer. mil. 4, see Joseph. Ant x. 8, J 2) is
also in a very unhistorical manner made a ground
for impugning the authenticity of the book of
Kzekiel by Zunz and others. This style of crit-
icism is very much on the increase, and we hare
bad some audacious instances of it lately; but
though it is quite true that the prophets deal fiu-
more in external principles than specific announce-
ments, yet some show of argument must be ad-
luced before we settle the date of a sacred book as
aecessarily subsequent to an event which it prof tun
to foretell.
The book is Jivided into two great parts, of
which the destruction of Jerusalem is the turning-
point; chapters l.-xxiv. contain predictions de-
livered before that event, and xxv.-xlviii. after it,
as we see from xxvi. 2. Again, chapters L-xxxii.
sre mainly occupied with correction, denunciation,
and reproof, while the remainder deal chiefly in
consolation and promise. A parenthetical section
in the middle of the book (xxv.-xxxii.) contains a
group of prophecies against trtt* foreign nations,
I be septenary arrangement being apparently (as
elsewhere in Scripture) intentional (see an art. on
this subject in the Journal of Sacr. IJterature).
I te Wette, Carpzov, Ac., have adopted various ways
of grouping the prophecies, but the best synopsis is
that of Haverniek, who divides the book into nine
sections distinguished by their superscriptions, as
follows: I. Ezekid's call, i.-iii. 15. II. The gen-
eral carrying out of the commission, iii. ltf-vii.
III. The rejection of the people, because of their
idolatrous worship, viii.-ii. IV. The sins of the
age rebuked in detail, xii.-xix. V. The nature of
the judgment, and the guilt which caused it, xx.-
xxiii. VT. The meaning of the now commencing
punishment, xxiv. VII. God's judgment de-
nounced on seven heathen nations (Amnion, xxv.
1-7; Mono, 8-14; the Philistines, 15-17; Tyre,
xxvi.-xxviii. 19; Sidon, 20-24; Egypt, xxix.-
Hxii-). VIII. Prophecies, after the destruction
of Jerusalem, concerning the future condition of
'.srael, xxxiii.-xxxix. IX. The glorious consum-
mation, il.-xlviii.
Chronological order is followed throughout (the
date of the prediction being constantly referred to),
except in the section devoted to prophecies against
heathen nations (xxix.-xxxii.), where it is several
times abandoned (xxix. 17; cf. xxvi. 1, xxix. 1),
to that in the prediction against Egypt, one uttered
in. the 27 th year of the Captivity is inserted be-
tween two uttered in the 10th and 11th yean.
Hence Jahn supposes a purely "accidental " order,
which Eichhom expands into an economical ar-
rangement of the separate scrolls on which the
|jrophecies were written. Hut there is no necessity
to resort to such arbitrary hypotheses. The gen-
eral unity of subject in the arrangement is obvious,
and Jerome (although be assumes some mystery in
the violatbn of chronology throughout the warn-
ings addressed to l'hsraoh) correctly remarks, "in
prophetis neqtwquam histories ordo servatur; neque
snim narrant pneteriU sed futura pronuntlant,
prout voluntas Spiritus Sancti fuerit" (Comm. in
Eteck. xxix. 17, where he especially adduces the
Jiatance of Jeremiah). Rosenmuller (Scholia bi
toe.) thinks that the causes of the destruction of
Egypt are pot together (xxix. 2-21), and then the
The
RV.KKIHI.
actual nature of that predicted j udg men t ■ s*»
scribed.
Josephus (AM. x. 5) has the following i
ob pirn* W ovtos (Jeremiah) wsveeVowtof i
AAAA col i TfKxfrtrm* 'I«f«t(ijAo*, [%t]
wtpi roonn too fk$\la ypja^as kot(Kit(p.
undoubted meaning seems to be that EteUrl (al-
though Kichborn on various grounds applies the
word to Jeremiah) left two books of prophecy;
which is also stated by Zonaras, and the Latin
translation of Athanasius, where, after mentioning
other lost books, sod two of Erekid, the writer
continues, " nunc vero jam unum duntant inveniri
scimus. Itaque ha-c omnia per impiorum Jodav
orum amentiam et incuriam periisse manifestum
est" (Sytopt. p. 136, but the passage does not
occur in the Greek). In confirmation of this view
(which is held by Maldonatus and others) we have
a passage quoted in Clem. Alex. Quit dives talc 40,
in 4* <SfW <r« cV avry «sd npum at, and again r4-
roKtp «a) ov r4roKtp,^noir ii yptupt (Id. Strom.
vii. IS); a prophecy also mentioned, as alluding
to the Virgin Mary, in Tertulliaii, who says, " lje~
gimus spud Esecbielem de racca ilia quae peperit
et non peperit " (De Corn. Ckristi, 23, cf. Eprpruui.
//teres, xxx. 30. The attempt to refer it by an
error of memory to Job xxi. 10, seems a failure).
That these passages (quoted by Fabrichn. (.'ad.
Pscudepigr. Vet. Test. num. 221) can come from
a lost genuine book is extremely improoaMe, since
we know from Philo and Justin Martyr the ex-
traordinary care with which the Jews guarded toe
\6yia (irra. They may indeed come from a lost
opocrypkal book, although we find no other trace
of its existence (Sixtus Sen. BibL Sonet, ii. p. 61).
U Moyne (Var. Sacra, ii. 332 If.) thinks that
they undoubtedly belong to the collection of tra-
ditionary Jewish apophthegms called Pirke Aboth,
or "chapters of the fathers." Just in the same
way we find certain Hypcupa Soy/tara attributed to
our Lord by the Fathers, and even by the Apostles
(Acts xx. 85), ou which see a monograph by
Kuinoel. The simplest supposition about the pas-
sage in Josephus is either to assume that be is in
error, or to admit a former division of Exekiel into
two books, possibly at ch. xL \jt Moyne adopts
the latter view, and supports it by analogous cases
There is nothing which militates against it in the
fact that Josephus mentions too pUra col cfoco-t
&t(i\la (c Apion. i. 22) as forming the canon.
There are no direct quotations from ExekiU in
the New Testament, but in the Apocalypse there
are many parallels and obvious allusions to the
later chapters (xl.-xlviii.). We cannot now enter
into the difficulties of these or other chapters (for
which we must refer to some of the commentaries
mentioned below) ; but we will enumerate, follow-
ing Fairbairn, the four main lines of interpella-
tion, namely, (1.) The Historico-literal, adopted
by Viualpandus, Grotius, I/mth, Ac., who make
them a prosaic description intended to pre se rve the
memory of Solomon's Temple. (2.) The Histor-
ico-ideal (of Eichhorn, Dathe, Ac), which redness
them "to a sort of vague and will-meaning an-
nouncement of future good." (3.) The Jewish-
carnal (of IJghtfoot, lloiuiann, Ac), which main-
tains that their outline was actually adopted by the
exiles. (4.) The Christian-spiritual (or Messianic),
followed by Lather, Calvin. Cuccdus. and moat
modern commentators, which makes them - s
grand complicated symbol of what the good Uod »»ed
in reserve tor his church." Uoaeniu iUer, who dk>
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BZBKIBL
approves »Hke of the literalism of Grotlus, and the
arbitrary, ambiguous allegorizing of others, remarks
(ScttoL M xxviii. 36), "Nobis quidem oleum et
operant perdere videntur, qui hujusmodi Macula ad
certos eventus referre studeut aut poetics orno-
menta ad factorum fidem explonnt." Other proph-
ecies of a general Messianic character are xxxiv,
11-19, and xxxri.-xxxix.
The chief commentators on this " most neglected
of the prophets " are, among the lathers, Origen,
Jerome (Comment, in Eztch. JJ. xiv.), and Theo-
dore* ; among the Jews, Kabbis Dar. Kimchi and
Abarbanel; of the Reformers, Oeeolampadins and
•Mvin; and of the Romanists, Pradus and Villal-
pandus (Rome, 1596 [-1604, in 3 vols, fol, " opus
multi&ria eruditione refertum et ad antiquitatis
•tedium ntilissimum," Rosenm.]). More modem
commentaries are those of Starck (1731), Venema
tl790), Newcome [1788], W. GreenhUl [Lond.
1646-69. 5 vols. 4to, reprinted 1839], Fairbairn
[8d ed. Edinb. 1862], Henderson [1856], Haver-
nick (Coram, uber Etechiel [Erlang. 1843]), Hit-
«Jg (Der Prophet Eztchkl erklart [Ldpx. 1847,
lief. viil. of the Kurtgef exey. Ilandb. turn A.
T.]). [Jehezekel.] F. W. F.
* As the topography and the monumental sculpt-
ures and inscriptions of Babylon have become bet-
ter known in our own day, it is seen how folly the
characteristics of Ezekiel's writings agree with the
circumstances in which he was placed at the time.
The imagery and symbology in particular, under
which his visions are set before us, are largely de-
rived from Babylonian rather than Hebrew sources.
The costume of his thoughts shows, in the words
of Stanley, that " he had wandered through the vast
halls of Assyrian monuments, and there gazed on all
that Assyrian monuments have disclosed to us of
human dignity and brute strength combined, — the
eagle-winged lion, human-headed bull (Layard,
iVm. A Bab. pp. 448, 464). These complicated
forms supplied the vehicle of the sublime truths
that dawned upon him from amidst the mystic
wheels, tbe sapphire throne, the amber fire, and
the rainbow brightness. It is the last glimpse of
these gigantic emblems, which vanished in the
prophet's lifetime, only to reappear in our own age
from the ruins of the long-lost Nineveh " (Jetcith
Church, ii. 623 ff.). In illustration of this trait
if the prophet's style, see also Dean Milman's Hit-
lory of the J eat, i. 455 (Amer. ed.), and Herzfeld,
Getch. det Votket Jitrael, i. 206. But nearly
jH interpreters recognize one signal exception to
this view of the origin of Ezekiel's imagery. The
scenery under which he so graphically describes the
new spiritual temple which in the Utter days God
was to rear on the top of the mountains for the as-
semblage and worship of all nations, and the river
with its healing waters which was to flow out of it
o fertilize the whole earth, and convert its moral
wutea into a garden full of the fruits of holiness,
and peace, and happiness, is undoubtedly founded
on his familiarity with the structure of the temple
at Jerusalem, and the hidden springs of the sacred
mount, sending forth their waters into the valley
of the Kidron, and thence onward over its rocky
bad to the plain of the Jordan and into the Dead
Sea. Thomson (Land and Bo- \ ii. 630-535) has
some extended remarks on this parabolic represen-
tation. There is a special essay on it by W. Neu-
mann, Die Wauer det Ltbtnt. Kin tzetj. Vertuch
ft*. Etch, xlvii. 1 13 (BerL 1S*8).
Ttm num'er of symbolic w*s which Ezekid reo-
61
801
KZEKIETj
re s ents a* performed by himself or others, <
tutes a peculiar feature of his work (see iv. ; v. 1
if.; zii. 4 ff.; xxiv. 3 if.; xxxvii. 16 ff.). Bleak
reminds us of an important rule of interpretation
iu regard to many of these acts, which is that the*
are not to be understood by us as having been lit-
erally performed by the prophet before the eyes of
others, but are described in this manner only as a
more forcible rhetorical exhibition of the messages
or teachings which the prophet was sent to announce
(EinL in dot A. T. p. 514 ff.). We must certainly
take this view of some of these acts; for their char-
acter is such that they could not have been witnessed
by those for whom the prophecies were designed,
or have been brought to their knowledge in any
other way than by report (e. y. iv. 4-6; v. 1-4;
xii. 3 ff., Ac). In some instances it may be diffi-
cult in this prophet, or in other prophets, to dis-
tinguish the scenic and the rhetorics' .jmbolism
from each other.
Baumgarten'a article on Ezekiel in Herzog's
RetU-Encyk. iv. 296-304, furnishes a good outline
of the plan and content* of this neglected book
There is a translation of Havernick's Jntroductum
in the Bibi. Sacra for Aug. 1848. To the com-
mentators already mentioned may be added Kosen-
miiller, Scholia, etc., 2 vols. (2d ed. 1826); Maurer,
Coram, in VeL Test., with notes chiefly grammat-
ical, ii. 1-76 (1838); Ewald, I He Proph. det Alten
Btmdet (1841), U. 202-387 ;" Umbreit, Prakt.
Commenlar titer den Prophelen Hetekid, a trans-
lation with exegetical and critical remarks (1843);
Henry Cowles, Ezekiel and Daniel, with Note*,
Ac., 18mo (New York, 1867); KHefoth (Dot
Buck Ettchult ubertetzt und erklart (2 Abth.
1864-45); G. R. Noyes, New Trans, of the He-
brew Prophett, with Notet, (3d ed. Boston, 1866,)
vol. ii. ; and Hengstenbei-g, Die Weiitagungen det
Proph. Ezechiel erlailert, 1" Theil (1867). The
last three works are meant for general readers. On
the Messianic or prophetic portions of Ezekiel, see
Hengstenberg's Chrittoloyy, iii. 458-492 (Keith's
trans.); Haste's Getch. det Alten Bundet, pp. 160-
173 (1863); and Ensfelder, Let propheUet mem-
aniquet <t Ezechiel, in the Strasbourg Rev. de
TheoL 1864, pp. 59-76. On Ezekiel's vision of
the Temple (ch. xUxlviii.) there are special treat-
ises by Solomon Bennett, The Temple of EttUd,
Ac, Lond. 1824; J. F. Butcher, in his Proben
alttettamentL Schrifterklditmy (Leipz. 1833), pp.
818-465, with 8 plat**; J. J. Balmer-Rinck, Det
Proph. Ezech. Geticht torn Tempet HbernchtUch
dargettelk u. architektonitch erlautert (Ludwigsb.
1858), with 5 plates and a map (comp. Auberlen's
notice in the TheoL Stud. u. Krit. 1860, p. 307
ff.); and T. O. Paine, Solomm'i Temple, etc. (Bos-
ton, 1861), with 31 plates. See also Thenius, Dm
vorexilitche Jerutalem u. detten Temjicl (an ap
pendix to his Bucher der Koniye, l-eipz. 1849), p
25 ff. The older literature on the subject is de-
scribed in Rosenmuller's Scholia on Kzekiel, ii.
466 ff.
The oriental explorer, Mr. Loftus (Chaldaa and
Sutiana, p. 34, New York, 1867), gives a descrip-
tion and drawing of the reputed tomb of Ezekiel.
JTyM, where the tomb is found, is a journey of 13
hours from the site of Babylon, but may be said to
be near that city, for tbe palm-trees which cast
their shade over tie tomb are visible from the sum-
mit of the Bin Nimroud (see Layard's Nim. f
Bab. p. 600). The former of these travellers
thinks that this may be the prophet's wciUhts
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EZEL, THE STONE
Msnb, or at all events, the place of his sepulture.
The Jews, it is certain, have always been numerous
in that region from the days of the Captivity, but
it does not follow that they would from the first
mark the spot where their countryman was buried,
■ud keep alive its memory ever after. H.
E'ZEL, THE STONE 0?Tr4n }3$TI
[tke ttone of departure, Gesen.; or, of teparadon,
Fiirat]: to 'Bpyifi iittiyo; Alex, tpyov- lapu
cut nomen e$t Kiel). A well-known stone in the
neighborhood of Saul's residence, the scene of the
parting of David and Jonathan when the former
finally fled from the court (1 .Sam. xx. 19). At
the second mention of the spot (verse 41) the He-
brew text (2J?.r! ^?Nn : A. V. « out of a place
toward the south," literally "from close to the
south " [more literally, " from the side of the south,"
i. e. south side, Gesen.]) is, in the opinion of [some]
critics, undoubtedly corrupt. The true reading is
indicated by the LXX., which in both cases has
Ergab or Argab — in ver. 19 for the Hebrew Eben,
"stone," and in ver. 41 for kcm-lfegeb, "the
south." Ergab is doubtless the Greek rendering
of the Hebrew Argob = * heap of stones. The
true reading of ver. 41 will therefore be as follows:
" David arose from cloeo to the stone-heap," —
close to which (the same preposition, v!?N, A. V.
"by") it had been arranged beforehand that he
should remain (ver. 19). The change in 41 from
23~Wn, as the text stood at the time of the
LXX., to 233n, as it now stands, is one which
might easily take place. G.
* The stone was evidently named Esel (note its
import) from the memory of this parting of the
two friends from each other at that place. The
name is given, therefore, in the passage above, by
way of anticipation. As to the question of the
state of the Hebrew text, referred to above, see
Thenius, Die Backer Samuel*, p. 88. His view
is that adopted by the preceding writer. On the
contrary, Fiirst (Heb. UandicSrtb. i. 14, and David-
son's trans, p. 15) regards the Ergab or Argab in
the LXX. not as proof of a different Hebrew text
followed by the translators, but as an arbitrary sub-
stitution on their part of the supposed name of the
spot where David and Jonathan met each other.
It is objected that no appropriate sense can be de-
rived from 339H 7SSD, but the meaning may
well be " from the side of the south," i. e. from
the south side (Mittagt-Srite, De Wetto, Gesenius)
of the stone or stone heap where David lay con-
cealed until the departure of Jonathan's armor-
bearer to the city, when David rose up and came
forth, and the farewell scene took place between
him and Jonathan. Such minuteness is after the
manner of the Hebrew writers. For a similar ex-
planation, see Kail and Delitsach on 1 K. xx. 41.
H.
E'ZEM (0^5 [boat] : A Ma i [Vat Booo-oA ;]
Alex. Boturou: Atom), one of the towns of Simeon
1 Chr. iv. 39). In the lists of Joshua (xix. 3)
the name appears in the slightly different form of
Azkm (the vowel being lengthened before the pause).
• E'ZBR O^M, treasure, Gee.; union, Flint:
to Gen., 'Ao-rfp; Alex. Soap; in 1 Chr., 'CUrip;
Oomp. Aid. Alex. 'Ao-rf>; Vat in ver. 88, Ow-
filer), a son of Seir, and one of the "dukes" or
EZN1TE, fHE
chiefs of Edom (Gen. xxxv. 91, 97, 80; 1 Chr. .
38, 4-2). In 1 Chr. 1. 18 the name is misprmte*
EVtr in many modern editions of the A. v., b r
the ed. of 1611 and other early editions hare the
correct form. A.
E'ZER (-ȣ [kelpy. >E(i f ; [Vat Ofo,
Alex. Efep:] Et'er). 1. A son of Ephraim, who
was slain by the aboriginal inhabitants of Gath,
while engaged in a foray on their cattle (1 Chr. rii.
21). Ewald (GetchickU, i. 490) assigns this oc-
currence to the pre-Egyptian period.
2. ([Rom. Vat. omit; Comp. AM. Alex.] '!«-
(oip.) A priest who assisted in the dedication of
tiie walls of Jerusalem under Nehemiah (Neh. xii
42).
3. [Cloftp; Vat Afijp; Comp. Alex. '££«>.}
Father of Hushah, and one of the sons of Rur]
(1 Chr. iv. 4).
•4. ('Afd - ; Aid. Alex. 'A«/.; Comp. •£&.>
A Gadite warrior, who joined David at his strong-
hold in the wilderness (1 Chr. xii. 9). A.
•8. ('Afoup; FA.> ACof- *xr-) A Levis*,
son of Jeahua, the ruler of Mizpeh, who assisted hi
repairing the wall of Jerusalem in the time of Ne-
hemiah (Neh. iii. 19). A.
EZERI'AS (Zexplaf, [AM.] Aha. 'Efufa*:
Azariat), 1 Esdr. viii. 1. [AzAnuit, 7; Asa-
nas, 4.]
EZI'AS CO(iat; [V«t Ofeiar; AM.] Alex.
'E{Ia>: Aznhet), 1 Esdr. viii. 2. [Azabiah;
Azim.]
E-ZION-GA3ER, or -GE'BEK O'VSJ?
")5| = rt« giant' i backbone [r«fi£ror] ras-us*
rdfii'p, [etc; Alex, in 1 K. xxli., Acrturyafytp :]
Ationgaber; Num. xxxiii. 35, 36; Deut ii. 8; 1
K. ix. 26, xxii. 48; 2 Chr. viii. 17), the tost station
named for the encampment of the Israelites before
they came to " the wilderness of Zin, which is Ka-
desh," subsequently the station of Solomon's navy,
described as " besides FJoth, on the shore of the
Red Sea, in the land of Edom ; " and where that
of Jebosbaphat was afterwards " broken," — prob-
ably destroyed on the rocks which lie in "jagged
ranges on each side" (Stanley, S. <* P. p. 9)
W'eUsted (ii. ch. ix. p. 1S3) would find it in Dahah
[Dizahab], but this could hardly be regarded as
"in the land of Edom" (although possibly the
rocks which Wellsted describes may have been the
actual scene of the wreck), nor would it accord with
Josephus (AnL viii. 6, § 4)° as "not far from
Hath." According to the latest map of Kiepert
(in Robinson, 1856), it stands at 'Ain W-O'Wjtfn,
about ten miles up what is now the dry bed of the
Arabah, but, as he supposed, was then the northern
end of the gulf, which may have anciently had, like
that of Suez, a further extension. This iprotablj
is the best site for it By comparing 1 K. ix. 96,
27 with 2 Chr. viii. 17, 18, it is probable that tim-
ber was floated from Tyre to the nearest point on
the Mediterranean coast, and then conveyed o *r-
land to the head of the Gulf of Akabah, where the
ships seem to hare been built; for there can haidly
have been adequate forests in the neighborhood
[WlLDKRKKSS OP THE WAITDKWNO.] H. H.
BZTJITE, THE 0323751, Ktri "OSyi?
[prob. tke tpear, Gas.] : b 'Atnmuoi [Ales. Avar
a 'Smmrfifiapot, avr> Bcpn>fa| KtAmtm •* wiilm
AiAavsc awAfMt.
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EZKA
, mtt ; Vnlg. omita] ). According to the statement
if 8 Sam.xxiil. 8, " Adino the Eznite " was another
same for " Josheb-baashebeth a Tachcemonite (A.
V. " the Taehmonite that sate in the seat " ), chief
among the captains." The passage is, however,
ine of the most disputed in the whole Bible, owing
parti; to the difficulty of the one man bearing two
names so distinct without any assigned reason,
and partly to the discrepancy betwecu it and the
penile; sentence in 1 Chr. xi. 11. in which for the
words a Adino th> Eznite " other Hebrew words
are found, not Toy dissimilar in appearance but
meaning " he shook- (A. V. ' lifted up ') his spear."
The question naturally arises whether the words in
Chronicles are an explanation by a later writer of
those in Samuel, or whether they preserve the orig-
inal text which in the latter has become corrupted.
The form of this particular word is in the original
text (the Chttib) Etzno, which has been altered to
Etzni by the Hasoret scribes (in the Ktri) appar-
ently to admit of some meaning being obtained
from it. Jerome read it Ettno, and taking it to
be a declension of Elz (=" wood") has rendered
the words ovta* tmerrimtu ligni cermiculus. The
LXX. and some Hebrew MSS. (see Davidson's
Bib. Ttxt) add the words of Chronicles to the text
of Samuel, a eourse followed by the A. V.
The passage has been examined at length by
Kennicott (Dissertation 1, pp. 71-128) and Gese-
oius ( The*, pp. 994, 995), to whom the reader must
be referred for details. Their conclusion is that
the reading of the Chronicles is correct. Ewold
does not mention it (ditch, iii. 180, note). G.
EZRA («7?^ = htlpt 'Eo-Jpot: [i5Wr<»] ).
1. The head of one of the twenty-two courses of
priests which returned from captivity with Zerub-
babel and Jeshua (Neh. xii. 1). But in the some-
what parallel list of Neh. x. 2-8, the name of the
same person is written rP"1T5, Azariah, as it is
probably in Ear. vii. 1. [Azariah, 23.]
2. The famous Scribe and Priest, descended
from Hilkiah the high-priest in Josiah's reign, from
whose younger son Azariah, sprung Seraiah, Ezra's
father, quite a different person from Seraiah the
high-priest (Ezr. vii. 1). All that Is really known
of Ezra is contained in the four last chapters of
the book of Ezra, and in Neh. viii. and xii. 26.
From these passages we learn that he was a learned
and pious priest residing at Babylon in the time of
Artaxerxes Longimanus. The origin of his influ-
ence with the king does not appear, but in the sev-
enth year of his reign, in spite of the unfavorable
report which had been sent by Rehum and Shim-
thai, he obtained leave to go to Jerusalem, and to
take with him a company of Israelites, together
with priests, Luvites, singers, porters, and Nethi-
nim. Of these a list, amounting to 1754, is given
m Est. viii. ; and these, also, doubtless form a part
of the full list, of the returned captives contained
In Neh. vii., and in duplicate in Ezr. ii. The jour-
ney of Ezra and his companions from Babylon to
'erusalsm took just four months: and they brought
tp with them a large free-will offering of gold and
iUver, and silver vessels, contributed, not only by
the Babylonian Jews, but by the king himself and
sis counsellors. Those offerings were for the house
of God, to beautify it, and for the purchase of bul-
oeks, rams, and the other offerings required for
she temple-service. In addition to tfc's Ezra was
1 to draw upon the king's treasurers be-
EZRA 808
yond the river for any further supplies ne might
require; and all priests, Levi tea, and other minis-
ters of the temple were exempted from taxation
Ezra had also authority given him to appoint mag
istrates and judges in Judiea, with power of li*
and death over all offenders. This ample commis-
sion wss granted him at his own request (Ezr. vU.
6), and it appears that his great design was to effect
a religious reformation among the Palestine Jews,
and to bring them back to the observation of the
law of Hoses, from which they had grievously de-
clined. His first step, accordingly, was to enforce
a separation from their wives upon all who had
made heathen marriages, in which number were
many priest* and Levites, as well as other Israelites.
This was effected in little more than six months
after his arrival at Jerusalem. With the detailed
account of this important transaction, Ezra's auto-
biography ends abruptly, and we hear nothing murk
of him till, 13 years afterwards, in the 20th of
Artaxerxes, we find him again at Jerusalem with
Nehemiah "the Tirshatha." It is generally as-
sumed that Ezra had continued governor till Nehe-
miah superseded him; but as Ezra's commission
was only of a temporary nature, '* to inquire con-
cerning Judah and Jerusalem" (Ezr. vii. 14), and
to carry thither "the silver and gold which the
king and his counsellors had freely offered unto the
God of Israel " (15), and as there is no trace what-
ever of his presence at Jerusalem between the 8th
and the 20th of Artaxerxes, it seems probable that
after he had effected the above-named reformation,
and had appointed competent judges and magis-
trates, with authority to maintain it, he himself
returned to the king of Persia. This is in itself
what one would expect, and what is borne out by
the parallel case of Nehemiah, and it also accounts
for the abrupt termination of Ezra's narrative, and
for that relapse of the Jews into their former ir-
regularities which is apparent in the book of Nehe-
miah. Such a relapse, and such a state of affairs
at Jerusalem in general, could scarcely hare occurred
if Ezra had continued there. Whether he returned
to Jerusalem with Nehemiah, or separately, does
not appear certainly, but as he is not mentioned in
Nehemiah's narrative till after the completion of
the wall (Neh. viii. 1), it is perhaps probable that
he followed the latter some months later, having,
perhaps, been sent for to aid him hi his work. The
functions be executed under Nehemiah's govern-
ment were purely of a priestly and ecclesiastical
character, such as reading and intrrpretini; the law
of Hoses to the people during the eight days of the
Feast of Tabernacles, praying in the congregation,
and assisting at the dedication of the wall, and in
promoting the religious reformation so happily
effected by the Tirshatha. But in such he filled
the first place ; being repeatedly coupled with
Nehemiah the Tirshatha (viii. 9, xii. 26), while
Eliashib the high-priest is not mentioned a* taking
any part in the reformation at all. In the sealing
to the covenant described Neh. x., Ezra probably
sealed under the patronymic Seraiah or Azariah
(v. 2). As Ezra is not mentioned after Nehe-
miah's departure for Babylon in the 32d Arta-
xerxes, and as everything fell into confusion during
Nehemiah's absence (Neh. xiii.),it is not unlikely
that Ezra may have died or returned to Babylon
before that year. Josephiu, who should be our
next best authority after Sci ipture, evidently knew
nothing about the time or the place of his death.
He vaguely says, " he died an oM man and was
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801
EZRA
i a magnificent manner at Jerusalem "
{Am. xi. 5, § 5), and places his death in the high-
priesthood of ,>oacim, and before the government
of Xebemuh ! But that he lived under the high-
priasthood of Elisshib and the government of
Nehemiah is expressly stated in Nehemiah; and
there was a strong Jewish tradition that he was
buried in Persia. Thus Benjamin of Tudela says
of Nehar-Samorah — apparently some place on the
lower Tigris,' 1 on the frontier of Persia; Zamuza
according to the Talmudists, otherwise Zamzumu
— " The sepulchre of Ezra the priest and scribe is
in this place, where he died on his journey from
Jerusalem to king Artaxerxes" (vol. i. p. 116), a
tradition which certainly agrees very well with the
narrative of Nehemiah. This sepulchre is shown
to this day (to. vol. ii., note p. 116). As regards
the traditional history of Ezra, it is extremely dif-
ficult to judge what portion of It hat any histori-
cal foundation. The principal works ascribed to
EZRA
him by the Jews, and, on the strengtk f thatr
testimony, by Christians also, are: — (1.. The in-
stitution of the Great Synagogue, of which, the
Jews say, Ezra was president, and Daniel, Haggai,
Zechariah, Makchi, Zorobabel, Mordecai, Jeehua,
Nehemiah, &o., were members, Simeon the Just,
the last survivor, living on till the time of Alex-
ander the Great! (9.) The settling the canon uf
Scripture, and restoring, correcting, and editing
the whole sacred volume according to the threefold
arrangement of the Law, the Prophets, and the
Hagiographa, with the divisions of the Ptsutim,
or verses, the vowel-points handed down by tradi-
tion from Moses, and the emendations of the Ktri.
(3.) The introduction of the Chaldee character in-
stead of the old Hebrew or Samaritan. (1.) The
authorship of the books of Chronicles, Ezra, Nth*
miah, and, some add, Esther; and many of the
Jews say, also of the books of Eeekiel, Daniel, and
the 12 prophets. (5.) The establishment of syja-
Toiub of
gogues. Of most of these works a full account is
given in Prideaux's Comwclvm, i. 308-3+8, and
355-376; also in Buxtorfs Ti/teri'ts. References
to the chief rabbinical and other authorities will lie
found in Winer. A compendious account of the
arguments by which most of these Jewish state-
ments are proved to be fabulous is given in Stohe-
lin's Rilibin. Literal, pp. 5-8; of which the chief
nre drawn from the silence of the sacred writers
themselves, of the apocryphal books, and of Jose-
phus — and it might be added, of Jerome — and
from the fact that they may be traced to the author
of the chapter in the Mishna called Pirke AvoOi.
1 lere. however, it must suffice to observe that the
pointed description of Ezra (vii. 6) as "a ready
icril* in the law of Moses," repeated in 11, 12,
a • ''On ttu Tigris, near Its Junction with the Eu-
ikratas," says Uyart (Ninrvtk and Babylon, p. 601).
H.
21, added to the information concerning him that
" lie had prepared his heart to seek the law of the
Lord, and to do it, and to teach in Israel statutes
and judgments " (vii. 10), and his commission " to
teach the laws of his God to such as knew than
not" (25), and his great diligence in reading the
Scriptures to the people, all give the utmost prob-
ability to the account which attributes to Mm a
corrected edition of the Scriptures, and the cireo-
lation of many such copies. The books of Nehe-
miah and Malachi must indeed have been added
later ; possibly by Malachi's authority. Some tra-
dition 'to this effect may have given rise to the
Jewish fable of Malachi being the same person as
Ezra. But we cannot affirm that Ezra inserted in
the Canon any books that were not already ac-
knowledged as inspired, as we have no
ground for ascribing to him the prophetic
ter. Even the books of which he was the author
may not have assumed definitely the eh; raeter a
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EZRA, BOOK OF
jcwri ukb till the; were sanctioned by MaUehi.
There does not, however, seeic to be lufflcient
ground for forming a definite opinion un the details
of the subject. In like manuei one can only say
that the introduction of the Chaldet character, and
the comnieiiceiuent of such stated meetings for
bearing the Svriptmes read as led to the regular
synagogue -service, are things likely to hare occurred
about this time. For the question of Ezra's au-
thorship, see Ciiko.viui.es; also Ezn.v, book op.
A. C. H.
3. (fT?^): 'LVpf; [Vat. E07..1:] Eva). A
name which occurs in the obscure genealogy of 1
Chr. iv. 17. According to the author of the
Qmettionet in Piiral , Ezra is the mamo as Am-
ram, and his sons Jether and Mered are Aaron
and Hoses.
EZ'RA, BOOK OF. The hook of Ezra speaks
for itself to any one who reads it with ordinary
intelligence, and without any prejudice as to its
nature and composition. It is manifestly a con-
tinuation of the books of Chronicles, as indeed it
is called by Hilary, bishop of I'oitiers, Sermonei
dierum £idra (ap. Cosin's Canun vf Scr. 61). It
is naturally a fresh book, at commencing the his-
tory of the returned captives after seventy years
of suspension, as it were, of the national life. But
when we speak of the book as a ckrvnicU, we at
mice declare the nature of it. which its contents
also abundantly confirm. Like the two books of
Chroniales, it consists of the contemporary histori-
cal journals kept from time to time by the proph-
ets, or other authorized p-rsous, who were eye-
witnesses for the most part of what they record,
and whose several narratives were afterwards strung
together, and either abriJged or added to, as the
case required, by a later hand. That later band,
in the hook of Ezra, wis doubtless Ezra's own, as
appears by the four list chapters, as well as by
other matter inserted in the previous chapters.
While therefore, in a certain sense, the whole book
is Ezra's, as put together by him, yet, strictly,
only the four last chapters are his original work
Nor will it be difficult to point out with tolerable
certainty several of the writers of whose writings
the first six chapters are composed. It lias already
been suggested [Chronicles] that the chief por-
tion of the last chapter of 9 Chr. and Ezr. i may
probably have been written by Daniel. The evi-
dences of this in Ezr. i. must now lie iriven more
fully. No one probably can read Daniel as a gen-
uine book and not be struck with the wry singu-
lar circumstance that, while he tells us in ch. ix.
that he was aware that the seventy years' cap-
tivity, foretold by Jeremiah, was near its close, and
was led thereby to pray earnestly fur the restora-
tion of Jerusalem, and while lie records the re-
markable vision in answer to his prayer, yet he
takes not the slightest notice of Cyrus's decree, by
which Jeremiah's prophecy was fulfilled, and his
own heart's desire and prayer to God for Israel was
accomplished, and which must have been the most
stimuli event in bis long life, not even excepting
the incident of the den of lions He passes over
in otter silenoe the Jfrtt year of Cyrus, to which
pointed allusion is made in Dan i. 21, and proceeds
in cb. x. to the third year of Cyrus. Such silence
is utterly unaccountable. But Ezr. i. supplies the
missing notice. If placed between Dan ix. and x
it exactly fills up the eap, and records the event
of the first year of Cyrus, in which Danitl was so
JEZRA, IK OK OF
806
deeply interested. And not only so, but (be mo»
ner of the record is exactly Daniel's. Ezr. i. li
" And in the first year of Cyrus K. of Persia," Is
the precise formula used in Dan. i. 1, ii. 1, vil. 1,
viii. 1, ix. 1, x. 1, xi. 1. The designation (ver. 1,
2, 8) " Cyrus king of Persia" is that used Dan
x. 1 ; the reference to the prophecy of Jaremiah in
ver. 1 is similar to that in Dan. ix. 9, and the
natural sequence to it. The giving the text of the
decree, ver. 2-4 (cf. Dau. iv.), the mention of the
name of " Mithredath the treasurer," ver. 8 (cf.
Dan. i. 3, 11 ), the allusion to the sacred vessels
placed by Nebuchadnezzar in the house of his god,
ver. 7 (cf. Dan. i. 2), the giving the Chaldee name
of Zerubbabel, ver. 8, II (of. Dan. i. 7), and the
whole focus ttttndi of the narrator, who evidently
wrote at Babylon, not at Jerusalem, are all circum
stances which in a marked manner point to Daniel
as the writer of Ezr. i. Nor is there the least im-
,-iobability in the supposition that if Ezra edited
Daniel's papers he might think the chapter in ques-
tion more conveniently placed in its chronological
position in the ChrontcUt than in the collection of
Daniel's prophecies. It is scarcely necessary to add
that several chapters of the prophets Isaiah and
Jeremiah are actually found in the book of Kings,
as e. g. Is xxxvi.-xxxix. in 2 K. xviii.-xx.
Ezr. i. then was by the hand of Daniel.
As regards Ezr. ii., and as far as iii. 1, where
the change of name from Sheshbazzar to Zeruh.
babel in ver. 2, the mention df Nebemiah the
Tirshatha in ver. 2 and 63, and that of Mordent!
in ver. 2, at once indicate a different and much
finer hand, we need not seek long to discover where
it came from, Iwcause it is found in extentn, rtr-
batim ct literatim (with the exception of clerical
errors), in the 7th ch. of Nebemiah, where it be-
longs beyond a shadow of doubt [Nkiikmiaii,
Book or]. This portion then was written by
Nehemiah, and was placed by Ezra, or possibly by
a still later hand, in this position, as bearing upon
the return from captivity related in ch. i., though
chronologically out of place. Whether the extract
originally extended so far as iii. 1 may be doubted
The next portion extends from iii. 2 to the end ot
ch. vi. With the exception of one large explana
tory addition by Ezra, extending from iv. 6 to 23,
which has cruelly but most needlessly perplexed
commentators, this portion is the work of a writer
contemporary with Zerubbaliel and Joshua, and an
eye-witness of the rebuilding of the Temple in the
beginning of the reign of Darius Mystaspis. The
minute details given of all the circumstances, such
as the weeping of the old men who had seen the
first Temple, the names of the Levites who took
part in the work, of the heathen governors who
hindered it, the expression (vi. 1ft) " Thit haute.
was finished," Ac., the number of the sacrifices
offered at the dedication, and the whole tone of the
narrative, bespeak an actor in the scenes described.
Who then was so likely to record these interesting
events as one of those prophets who took an active
part in promoting them, and a branch of whose
duty it would be to continue the national chitmiclat
That it was the prophet Haggai becomes tolerably
sure when we observe further the following coin-
cidences in style.
] The title '< the prophet," is throughout this
portion of Ezra attached in a peculiar way to the
name if Haggai. Thus chapter v. 1 we read " Thai)
the propb«fs, Haggai the pro/Act, and Zeohariak
the aoa of Iddo, prophesied," Ac.; and vi. 14.
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606
EZRA, BOOK OF
" They prospered through the prophesying of Hag-
rai lit prophet, and Zechariah the son of tddo."
And in like manner in Hag. i. 1, 8, IS, ii. 1, 10,
be is called " Haggai the prophet."
2. The designation of Zerubbabel and Jeshua is
identical in the two writers. " Zerubbabel the son
of Shealtiel, and Jeshua the son of Jozadak " (comp.
Ear. iii. 2, 8, t. 2, with Hag. i 1, 12, 14, ii. 2, 4,
33). It will be seen that both writers usually name
them together, and in the same order: Zechariah,
on the contrary, does not once name them together,
and calls them simply Zerubbabel, and Jeshua.
Only in vi. 11 be adds " the son of Josedech."
3. The description in Err. v. 1, 2 of the effect
of the preaching of Haggai and Zechariah upon
Zerubbabel, Jeshua, and the people, is identical with
that in Hag. i., only abbreviated. And Hag. ii. 3
alludes to the interesting circumstance recorded in
Ezr. iii. 12.
4. Both writers mark the date of the transactions
they record by the year of "Darius the king"
(Ezr. ir. 24, vi. 15, compared with Hag. i. 1, 16,
ii. 10, 4c.).
5. Ezr. iii. 8 contains exactly the same enumera-
tion of those that worked, viz. " Zerubbabel, Jeshua,
and the remnant of their brethren," as Hag. i. 12,
14, where we have " Zerubbabel, and Jeshua, with
all the remnant of the people " (comp. too Ezr. vi.
16, and Hag. ii. 2).
6. Both writers use the expression "the work
of the house of the Lord " (Ezr. iii. 8 and 9, com-
pared with Hag. i. 14); and both use the phrase
" the foundation of the temple was laid " (Ezr. iii.
6, 10, 11, 12, compared with Hag. ii. 18).
7. Both writers use indifferently the expressions
the " house of the Lord," and the " temple of the
Lord," but the former much more frequently than
the latter. Thus the writer in Ezra uses the ex-
pression "the house" (H??) twenty-five times, to
six in which he speaks of " the temple " (s J^O)-
Haggai speaks of "the house" seven times, of
" the temple " twice.
8. Both writers make marked and frequent
reference to the law of Moses. Thus comp. Ezr.
iii. 2, 3-6, 8, vi. 14, 16-22, with Hag. i. 8, 10, ii.
6, 17, 11-13, Ac.
Such strongly marked resemblances in the com-
pass of two such brief portions of Scripture seem
to prove that they are from the pen of the same
writer.
But the above observations do not apply to Ezr.
It. 6-23, which is a parenthetic addition by a much
later hand, and, as the passage most clearly shows,
made in the reign of Artaxerxes Longinranus. The
compiler who inserted chapter ii., a document drawn
up in the reign of Artaxerxes, to illustrate the
return of the captives under Zerubbabel, here inserts
a notice of two historical facts — of which one
occurred in the reign of Xerxes, and the other in
the reign of Artaxerxes — to illustrate the opposi-
tion offered by the heathen to the rebuilding of the
temple in the reign of Cyrus and Cambyses. He
tells us that in the beginning of the reign of
Xerxos, i. e. before Esther was in favor, they had
written to the king to prejudice him against the
Jews — a circumstance, by the way, which may
rather have inclined him to listen to Hainan's
proposition ; and he gives the text of letters sent
to Artaxerxes, and of Artaxerxes' answer, on the
itrength of which Rehum and Shimsbai forcibly
EZRAH1TE, THB
hindered the Jews from rebuilding the tttjr.
letters doubtless came into Ezra's hands at Babylon
and may have led to those endeavors on his part to
make the king favorable to Jerusalem which issued
in his own commission in the seventh year of hit
reign. At rer. 24 Haggai's narrative proceeds in
connection with ver. 5. The mention of Artaxerxes
in chapter vi. 14, is of the same kind. The last
four chapters, beginning with chapter vii., are
Ezra's own, and continue the history after a gap
of fifty-eight years — from the sixth of Darius to
the seventh of Artaxerxes. The only history of
Judas during this interval is what is given in the
above-named parenthesis, from which we may infei
that during this time there was no one in Palestine
to write the Chronicles. The history of the Jews
in Persia for the same period is given in the book
of Esther.
The text of the book of Ezra is not in a good
condition. There are a good many palpable cor-
ruptions both in the names and numerals, and
perhaps in some other points. It is written partly
in Hebrew, and partly in Chaldee. The Chaldee
begins at iv. 8, and continues to the end of vi. 18.
The letter or decree of Artaxerxes, vii. 12-26, is
also given in the original Chaldee. There has
never been any doubt about Earn being canonical,
although there is no quotation from it in the N. T.
Augustine says of Ezra " magis rerum gestamm
scriptor est habitus quam propheta " (De Civ. Dei,
xriii. 36). The period covered by the book is eighty
years, from the first of Cyrus B. c. 636 to the be-
ginning of the eighth of Artaxerxes B. c. 466. It
embraces the governments of Zerubbabel and Ezra,
the high-priesthood of Jeshua, Joiakim, and the
early part of Eliaohib; and the reigns of Cyrus,
Cambyses, Smerdis, Darius Hystaspis, Xerxes, and
part of Artaxerxes. Of these Cambyses and Smerdu
are not named. Xerxes is barely named iv. 6
[EsllRAS, FIRST BOOK OF.] A. C. H.
* Among the later writers on the book of Ezra
are these: Keil in his ApuL Vertuch ub. die Bicker
der Chronit, pp. 93-194, and in his Aini m dot
A. Test, pp. 615-620; Maurer, Comtn. in let
Tcft. i. 244 fT. (of little value); Nagelsbach, art.
Ksra u. Xehemia, in Herzog's Real-Encyk. iv.
165-174; Bkek in bis Hint, m da$ A. Test., pp.
373-391 ; Davidson, Introd. to the Old Test. ii.
121-132; Pusey, in his Lectures on Daniel, p.
328 ff. (in defense of its integrity and genuineness) ;
Bcrtheau, Die Bicker JCsra, Atcliemia ». Kster
erklart (Lief. xvii. of the Kurzgef. exey. Ilandb.
turn A. T., 1862); Wordsworth, in his Holy Bible
with Introduction and Notes, iii. 301-324 (I860);
and Kuenen, Hist crit. des livres de tAneien Test,
trad, par Pierson, i. 496-622 (1866). It is the
opinion of many eminent critics of difSrent schools,
as Zunz, Ewald, liertheau, Vaihinger, DiDmssn.
Herzfeld, Davidson, Meek, and Kuenen, that the
hooks of Ezra, Xehemiah, and Chronicles were com-
piled by the same person. H.
EZ'RAHITE, THE (TTn^l : 6 Zspfras
[Vat. -pet-], Alex. E(pan\trns; pi Pa., 'lojw-
ti\lrnt, Vat. Sin. -Xci-:] JCtrahita), a title attached
to two persons — Ethan (1 K. hr. 31; Ps. lxzxix.
title) and Heroan (Ps. Ixxxvili. title). The word
is naturally derivable from Ezrah, or — which is
almost the same in Hebrew — Zerach, f"n* : ant
accordingly in 1 Chr. ii. 6, Ethan and Hainan an
both given as sons of Zen*] the son of Judat
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KZRI
kaothor Ethan and another Hemao an named ai
I and muaiciaro in the lisle of 1 Chr vi. aud
FABLE
807
EZ1U OTj? [help of Jehovah, a contracted
form, Gee. and' FUrst] : 'Eotpl ; [Vat. E<ro>« ;
Comp. Aid.] Alex. 'E(pa1: £*ri), ion of Chelub,
superintendent for king David of thou " who did
the work of the field for tillage of the ground "
U Chr. xxvii. 96).
F.
FABLE (jtieot- fibula). Taking the words
hole and parable, not in their strict etymological
meaning, but in that which has been stamped upon
them by current usage, looking, i. e. at the iEaopic
Cable as the type of the one, at the Parables of the
N. T. as the type of the other, we have to ask
(1) in what relation they stand to each other, as
instruments of moral teaching? (2 J what use is
made in the Bible of this or of that form ? That
they have much in common is, of course, obvious
enough. In both we find " statements of facts,
which do not even pretend to be historical, used as
vehicles for the exhibition of a general truth"
(Neander, Ltbtn Jew, p. 68). Both differ from
the Hythus, in the modern sense of that word, in
being the result of a deliberate choice of such a
mode of teaching, not the spontaneous, unconscious
evolution of thought in some symbolic form. They
take their place so far as species of the same genus
What are the characteristic marks by which one
differs from the other, it is perhaps easier to feel
than to define. Thus we have (comp. Trench On
ParakUt, p. 9) (lj Lessing's statement that the
(able takes the form of an actual narrative, while
the Parable assumes only that what is related might
bare happened; (2) Herder's, that the difference
lies in the fable's dealing with brute or inanimate
nature, in the parable's drawing its materials ex-
clusively from human life; (3) Olshausen's (on
Matt. xiii. 1), followed by Trench (t c), that it is
to be found in the higher truths of which the
parable is the vehicle. Perhaps the most satisfac-
tory summing up of the chief distinctive features
of each is to be found in the following extract from
Neander (i c): "The parable is distinguished
from the fable by this, that, in the latter, qualities,
or acta of a higher class of beings may be attributed
to a lower (e. g. those of men to brutes) ; while in
be former, the lower sphere is kept perfectly dis-
tinct from that which it seems to illustrate. The
beings and powers thus introduced always follow
the law of their nature, but their acta, according to
this law, are used to figure those of a higher race.
. . . The mere introduction of brutes as personal
agents, in the fable, is not sufficient to distinguish
it from the parable, which may make use of the
■one contrivance; as, for example, Christ employs
-he sheep in one of his parables. The great dis-
tinction here, also, lies in what has already been
remarked; brutes introduced in the parable act
according to the law of thtr nature, and the two
spheres of nature and of the kingdom ef God are
carefully separated from each other. Hence the
'wdproeal relations of brutes to each other are not
Dade uat of, as these could furnish no appropriate
linage of the relation between nun and the kingdoo-
rfGod."
Of ♦*» fable, at thus distinguished from the
parable, we have but two examples in the Btt>k>
(1) that of the trees choosing their king, addressee'
by Jothani to the men of Shecbem (Judg. ix. 8-15).
(8) that of the cedar of Lebanon and the thistle, as
the answer of Jehoash to the challenge of Amaziah
(2 K. xiv. 9). The narrative of Ez. xvii. 1-10,
though, in common with the fable, it brings before
us the lower forms of creation as representatives of
human characters and destinies, diners from it in
the points above noticed, (1) in not introducing
them as having human attributes, (2) in the higher
prophetic character of the truths conveyed by it.
The great eagle, the cedar of Lebanon, the spread-
ing vine, are not grouped together as the agents in
a fable, but are simply, like the bear, the leopard,
and the lion in the visions of Daniel, symbols of
the great monarchies of the world.
In the two instances referred to, the fable has
more the character of the Greek divot (QuintU.
IruL OraL v. 11) than of the ^u6o>; that is, is less
the fruit of a vivid imagination, sporting with the
analogies between the worlds of nature and of men,
than a covert reproof, making the sarcasm which it
affects to hide all the sharper (Muller and Donald-
son, HitX. of Greek Literature, voL i. c. xi.). The
appearance of the fable thus early in the history
of Israel, and its entire absence from the direct
teaching both of the O. and N. T. are, each of
them in its way, significant. Taking the received
chronology, the fable of Jotham was spoken about
1209 B. c. The Arabian traditions of Lokman do
not assign to him an earlier date than that of
David. The earliest Greek alroi is that of Hesiod
(Op. et D. 202), and the prose form of the fable
does not meet us till we come (about 550 B. o.) to
Stesichorus and .£sop. The first example in the
history of Rome is the apologue of Menenius
Agrippa b. c. 494, and its genuineness has been
questioned on the ground that the fable could
hardly at that time have found its way to Latium
(Muller and Donaldson, L c). It may be noticed
too that when collections of fables became familiar
to the Greeks they were looked on as imported, not
indigenous. The traditions that surround the name
of JEaop, the absence of any evidence that he torot*
fables, the traces of eastern origin in those ascribed
to him, leave him little more than the representa-
tive of a period when the forms of teaching, which
had long been familiar to the more eastern nations,
were travelling westward, and were adopted eagerly
by the Greeks. The collections themselves are
described by titles that indicate a foreign origin.
They are Libyan (Arist. Rhet. ii. 20), Cyprian,
Cilician. All these facts lead to the conclusion
that the Hebrew mind, gifted, as it was, in a spe-
cial measure, with the power of perceiving analo-
gies in things apparently dissimilar, attained, at a
very early stage of its growth, the power which
does not appear in the history of other nations til)
a later period. Whatever antiquity may be ascribed
to the fables in the comparatively later collection
of the Pancha Tantra, the land of Canaan is, so
far as we have any data to conclude from, the fa-
therland of fable. To conceive brutes or inani
mate objects as representing human characteristics,
to personify them as acting, speaking, reasoning,
to oVtw lessons from them applicable to human life,
— tms must have been common among the Israel-
ites in the time of the Judges. The part assigned
in the earliest records of the Bible to the impres-
sions made by the brute creation on the mind of
man • then " the Lord God formed every beast of
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FABLE
the field and every fowl of the air, and brought
them unto Adam to gee what he would call them "
'Gen. ii. 19), and the apparent symbolism of the
serpent in the narrative of the Fall (Gen. Hi. 1)
an at once indications of teaching adapted to men
in the possession of this power, and most hare
helped to develops it (Herder, Grill der EbrcA-
Kktn Poait, Werke, xxxiv. p. 16, ed. 1828). The
large number of proverbs in which analogies of this
kind are made the bases of a moral precept, and
some of which (e. g. Prov. uvi. 11, xzz. 15, 25-
28) are of the nature of condensed fables, show
that there was no decline of this power as the in-
tellect of the people advanced. The absence of
fables accordingly from the teaching of the 0. T.
most be ascribed to their want of fitness to be the
media of the truths which that teaching was to
convey. The point* in which brutes or inanimate
objects present analogies to man are chiefly those
which belong to his lower nature, his pride, indo-
lence, cunning, and the like, and the lessons derived
from tbem accordingly do not rise higher than the
prudential morality which aims at repressing such
defect* (comp. Trench on the Parables, L c).
Hence the fable, apart from the associations of a
grotesque and ludicrous nature which gather round
it, apart too from its presenting narratives which
are u nec vera nee verisimiles" (Cic. de Intent, i.
19), is inadequate as the exponent of the higher
truths which belong to man's spiritual life. It
may serve to exhibit the relations between man
and man ; It foils to represent those between man
and God. To do that is the office of the Para-
ble, finding it* outward framework in the dealings
of men with each other, or in the world of nature
as it is, not in any grotesque parody of nature, and
exhibiting, in either case, real and not fanciful anal-
ogies. The fable seizes on that which man has in
common with the creatures below him ; the para-
ble rests on the truths that man is made in the
image of God, and that " all things are double one
against another."
It is noticeable, as confirming this view of the
office of the fable, that, though those of iEsop
(so called) were known to the great preacher of
righteousness at Athens, though a metrical para-
phrase of some of them was among the employ-
ment* of his imprisonment (Plato, Phadon, pp. 60,
61), they were not employed by him as illustra-
tions, or channels of instruction. While Socrates
mows an appreciation of the power of such fables
to represent some of the phenomena of human life,
he was not, he says, in this sense of the word,
wAoXayutis. The myths, which appear in the
(Sorgitu, the Phoxtrus, the Phadim, the Republic,
are as unlike as possible to the jEsopic fables, are
(to take his own account of them) oil fiidoi oXAa
Vryoi, true, though figurative, representations of
spiritual realities, while the illustrations from the
common facts of life which were so conspicuous in
oil ordinary teaching, though differing in being
comparisons rather than narratives, come nearer to
be parables of the Bible (comp. the contrast be-
ween to iMxparixi, as examples of the ■wapafioK'k
aid the \6yoi Aimfrreioi, Arist. Rhet. ii. 20). It
may be said indeed that the use of the fable as an
instrument of teaching (apart from the embellish-
etents of wit and fancy with which it is associated
jy such writers as Leasing and La Fontaine) be-
longs rather to childhood, and the child-like period
rf national life, than to a more advanced develop-
In the earlier stages of political change, as
FAIB HAVENS
in the cases of Jotham, Steatchorus (Arist. JbUt
L c), Henenius Agrippa, it is used as an dement
of persuasion or reproof. It ceases to appear in he
higher eloquence of orators and statesmen. The
special excellence of fables is that they are SiMtir)o-
pucol (Arist. Rhet. L c.,, that "ducere animoi
soleut, pnecipue rusticorum et imperitorum "
(Quint IntL Oral. I. a).
The fivBoi of false teachers claiming to belong
to the Christian church, alluded to by writers of
the N. T. in connection with ytrtaktyiai iattm-
toi (1 Tim. i. 4), or with epithets 'lovtaucol (Tit.
i. 14), ypeutSets (1 Tun. ir. 7), atacxpitTfiiroi (2
Pet. L 16), do not appear to have had the character
of fables, properly so called. As applied to them
the word takes its general meaning of anything
false or unreal, and it does not fall within the scope
of the present article to discuss the nature */ the
falsehoods so referred to. [See Parable.]
E. H. P
FAIR HAVENS (KoAol Ai/tlrcs), a harbor
in the island of Chkte (Act* xxvii. 8), not men-
tioned in any other ancient writing. There seem*
no probability that it is, as Biscoe suggested (on the
Acts, p. 347, ed. 1829), the KaM 'Akt4 of Stoph.
Byz. — for that is said to be a city, whereas Fair
Havens is described as " a place near to which was
a city called Lasses " (reVor Tit f tyybs 9" ri\is
A.). Moreover Mr. Pashley found (Trtmls m
Crete, vol. ii. p. 67) a district called Actt ; and it
is most likely that KoA^ 'AicHi was situated there;
but that district is in the W. of the island, whereas
Fair Havens was on the S. Its position is now
quite certain. Though not mentioned by classical
writers, it is still known by it* old Greek name, a*
it was in the time of Pococke, and other early
travellers mentioned by Mr. Smith ( Vogngt and
Shipwreck of Su Paul, 2d ed. pp. 80-82). La-
s.tA too has recently been most explicitly discov-
ered. In fact Fair Havens appears to have been
practically its harbor. These places are situated
four or five miles to the E. of Cape Matala, which
is the most conspicuous headland on the S. coast
of Crete, and immediately to the W. of which the
coast trends suddenly to the N. This last circum-
stance explains why the ship which conveyed St.
Paul was brought to anchor in Fair Havens. In
consequence of violent and continuing N. W. winds
she had been unable to hold on her course towards
Italy from Cnidus (ver. 7), and had run down, by
Sahnone, under the lee of Crete. It was possible to
reach Fair Havens; but beyond Cape Matala the
difficulty would have recurred, so long as the wind
remained in the same quarter. A considerable
delay took place (vcr. 9) during which it is possible
that St. Paul may have had opportunities of preach-
ing the gospel at Lasses, or even at Goktyxa,
where Jews resided (1 Mace. xv. 23), and which
was not far distant; but all this is conjectural
A consultation took place, at which it was decided,
against the apostle's advice, to make an attempt to
reach a good harbor named Phexick, their present
anchorage being iwditrot wpbt *apax«ipao"fav
(ver. 12). All such terms are comparative: and
there is no doubt that, as a sale winter harbor,
Fair Havens is infinitely inferior to Phenice ;
though perhaps even as a matter of seamanshis
St. Paul's advice was not bad. However this may
be, the south wind, which sprang up afterwardr
(ver. 13), proved delusive ; and the vessel was caught
by a hurricane [EunoCLTDOH] on her way to
wards Phenice, and ultimately wrecked
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FAIR HAVENS
■ view (p 81j, Mr. Smith givei a chart of Fair
Havens wiih tbe soundings (p. 257), from which
any one can form a judgment for himself of the
merits of the harbor. J. S. H.
* The result certainly vindicated the prudence
of the apostle's advice la his opposition to the sea-
men who insisted on leaving Fair Havens and at-
tempting to reach Phrenic* (Acts xrvii. 12). It
was not a question of the comparative excellence
of the two harbors, but of the safety of exchanging
one for tbe other under such circumstances. It
should have been taken into account at that season
of the year that gales of northerly wind, sudden
and violent, were liable to spring up at any mo-
ment, and in that even' that the ship must be
driven off to sea and almost inevitably be wrecked.
Paul ere this must have become a cautious as well
as experienced navigator. He had " thrice suffered
shipwreck, had spent a night and a day in the deep "
(9 Cor. xi. 25) before he embarked on this voyage
FALLOW-DEER
809
to Rome. Recent observations show that Fair
Havens, though not equal to Pbcenice (if that be
Luiro), a yet protected to some extent by reds and
islands, and not bad as a temporary shelter. (Sea
Smith's Voyage ami Shipwreck of Si. Paul, p. 85,
3d ed.) The apostle's advice, therefore, may l«
justified on nautical grounds. II.
FAIRS (D < ! tiJ9: iyopi: nmdaa, forum),
a word which occurs only in Kz. xxvii. and there
no less than seven times (ver. 12, 14, 16, 10, 22,
27, 33): in the last of these verses it is rendered
" wares," and this we believe to be tbe true mean-
ing of the word throughout. It will be observed
that the word stands in some sort of relation to
3"^5P throughout the whole of the chapter, the
latter word also occurring seven times, and trans-
lated sometimes " market " (ver. 13, 17, 19), and
elsewhere "merchandise" (ver. 9, 27, 33, 34).
The words are used alternately, and represent tbe
■sir Havens In Crete.
alternations of commercial business in which the
merchants of Tyre were engaged. That the first
of these words cannot signify "fairs" is evident
from ver. 12; for the inhabitants of Tarshish did
not visit Tyre, but vice rrrid. I-et the reader sub-
stitute "paid " or "exchanged for thy wares," for
"occupied in thy fairs," and the sense is much
improved. The relation which this term bears to
mnarab, wbub properly means barter, appears to be
pretty much t A jame as exists between exports and
imports. The requirements of the Tyrians them-
selves, such as slaves (13), wheat (17), steel (19),
were a matter of maarab ; but where the business
conv««.ed in the exchange of Tyrian wares for for-
rign pnA-'i.-tions, it is specified in this form, " Tar-
shish paid for thy want with silver, iron, tin, and
bed." Tbe use of the terms would piobably have
been mo*e intelligible if the prophet had mentioned
IM root "l^n, " to be red.'
what the Tyrians gave in exchange: as it is, he
only notices the one side of the bargain, namely
what the Tyrians received, whether they were buy-
ers or sellers. W. L. T i.
FALLOW-DEER ("TOr?, yaekmir
Alex. BoiBa\os- bubahu). The Heb. word,
which is mentioned only in Dcut. xiv. 5, as the
name of one of the animals allowed by the LeviU-
cal law for food, and in 1 K. Iv. 23, as forming
part of the provisions for Solomon's table, appears
to point to the Antilope bub i lit, Pallas; the floo-
jgoAor of the Greeks (see Herod, iv. 192; Aiis-
totle, Hiit. Anim. iii. 6, ed. Schneider, and De Part.
a im. iii. 2, 11, ed. Bekker: Oppian, Cyn. ii. 300)
i> properly, we believe, identified with the afore-
named antelope. From tbe different descriptions
of the yachmur, as given by Arabian writers, ar.J
cited by Bochart (Hieroz. 'ii. 284 ft".), if. would
seem that *hls is the animal denoted; thouk*
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FALLOW-DEER
Damir't remarks in some reaped* are fabulous,
and he represents the yachmur as having decid-
uous horns, which will not apply to any antelope.
Still Cazuinus, according to Rosenmuller, identifies
the yiichmur ■ with the betkcr-eUoath (" wild
cow "\ which is the modem name in N. Africa for
the Analape bubala. Kitto (PicL Bibl. Deut. I c.)
■ays, "The yachmur of the Hebrews is without
doubt erroneously identified with the fallow-deer,
which does not exist in Asia," and refers the name
to the Oryx iKucoryx, citing Niebuhr as authority
for stating that this animal is known among the
eastern Arabs by the name of yazmvr. The fallow-
deer (Ccrrus duma) is undoubtedly a native of
Asia; indeed Persia seems to be its proper country.
Hasselquist (Trot. p. 211) noticed this deer in
Mount Tabor. Oedmann ( Verm. Samml. i. 178)
believes that the yachmur is best denoted by the
Cerrus damtt. The authority of the LXX., how-
ever, in a question of this kind, should decide the
matter : accordingly we have little doubt but that
the yachmur of the Heb. Scriptures denotes the
btkker-tl-irath, or "wild ox," of Barbary and N.
Africa. (See Shaw's Travels, p. 242, and Suppl.
/UrdaphMS tmbaiit.
p. 75, folio; Buffbn, llitt. Nntur. xii. 294.) The
Greek Boi0a\ot evidently points to some animal
hnving the general appearance of an ox. Pliny
(N. ff. viii. 15) tells us that the common people in
their ignorance sometimes gave the name of buOalus
to the Bison (Auroch) and the Una. He adds,
the animal properly so called is produced in Africa,
and bears a resemblance to the calf and the stag.
That this antelope partakes in external form of the
characters belonging both to the cervine and bo-
vine ruminants will be evident to any one who
glances at the woodcut.
The bekker-et-iocmh apt«ars to be depicted in the
Egyptian monuments, where it is represented as
being hunted for the sake of its flesh, which Shaw
le'ls us (Suppl. p. 75) is very sweet and nourishing,
nach preferable to that of the red deer. (See Wil-
FAM1XE
kinson's Axe. r.gypt. i. 223, figs. 3, 4. and p. Mb
fig. lit). This animal, which is about the «iae of a
stag, is common in N. Africa, and lives in herd*.
We were at one time inclined to refer the Heb
ynchmir to the Oryx kucm-yx (see art. Ox); on
further investigation, however, we have decided for
the Alcelaphtu. The Tti or To may perhaps
therefore denote the former antelope. W. H.
* The Arabic )<»-> is described in a work of
Natural History as " a species originating in the
Barbary States, its size somewhat smaller than the
red deer, but in form resembling it, having erect
spirally curving ringed horns : the color of its body
is reddish-brown, and the belly and inner surface
of the thighs are white. The female has no noma. "
This description fixes the species as the Alcelaphtu
tmbalis. G. E. P.
• FAMILIAR SPIRIT or SPIRITS OH
iTG'V), found in Lev. xx. 27; 1 Sam. xxviii. 7,
8; 1 Chr. x. 13; 2 Cbr. xxxiii. 6; Is. xxix. 4, viii.
19, and elsewhere. [See Divinatios; Magic]
The " familiar " employed in this expression comes
from the idea that the necromancers, soothsayers,
and the like, had spirits or demons whom they
could summon from the unseen world to wait upon
them as sen-ants (famuli), and execute their com-
mands. See Eastwood and Wright's Bibk Word-
Bmk, p. 194. H.
FAMINE. When the sweet influences of the
Pleiades are bound, and the bands of Scorpio can-
not be loosed, 6 then it is that famines generally
prevail in the Lands of the Bible. In Egypt a de
ticiency in the rise of the Nile, with drying winds
produces the same results. The famines recorded
in the Bible are traceable to both these phenomena
and we generally find that Egypt was resorted to
when scarcity afflicted Palestine. This is notably
the case in the first three famines, those of Abra-
ham, of Isaac, and of Jacob, although in the last
cose Egypt was involved in the calamity, and only
saved from its horrors by the providential policy of
Joseph. In this instance, too, the famine was wide-
spread, and Palestine further suffered from the
restriction which must have been placed on the
supplies usually derived, in such circumstances,
from Egypt.
In the whole of Syria and Arabia, the fruits of
the earth must ever be dependent on rain; the
watersheds having few large springs, and the small
rivers not being sufficient for the irrigation of even
the level lands. If therefore the heavy rains of
November and December fail, the sustenance of the
people is cut off in the parching drought of harvest-
time, when the country is almost devoid of moist-
ure. Fur'Jier, the pastoral tribes rely on the scanty
herbage of the desert-plains and valleys for their
docks and herds ; for the desert is interspersed in
spring-time with spontaneous vegetation, which is
the product of the preceding rain-fall, and foils
almost totally without it It is therefore not diffi
cult to conceive the frequent occurrence and severity
of famines in ancient times, when the scattered
• , |»*. Ruber; animal ad genus psrHnens cul
an apod Arabs* nomen , fi <■». «Jf ■■ p » (rrsytag,
Lit A '
>> l*jat Is to ray. when the best and most fjrtlliatn|
of the rains, which fall when the Pleiades *st at dawa
(not exactly heliacally) at the nnd of autumn, Ml
rain scarcely ever railing at the oppoatts season, alias
Scorpio setr at dawn. /^D? Is clearly Serratt, at
Cor Scorpion is, as A ben Bsra says.
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FAMINE
population, rather of a pastoral thin an agricultu-
ral country ra dependent on natural phenomena
which, bowerer regular is their season, oecasio.ially
failed, and with them the sustenance of man and
FAMINE
811
Egypt, "gain. owa » all > u fertility — a fertility
that gained for it the striking comparison to the
" garden of the Lord " — to its mighty river, whose
annual rise inundates nearly the whole land and
renders its cultivation an easy certainty. But this
very bounty of nature has not unfrequeutly exposed
the country to the opposite extreme of drought.
With scarcely any rain, and that only on the Medi-
terranean coast, and with wells only supplied by
filtration from the river through a nitrous soil, a
failure in the rise of the Nile almost certainly
entails a degree of scarcity, although if followed by
cool weather, and if only the occurrence of a single
year, the labor of the people may in a great meas-
ure avert the calamity. The causes of dearth and
fiuniue in Egypt are occasioned by defective inun-
dation, preceded and accompanied ami followed by
prevalent easterly and southerly winds. Both these
winds dry up the earth, and the Utter, keeping
back the rein-clouds from the north, are perhaps
the chief cause 0/ the defective inundation, as they
are also by their accelerating the current of the
river — the northerly winds producing the con-
trary efforts. Famines in Egypt and Palestine
seem to be affected by drought extending from
northern Syria, through the meridian of Egypt, as
far as the highlands of Abyssinia.
The first famine recorded in the Bible is that of
Abraham after he had pitched bis tent on the east
of Bethel : •' And there was a famine in the laud :
and Abram went down into Egypt to sojourn there,
for the famine was grievous in the laud " (Gen. xii.
10;. We may conclude that this famine was ex-
tensive, although this is not quite proved by the
fact of Abraham's going to Egypt; for on the occa-
sion of the second famine, in the days of Isaac,
this patriarch found refuge with Abimelech king
of the Philistines in Gerar, and was warned by
(iod not to go down into Egypt, whither therefore
we may suppose he was journeying (Gen. xxvi. 1
ft'. ). We hear no more of times of scarcity until
the great famine of Egypt which " was over all the
face of the earth;" "and all countries came into
Egypt to Joseph to buy [com], because that the
famine was [so] sore in all lands " (Gen. xli. 66,
57). " And the sons of Israel came to buy [corn]
among those that came; for the famine was in the
land of Canaan" (xlii. 5). Thus in the third
generation, Jacob is afflicted by the famine, and
sends from Hebron to Egypt when he bears that
there is corn there; and it is added in a later
passage, on the occasion of his sending the second
time for corn to Egypt, " and the famine was sore
in the land," i. e. Hebron.
The famine of Joseph is discussed in art. Egypt,
so far as Joseph's history and policy is concerned.
It is only necessary here to consider its physical
characteristics. We have mentioned the chief causes
of famines in Egypt: this instance differs in the
providential recurrence of seven years of plenty,
whereby Joseph was enabled to provide against the
•oming dearth, and to supply not only the popula-
ion of Egypt with corn, but those of the surround-
ing countries: " And the seven yeu 1 of plenteooa-
ness, that were in the land of Egypt, were ended
And the seven years of dearth began to coins, as-
cording u Joseph had said : and the dearth was in
all lands; but in all the land of Egypt there was
bread. And when all the land of Egypt was
famished, the people cried to Pharaoh for bread -
and Pharaoh said unto all the Egyptians, Go unto
Joseph, and what he saith to you, do. And the
famine was over all the face of the earth: and
Joseph opened all the storehouses, and sold unto
the Egyptians; and the famine waxed sore in the
laud of Egypt. And all countries came into Egypt
to Joseph for to buy [com], because that the
famine was [so] sore in all lands " (Gen. xli. 68-
57).
The modem history of Egypt throws some curious
light on these ancient records of famine; and in-
stances of their recurrence may be cited to assist
us in understanding their course and extent. They
have not been of very rare occurrence since the
Mohammedan conquest, according to the testimony
of Arab historians: one of great severity, following
a deficient rise of the Nile, in the year of the Flight
697 (A. d. 1200), is recorded by 'Abd-El-Lateef,
who was an eye-witness, and is regarded justly as
a trustworthy authority. He gives a most interest-
ing account of its horrors, states that the people
throughout the country were driven to the last
extremities, eating offal, and even their own dead,
and mentions, as an instance of the dire straits to
which they were driven, that persons who were
burnt alive for eating human flesh were themselves,
thus ready roasted, eaten by others. Multitudes
fled the country, only to perish in the desert-road
to Palestine.
But the most remarkable famine was that of the
reign of the Fiitimee Rhaleefeh, EI-Mustansir billah,
which is the only instance on record of one of seven
years' duration in Egypt since the time of Joseph
(a. H. 457-464, A. D. 1064-1071). This famine
exceeded in severity all others of modem times, and
was aggravated by the anarchy which then ravaged
the country. Vehement drought and pestilence
(says Es-Suyootee, in bis Horn el Afohiiilnrah, MS.)
continued for seven consecutive years, so that they
[the people] ate corpses, and animals that died ot
themselves; the cattle perished ; a dog was sold
for 5 deenars, and a cat for 3 deenftrs . . . and an
ardebb (about 5 bushels) of wheat for 100 deenars,
and then it failed altogether. He adds, that all
the horses of the Khaleefeh, save three, perished,
and gives numerous instances of the straits to which
the wretched inhabitants were driven, and of the
organized bands of kidnappers who infested Cairo
and caught passengers in the streets by ropes fur-
nished with books and let down from the bouses.
This account is confirmed by El-Makreezee (in his
Khitat)," from whom we further learn that the
family, and even the women of the Khaleefeh fled,
by the way of Syria, on foot, to escape the peril
that threatened all ranks of the population. The
whole narrative is worthy of attention, since it eon-
tains a parallel to the duration of the famine of
Joseph, and at the same time enables us to form
an idea of the character of famines in the East.
The famine of Samaria resembled it in many par-
tic'lars; and that very briefly recorded, in- 9 K.
« Sines writing the above, we find that Qnatremen In his Mtir.c>ns OiogmpM^nu n Butmvfm km
sm given a translation of El-M*kr»aM's aocoost ' VKgypte.
< UJs (urine, In the lift of KI-MustSDsir, contained I
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812
FAN
rffl. 1, 3, affords mother instance of one of seven
year* : " Then spake Kliaha unto the woman whose
■on he had restored to Hfe, saying, Arise, and go,
Ihoa and thy household, and sojourn wheresoever
thou canst sojourn : for the I/ird hath called for a
famine; and it shall also come upon the land seven
years. And the wo r an arose, and did after the
saying of the man of God : and she went with her
household and sojourned in the land of the Philis-
tines seven years.'' liunsen (KyypCt Plticr, 4c,
ii. 334) quotes the record of a famine in the reign
of Sesertesen I., which he supposes to be that of
Joseph; but it must be observed that the instance
in point is expressly stated not to have extended
over the whole laud, and is at least equally likely,
apart from chronological reasons, to have been that
of Abraham.
In Arabia, (amines are of frequent occurrence.
The Arabs, in such cases, when they could not
afford to slaughter their camels, used to bleed them,
and drink the blood, or mix it with the shorn fur,
making a kind of black-pudding. They ate also
various plants and grains, which at other times
were not used as articles of food. And the tribe
of Haneefeh were taunted with having in a famine
eaten their god, which consisted of a dish of dates
mashed up with clarified butter and a preparation
of dried curds of milk (Sikdh, MS., art /uS).
E. S. P.
• FAN. [Agbk-uwuhe, i. 44.]
FARTHING. Two names of coins in the
X. T. are rendered in the A. V. by this word.
1. KoSodWnf , quadrant (Matt. v. 26 ; Mark xii.
42), a coin current in Palestine in the time of Our
Lord. It was equivalent to two Iepta (AraTtk Bio,
S 4<rrir KoSpdrrrit, Mark, I. c). The name quad-
rans was originally given to the quarter of the
Roman as, or piece of three unche, therefore also
called teruncius. The ArrrcV was originally a very
small Greek copper coin, seven of which with the
Athenians went to the xoAkovs. The copper cur-
rency of Palestine in the reign of Tiberius was
partly of Roman coins, partly of Greco-Roman
(technically, Greek Imperial). In the former class
there was no common /piece smaller than the as,
equivalent to the iuarcipior of the N. T. (infra),
but in the latter, there were two common smaller
pieces, the one apparently the quarter of the iujai.-
otoy, and the other its eighth, though the irregu-
larity with which they were struck makes it difficult
to pronounce with certainty : the former piece was
doubtless called the KoSpdjrrni, and the latter the
\nrr6v.
2. 'Katrif iov (Matt. x. 29; Lake xii. 6), properly
a small as, auarium, but in the time of our Lord
used as the Greek equivalent of the Latin at. The
Vulg. in Matt. x. 29 renders it by at, and in Luke
xii. 6 puts dijxmditu for two assaria, the dipondius
or dupoudius being equal to two asses. The juro-i-
.■101/ is therefore either the Roman as, or the more
common equivalent in Palestine in the Grteoo-
Roman series, or perhaps both ; the last supposition
we are inclined to think the most likely. The
rendering of the Vulg. in Luke xii. 6 makes it
nrobable tint a single coin is intended by two
lararia, and this opinion is strengthened by the
• * for to* (amine predicted by Aftbos, which
to tot reign of Claudius (Ac's *!• 38). —
H.
FASTS
occurrence, on coins of Chios, struck daring tbt
imperial period, but without the heads of a m parot s
and therefore of the Greet autonomous caws, of
the words ACCAPION, ACCAPIA ATO, ACCA
PIA TPIA- K. S. 1*.
FASTS. The won! BIS, wqcrrtla, jejmium,
is not found in the Pentateuch, but it often occurs
in the historical books and the Prophets (2 Sam.
xii. 16; 1 K. xxi. 9-12; Err. viii. 21; Ps. Ixix.
10; Is. Iviii. 5; Joel i. 14, ii. 15; Zeeh. viii. 19,
&c). In the Law, the only term used to denote
the religious observance of fasting is the more sig-
nificant one, t&3.? H37 : rawtwom tV dr>x4 r -
affligere ammam : "afflicting the soul" (Lev. xvi.
29-31, xxiii. 27; Num. xxx. 13). The word
iTOSfjl, i. e. affliction, which occurs Ear. ix. 5,
where it is rendered in A. V. " heaviness," is com-
monly used to denote fasting in the Talmud, and
is the title of one of its treatises.
I. One fast only was appointed by the Law, that
on the day of Atonement [ Atonement, Dat
of.] There is no mention of any other periodical
fast in the 0. T., except in Zech. vii. 1-7, viii. 19.
From these passages it appears that the Jews,
during their Captivity, observed four annual fasts
in the fourth, fifth, seventh, and tenth mouths.
When the building of the second Temple had com-
menced, those who remained in Babylon sent a mes-
sage to the priests at Jerusalem to inquire whether
the observance of the fast in the fifth month should
not be discontinued. The prophet takes the occa-
sion to rebuke the Jews for the spirit in which tbey
had observed the fast of the seventh month as well
as that of the fifth (vii. 5-6); and afterwards (viii.
19), giving the subject an evangelical turn, he de-
clares that the whole of the four fasts shall be
turned to "joy and gladness, and cheerful feasts."
Zechariah simply distinguishes the fasts by the
months in which they were observed ; but the
Mishna (Taanilh, iv. 6) and S. Jerome (m Zath-
ariam viii.) give statements of certain historical
events which they were intended to commemorate : —
The fast of the fourth month. — The breaking
of the tables of the Law by Moses (Ex. xxxii.), and
the storming of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar (Jer.
Hi.).
The fast of the fifth month. — The return of the
spies, Sec. (Num. xiii., xiv.), the Temple burnt by
Nebuchadnezzar, and again by Titus ; and the
ploughing up of the site of the temple, with the
capture of liether, in which a vast number of Jews
from Jerusalem had taken refuge in the time of
Hadrian.
The fast of the seventh month. — The complete
sack of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar and the death
ofGedalioh (2 K. xxv.).
The fast of the tenth month. — The receiving by
Ezekiel and the other captives in Babylon of the
news of the destruction of Jerusalem.
Some other events mentioned In the Mishna
are omitted as unimportant. Of those here stated
several could have had nothing to do with the fasts
in the time of the prophet. It would seem most
probable, from the mode in which he has g ro u ped
them together, that the original purpose of all font
wss to commemorate the circumstances co nn ecte d
with the commencement of the Captivity, sod thai
the other events were subsequently associated witr
them on the ground of some real or fancied eoin-
cideoce of the time of occurrence. Aaieoarditb*
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FASTS
,W / the fifth month, at least, it can hardly be
duubted that the captive Jews applied it exclusively
to the destruction of the Temple, and that S. Jerome
was right in regarding ai the reason of their request
to be released from its observance, the fact that it
had no lunger any purpose after the new Temple
was begun. Ai this fast (as well as the three
ithers) is still retained in the Jewish Calendar, we
must infer either that the priests did not agree
with the Babylonian Jews, or that the fast having
been discontinued for a time, was renewed after the
destruction of the Temple by Titus.
The number of annual fasts in the present Jewish
Calendar has been multiplied to twenty-eight, a list
of which is given by Keland (Antiq. p. 37*).
II. Public fasts were occasionally proclaimed to
express national humiliation on account of sin or
•nidbrtune, and to supplicate divine favor in regard
to some great undertaking or threatened danger.
In the ease of public danger, the proclamation ap-
pears to have been accompanied with the blowing
of trumpets (Joel ii. 1-15; cf. Taanith, 1. 6). The
following instances are recorded of strictly national
Easts : Samuel gathered " all Israel " to Mizpeh and
proclaimed a fast, performing at the same time
what seems to have been a rite symbolical of puri-
fication, when the people confessed their sin in hav-
ing worshipped Baalim and Ashtaroth (1 Sam. vii.
0); Jehoshaphat appointed one "throughout all
Judah " when he was preparing for war against
Moab and Amnion (2 Chr. xx. 3); in the reign of
Jehoiakim, one was proclaimed for " all the people
ill Jerusalem and all who came thither out of the
cities of Judah," when the prophecy of Jeremiah
was publicly read by Baruch (Jer. xxxvi. 6-10;
cf. Baruch i. 5) ; three days after the feast of Tab-
ernacles, when the second Temple was completed,
•• the children of Israel assembled with fasting and
with sackclothes and earth upon them " to hear the
law read, and to confess their sins (Neh. ix. 1).
There are references to general fasts in the Prophets
(Joel i. 14, 11. 15; Is. lviii.), and two are noticed
in the books of the Maccabees (1 Mace. iii. 40-47 ;
2 Mace xill. 10-13).
There are a considerable number of instances of
cities and bodies of men observing fasts on occa-
sions in which they were especially concerned. In
the days of Phinehas, the grandson of Aaron, when
the men of Judah had been defeated by those of
Benjamin, they fasted in making preparation for
another battle (Judg. xx. 28). David and his men
fasted for a day on account of the death of Saul
(2 Sam. L 13), and the men of Jabesh-Gilead
fasted seven days on Saul's burial (1 Sam. xxxi.
13). Jezebel, in the name of Ahab, appointed a
fast for the inhabitants of Jezreel, to render more
striking, as it would seem, the punishment about
to be inflicted on Naboth (1 K. xxi. 9-13). Ezra
proclaimed a fast for his companions at the river
of Ahava, when he was seeking for God's help and
guidance in the work he was about to undertake
(Ear. viii. 31-33). Esther, when she was going to
intercede with Ahasuerus, commanded the Jews of
Shushan neither to eat nor drink for three days
(Each. rv. 16).
Public fasts expressly on account of unseasonable
weather and of famine, may perhaps be traced in
the first and second chapters of Joel. In later
iutes they assumed great importance and form the
mam subject of the treatise Taanith In the Mohna.
MI. Private occasional fasts are recognised in
sat nasaaiie of the Law (Num. xxx. 13). The in-
FASTS
818
given cf Individuals fasting under the mfu-
enee of grief, \ nation, or anxiety, are numerous
(1 Sam. i. 7, xx. 34: 2 Sam. iii. 35, xii. 16; 1 K.
xxi. 27; Ezr. x. 6; Neb. 1. 4; Dan. x. 3). The
fasts of forty days of Moses (Ex. xxiv. 18, xxxiv.
28; Deut. ix. 18) and of Elijah (1 K. xix. 8) are,
of course, to be regarded as special acts of spiritual
discipline, faint though wonderful shadows of that
fast in the wilderness of Judaea, in which all true
fasting finds its meaning.
IV. In the N. T. the only references to the
Jewish fasts are the mention of "the Fast" ir
Acts xxvii. 9 (generally understood to denote the
Day of Atonement), and the allusions to the weekly
fasts (Matt. ix. 14; Mark ii. 18; Luke v. 33, xviU.
12; Acta x. 30). These fast* originated some time
after the Captivity. They were observed on tin?
second and fifth days of the week, which, being
appointed as the days for public fasts ( Taanith, ii
9), seem to have been selected for these private vol
untary fasts. The Gemara states that they were
chosen because Moses went up Mount Sinai on the
fifth day and came down on the second. All that
can be known on the subject appears to be given
by Urotius, Lightfbot, and Schoettgen on Luke
xviii. 12; and Lightfoot on Matt. ix. 14.
A time of fasting for believers in Christ is fore-
told Matt ! .x. 16, and a caution on the subject is
given Matt. vi. 16-18. Fasting and prayer an
spoken of as the great sources of spiritual strength.
Matt. rvii. 21; Mark ix. 39; 1 Cor. vii. 5; and
they are especially connected with ordination, Acts
xiii. 3, xiv. 33.
V. The Jewish fasts were observed with various
degrees of strictness. Sometimes there was entire
abstinence from food (Esth. iv. 16, 4c.). On other
occasions there appears to have been only a restric-
tion to a very plain diet (Dan. x. 3). Rules are
given in the Talmud (both in Joma and Taanith)
as to the mode in which fasting is to be observed on
particular occasions. The fast of the day, accord-
ing to Josephus, was considered to terminate at sun-
set, and St. Jerome speaks of the fasting Jew as
anxiously waiting for the rising of the stars. Fasts
were not observed on the Sabbaths, the new moons,
the great festivals, or the feasts of Purim and Ded
ication (Jud. viii. 6; Taanith, ii. 10).
Those who fasted frequently dressed in sackcloth
or rent their clothes, put ashes on their head and
went barefoot (1 K. xxi. 27; cf. Joseph. Ant. viii
13, § 8; Neb. ix. 1; Ps. xxxv. 18). The rabbin
ical directions for the ceremonies to be observed in
public fasts, and the prayers to be used in them,
may be seen in Taanith, ii. 1-4.
VI. The sacrifice of the personal will, which
gives to fasting all its value, is expnssed in the old
term used in the law, afflicting the tout. The
faithful son of Israel realized the bussing of " chas-
tening his soul with fasting " (Ps. lxix. 10). Bat
the frequent admonitions and stern denundatious
of the prophet* may show us how prone the Jews
were, in their formal fasts, to lose the idea of a
spiritual discipline, and to regard them as being in
themselves a means of winning favor from God, or,
in a still worse spirit, to make a parade of them in
order to appear religious before men (Is. lviii. 3,
Zech vii. 6, 6; Mai. iii. 14; comp. Matt. vi. 16).
S.C.
• The word pyO in Arabic, to* same root
u I31S, signifies abstinence from food, drink m»
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PAT
venation, and sexual intercourse. This a undoubt-
edly the true intent of Casting, perfect absorption
In religion to the exclusion of all sensual occupa-
tions or delights. G. £. P.
FAT. The Hebrews distinguished between the
suet or pure fat of an animal (2771), and the fat
which was intermixed with the lean (S'&QtpQ,
Neb. riii. 10). Certain restrictions were imposed
upon tbem in reference to the former: some parts
of the suet, namely, about the stomach, the entrails,
the kidneys, and the tail of a sheep, which grows to
an excessive size in many eastern countries, and pro-
duces a large quantity of rich fat [Sheep], were for-
bidden to be eaten in the case of animals offered to
Jehovah in sacrifice (Lev. iii. 3, 9. 17, vii. 3, 23).
The ground of the prohibition was that the fat was
the richest part of the animal, and therefore be-
longed to Him (iii. 16). It has been supposed that
other reasons were superadded, as that the use of
fat was unwholesome in the hot climate of Pales-
tine. There appears, however, to be no ground for
such an assumption. The presentation of the fat
as the richest part of the animal was agreeable to
the dictates of natural feeling, and was the ordinary
practice even of heathen nations, as instanced in
the Homeric descriptions of sacrifices ( II. i. 460, ii.
423; Od. iii. 457), and in the customs of the
Egyptians (Her. ii. 47), and Persians (Strab. xv. p.
732). Indeed, the term cheleb is itself significant
of the feeling on which the regulation was based :
for it describes the but of any production (Geo.
xlv. 18; Num. xviii. 12; Ps. lxxxi. 16, cxlvii. 14;
compare 2 Sam. i. 22; Judg. iii. 29; Is. x- IB).
With regard to other parts of the fat of sacrifices
or the fat of other animals, it might be consumed,
with the exception of those dying either by a violent
or a natural death (Lev. vii. 24), which might still
he used in any other way. The burning of the fat
of sacrifices was particularly specified in each land
of offering, whether a peace-offering (Lev. iii. 9),
consecration-offering (viil. 25), sin-offering (Iv. 8),
trespass-offering (vii. 3), or redemption-offering
;Num. xviii. 17). The Hebrews fully appreciated
.he luxury of well-fatted meat, and had their stall-
fed oxen and calves (1 K. iv. 23; Jer. xlvl. 21;
Luke xv. 23) ; nor is there any reason to suppose
its use unwholesome. W. L. B.
FAT, »". t. Vat. The word employed in the
A. V. to translate the Hebrew term SiT., Yeltb,
In Joel ii. 24, iii. 13 only. The word 'commonly
used for ytktb, indiscriminately with gath, D3, is
" wine-press " or " wine-fat," and once " press-fat "
(Hag. ii. 16); but the two appear to be distinct —
gath the upper receptacle or " press " in which the
crapes were trod, and ytktb the " vat," on H lower
level, into which the juice or must was collected.
The word is derived by Gesenius (Thes. p. 619 6)
frotu a root signifying to hollow or dig out; and
in accordance with this is the practice in Palestine,
where the "wine-press" and "vat*" appear to
have been excavated out of the native rock of the
"lills on which the vineyards lay. One such, ap-
sarently ancient, is described by Kobinson as at
Hablth in central Palestine (iii. 137), and another,
orobably more modern, in the Lebanon (p. 603).
The worr* rendered " wine-fat " in Mark xii. 1 is
.■woAtjwov, which is frequently used by the I. XX. to
' i $*letb in the O. T. [Wink-press.] G.
FATHER
FATHER (Ab, 3>», Chald. Abba, K^W, Mail
xiv. 86, Rom. viii. 15: vaHif. pattr: a primitive
word, hut following the analogy of H^lH, to ikon
kmbuu, Gesen. The: pp. 6-8).
The position and authority of the father as the
head of the family is expressly assumed and sanc-
tioned in Scripture, as a likeness of that of the
Almighty over bis creatures, an authority — as
Philo remarks — intermediate between human and
divine (Philo, w,p\ yoriar Tl/iijt, § 1)- It lie*
of course at the root of that so-called patriarchal
government (Gen. iii. 16 ; 1 Cor. xi. 3), which was
introductory to the more definite systems which
followed, and which in part, but not wholly, super-
seded it. When, therefore, the name of "father
of nations " (OffON) was given to Abram, be
was thereby held up not only as the ancestor, but
as the example to those who should come after him
(Gen. xviii. 18, 19; Koin. iv. 17). The fathers
blessing was regarded as conferring special benefit,
but his malediction special injury on those on whom
it fell (Gen. ix. 25, 27, xxvii. 27-40, xlviii. 15, 20,
xlix.); and so also the sin of a parent was held to
affect, iu certain cases, the welfare of his descend-
ants (2 K. v. 27), though the I.aw forbade the pun-
ishing of the son for his father's transgression
(Deut. xxiv. 16; 2 K. xiv. 6 ; Ex. xviii. 20). The
command to honor pareuts is noticed by St. Paid
as the only one of the Decalogue which bore a dis-
tinct promise (Ex. xx. 12; Eph. vi. 2), and disre-
spect towards them was condemned by the Law as
one of the worst of crimes (Ex. xxi. 15, 17; 1
Tim. 1, 9; comp. Virg. jEn. vi. 609; Aristoph
Ran. 274-773). Instances of legal enactment in
support of parental authority are found in Ex. xxii.
17; Num. xxx. 3, 5, xii. 14; Deut xxi. 18, 31;
Lev. xx. 9, xxi. 9, xxii. 12; and the spirit of the
Law in this direction may be seen in Prov. xiii. 1,
xv. 5, xvii. 25, xix. 13, xx. 20, xxviii. 24, xxx. 17;
Is. xlv. 10; Hal. i. 6. The father, however, had
not the power of death over his child (Deut. xxi.
18-21; Philo, I. c).
From the patriarchal spirit, also, the principle
of respect to age and authority in general appears
to be derived. Thus Jacob is described as blessing
Pharaoh (Gen. xlvii. 7, 10; comp. Lev. xix. 32;
Prov. xri. 31; Philo, I c § 6).
It is to this well-recognized theory of parental
authority and supremacy that the very various uses
of toe term "father" in Scripture are due. (1.)
As the source or inventor of an art or practice
(Gen. iv. 20, 21; John viii. 44; Job xxxviii. 28,
xvii. 14; 2 Cor. 1, 3). (2.) As an object of respect
or reverence (Jer. ii. 27; 2 K. ii. 12, v. 13, vi. 21).
(3.) Thus also the pupils or scholars of the pro-
phetical schools, or of any teacher, are called sons
(2 K. ii. 3, iv. 1 ; 1 Sam. x. 12, 27; 1 K. xx. 35;
Heb. xll. 9; 1 Tim. i. 2). (4.) The term father,
and also mother, is applied to any ancestor of the
male or female lute respectively (la. Ii. 2; Jer. xxxv.
6, 18; Dan. v. 2; 2 Sam. ix. 7; 2 Chr. xr. 16).
(5.) In the Talmud the term father is used to in
dicate the chief, t. g. the principal of certain works
are termed "fathers." Objects whose contact
causes pollution are called " fathers " of defnemets
(Mishn. Shabh. vii. 2, vol. ii. p. 2». Punch, I 6
vol. ii. p. 137, Surenh.). (6.) \ protector or
guardian (Job xxix. 16; Ps. lxviii. 6; Deut xxxfi
6). Many personal names are found with the prefc
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FATHOM
5JJ, as Absalom, Abishai, Abiram, Ac., implying
nma quality or attribute possessed, 01 ascribed
(Gem. pp. 8, 10).
u Fathers " ii uaed in the sense of seniors (Acta
rii. 9, xxii. 1), and of parents in general, or ances-
tors (Dan. v. 2; Jer. xxvii. 7; Matt. xxui. 30, 32).
Among Mohammedans parental authority has
great weight during the time of pupilage. The son
it not allowed to eat, scarcely to sit in his father's
presence. Disobedience to parents is reckoned one
of the must heinous of crimes (Burckhardt, Notts
on Bed. i. 355; lane, Mod. Egypt, i. 84; Atkin-
son, Travels in Siberia, Ac. p. 559). II. W. P.
0*
* The Arabio i»j I, '• father," denotes the person
by whose means 'a thing is made, repaired, or
caused to appear, as well as the parent
G. E.P.
FATHOM. [Measures.]
* FAUOHION, a short sword (Jud. xiil. 6
and xvi. 9), less common tbtafaichion or/aulchion,
in each form now almost obsolete. It stands for
ixtrd/rns, a transferred Persian word. It is the
name of the weapon with which Judith slew Holo-
fenm (see Fritzache, Uandb. zu den Apokryphen
desA.T.1 196). H.
FEASTS. [Festivals.]
* FEET. For various customs in relation to
ine feet, see Dust; Mourning; Sandal; and
Washing tiik Hands and Feet. *
FEXIX (*ij\<{ , Acts xxiii.-xxiv.: [Felix, hap-
py, fortunate;] in Tac. Hist v. 9, called Antonius
Felix; in Suidss, Claudius Felix; in Joaephus and
.Vets, simply Felix ; so also in Tac. Ann. xii. 64),
a Roman procurator of Judaea, appointed by the
Emperor Claudius, whose freedman he was, on the
Danishment of Ventidius Cumanus in A. D. 53.
Tacitus (Ann. xii. 54) states that Felix and Cu-
manus were joint procurators, Cumanus having
Galilee, and Felix, Samaria. In this account Tacitus
is directly at issue with Joaephus (Ant. xx. 6, 2-7,
1), and Is generally supposed to be in error; but
his account is very circumstantial, and by adopting
it we should gain some little justification for the
txpreesion of St Paul, Acts xxiv. 10, that Felix
ud been judge of the nation " for many years."
rhose words, however, must not even thus be
■Josely pressed; for Cumanus himself only went to
lixfaea in the eighth year of Claudius (Joseph. Ant.
ex. 5, § 2). Felix was the brother of Claudius's
powerful freedman Pallas (B. J. ii. 12, § 8; ArO.
tx. 7, J 1); and it was to the circumstance .f
Pause's influence surviving his master's death
(Tacit. Ann. xiv. '65) that Felix was retained in his
procuratonihip by Nero. He ruled the province in
a mean, cruel, and profligate manner, " per omnem
uevitiam et libidinetn jus regium servili inrenio
exercuif" (Tac. Hist v. 9, and Ann. xii. 64).
With this compendious description the fuller details
■>f Josopbiis a^ree, though his narrative is tinged
sith his hostility to the Jewish palnots and zealots,
whom, under the name of robbers, he describes
Felix as putting down and crucifying by hundreds.
His period of office was full of troubles and sedi-
ions. We read of his putting down false Messiahs
Joseph. Ant xx. 8, § 6; B. J. ii. 13, § 4); the
ollowers of an Egyptian magician (Ant xx. 8, § A
B. J. ii. 13, § S; Acts xxi. 38); riots between the
lavs and Syrians in Ccroarea (Ant xx. 8, § 7;
H. J ii. 3, f 7), and between the priests and the
FENCED CITIES
815
principal citizens of Jerusalem (Ant xx. 8, } 8;
Joseph. Lift, 3). He once employed the sicarii
for his own purposes, to bring about the murder
of the high-priest Jonathan (Ant xx. 8, § 5). His
severe measures and cruel retributions seemed only
to accelerate the already rapid course of the Jews
to ruin: " intempestivia remodiia delicti accende-
bat" (Tac Ann. xii. 54; t ic6\tpos Kaff fodoar
aypStrt(tro, Joseph. B. J. ii. 13, § 6). St Paul
was brought before Felix in Csesarea, having been
sent thither out of the way of the Jews at Jerusalem
by the " chief captain " Claudius Lysias. Some
effect was produced on the guilty conscience of the
procurator, as the Apostle reasoned of righteous-
ness, and temperance, and judgment to come; but
St Paul was remanded to prison and kept there,
in hopes of extorting money from him, two years
(Acts xxiv. 26, 27). At the end of that time
Porcius Festus [Fkstus] was appointed to super-
sede Felix, who, on his return to Home, was accused
by the Jews in Cssarea, and would have suffered
the penalty due to his atrocities, had not his brother
Pallas prevailed with the Emperor Nero to spare
him (Ant xx. 8, § 9). This was probably in the
year 60 a. d. (Anger, De temporum in Act Apost
ratione, Ac., p. 100; Wieseler, Ckronotogie dtr
AposUlgeschickle, pp. 66-82). The wife of Felix
was Drusilla, daughter of Herod Agrippa I. the
former wife of Azizus King of Emesa. [Dkusilla.]
H. A.
* FELLER (Is. xiv. 8), a cutter of wood (from
the Anglo-Saxon, feiian, to fell). The prophet
represents the cedars of Lebanon as shouting in
the lower world, over the fall of Sennacherib, their
great destroyer: " Since thou art laid low, no feller
is come up against us." H.
FENCED CITIES (BH^in, ot
n'n^a, Dan. xi. 15, from "1?^, cut off, sep-
arate, equivalent to D"H^ tyv^p^ Ota. Ml«
w4\eis &xvpal, rtixfiottt, rrrtrj^tapAraf. tiroes,
or chittttes, murata, mvnUa. mmatissima, fotna).
The broad distinction between a city and a village
in Biblical language has been shown to consist in
the possession of walls. [City.] The city had
walls, the village was unwalled,* or had only a
watchman's tower (v^JKJ : ripyof. turns cus-
todum ; compare Gesen. 267), to which the villagers
resorted in times of danger. A threefold distinc-
tion is thus obtained — (1) cities ; (2) unwalled
villages; (3) villages with castles or towers (I Chr.
xxvii. 25). The district east of the Jordan, form
ing the kingdoms of Moab and Bashan, is said to
have atxiunded from very early times in castles and
fortresses, such ss were built by Uzziah to protect
the cattle, and to repel the inroads of the neigh
boring tribes, besides unwalled towns (Amm. Marc,
xiv. 9; Deut iii. 6; 2 Chr. xxvi. 10). Of the*
many remains are thought by Mr. Porter to exist
at the present day ( Dimasetu, ii. 197). The dangers
to which unwalled villages are exposed from the
marauding tribes of the desert, and also the fortifi-
cations by which the inhabitants sometimes pro-
tect themselves, are illustrated by Sir J. Malcolm
(Sketches of Persia, c xiv. 148; and Frsser,
Persia, pp. 379, 380 ; oomp. Judg. v. 7). Villages
in the Hauran are sometimes inclosed by a wall,
or rather the houses being joined together form a
defense against Arab robbers, and the entrance is
closed by a gate (Burckhardt, Sgria, p. 213).
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FENCED CITIES
A Anther characteristic of a city as a fortified
place ia founil in the u«e of the word <T)^, build,
md also fortify. So that to " build " a city ap-
pears to be sometimes the aame thing at to fortify
it (comp. Gen. viii. 20, and 2 Chr. xvi. 6 with 2
Chr. id. 5-10, and 1 K. xt. 17).
The fortifications of the titles of Palestine, thus
regularly " fenced," consisted of one or more wails
ia owned with bat demented parapets, ni2Q, having
towers at regular intervals (2 Chr. xxxii. 5; Jer.
xzzi. 88), on which in later times engines of war
were placed, and watch was kept by day and night
in lime of war (2 Chr. zxvi. 9, 15; Judg. ix. 45;
I K. ix. 17). Along the oldest of the three walls
frails of Antloch. remarkable for their strength, and
the manner In which the/ are carried op and down
the sides of mountains.
of Jerusalem there were 90 towers ; in the second,
14; and in the third, 60 (Joseph. B. J. v. 4, § 2).
One such tower, that of Hananeel, is repeatedly
mentioned (Jer. xxxi. 38; Zech. xiv. 10), as also
others (Neh. iii. 1, 11, 27). The gate-ways of for-
tified towns were also fortified and closed with
Mrong doors (Neh. il. 8, iii. 3, 6, Ac. ; Judg. xvi.
2, 3; 1 Sam. xxiii. 7; 2 Sam. xviii. 24, 33; 2 Chr.
tiv. 7; 1 Mace xiii. 33, xv. 39). In advance of
the wall there appears to have been sometimes an
outwork ( v^n, wpoT«(x«rjua), in A. V. « ditch "
(1 K. xxi. 93; 2 Sam. xx. 15; Gea. The*, p. 454),
which was perhaps either a palisade or wall lining
'he ditch, or a wall raised midway within the ditch
itself. Both of these methods of strengthening
fortified places, by hindering the near approach of
machines, were usual in earlier Egyptian fortifica-
tion (Wilkinson, Anc. Kt/xpt. i. 408), but would
generally be of less use in the hill forts of Palestine
than in Egypt. In many towns there was a keep
or citadel for a last resource to the defenders.
Those remaining in the fftmrdn and lAdja are
square. Such existed at Sbechem and Thebez
(Judg. ix. 46, 61, viii. 17; 2 K. ix. 17), and the
{teat forts or towers of Psephinus, Hippicus, and
stpeehdly Antonss, served a similar purpose, as well
FENCED CITIES
4S that of overawing the town at Jerusalem. Tnast
forts were well furnished with cisterns (Aot* xxi.
34; 2 Mace v. 5 ; Joseph. Ant xviii. 4, § 3; B. J.
i. 5, § 4, v. 4, § 2, vi. 2, § 1). At the time of the
entrance of Israel into Canaan c*.n were many
fenced cities existing, which first caused great alanx;
to the exploring party of searchers (Num. xiii. 28),
and afterwards gave much trouble to the people in
subduing them. Many of these were refbrtified, or,
as it is expressed, rebuilt by the Hebrews (Nuxu.
xxxii. 17, 34-42; Dent, iii. 4, 5; Josh. xi. 12, 18;
Judg. i. 27-33), and many, especially those on the
sea-coast, remained for a long time in the posses
sion of their inhabitants, who were enabled to
preserve them by means of their strength in chariots
(Josh. xiii. 3, 6, xvii. 16; Judg. i. 19; 2 K. xviii.
8; 9 Chr. xxvi. 6). The strength of Jerusalem
was shown by the fact that that city, or at least
the citadel, or " stronghold of Zlon," remained in
the possession of the Jebusites until the time of
David (2 Sam. v. 6, 7; 1 Chr. xi. 5). Among the
kings of Israel and Judah several are mentioned aa
fortifiers or "builders" of cities: Solomon (1 K..
ix. 17-19; 2 Chr. viii. 4-«), Jeroboam I. (1 K. xu.
25), Rehoboam (2 Chr. xi. 5, 12), Baasha (1 K.
xv. 17), Omri (1 K. xvi. 24), Hanldan (2 chr.
xxxii. 6), Asa (2 Chr. xiv. 6, 7), Jehoshapbat (2
Chr. xvii. 12), but especially Uzziah (2 K. xiv. 22;
2 Chr. xxvi. 2, 9, 15), and in the reign of Ahab
the town of Jericho was rebuilt and fortified by a
private individual, Hiel of Bethel (1 K. xvi. 34).
Herod the Great was conspicuous in fortifying
strong positions, as Msssda, Machieros. Herodium,
besides his great works at Jerusalem (Joseph. B. J.
vii. 6, §§ 1, 2, and 8, § 3; B. J. 1. 91, $ 10; Ant.
xiv. 13, 9).
But the fortified places of Palestine served only
in a few instances to cheek effectually the progress
of an invading force, though many instances of
determined and protracted resistance are on record,
as of Samaria for three years (2 K. xviii. 10),
Jerusalem (2 K. xxv. 8) for four months, and in
The so-called Oolden Oats of Jerusalem, showtnf sap-
posed remains of the old *«wUh Wall.
later times of Jotapata, Gamala, Machnrus, Masada.
and above aU uerunuem itself, the strength of whose
defenses drew forth the admiration of the conqueror
Titos (Joseph. B. J. iU. 6, iv. 1 and 9, vii. «, M
9-4 and 8; Robb son, I. 939).
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rKRRBT
FESTIVALS
811
Aejvriao Fortifioattom. (Urald.)
Tin earlier Egyptian fortifications consisted
usually of a quadrangular and sometimes double
trail of Bun-dried brick, fifteen feet thick, and often
fifty feet in height, with square towers at intervals,
of the same height as the walls, both crowned with
a parapet, and a round-beaded battlement in shape
like a shield. A second lower wall with towers at
the entrance was added, distant 13 or 20 feet from
the main wall, and sometimes another was made of
70 or 100 feet in length, projecting at right angles
from the main wall to enable the defenders to annoy
the assailants in flank. The ditch was sometimes
fortified by a sort of tenaille in the ditch itself, or
a ravelin on its edge. In later times the practice
•f fortifying towns was laid aside, and the large
temples with their inclosures were made to serve
the purpose of forts (Wilkinson, Ane. Egypt i. 408,
409, abridgm.).
The fortifications of Nineveh, Babylon, Ecbatana,
and of Tyre and Sidon, are all mentioned, either
in the canonical books or the Apocrypha. In the
sculptures of Nineveh representations are found of
walled towns, of which one is thought to represent
Tyre, and all illustrate the mode of fortification
adopted both by the Assyrians and their enemies
'Jer. li. 30-32, 58; Am. i. 10; Zech. ii. 3; Ez.
•rvii. 11; Nab. iii. 14; Tob. i. 17, xiv. 14, 15;
»ud. i. 1, 4; Layard, Nin. vol. li. pp. 276, 279,
388, 395; Nin. f Bab. pp. 231, 358; Mm. of
Sin. pt. U. 39, 43). H. W. P.
FERRET (n|73y : nvya^if. mygaU), one of
the unclean creeping things mentioned in I.ev. xl.
30. The fivyakt of Aristotle (Hist. An. viii. 24)
is the .Was amneus, at shrew-mouse; but it it
more probable that the animal referred to in Lav.
was a reptile of the lizard tribe, deriving its name
from the mournful cry, or wail, which some lizards
• The orlgi tal meaning of the word 21"!
62
Is a
utter. The root is p3*}, to sigh or groan, The
Rabbinical writers seem to have identified this an-
imal with the hedgehog: see Lewysobn, ZoSL dt*
Tulmuds, §§ 129, 134. W. D.
FESTIVALS (□ s |n).<" The object of this
article is merely to give a classification of the sacred
times of the Hebrews, accompanied by some gen-
eral remarks. A particular account of eech festival
is given in its proper place.
I. The religious times ordained in the law fall
under three beads; (1.) Thoee formally connected
with the institution of the Sabbath. (-2.) The his-
torical or great festivals. (3.) The Day of Atone-
ment.
(1.) Immediately connected with the institution
of the Sabbath are —
(a.) The weekly Sabbath itself.
(4.) The seventh new moon or Feast of Trumn-
ets.
(c) The Sabbatical Tear.
(d.) The Year of Jubilee.
(2.) The great leasts (D^TS'lDi in the Tal-
mud, D s 7j^, pilgrimngi feasts) are —
(«.) The Passover.
(». ) The Feast of Pentecost, of Weeks, of Wheat-
harvest, or of the First- Fruiti.
(c.) The Feast of Tabernacles, or of Ingather-
ing.
On each of these occasions every male Israelite
was commanded " to appear before the Lord," that
is, to attend in the court of the tabernacle or the
Temple, and to make his offering with a Joyful
heart (Dent, xxrii. 7; Neh. viii. 9-12; cf. Joseph.
Ant. xi. 5, § 6). The attendance of women was
voluntary, but the zealo-js often went up to the
" dance."
from die i
Tie modem Arable term Had) to astir**
ass* mot (Own Vus. p 444).
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ttlS FESTIVALS
Passover. Thus Mary attended it (Luke U. 41),
and Hannah (1 Sam. i. 7, ii. 19). Aa might be
supposed, there was a stricter obligation regarding
the Passover than the other feasts, and hence there
was an express provision to enable those who, by
unavoidable circumstances or legal impurity, had
been prevented from attending at the proper time,
to observe the feast on the same day of the succeed-
ing month (Num. ix. 10-11).
On all the days of Holy Convocation there was
to be an entire suspension of ordinary labor of all
kinds (Ex. xii. 16; Lev. xvi. 89, xxiii. -21, 24, 25,
35). But on the intervening days of the longer
festivals work might be carried on."
Besides their religious purpose, the ^reat festi-
vals must have had an important bearing on the
maintenance of a feeling of national unity. This
may be traced in the apprehensions of Jeroboam
(1 K. xii. 26, 27), and in the attempt at reforma-
tion by Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxx. 1), as well aa in the
necessity which, in later times, was felt by the
Roman government of mustering a considerable
military force at Jerusalem during the festivals
(Joseph. Ant. xvii. 9, § 3, xvii. 10, § 2; cf. Matt.
xxvi. 5; Luke xiii. 1).
The frequent recurrence of the sabbatical num-
ber in the organization of these festivals is too
remarkable to be passed over, and (as Ewald has
observed) seems, when viewed in connection with
the sabbatical sacred times, to furnish a strong
proof that the whole system of the festivals of the
Jewish law was the product of one mind, l'ente-
cost occurs seven weeks after the Passover; the
Passover and the Keast of Tabernacles last seven
days each; the days of Holy Convocation are seven
in the year — two at the Passover, one at Pentecost,
one at the Feast of Trumpets, one on the Day of
Atonement, and two at the Feast of Tabernacles;
the Feast of Tabernacles, as well as the Day of
Atonement, falls in the seventh month of the sa-
cred year; and, lastly, the cycle of annual feasts
occupies seven months, from Nisan to Tisri.
The agricultural significance of the three great
festivals is clearly set forth in the account of the
Jewish sacred year contained in Lev. xxiii. The
prominence which, not only in that chapter but
elsewhere, is given to this significance, in the names
by which Pentecost and Tabernacles are often called,
and also by the offering of "the first-fruits of
wheat-harvest" at Pentecost (Ex. xxxiv. 92), and
of "the first of the first-fruits" at the Passover
(Ex. xxiii. 19, xxxiv. 26), might easily suggest that
the origin of the feasts was patriarchal (Ewald, AL-
ttrthUmer, p. 385), and that the historical associa-
tions with which Moses endowed them were grafted
ipon their primitive meaning. It is perhaps, how-
ever, a difficulty in the way of this view, that we
should rather look for the institution of agricultural
festivals amongst an agricultural than a pastoral
people, such as the Israelites and their ancestors
were before the settlement in the land of promise.
The times of the festivals were evidently ordained
in wisdom, so as to interfere as little as possible
with the industry of the people. The Passover was
held just before the work of harvest commenced,
Pentecost at the conclusion of the corn-harvest and
before the vintage, the Feast of Tabernacles after
FBSTU8
all the fruits of the ground wen gathered ax. I*
winter, when travelling was difficult, there wen at
festivals.
(8.) For the Day of Atonement, see that art
icle.
II. After the Captivity, the Feast of Purini
(Esth. ix. 20 ft) and that of the Dedication (1
Mace. iv. 50) were instituted. The Festivals of
Wood-carrying, as they were called (iofnut tw
fyihapopimv), are mentioned by Josephus (B. J. ii.
17, § 6) and the Misbna ( Tiumith, iv. 5). What
appears to have been their origin is found in Keh.
x. 34. The term, "the Festival of the Basket '
(eoprJ) xopfifXAov) is applied by Philo to the of
fering of first-fruits described in DeuU xxvi. 1-11
(Philo, vol v. p. (1). [Kikst-Fhuits.]
The system of the Hebrew festivals is treated at
large by Bahr (SymbvUk da MotaitcJicm Cultta,
uk. iv.), by Ewald (Akcrthimer, p. 379 ff.), and
by Philo, in a characteristic manner (n*pl riji
EjSSeW, Opp. vol. v. p. 21, ed. Tauch.).
8. C.
FESTUS, POB'CIUS (n4>«oi ♦wrrot.
Acts xxiv. 27), successor of Felix as procurator of
Judas (Acta t. c ,' Joseph. Ant. xx. 8, § 9; B. J.
ii. 14, § 1), sent by Nero, prolably in the autumn
of the year 60 A. D. (See Fklix.) A few weeks
after Festus reached his province be heard the cause
of St. Paul, who had been left a prisoner by Felix,
in the presence of Herod Agrippa II. and Bernice
his sister. Not finding anything in the Apostle
worthy of death or of bonds, and being confirmed
in this view by his guests, he would have set him
free had it not been that Paul had himself pre-
viously (Acts xxv. 11, 12) appealed to Caesar. In
consequence, Festus sent him to Home. Judaea
was in the same disturbed state during the procn-
ratorship of Festus, which had prevailed through
that of his predecessor. Sicarii, robbers, and ma-
gicians were put down with a strong band (Ant.
xx. 8, § 10). Festus had a difference with the
Jews at Jerusalem about a high wall which they
had built to prevent Agrippa seeing from his palace
into the court of the Temple. As this also hid the
view of the Temple from the Koman guard ap-
pointed to watch it during the festivals, the proc-
urator took strongly the side of Agrippa; but
permitted the Jews to send to Rome for the decision
of the emperor. He being influenced by Popptea,
who was a proselyte, decided in favor of the Jews.
Festus died probably in the summer of 62 A. D.,
having ruled the province less than two years. The
chronological questions concerning his entrance on
the province and his death are too intricate and
difficult to be entered on here, but will be found
fully discussed by Anger, de ttmporum in Act.
Apott. ration*, p. 99 ff., and Wieseler, Chronologit
dtr ApotUlyrschichUy pp. 89-99. Josephus implies
(B. J. ii. 14, § 1) that Festus was a just as well as
an active magistrate. H. A.
* A question arises under this nam» respecting
Luke's accuracy.
Could Festus in the reign of Nero call the em-
peror hit lord in accordance with Roman usage, as
be is said to have done, Acts xxv. 26? A free
Roman under the republic never called any one his
xifva or domatm, wh'ch Latin word, denoting
a The Law always speaks of the Days of Holy Con-
vocation at Sabbaths. But the Mlshoa makes a dit-
eswaVm, and states to detail what acts may be par*
fcrmsd an tn« former, which are unlawra' «n the
Sabbath, in the treatise Tarn Zbe; while in
Kaion It lays down strange and
ttons In reference *» 'h* intermediate dan
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FETTERS
tome muter, stive-master, is the equivalent of
>«o-w»nji, and i"t a degree of xipiot. If <4>m»n«»,
Mw, at a subsequent period could be so used, much
•tore lebptos could be. That it could be and was
10 used we have the means of showing. Under
Augustus, when a mime in' the theatre uttered the
words, "O dominum tequum "t bouum," theaudi-
snce applied it to the emperor nod expressed loud
applause (Sueton. August. § 53). Augustus re-
buked the use of the term, but could not repress
it, nor could Tiberius prevent its application tu
himself (Sueton. Tiber. § 27; Tac. Ann. ii. 87).
1'hilo, in his account of hi* legation to Caligubi,
makes Herod Agrippa call that emperor It trwirnr,
and even Philo's fellow-delegates address him as
mpioi. Afterwards, in addressing the emperor, it
became much more frequent. The letters of Pliny
to Trajan, and those of Fronto to Marcus Aurelius
before bis accession to the imperial power, begin
with domino meo. So in addresses to a crowd, to
unknown and even to known persons of no very
high rank the same title was given, and that dur-
ing the reign of Nero himself (Dion Cass. hi. 20).
The lapidary style from Tiberius onward follows in
the same track. The earliest use of dominus, as
s title of the emperor, on inscriptions belongs to
the age of Domiti&n, but Kvpios, especially on
Egyptian marbles, is the emperor's title of honor
in very many instances, and from an earlier date.
Thus Nero was so called. Moreover children called
their parents so, and friends each other. " Illud
mini iii ore erat aoiaini met Gallionis," says Seneca
aider Nero, speaking of his brother the " deputy
of Achaia" (Epist. 104). These remarks serve to
show the wonderful accuracy of Luke in the Acts,
of which accuracy all new study is constantly fur-
nishing additional proof. See a copious discussion
3f this topic in the BibL Sacra, xriii. 596-608.
T. D. W.
FETTERS (D?PH#T3, b^, D^). (l.J
The first of these Hebrew words, nechushtaim, ex-
presses the material of which fetters were usually
made, namely, brasi (WSeu xaKical: A. V. "fet-
ters of brass "), and also that they were made in
pain, the word being in the dual number: it is
the most usual term for fetters (Judg. xvi. 21; 2
Sam. iii. 34; 2 K. xxr. 7; 2 Chr. xxxiii. 11, xxxri.
6; Jer. xxxix. 7, Iii. 11). Iron was occasionally
employed for the purpose (Ps. cv. 18, cxlii. 8).
(2.) Cebel occurs only in the above Psalms, and,
from its appearing in the singular number, may
perhaps apply to the link which connected the fet-
ters. Zik/am ("fetters," Jot xxxvi. 8) is more
usually translated "chains" (Ps. cxlix. 8; Is. xlv.
14; Nah. iii. 10), but its radical sense appears to
refer to the contraction of the feet by a chain
(Oe*ea. Tkes. p. 424). [Fetters of iron (jeitcu)
ire probably meant in Mark v. 4 bit and Luke viii.
29. See Chaws. H.] W. L. B.
fever (nrn!2, npb^, iryin : r*r«pot,
»ty<n, iptturfiis: Lev. xxvi. 16, Deut. xxviii. 22).
These words, from various roots « signifying heat or
rnflammation, are rendered in the A. V. by various
word* suggestive of fever, or a feverish affection.
The word ityos (" shuddering ") suggests the ague
■ accompanied by fever, as in the opinion of the
LJCX. probably intended ; and this is still a very
• Winer suggests the Arabic -,^- - , ^- vjlch he
snisrs Huckjhus, i. ». choking |*Usjm It rather
FIELD 81€
common disease in Palestine; the third word, which
they render tptttauis (a term still known U
pathology), a feverish irritation, and which in the
A. V. is called burning fever, may perhaps be ery-
sipelas. Fever constantly accompanies the bloody
flux, or dysentery (Acts xxviii. 8 ; corup. De Man-
delslo, Travels, ed. 1669, p. 65). Fevers of an
inflammatory character are mentioned (Burckhardt,
Arab. i. 446) as common at Mecca, and putrid ones
at I)jidds- Intermittent fever and dysentery, the
latter often fetal, are ordinary Arabian diseases.
For the former, though often fatal to strangers, the
natives care little, but much dread a relapse. These
fevers sometimes occasion most troublesome swell-
ings in the stomach and legs (ii. 290,291).
' H. H.
FIELD (nitj?). The Hebrew utdeh is not
adequately represented by our feld: the two words
agree in describing cultivated land, but they differ in
point of extent, the iideh Veing specifically applied
to what is uninctostd, while the opposite notion of
inclosure is involved in the viorifeld. The essence
of the Hebrew word has been variously taken to lie
in each of these notions, Geseuius (The*, p. 1321)
giving it the sense of freedom, Stanley (p. 490)
that of smoothness, comparing arvwn from arare
On the one hand sndeh is applied to any cultivated
ground, whether pasture (Gen. xxix. 2, xxxi. 4,
xxxiv. 7; Ex. ix. 3), tillage (Geo. xxxrii. 7, xlvii
24; Ruth ii. 2, 3; Job xxiv. 6; Jer. xxvi. 18; Mic.
iii. 12), woodland (1 Sam. xiv. 25, A. V. "ground " ;
Ps. cxxxii. 0), or mountain-top (Judg. ix. 32, 36;
2 Sam. i. 21); and in some instances in marked
opposition to the neighboring wilderness (Stanley,
pp. 23G, 490), as in the instance of Jacob settling
in the field of Shechem (Gen. xxxiii. 19), the field
of Moab (Gen. xxxvi. 35; Num. xxi. 20, A. V.
" country " ; Kuth i. 1), and the vale of Siddini,
i. e. of the otitic tied fells, which formed the oasis
of the Pentapolis (Gen. xiv. 3, 8), though a differ-
ent sense has been giveu to the name (by Gesenius,
Tltes. p. 1321). On the other hand the sadeh is
frequently contrasted with what is inclosed, whether
a vineyard (Ex. xxii. 5; Lev. xxv. 3, 4; Num. xvi
14, xx. 17; compare Num. xxii. 23, "the ass went
into the field," with verse 24, " a path of the vine-
yards, a wall being on this side and a wall on that
side "), a garden (the very name of which, JJ, im-
plies inclosure), or a walled town (Deut. xxviii. 3,
16); unwalled villages or scattered houses ranked
in the eye of the law as fields (Lev. xxv. 31), and
hence the expression tli robs aypovs — houses in
the f elds (in villas, Vuig.; Mark vi. 36, 56). In
many passages the term implies what is remote
from a house (Gen. iv. 8, xxiv. 63; Deut. xxii. 25 >
or settled habitation, as in the case of Esau (Gen.
xxv. 27 ; the LXX., however, refer it to his char-
acter) aypoutos): this is rore fully expressed by
flT??"? ^j??, <*« «¥*» fid* (Lev. xir. 7, 53, xvii.
5; Num. xii. 16; 2 Sam. xi. 11), with which is
naturally coupled the notion of exposure and de-
sertion (Jer. ix. 22; Ez. xvi. 5, xxxii. 4, xxxiii. 97,
xxxix. 5).
The separate plots of ground were marked off by
stones, which might easily be removed (Dent, xfak
seems to n <an the frothing at the mouth which a»
companies the violent religious exerdtrlons of the
rautleal Arabs on the M»sb>n of the rastival of thi
MeM-Moota.
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HELD
14, nrrtl. 17; ef. Job xxir. 9; Prov. xxii. 38, ndU.
10): the absence of fence* rendered the fields liable
to damage from straying cattle (Ki. xxii. S) or fire
(tot. 6 ; 3 Sam. xiv. 80) : hence the necessity of
constantly watching flocks and nerds, the people so
sniployed being in the present day named Nntuor
(Wortabet, Syria, i. 2!M). A certain amount of
protection was gained by sowing the tallest and
strongest of the grain crops on the outside:
"spelt" appears to have been most commonly
used for this purpose (Is. xxviii. 35, as in the mar-
gin). From toe absence of inclogures, cultivated
land of any size might be termed a field, whether
it were a piece of ground of limited area (Gen.
xxiii. 13, 17; Is. v. 8), a man's whole inheritance
(Lev. xxvii. 16 ff.; Ruth iv. 5; Jer. xxxii. 9, 25;
Prcv. xxvii. 36, xxxi. 16), the ager publicu$ of a
town (Gen. xli. 48; Neb. xii. 29), as distinct, how-
ever, from the ground immediately adjacent U> the
walls of the Levitical cities, which was called
nrjJCJ (A. V. suburbs), and was deemed an ap-
pendage of the town itself (Josh. xxi. 11, 12), or
lastly the territory of a people (Gen. xiv. 7, xxxii.
3, xxxvi. 35; Num. xxi. 20; Kuth i. 6, iv. 3:
1 Sam. vi. I, xxvii. 7, 11). In 1 Sam. xxvii. 5,
" a town in the field " (A. V. country) = a pro-
vincial town as distinct from the royal city. A
plot of ground separated from a larger one was
termed rqty H^n (Gen. xxxHL 19; Kuth U.
3: 1 Chr. xi. 18), or simply TI^TJ (3 Sam. xiv.
30, xxiii. 12; ef. 2 Sam. xix. 39)! Fields occa-
siotudly received names after remarkable events, as
HeUutth-llazzurim, the fittd of the ttrong men, or
possibly of ticordt (3 Sam. ii. 16), or from the use
to which they may have been applied (2 K. xviii.
17; Is. vii. 3; Matt, xxvii. 7).
It should be observed that the expressions " fruit-
fid field" (Is. x. 18, xxix. 17, xxxii. 15, 16) and
"plentiful field" (Is. xvi. 10; Jer. xlviii. 33) are
not connected with tndeh, but with carmel, mean-
ing a park or well-kept wood, as distinct from a
«-uderness or a forest. The same term occurs in
3 K. xix. 23, and Is. xxxvii. 34 (A. V. Carmel),
Is. I. 18 (forest), and Jer. iv. 26 (fruitful place)
[CakuklJ. Distinct from this is the expression
in E*. xvii. 5, JHTTnip (A. V. fruitful feid),
which means a field suited* for planting suckers.
We have further to notice other terms — (1.)
Sherlemoth (mCJTtp), translated "fields," and
connected by Gesenius with tin idea of indotmre.
It is doubtful, however, whether the notion of
turning does not rather lie at the bottom of the
word. This gives a more consistent sense through-
out In Is. xvi. 8, it would thus mean the withered
£rape; in Hab. iii. 17, blast nl corn; in Jer. xxxi.
40, the burnt parts of the city (no " fields " inter-
vened between the southeastern angle of Jerusalem
and the Kidron); while in 2 K. xxiii. 4, and Deut
xxxii. 33, the sense of a place of burning is appro-
priate. It is not therefore necessary to treat the
word in Is. xxxvii. 27, "blasted," as a oomipt
reading. (3.) Abel (v"3^), a well-vafered spot,
frequently employed a* a prefix in proper names.
(3.) Achu (VTljjl), a word of Egyptian origin,
pveu in the LXX. in a Graeuixed form, Sv« (Gen.
ill. 3,18, "meadow;" Job viii 11, "flag;" Is.
dx. 7, LXX.), rreauing the flags and rushes that
FIG-TREE
grow in the marshes of lower Egypt (4.) Jfaarva
(•""""ISS?), which occurs only once (Judg. xx. S3
" meadows "): it bas been treated as a oorruptioc
either of rn^D, cave, or 3115P, from the we*
(oto tuo-umr, LXX.). But the sense of openness
or exposure may be applied to it: thus, "they came
forth on account of the exposure of Gibeah," toe
Benjamites having been previously enticed away
(ver. 31). W. LB.
* This practicx of leaving the fields of different
proprietors uninckwed, or separated only by it nar-
row foot-path, explains other Scripture statemect*
or allusions. Thus the sower, scattering his seed
as he approaches the end or side of his own lot, t*
liable to have some of the grains fall of yond Use
ploughed portion; and there, exposed on the hard
earth (see Matt xiii. 4), the fowls may oome and
devour them up. In this way also wu may under-
stand the Saviour'* passing with his disciple*
through the corn-fields on the Sabbath. Instead
of crossing the fields and trampling down the
grain, they no doubt followed one of these path*
between the fields, where the grain stood within
their reach. The object being to appease tlieir
hunger, the " plucking of the ears of oora to eat "
was not, according to Jewish ideas, a violation of
the rights of property, nor was it for that that the
Pharisee* complained of the disciples, but for break-
ing the Sabbath (Luke vi. 1 ff.). The people cf
Palestine grant the same liberty to the hungry at
the present time (Kob. BibL Ret. ii. 193). Kuth,
it is said, gleaned in "a part of the field belonging
to Boa* " (Ruth ii. 3). We are to think of an
open cultivated tract of country, the property of
various owners, and the particular part of this
uninclosed field to which the steps of toe gleaner
brought her, was the part which belonged to Boaz.
In the N. T., "fields" (kypol) occasionally
means farm-houses or hamlets, in distinction from
villages and towns. See Mark v. 14, vi. 36, 56,
where we have " country " in the A. V. H.
• FIELD, FULLER'S, THE. [Fuller-*
Field, The.]
•FIELD, POTTER'S, THE. [Acel-
dama; Pottkk's Field, The.]
FIG, FIG-TREE, njNfl, a word of fre-
quent occurrence in the O. T., where it slgtiHhg
the tree Ficut carica of linnets, and also its
fruit. The LXX. render it by o-wrij and o-Sa-e*-,
and when it signifies fruit by ovirfi [ ?] —also by o-v
K«£r or ovxtSr, fcetum, in Jer. v. 17 and Am. hr.
9. In N. T. avKrj is the fig-tree, and b-vko. the
fig* (Jam. LI. 19). The fig-tree is very conusor
in Palestine (Deut. viii. 8). Monnt Olivet mm
famous for it* fig-trees in ancient times, and they
are still found there (see Stanley, S. o? P. pp. 1ST,
431, 422). " To sit under ouc's own vine and cn*'i
own fig-tree " became a proverbial expression among
the Jews to denote peace and prosperity (1 K. hr.
25; Mic iv. 4; Zcch. iii. 10). The character of
the tree, with it* wide-spreading branches, aecordi
well with the derivation of the name from fHJ-l
to stretch out, porrexit brachia. In Gen. W, »
the identification of njWjl Jib"? with the leaves
of the Ficut carica hi* been disputed by Gesa-
nius, Tuch, and others, who think that the larg*
leaves of the Indian Musn paradisiaca are roesaf
(Germ. Adamtfeigt — fr.Jtguier ttAdam\. Tkast
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FIO-TftEE
awes, h iwsver, would not hare needed to be Strang
>r sewn together, and the plant itaelf is not of the
nine kind with the fig-tree.
When figs are spoken of u distinguished from
the fig-tree, the plur. form ffONrp is need (ne
Jer. Tiii. 13). There are also the words rT^O^,
3?, and H^ai, signifying different kinds of
ngs. (o.) in Ho* u. 10, n^w-ia rrya? sig-
nifies the firtt ripe of the fig-tree, and tie same
word occurs in Is. xxviii. 4. and in Mic. vii. 1
(eoiup. Jer. xxiv. 2). Lowth, on Is. xxviii. 4,
quotes from Shaw's Trav. p. 370, fol, a notice of
the earl; fig called bocctrt, and in Spanish Alba-
eora. (4.) 1? is the unripe fig, which hangs
through th* winter. It is mentioned o.ily in Cant,
li. 13, and its name comes from the root 2}^,
crwhu fwX The LXX. render it 6\w9oi. It »
found in the Greek word BTfiipayi = "'SW f^ 1 ?,
» house of green figs " (see Buxt. col. 1691).
(e.) In the historical books of the 0. T. mention
is made of cakes of figs, used as articles of food,
snd compressed into that form for the sake of keep-
ing them. They also appear to have been used
remedially for boils (2 K. xx. 7; Is. xxxviii. 21).
Such a cake was called nbgJT, or more fully
QVJMP n*?.3"7, on account of its shape, from
root ?3" ! t, to make round. Hence, or rather
from the Syriae W^TSH, the first letter being
dropt, came the Greek word iraArf&n. Atheneus
(xi. 500, ed. Casaub.) makes express mention of the
wa\d9ri Ivpicucfi- Jerome on Ex. vi. describes the
wa\dBii to be a mass of figs and rich dates, formed
into the shape of bricks or tiles, and compressed in
order that they may keep. Such cakes harden so
u to need cutting with an axe. W. D.
FIG-TREE
821
Pig— Fiaa car tea.
Few passages in the (iuspels hare given occt
•ton to so mncb permexity as that of St. Mark
si. 13, where the Evangelist i elates the circum-
stance of our Lord's cursing the fig-tree near Beth
any: " And seeing a fig-tree afar off having leaves
he came, if haply he might find anything thereon .
and when he came to it, be found nothing but
leaves; for the time offigt ua$ not ytt." The ap-
parent unreasonableness of seeking fruit at a time
when none could naturally be expected, and the
consequent injustice of the sentence pronounced
upon the tree, is obvious to every reader.
The fig-tree ( Ficut carica) in Palestine produces
fruit at two, or even three different periods of the
year: first, there is the bkcirdh, or "early ripe
fig," frequently mentioned in the O. T. (see Mic.
vii. 1; Is. xxviii. 4; Hot. ix. 10), which ripens on
an average towards the end of June, though iu fa-
vorable places of soil or temperature the figs may
ripen a little earlier, while under less favorable
circumstances they may not be matured till tlie
middle of July. The bkc&r&h drops off the tree
as soon as ripe; hence the allusion in Nah. iii. li
when shaken they " even fall into the mouth of the
eater." Shaw (Trav. i. 264, 8vo ed.) aptly com-
pares the Spanish name breba for this early fruit,
" quasi breve," as continuing only for a short time.
About the time of the ripening of the biccurim,
the karmntse or summer fig begins to be formed ;
these rarely ripen before August, when another
crop, called "the winter fig," appears. Shaw de-
scribes this kind as being of a much longer shape
and darker complexion than the knrmoute, hanging
and ripening on the tree even after the leaves are
sbed, and, provided the winter proves mild and
temperate, as gathered as a delicious morsel in the
spring. (Comp. also Pliny, //. tf. xvi. 26, 27.)
The attempts to explain the above-quoted pas-
sage in St. Mark are numerous, and for the most
part very unsatisfactory; passing over, therefore,
the ingenious though objectionable reading pro-
posed by Dan. Heinsius (A'xercft. Sac. ed. 1639,
p. 1 16) of oJ yap %v, Kcupbt ointw — " where he
was, it was the season for figs" —and merely men-
tioning another proposal to read that clauw
of the evangelist's remark as a question,
" for was it not the season of figs? " and the
no less unsatisfactory rendering of Hammond
(AmioU on St. Mark), " it was not a good
season for figs," we come to the interpreta-
tions which, though not perhaps of recent
origin, we find in modem works.
The explanation which has found favor
with most writers is that which understands
the words Kaipbs triicav to mean "the fig-
harvest:" the yip in this case is refemd
not to the clause immediately preceding, " he
found nothing but leaves," but to the mors
remote one, " he came if haply he might fled
anything thereon;" for a similar imjection
it is usual to refer to Mark xvi. 3, 4 : the
, -fu-i-. of the whole passage would then be as
\)follovrs: " And seeing a fig-tree afar off hav-
ing leaves, be came if perchance he might
finci any fruit on it (and he ought to have
found some), for the time of gathering it
hail not yet arrived, but when he came he
found nothing but leaves.' (See the notes
in the Greek Testarienta of Burton, TroUope,
infield, Webster and Wilkinson; Mae-
lit. Il'irm. of the (JotptU, ii. 691, note,
180U; Klsley's Annot. ad 1. c, Ac.) A for-
cible objection to this explanation will be
found i" the fact that at the time implied, namely,
the and of M»Th or the beginning of April, no figs
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822
FIG TREE
at all ratable woiUil he found on the trees: the Ato-
r.uiim stjdom ripen in Palestine before the end of
Jane, and at the tiiue of the Passover the fruit, to use
Shaw's expression, would be " hard and no bigger
than common plums," corresponding in this state
to tbepnggta (O s 29) of Cant ii. 13, wholly unfit
for food in an unprepared state, and it is but rea-
sonable to infer that our Lord expected to find some-
thing more palatable than these small sour things
upon a tree which by its show of foliage bespoke,
though falsely, a corresponding show of good fruit,
for it is important to remember that the fruit come*
brfwe tlie leaves. Again, if Kupis denotes the
" fig-harvest," we must suppose, that although the
fruit might not have been ripe, the season was not
very far distant, and that the figs in consequence
must have been considerably more matured than
these hard paggim; but is it probable that St.
Mark should have thought it necessary to state that
it was not yet the season for gathering figs in March,
when they could not have been fit to gather before
June at the earliest?
There is another way of seeking to get over the
difficulty, by supposing that the tree in question
was not of the ordinary kind. Celsius (Uierob. ii.
386) says there is a peculiar fig-tree known to the
Jews by the name of Btnoth-diuach (I1W H132),
which produces grmsuli, " small unripe figs " (pag-
gtm) every year, but only good fruit every third
year; and that our Lord came to this tree at a
time when the ordinary annual grotsuli only were
produced ! We are ignorant as to what tree the
Benoth-shuach may denote, but it is obvious that
the apparent wirtatunibleneu remains as it was.
As to the tree which Whitby {Comment, tn
Mark, 1. c.) identifies with the one in question,
that it was that kind which Theophrastus (/fist
Plant, iv. 2, § 4) calls belQvWor, " evergreen," it
is enough to observe that this is no fig at all, but
the Carob or Locust tree (Ceratoma tiHqua).
it appears to us, after a long and diligent study
of the whole question, that the difficulty is best
met by looking it full in the face, and by admitting
that the words of the evangelist are to be taken in
the natural order in which they stand, neither
having recourse to trojectum, nor to unavailable
attempt* to prove that eatable figs could have been
found on the trees in March. It is true that occa-
sionally the winter figs remain on the tree in mild
seasons, and may be gathered the following spring,
but this is not to be considered a usual circuni-
rtance; and even ttiest figs, which ripen late in the
year, do not, in the natural order of things, con-
tinue on the tree at a time when it is shooting
forth its leaves.
But, after all, where is the unrentonnbleness of
the whole transaction ? It was stated above that
the fruit of the fig-tree appears before the leaves ;
consequently if the tree produced leaves it should
also have had some figs as well. As to what nat-
ural causes had operated to effect so unusual a
Jiing as for a fig-tree to have leaves in March, it is
unimportant to Inquire; but the stepping out of
-he way with the possible chance («/ &pa, si forte,
' under the circumstances; " see Winer, Gram, of
ff. T. Diction, p. 465, Masson's transl.) of finding
wtable fruit on a fig-tree in leaf at the end of
March, would probably be repeated by any observ-
uit modern traveller in Palestine. The whole
question turns on the pretention* of the tree; had
•t not proclaimed by its foliage its superiority over
rther fiv-tnes, and thus proudly exhibited Its nre-
FIK
codowmeu, had our Lord at th.it season cf Ox
year visited any of the other fig-trees upon which
no leaves had as yet appeared with the prospect of
biding fruit, — then the case would be altered, and
the unreasonableness and injustice real. The wordi
of St. Mark, therefore, are to be understood in the
sense which the order of the words naturally sag
gests. The evangelist gives the reason why no
fruit itxu found on the tree, namely, " because it
was not the time for fruit; " we are left to infes
the reason why it ought to have had fruit if it were
true to its pretensions; and it must be remembered
that this miracle had a typical design, to show ho*
God would deal with the Jews, who, professing like
this precocious fig-tree " to be first," should be
" last " in bis favor, seeing that no fruit was pre
duced in their lives, but only, as Wordsworth well
expresses it, u the rustling leaves of a religious
profession, the barren traditions of the Pharisees,
the ostentatious display of the Law, and vain exu-
berance of words without the good fruit of works."
Since the above was written we have referred to
Trench's .Votes on the Miracles (p. 438), and find
that this writer's remarks are strongly corroborative
of the views expressed in this article. The follow-
ing observation is so pertinent that we cannot
do better than quote it : " All the explanations
which go to prove that, according to the natural
order of things in a climate like that of Palestine,
there might have been, even at this early time cf
the year, figs on that tree, either winter figs which
bad survived till spring, or the early figs of spring
themselves — all these, ingenious as they often are,
yet seem to me beside the matter. For, without
entering further into the question whether they
prove their point or not, they shatter upon that
oi yap $r natpis aimtv of St. Mark; from which
it is plain that no tuch calculation of probabilities
brought the Lord thither, but thote abnormal leave*
which he had a right to count mould have been ac-
companied with abnormal fruit." See also Trench's
admirable reference to Kz. xvii. 24. W. H.
* Lange (Bibehcerk, ii. 116) adopts the trajecHon
view, mentioned in the preceding article. In the
ov yap clause, he finds in effect a reason, not why
Jesus should not have expected to find figs on the
tree (namely, because it was not the time for figs
to be ripe), but just the reverse, i. e. why he might be
expected to have found them (since the leaves had
come) provided it was not so late in the season that
they had been gathered. Mark states, therefore,
essentially for tie reader's information, that this
reason.for the disappointment (ou Tip j|r icaipbs
aixuv) did not exist, and hence the deceitful tree
could justly serve as a fit symbol of false professors
of the gospel. The season for the harvesting of
figs differs in different lands. Hence Mark's foreign
readers (he only gives the explanation) would need
to be informed, that it was not, in this partic-
ular instance, too early for figs on the one hand
(as the leaves showed), and not too late on the
other, as the harvest-time was not past. For tin
possibility that a species of the fig-tree might haw
leaves, and even fruit, " in the warm, sheltered ra
vines of Olivet," at the time of the Passover se.
Thomson's Land 4 Book, i. 538. H.
FIR (ttfn?, birith ; CTTTI?, MrbtMm
apKtvOot, nitpot, wins, Kimipiavos, weixn
nine*, cuprcstus). The Hebrew term in all proba-
bility denotes either the F'tui hnlrpentis or '.bt
Jumperu* excels*, both ot which trees grow it
Lebanon and would supply excellent timber for to*
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FIRE
I imposes t) which we learn in Scripture the btrttk
wm appliel ; u, for instance, for board* 01 planks
for the Temple (1 K. vi. 16); for iu two doors
(ver. 34); for the ceiling of the greater house d
Chr. iii. 5); for ahip-boarda (Ez. xxvii. 6); for
muaical inatramenta (2 Sam. vi. 5). The red heart-
wood of the tall fragrant juniper of Lebanon was
do doubt extensively uaed in the building of the
Temple; and the identification of berdih or btrttk
with this tree receives additional confirmation from
the LXX. words iptcwSot and ictgpos, "a juni-
per." The deodar, the larch, and Scotch fir, which
hare been bj some writers identified with the be-
rtJsA, do not exist in Syria or Palestine. [Cedar.]
W. H.
FIRE (1. ttfcl: wvp: ignis: 9. "I^and also
"W : ipiis : fax ,' flame or light). The applications
of fire in Scripture ma; be classed as: —
I. licliijumt. — (1.) That which consumed the
burnt sacrifice, and the incense offering, beginning
with the sacrifice of Noah (Gen. viii. 20), and con-
tinued in the ever burning fire on the altar, first
kindled from heaven (Lev. vi. 9, 13, iz. 24), and
rekindled at the dedication of Solomon's Temple
(2 Chr. vii. 1, 3). (2.) The symbol of Jehovah's
presence, and the instrument of his power, in the
way either of approval or of destruction (Ex. iii. 2.
xiv. 19, xix. 18; Num. xi. 1, 3; Judg. xiii. 20;
1 K. xviii. 38; 2 K. 1. 10, 12, ii. 11, vi. 17; comp.
Is. Ii. 6, Ixvi. 15, 24; Joel ii. 30; Mai. iii. 2, 3, iv.
1; Mark ix. 44; 2 Pet. iii. 10; Ker. xx. 14, 18:
If eland, Ant. Saer. 1. 8, p. 20 ; Jennings, Jewish
Ant. ii. 1, p. 301; Joseph. Ant. iii. 8, § 6, viii. 4,
5 4). Parallel with this application of fire and
with its symbolical meaning is to be noted the sim-
ilar use for sacrificial purposes, and the respect paid
to it, or to the heavenly bodies as symbols of deity,
which prevailed among so many nations of antiq-
uity, and of which the traces are not even now
extinct: t. g. the Sabeean and Magian systems of
worship, and their alleged connection with Abra-
ham (Spencer, de Leg. Ilebr. ii. 1, 2) ; the occa-
sional relapse of the Jews themselves into sun-, or
its corrupted form of fire-worship (Is. xxvii. 9;
comp. Gesen. ]Jpn, p. 489; Deut xvii. 8; Jer.
viii. 2: Ez. viii. 16; Zeph. i. 5; 2 K. xvii. 16, xxi.
3, xxiii. 5, 10, 11, 13; Jahn, Arch. B'M. c. vi.
§§ 405,408) [Moloch] ; the worship or deification
of heavenly bodies or of fire, prevailing to some
extent, as among the Persians, so also even in
Kgjpt (Her. iii. 16; Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, i. 328,
abridgm.); the sacred fire of the Greeks and Ro-
tcars (Thuc. i. 24, ii.' 15; Cic. de Leg. it 8, 12;
Lir. xi viii. 12; Dionys. ii. 67; Phit. If tuna, 9, i.
288, ed. Reiake) ; the ancient forms and usages of
torship, differing from each other in some impor-
Unt respects, but to some extent similar in princi-
ple, of Mexico and Peru (Prescott, Mexico, i. 60,
$4; Peru, 1. 101); and hutly the theory of the ao-
alled Guebres of Persia, and the Parseea of Bom-
bay. (Kraser, Persia, c. iv. pp. 141, 162, 164; Su-
it K. Porter, Travels, ii. 50, 424; Cbardin, Voy-
'get, ii. 310, iv. 258, viii. 367 ff.; Niebuhr, Voy.
:aet, ii. 36, 37; Mandclslo, Travels, b. i. p. 76;
tibbon, Hist. e. viii., i. 335, ed. Smith; Benj. of
;dela, Early Trap. pp. 114, 116; Burckhardt,
byi-iVt, p. 156.)
The jerpetual fire on the altar was to be replen-
kbed with wood every morning (Lev. vi. 12; comp.
b. xxxi. 9). According to the Gemara, it ww
■ivided into 3 parts, one for burning the victims
irIRE
828
one for incense, and one for supply of the other por-
tions (\jsv. vi. 15; Reland, Antiq. Itcb. i. 4, 8, p.
26; and ix. 10, p. 98). Tire for sacred purposes
obtained elsewhere than from the altar was called
"strange fire," and for use of such Nadab and
Abibu were punished with death by fire from God
(Lev. x. 1, 2: Num. iii. 4, xxvi. 61).
(3.) In the case of the spoil taken from the Mid-
unites, such articles as could bear it were purified
by fire as well as in the water appointed for the
purpose (Num. xxxi. 23). The victims slain fin
sin-offering) were afterwards consumed by fire out.
side the camp (Lev. iv. 12, 21, vi. 30, xvi. 27.
Heb. xiii. 11). The Nazarite who had completed
his row, marked its completion by shaving his head
and casting the hair into the fire on the altar on
which the peace-offerings were being sacrificed
(Num. vi. 18).
II. Domestic. — Besides for cooking purposes, fire
is often required in Palestine for warmth (Jer.
xxxvi. 22; Mark xiv. 54; John xviii. 18; Harmer,
Obs. i. 125; Kaumer, p. 79). For this purpose a
hearth with a chimney is sometimes constructed,
on which either lighted wood or pans of charcoal
are placed (Harmer, i. 405). In Persia a hole
made in the flour is sometimes filled with charcoal,
on which a sort of table is set covered with a car-
pet ; and the company placing their feet under the
carpet draw it over themselves (Olearius, Travels,
p. 294; Chardin, Voyagts, viii. 190). Rooms in
Egypt are warmed, when necessary, with pans of
charcoal, as there are no fire-places except in the
kitchens (Lane, Mod. Egypt i. 41; English*, in
Egypt, ii. 11). [Coal, Amer. ed.]
On the Sabbath the law forbade any fire to be
kindled even for cooking (Ex. xxxv. 3; Num. xv.
32). To this general prohibition the Jews added
various refinements, «. g. that on the eve of the
Sabbath no one might read with a light, though
passages to be read on the Sabbath by children in
schools might be looked out by the teacher. If a
Gentile lighted a lamp, a Jew might use it, but not
if it had been lighted for the use of the Jew. If
a festival day fell on the Sabbath eve no cooking
was to be done (MUhn. Shnbb. i. 3, xvi. 8, vol ii.
4, 56, Mutd Kuton, ii. vol. ii. 287, Surenhus.).
III. The dryness of the land in the hot season
in Syria of course increases liability to accident
from fire. The Law therefore ordered that any one
kindling a fire which caused damage to corn in a
field should make restitution (Ex. xxii. 6; comp.
Judg. xv. 4, 5; 2 Sam. xiv. 30; Mishn. Maccoth,
vi. 5, 6, vol. iv. p. 48, Surenhus. ; Burckhardt.
Syria, pp. 496, 622).
IV. Punishment of death by fire was awarded
by the Law only in the cases of incest with a
mother-in-law ind of unchastity on the part of a
daughter of a priest (Lev. xx. 14, xxi. 9). In the
former case both the parties, in the latter the
woman only, was to suffer. This sentence appears
to have been a relaxation of the original practice in
such cases (Gen. xxxviii. 24). Among other nations,
burning appears to have been no uncommon mode,
if not of judicial punishment, at least of vengeanot
upon laptives; and in a modified form was not
unknown in war among the Jews themselves (2
Sam. xU. 31: it. xxix. 22; Dan. ill. 30, 21). Iu
certain cases tne bodies of executed criminals and
of infamous persons were subsequently burnt (Josh,
vii. 25; 2 K. xxiii. 16).
The Jews were expressly ordered to destroy the
it-fts of the heathen nations, and especially any citi
o* their own relapsed into idolatry (Ex. xxxii. 2ft
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$24
FIRE-PAX
2 K. x. 26: De.it. vii. 5, xii. 3, xiii. 10). In touiej
eases, the cities, and In the case of Huor, the
chariots also, were, by God's order, consumed with
nte (Josh. ri. 34, viii. 38, xi. 6, 9, 13). One of
the expedient* of war in sieges was to set fire to
Uie gate of the besieged place (Judg. ix. 49, S3).
[SlKGKS.]
V. Incense was sometimes burnt in honor of the
dead, especially royal personages, as is mentioned
specially in the cases of Asa and Zedekiab, and
negatively in that of Jehoram (8 Chr. xvi. 14, xxi.
19; Jer. xxxir. 5).
VI. The use of fire in metallurgy was well known
to the Hebrews at the time of the Exodus (Ex.
xxxii. 24, xxxv. 33, xxxvii. 2, 6, 17, xxxviii. 2, 8 ;
Num. xvi. 38, 39). [Handicraft.]
VII. Fire or flame is used in a metaphorical
sense to express excited feeling and divine inspira-
tion, and also to describe temporal calamities and
future punishment* (Ps. Ixri. 12; Jer. xx. 9; Joel
ii. 30; Mai. iii. 2; Matt. xxv. 41; Mark ix. 43:
Kev. xx. 15). II. \V. P.
FIRE-PAN (Hjpna : rmpuov, eviiwrbpi-
m% ignittm receptaculum, thuribulum), one of the
vessels of the Temple service (Ex. xxvii. 3, xxxviii.
3; 2 K. xxv. 15; Jer. Iii. 19). The same word is
elsewhere rendered " snuff-dish " (Ex. xxv. 38.
xxxvii. 23; Num. iv. 9; irapvffrfip' emunctoriutit)
and ■'censer" (Lev. x- 1, xvi. 12; Num. xvi. 6 (T.).
There appear, therefore, to have been two articles
so called; one, like a chafing-dish, to carry lire
coals for the purpose of burning incense; another,
like a snuffer-dish, to be used in trimming the
lamps, in order to carry the snuffers and convey
away the snuff. W. L. B.
FIRKIN. [Mkasukes.]
FIRMAMENT. This term was introduced
into our language from the Vulgate, which given
firmnmtnttiun as the equivalent of the ore psapa of
the LXX. and the rakia (?'*f5^ of *•* He 01 *"
text (Gen. i. 6). The Hebrew term first demands
notice. It is generally regarded as expressive of
simple expansion, and is so rendered in the margin
of the A. V. (I. r.); but the true idea of the word
is a complex one, taking in the mode by which the
expansion is effected, and consequently implying
the nature of the material expanded. The verb
raka means to expand by beating, whether by the
hand, the foot, or any instrument. It is especially
:3ed, however, of beating out metals into thin
plates (Ex. xxxix. 3 ; Num. xvi. 39), and hence the
substantive O\0|T1 = " broad plates" of metal
(Num. xvi. 38). It is thus applied to the flattened
surface of the solid earth (Is. xlii. 5, xliv. 24; Ps.
exxxvi. 6), and it is in this sense that the term is
applied to the heaven in Job xxxvii. 18 — " Hast
thuu spread (rather hammered) out the sky which
is strong, and as a molten looking-glass " — the
mirrors to which he refers being made of metal.
The sense of solidity, therefore, is combined with
the ideas of expans**m and tenuity in the term rakia.
Saabchiitz (ArchaoL ii. 67) conceives that the idea
jf solidity is inconsistent with Gen. ii. 6, which
inplies, according to him, the passage of the mist
through the rakin ; he therefore gives it the sense
of pure expansion — it is the large and lofty room
in which the winds, Ac., have their abode. But it
should be observed that Gen. ii. 6 implies the very
(everse. If the mist had penetrated the rnUa it
ould have descended in the form of rain; the mist,
FIRMAMENT
however, was formed under the riild-i, and rueemhlet
a heavy dew — a mode of fructifying the carta
which, from its regularity and quietude, was mors
appropriate to a state of innocence than rain, the
occasional violence of which associated it with the
idea of divine vengeance. But the same idea uf
solidity runs through all the references to the riU.ii.
In Ex. xxiv. 10, it is represented as a solid floor —
'• a paved work of a sapphire stone; " nor is the
image much weakened if we regard the word H32?
as applying to the transparency of the stone rather
than to the paring as in the A. V., either sense
being admissible. So again, in Ex. i. 22-36, the
" firmament " is the floor on which the throne of
the Most High is placed. That the t akin should
be transparent, as implied in the comparisons with
the sapphire (Ex. L c.) and with crystal (Ex. L c. ;
comp. Kev. iv. 6), is by no means inconsistent with
its solidity. Further, the office of the rakia in th#
economy of the world demanded strength and sub-
stance. It was to serve as a division between the
waters above and the waters below (Gen. i. 7). In
order to enter into this description we must carry
our ideas back to the time when the earth was a
chaotic mass, overspread with water, in which the
material elements of the henvens were intermingled.
The first step, therefore, in the work of orderly
arrangement was to separate the elements of heaven
and earth, and to fix a floor of partition between
the waters of the heaven and the waters of the
earth; and accordingly the rakin was created to
support, the upper reservoir (Ps. cxlviii. 4 ; comp.
Ps. civ. 3, where Jehovah is represented ss " build-
ing his chambers of water," not simply " in water,"
a* the A. V. ; the prep. 21 signifying the material
out of which the beams and joists were made),
itself being supported at the edge or rim of the
earth's disk by the mountains (2 Sam. xxii. 8 ; Job
xxvi. 11). In keeping with this view the rakin
was provided with "windows" (Gen. vii. 11; Is.
xxiv. 18; Mai. iii. 10) and "doors" (Ps. lnviii.
23), through which the rain and the snow might
descend. A secondary purpose which the rakia
served was to support the heavenly bodies, sun,
moon, nnil stars (Gen. i. 14), in which they were
fixed as nails, and from which, consequently, they
might be said to drop off (Is. xiv. 12, xxxir. 4 ;
Matt. xxiv. 29). In all these particulars we rec-
ognize tbe same view as was entertained by the
Greeks and, to a certain extent, by the Latins.
The former applied to the heaven such epithets ~«
"brazen" (x<fAK<or, II- xvii. 425; woAuxoAjcsr,
//. v. 504) and " iron " (atliptov, Od. xv. 328,
xvii. 566) — epithets also used in the Scriptures
(Lev. xxvi. 19) — and that this was not merely
poetical embellishment appears from the views |iro-
mulgated by their philosophers. F-nipedodes (Plu-
tarch, Pine. PhiL ii. 11) and Artemidorus (Senec
Quasi, vii. 13). The same idea is expressed in tbe
cab affixa sidera of the Latins (Plin. ii. 39, xviii.
57). If it be objected to the Mosaic account tlc-
tbe view embodied in the word rakia does not
harmonize with strict philosophical truth, the
answer to such an objection is, that the writer
describes things as they appear rather than as they
are. But in truth the same absence uf philosopV:
truth may lie traced throughout all the terms ap-
plied to this subject, and the objection is levelled
rather against the principles of language than any
thins «»*• Examine the l-atin eakm bcoiAor'
the '• hollow place " or cave scooved out of sul'v
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FIRMAMENT
■ps e. our own " heaven," i. e. what U heated up ; j
Jhe Greek etrpayiis, similarly significant rf height
(Pott. £lyn. /'oricA. L 193) ; or the Uermnn {
u himmel," from heimeln, to cover — the " roof" |
which constitutes the " heim " or abode of man: I
in each there is a large amount of philosophical
error. Correctly speaking, of course, the atmosphere
is the true raHa by which the clouds are supported,
and undefined space is the abode of the celestial
bodies. There certainly appears an inconsistency
in treating the raHa as the support both of the
clouds and of the stars, for it could not hare escaped
observation that the clouds were below the stars:
but perhaps this may be referred to the same feeling
which is expressed in the calum ruit of the Latins,
the downfall of the rakia in stormy weather.
Although the raHa and the thamat/im (" heavens")
are treated at identical in Gen. i. 8, yet it was
more correct to recognize a distinction between
them, at implied in the expression " firmament of
the heavens" (Gen. i. 14), the former being the
upheaving power and the latter the upheaved body
— the former the line of demarcation between
Heaven and earth, the latter the ttrata or stories
nto which the heaven was divided. W. L. B.
* We must distinguish the merely ideal and
poetical imagery in later writings (Ps. civ. 3 ; 2
Sam. xxii. 8; job xxvi. 11, xxxvii. 18), and in
symbolic vision (Ez. i. 22-36), from the purely
descriptive, though manifestly phenomenal, repre-
sentation in Genesis. In the latter, it is also neces-
tary to distinguish between the phenomena de-
Kribed, and the processes which we may presuppose
M being anterior to and the cause of them, but of
« hich the sacred writer makes no account. More-
over, we should not overlook the writer's purpose,
tc give, in a few broad and powerful strokes, the
great outlines of creation ; shadowing forth its deep
mysteries in a series of grand and impressive rep-
resentations, on a scale of magnificence which is
without a parallel. In the tone of description suited
to such a purpose, minute specification is out of
place. AU is vast, and general. Let anything be
added in the way of minute distinction, or of ex-
planation and conciliation, and the whole style of
conception is changed.
One stage among these mysterious processes was
the separation of the waters enveloping the earth
into waters above and waters below. The phenom-
enon to be described — not explained but simply
described as a phenomenon — is the unfailing sup-
ply of the former, poured down from time to time
for ages without stim, and never exhausted. It
accords with the whole tone of this remarkable and
unique document, to describe this phenomenon as
• * This remark U applicable to many points in the
aeeouct of the creation, and among others to the
firmament (expanse) and to the appearance In It of
the heavenly bodies on the fourth day. T. J. 0.
* *The etymological argument, in the preceding
article, only proves that the sense of simple expansion,
is in all such caws, originated In an act observable
by the senses. The irrelevance of some references (as.
lur example, Ex. xxir. 10 ; Is. xlv. 12, xxxiv. 4) seems
too obvious to require correction. Gen. 11. 6 (in a
tocoment completing the account of creation, but
* holly different in style born ch. 1. 1-ii. 8) describes
he ordinary process in the formation of clouds and
■ijt descent of rain ; the ascent of vapors (mist) being
expressed by the Hebrew imperfect tense, as an act con-
sumed and repeated from time to time, and the desneut
If rain by tbs perfect, as a single act completed at
we*. X.J 0.
FIRST-BORN 825
a separation of waters by a firmament (more prop
ariy, eapamt ») interposed between the waters be-
low and the waters above, dividing the one fron.
the other. If in this same expanse the heavenlj
bodies are set, it is what we should expect in s
style of representation which excludes minute cir-
cumstantial detail. This is a trait, moreover, that
is true to nature, as it appears in an oriental sky;
where the stars at night seem to be set in the same
expanse in which the clouds also are seen, and far
beyond is the blue vault that bounds it. c The
description, therefore, is phenomenally true; nor
can science urge anything against it, since the
stars, though not in the same limit of space, are
act in the same expanse.
It may be said to be now well established, thai
the phenomena of creation, as described here, in its
successive stages, accord with its deepest mysteries,
as science is gradually unfolding them. T. J. C.
FIRST-BORN ("113?, wporroVoitoj: pri
moijtnitut ; from ~>2§1, early ripe, Gesen. p. 906),
applied equally both to animals and human beings.
That some rights of primogeniture existed in very
early times is plain, but it is not so clear in what
they consisted. They have been classed as, (a)
authority over the rest of the family ; (6) priest-
hood; (c) a double portion of the inheritance. The
birthright of Esau and of Reuben, set aside by
authority or forfeited by misconduct, prove a gen
eral privilege as well as quasi-sacreduess of primo
geniture (Gen. xxv. 33, 31, 34, xlix. 3; 1 Chr. v.
1 ; Heb. xii. 16), and a precedence which obviously
existed, and is alluded to in various passages (at
Ps. lxxxix. 27; Job xviii. 13; Kom. viii. 29; CoL 1.
15; Heb. xii. 23) [Birthmght] ; but the story
of Esau's rejection tends to show the supreme and
sacred authority of the parent irrevocable even by
himself, rather than inherent right existing in the
eldest son, which was evidently not inalienable (Gen.
xxvii. 29, 33, 36; Grotius, Calmet, Patrick, KnobeL
on Gen. xxv.).
Under the law, in memory of the Exodus, the
eldest son was regarded as devoted to God, and was
in every case to be redeemed by an offering not
exceeding 5 shekels, within one month from birth
If he died before the expiration of 30 days, the
Jewish doctors held the father excused, but liable
to the payment if he outlived that time (Ex. xiii.
12-15, xxii. 29; Num. viii. 17, xviii. 16, 16; Lev.
xxvii. 6; Lightfoot, Hor. Hebr. on Luke ii. 22;
Philo, de Pr. Sncerd. i., ii. 233, Hangey). This
devotion of the first-born was believed to indicate a
priesthood belonging to the eldest sons of families,
which being set aside in the case of Reuben,'wat
c • " An oriental sky," says Prof. Backett (JBaswsi
tions of Scripture, p. 81, 8th ed.) « has another peculi-
arity, which adds very much to its impressive appear-
ance. With us the stars seem to adhere to the fees of
the heavens ; they form the most distant objects within
the range of vision ; they appear Co be set in a ground-
work of thick darkness, beyond which the eye does
not penetrate. . . . But In Eastern climes the stars
seem to bang, like burning lamps, midway between
heaven and earth ; the pore atmosphere enables us tc
see a deep expanse of bine ether lying far beyond
them. The hemisphere above us glows and sparkles
with innumerable fires, that appear as if kept burning
in their position by an immediate act of the Omnipo-
tent, instead of resting on a frame-wcrk which sub
serves the i»uaion of t^l^g to give to them then
suppo!* ' T J. fj
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FIRST-BORN
transferred to the tribe of Levi. Tbii priesthood
■ said to have luted till the completion of the
Tabernacle (Jahn, Arch. Bibl. x. § 165, 387 ; Patrick,
Solden, i/e Syn. c 16 ; Mishn. Ztbachim, xir. 4,
vol. t. p. 68; cotup. Ex. xxiv. 5).
The ceremony of redemption of the first-born is
described by Calmet from Leo of Modena (Calm,
on Num. xviii.). The eldest son received a double
portion of the lather's inheritance (lleut xxi. 17),
but not of the mother's (Mishn. Becoroth, viii. 9).
If the father had married two wives, of whom he
preferred one to the other, be was forbidden to give
precedence to the son of the one, if the child of the
other were the first-born (Deut. xxi. 16, 16). In
the case of levirate marriage, the son of the next
brother succeeded to his uncle's vacant inheritance
(Deut. xxv. 5, 6). Under the monarchy, the eldest
son usually, but not always, as appears in the case
of Solomon, succeeded his father in the kingdom
(I K. i 30, ii. 22).
The male first-born of animals (CITH "lftg :
liaroiyor iifapav- quod aptrit vtifoom) was also
devoted to God (Ex. xiii. 2, 12, 13, xxii. 29, xxxiv.
19, 20; Philo, L c. and Qui$ rtrum <St>. hmret, 24,
i. 489, Mang.). Unclean animals were to be re-
deemed with the addition of one fifth of the value,
or else put to death ; or if not redeemed, to be sold,
and the price given to the priests (Lev. xxvii. 13,
27, 28). The first-born of an ass was to be redeemed
with a lamb, or, if not redeemed, put to death (Ex
xiii. 18, xxxiv. 20; Num. xviii. 15). Of cattle,
goats, or sheep, the first-born from eight days to
twelve months old were not to be used, but offered
in sacrifice. After the burning of the fat, the
remainder was appropriated to the priest* (Ex.
xxii. 30; Num. xviii. 17, 18; Deut. xv. 19, 20;
Neh. x. 86). If there were any blemish, the animal
was not to be sacrificed, but eaten at home (Deut.
XT. 21, 22, and xii. 6-7, xiv. 23). Various refine-
ments on the subject of blemishes are to be found
in Mishn. Btcoroth. (See MaL i. 8. By " first-
lings," Deut. xiv. 23, compared with Num. xviii.
17, are meant tithe animals : see Keland, AtUiq. iii.
10, p. 327 ; Jahn, Arch. Bibl. § 387.) H. W. P.
•FIRST-BORN, DEATH OF THE.
[Plagues, 10.]
FIRST-FRUITS. (1.) H^bTI, tan
ttTrjn, shake, Gesen. pp. 1249, 1262; sometimes
Dn»©a n^nftn. ^nnsoainpLoniy.or
D'H3_2l, Gesen. p. 206 : usually -rpmroytyrliiuna,
sWapxcd rav xparoytinrTiitATttr (Ex. xxiii. 19):
orimitia l frugumimlui,primitiva. (8.) TTBTl
Gesen. p. 1276: hpalptfi*, awapxf): prumtta.
Besides the first-bom of man and of beast, the
Law required that offerings of first-fruits of produce
ibould be made publicly by the nation at each of
the three great yearly festivals, and also by indi-
riduals without limitation of time. No ordinance
tppears to have been more distinctly recognized
than toil, so that the use of the term in the way
rf illustration carried with it a full significance even
h N. T. times (Prov. iii. I); Tob. i. 6; 1 Mace. iii.
49; Rom. viii. 23, xi. 16; Jam. i. 18; Rev. xiv.
I;. (1.) The Law ordered in general, that the first
of all rip* fruits and of liquors, or, as it is twice
■■pre ss ed , the first of first-fruits, should be offered
B God's house (Ex. xxii. 29, xxiii. 19, xxxiv. 26 ;
Philo, dt Mtmnrt'-ia, ii. 3 (ii 224. Mang.)). (2.)
FIRST-FRUITS
On the morrow after the Passover Sabbath, i. «. aa
the 16th of Nisan, a sheaf of new corn was to be
brought to the priest, and waved before the altar
in acknowledgment of the gift of frultfulness (Lev
xxiii. 6, 9, 10, 12, ii. 12). Josephus teUs us that
the sheaf was of barley, and that until this cere-
mony had been performed, no harvest work was to
be begun (Joseph. AM. iii. 10, J 6). (3.) At the
expiration of seven weeks from this time, C e. at
the Feast of Pentecost, an oblation was to be made
of two loaves of leavened bread made from the new
flour, which were to be waved in like manner wi'h
the Passover sheaf (Ex. xxxiv. 22; Lev. xxiii. 15,
17; Num. xxviii. 26). (4.) The Feast of Ingath-
ering, i. e. the Feast of Tabernacles in the 7th
month, was itself an acknowledgment of the fruits
of the harvest (Ex. xxiii. 16, xxxiv. 22; Lev. xxiii.
39). These four sorts of offerings were national.
Besides them, the two following were of an indi-
vidual kind, but the last was made by custom to
assume also a national character. (5.) A cake of
the first dough that was baked was to be offered as
a heave-offering (Num. xv. 19, 21). (6.) The first-
fruits of the land were to be brought in a basket to
the holy place of God's choice, and there presented
to the priest, who was to set the basket down before
the altar. The offerer was then, in words of which
the outline, if not the whole form was prescribed,
to recite the story of Jacob's descent into Egypt,
and the deliverance therefrom of his posterity; and
to acknowledge the blessings with which God had
visited him (Deut xxvi. 2-11).
The offerings, both public and private, resolve
themselves into two classes: (a.) Produce in gen-
eral, in the Mishna D^pDS, Bicatrim, first-fruits,
primitin /menu, rpvroyivrlipaTa, raw produce.
(6.) rOOTTA, Terumoth, offerings, primUlas,
krapxal, prepared produce (Gesen. p. 1276 ; Au-
gustine, Qucut. in HepU iv. 82, vol. iU. p. 732;
Spencer, de Leg. Bebr. iii. 9, p. 713; Rdand,
AtUiq. iii. 7; Philo, dt Pram. Sactrd. 1 (ii. 233,
Mang.); dt Saerific Abel el Cam, 21 (i. 177, M.)).
(a.) Of the public offerings of first-fruits, the Law
defined no place from which the Passover sheaf
should be chosen, but the Jewish custom, so for as
it is represented by the Mishns, prescribed that
the wave-sheaf or sheaves should be taken from
the neighborhood of Jerusalem ( Ttrvmoth, x. 2).
Deputies from the Sanhedrim went out on the eve
of the festival, and tied the growing stalks in
bunches. In the evening of the festival day the
sheaf was cut with all possible publicity, and car-
ried to the Temple. It was there threshed, and an
omer of grain, after being winnowed, was bruised
and roasted : after it had been mixed with oil and
frankincense laid upon it, the priest waved the of-
fering in all directions. A handful was thrown on
the altar-fire, and the rest belonged to the priests,
to be eaten by those who were free from ceremonial
defilement After this the harvest might be car-
ried on. After the destruction of the Temple aO
this was discontinued, on the principle, as it s tun s,
that the House of God was exclusively the place
for oblation (Lev. ii. 14, x. 14, xxiii. 18; Num.
xviii. 11; Mishn. Terum. v. 6, x. 4, 6; Shekahm
viU. 8; Joseph. Ant. iii. 10, § 5; Philo, de Pram
Sactrd. 1 (ii. 233, Mang.); Reland, Aniiq. iii. 7
8, ir. 3, 8).
The offering made at the least of tl.e Ptatseost
was a thanksgiving for the conehukai «4 trhsa*
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FIRST-FRUITS
It consisted of two bates (according to
Toaephua, one loaf) 7f new flour baked with leaven,
which were waved by the priest at at the Passover,
rhe size of the loaves is fixed by the Mishna at
■even palms long and four wide, with horns of four
fingers length. No private offerings of first-fruits
were allowed before this public oblation of the two
loaves (Lev. xxiii. IS, SO; Hishn. Terum. x. 6, xi.
4; Joseph. Ant. iii. 10, § 6-; Reland, Antiq. iv. 4,
6). The private oblations of first-fruits may be
classed in the same maimer as the public The
directions of the Law respecting them have been
<Uted generally above. To these the Jews added
>r deduced the following. Seven sorts of produce
were considered liable to oblation, namely, wheat,
barley, grapes, figs, pomegranates, olives, and dates
(Gesen. p. 219; Deut. viii. 8; Miahn. Biccurim, i.
■I; Hasselquist, Traeelt, p. 417), but the Law ap-
pears to have contemplated produce of all sorts,
and to have been so understood by Nehemiah
(Deut. xxvi. 2; Neh. x. -35, 37). The portions in-
tended to be offered were decided by inspection, and
the selected fruits were fastened to the stem by a
band of rushes (Bic. iii. 1). A proprietor might,
if he thought fit, devote the whole of his produce
as first-fruits (ibid. ii. 4). But though the Law
laid down no rule as to quantity, the minimum
fixed by custom was one sixtieth (Keland, Antiq.
iii. 8, 4). No offerings were to be made before
Pentecost, nor after the feast of the Dedication, on
the 35th of Cisleu (Ex. xxiii. 16; Lev. xxiii. 16,
17; Bic. i. 3, 6). The practice was for companies
of 94. persons to assemble in the evening at a cen-
tral station, and pass the night in the open air. In
the morning they were summoned by the leader of
the feast with the words, " Let us arise and go up
to Mount Zion, the House of the Lord our God."
On the road to Jerusalem they recited portions of
Psalms cxxii. and cl. Each party was preceded by
a piper, a sacrificial bullock having the tips of his
horns gilt and crowned with olive. At their ap-
proach to the city they were met by priests appointed
to inspect the offerings, and were welcomed by
companies of citizens proportioned to the number
of the pilgrims. On ascending the Temple mount
each person took bis basket containing the first-
fruits and an offering of turtle doves, on his
shoulders, and proceeded to the oourt of the Tem-
ple, where they were met by Lerites singing Ps.
xxx. 2. The doves were sacrificed as a bumt-offjr-
ing, and the first-fruits presented io the priests
with the words appointed in Deut. xxvi. Ihe
baskets of the rich were of gold or silver • those of
the poor of peeled willow. The baskets of the latter
kind were, as well as the offerings they cou:ained,
presented to the priests, who waved the offerings at
the S. VV. corner of the altar: the more valuable
baskets were returned to the owners (Bic iii. 6, 8).
Alter passing the night at Jerusalem, the pilgrims
returned on the following day to their homes (Deut.
*vi. 7; Terum. ii. 4). It is mentioned that King
Agrippa bore his part in this highly picturesque
national ceremony by carrying bis basket, like the
rest, to the Temple (Bic. iii. 4). Among other
by-laws were the following: (1.) He who ate his
first-fruits elsewhere than in Jerusalem and without
Jte proper form was liable to punishment (Mito-
tan, iii. 3, vol. iv. p. 284, Surenh.). (2.) Women,
■laves, deaf and dumb persons, and some others.
were exempt from the verbal oblation before the
driest, which was not generally used after the least
•t Tabernacles (BU. i. 6, 6).
FISH
827
(A.) The first-fruits prepared for use were not re-
quired to be taken to Jerusalem. They oomaatet
of wine, wool, bread, oil, date-honey, onions, cu
cumbers ( Terum. ii. 5, 6 ; Num. xv. 19, 21 ; Deut.
xviii. 4). They were to be made, according U
gome, only by dwiilers in Palestine; but according
to others, by those also who dwelt in Moab, in Am-
monitis, and in Egypt ( Terum. i. 1). They were
not to be taken from the portion intended for tithes,
nor from the corners left for the poor (ibid. i. 5,
iii. 7). The proportion to be given is thus esti-
mated in that treatise: a liberal measure, one
fortieth, or, according to the school of Shammai,
one thirtieth; a moderate portion, one fiftieth; a
scanty portion, one sixtieth. (See Ez. xlv. 13 )
The measuring-basket was to be thrice estimated
during the season (ibid. iv. 3). He who ate or
drank his offering by mistake was bouuJ -.o add
one fifth, and present it to the priest (Lev. v. 16,
xxii. 14), who was forbidden to remit the penalty
(Terum. vi. 1, 6). The offerings were the per-
quisite of the priests, not only at Jerusalem, but in
the provinces, and were to be eaten or used only by
those who were clean from ceremonial defilement
(Num. xviii. 11; Deut. xviii. 4).
The corruption of the nation after the time of
Solomon gave rise to neglect in these as well at in
other ordinances of the Law, and restoration of
them was among the reforms brought about by
Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 5, 11). Nehemiah also, at
the return from Captivity, took pains to reorganize
the offerings of first-fruits of both kinds, and to
appoint places to receive them (Neh. x. 35, 37, xii.
44). Perversion or alienation of them is reprobated,
as care in observing is eulogized by the prophets,
and specially mentioned in the sketch of the res-
toration of the Temple and Temple service made
by Ezekiel (Ez. xx. 40, xliv. 30, xlviii. 14; Mat iii.
8).
An offering of first-fruits is mentioned as an ac-
ceptable one to the prophet Klislia (2 K. iv. 42).
Besides the offerings of first-fruits mentioned
above, the Law directed that the fruit of all trees
fresh planted should be regarded as uncircumcised
or profane, and not to be tasted by the owner for
three years. The whole produce of the fourth year
was devoted to God ; and did not become free to
the owner till the fifth year (Lev. xix. 23-25). The
trees found growing by the Jews at the conquest
were treated as exempt from this rule. (Miahn.
Orlaa, t. 3.)
Offerings of first-fruits were sent to Jerusalem
by Jews living in foreign countries (Joseph. Ant
xvi. 6, § 7).
Offerings of first-fruits were also customary in
heathen systems of worship. (See, for instances
and authorities, Patrick, On Deut. xxvi.; and a
copious list in Spencer, de Leg. Hebr. iii. 9, die
Primtutnm Origin*; also Leslie, On Tithe*.
Works, vol. ii; Winer, a. v. ErttHnge.)
It. W. P.
FISH, FISHING. The Hebrews recognized
fish as one of the great divisions of the animal
kingdom, and, as such, give them a place in the
account of the creation (Gen. i. 21, 28), as well as
in other passages where an exhaustive description
of living creatures is intended (Gen. ix. 2; Ex. xx.
4; Deut. iv. 18; 1 K. iv. 88). They do not, how-
ever, appear to have acquired any intimate knowl-
edge of this oranch of natural history. Although
they were acquainted with some of the names givtr
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4
82S
JM8H
by the Ejrir] tians to the different species (for Jo-
tcphus, B. -I. ili. 10, § 8, compares one found in
the Sea of lialilee to the coradmu), they did not
adopt a similar method of distinguishing them;
nor was any classification attempted beyond the
broad divisions of clean and unclean, great and
small. The former was established by the Mosaic
Law (I*v. xi. 9, 10), which pronounced unclean
such fish as were devoid of fins and scales : these
were and are regarded as unwholesome food in
Egypt (Wilkinson, Anc. EyypL iii. 68, 59), so
much so that one of the laws of El-Hakim prohib-
ited the sale, or even the capture of them (Lane,
Mod. Egypt, i. 132). This distinction is probably
referred to in the terms acatpi (end nun idtmea,
Sohleusner's Lex. s. t. ; Trench, On Parables, p.
137) and Ka \d (Matt. xiii. 48). Of the various
species found in the Sea of Galilee (as enumerated
by Raumer, PaldsHna, p. 93), the Silurut would be
dasaed among the former, while the Sparus Gali-
laus, a species of bream, and the mugil, chub,
would be deemed "clean" or "good." The sec-
ond division is marked in Gen. i. 21 (as compared
with verse 28), where the great marine animals
(D^V^n D^Si? : idrn) firriXa), genericaUy
described as ahales in the A. T. (Gen. I. c. ; Job
vii. 12) ] U'halk], but including abio other animals,
such as the crocodile [Lkvi>tham] and perhaps
some kinds of serpents, are distinguished from
" every living creature that creepeth " {PXjffl iH :
A. V. "inoveth "), a description applying to fish,
along with other reptiles, as having no legs. To the
former class we may assign the large fish referred to
in Jon. ii. 1 (VVTJ 3^ : j^toj itiya. Matt. xii.
40), which Winer (art t'ische), after Bochart,
identifies with a species of shark (Cants carcha-
Has) : and nlro that referred to in Tob. ri. 2 ft".,
identified by Bochart (Hieroz. iii. 697 ff.) with the
Silui-ut ijlanis, but by Kitto (art. Fith) with a
species of crocodile (the $ee$nr) found in the Indus.
The Hebrews were struck with the remarkable fe-
cundity of fish, and have expressed this in the term
33, the root of which signifies increase (comp.
Gen. xlviii. 16), and in the secondary sense of
Y~$, lit. to creep, thence to multiply (Gen. i. 20,
riii. 17, ix. 7; Ex. L 7), as well as in the allusions in
Ex. xlvii. 10. Doubtless they became familiar with
'.his fact in Egypt, where the abundance of fish in the
Mile, and the lakes and canals (Strab. xrii. p. 823;
Died. i. 36, 43, 52; Her. ii. 93, 149), rendered it
one of the staple commodities of food (Num. xi. 5 ;
sotnp. Wilkinson, iii. 62). The destruction of fish
was on this account a most serious visitation to the
igyptiun* (Ex. vii. 21; Is. xix. 8). Occasionally
t is the result of natural causes: thus St John
^Trawls in Valley of the Nile, ii. 246) describes
a rest destruction of fish from cold, and Wellsterl
( u tvfJs in Arabia, i. 310) states that in Oman
thf fish are visited with an epidemic about every
fri years, which destroys immense quantities of
them. It was perhaps as an image of fecundity
that the fish was selected as an object of idolatry:
(he worship of it was widely spread, from Egypt
(Wilkinson, iii. 58) to Assyria (Uvard, Nineveh,
- 467), and even India (Baur, MythiJogie, ii. 58).
Vrnong the Philistines, Dagon («= Utile fsli) was
.•presented by a figure half man and half fish (1
9am. t 4). On this account the worship of fish
k expressly prohibited (Deut. iv. 18). [Daoo».]
FISH
In Palestra, the Sea of Galilee was and asffl Is
remarkably weil stored with fish, and the valiss
attached to the fishery by the Jews is shown by the
traditional belief that one of the ten laws of Joshua
enacted that it should be open' tu all comers (Light-
foot's Talmudicnl Exerdtatiuns on Matt iv. 18).
No doubt the inhabitants of northern Judasa drew
large supplies thence for their subsistence in the
earlier as well as the later periods of the Bible his -
tory. Jerusalem derived its supply chiefly from
the Mediterranean (comp. Ex. xlvii. 10), at one
time through Phoenician traders (Neb. xiii. 16),
who must have previously salted it (in which form
it is termed fP^O in the Talmud ; Lightfoot on
Matt xiv. 17). The existence of a regular fiah
market is implied in the notice of the fish gate,
which was probably contiguous to it (2 Chr. xxxiii.
14; Neh. iii. 3, xii. 39; Zeph. 1. 10). In addition
to these sources, the reservoirs formed in the neigh-
borhood of towns may have been stocked .with flail
(2 Sam. ii. 13, iv. 12; Is. vii. 3, xxii. 9, 11 ; Cant,
vii. 4, where, however, " fish " is interpolated in the
A. V.). With regard to Ash as an article of food.
see Fuou.
Numerous allusions to the art of fishing occur
in the Bible. In the 0. I\ these allusions are of a
metaphorical character, descriptive either of the
conversion (Jer. xvi. 16; Ex. xlvii. 10) or of the
destruction (Ez. xxix. 3 ff. ; Eccl. ix. 12; Am. iv.
2; Hab. i. 14) of the enemies of God. In the
N. T. the allusions are of a historical character for
the most part, though ' he metaphorical application
is still maintained in Malt xiii. 47 ft*. The moat
usual method of catching fish was by the use of the
net, either the cnsfi'n^ net (D^n, Hab. i. 15; Ez.
xxvi. 5, 14, xlvii. 10; JIi'ktvoV, Matt. iv. 20,21;
Mark i. 18, 19; Luke v. 2 ff.; John xxi. 6 IT.;
&H$i0ki)<rrpoy, Matt iv. 18; Mark i. 16), prob-
ably msemhling the one used in Egypt, as shown
An Egyptian Fishing-Net (Wilkinson.)
in Wilkinson (iii. 55), or the draw at thtic net
(/"HO?!?, Is. xix. 8; Hab. i. 15; <r*ytrJi, Matt
xiii. 47), which was larger and required the use of
a boat: the latter was probably most used on tb»
Sea of Galilee, as the number of boats kept on it
was very considerable (Joseph. B. J. iii. 10, § 91.
On other waters a method analogous to the use c*
the weir in our country was pursued : a fen,* of
canes or reeds was made, within which the fiah
were caught: this waa forbidden on the Sea of
Galilee, in consequence of the damage done to thf
boat* by the stakes (Lightfoot on Matt. if. 11V
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FISH
angling was a favorite pursuit of the wealthy In
Egypt, ns well as followed by the poor who could
not afford a net (Wilkinson, iii. (3 ff.); the requi-
site* were a hook (H^n, Is. xix. 8; lUb. 1. 15;
Job xli. 1; H§S and "VD, so called &x>m its re-
semblance to a thorn, Am. iv. 3 ; HyKtar poy,
Matt. xvii. 37), and a line 03T}> Job xli. 1) made
perhaps of reeds: the rod was occasionally dis-
pensed with (Wilkinson, iii. S3), and is not men-
tioned in the Bible: ground-bait alone was used,
fly-fishing being unknown. A still more scientific
method was with the trident (H3B7, A. V.
"barbed iron") or the spear pSv?), as prac-
ticed in Egypt in taking the crocodile (Job xli. 7)
or the hippopotamus (Wilkinson, iii. 72). A similar
custom of spearing fish still exists in Arabia (Well-
sted, ii. 347). The reference in Job xli. 3 is not
to the use of the hook in fishing, but to the cus-
tom of keeping fish alive In the water when not re-
quired for immediate use, by piercing the gills with
a ring (TVHl, A. T. "thorn ") attached to a stake
by a rope of reeds (lb?N, A. V. " hook "). The
night was esteemed the best time for fishing with
the net (Luke v. 5; Plin. ix. 33). W. L. B.
* See Mr. Tristram's Land of ftratl, in regard
to the fishes of the Sea of Galilee, p. 428; those
of ti.e Jordan, pp. 24S, 485; and those of the
Jabbok and Gilead, pp. 529, 544. As showing how
abundant they still are in the Sea of Tiberias, this
traveller states that be saw crumbs of poisoned
bread thrown to them, >' which the fish seized, and
turning over dead, were washed ashore and collected
fur the market. The shoals were marvellous —
black masses, many hundred yards long, with the
back fins projecting out of the water as thick as
they could pack. No wonder any net should break
which inclosed such a shoal." There seems to be
no trace in the Bible of any such mode of taking
fish in ancient times. FUhing from boats on this
sea has almost if It has not altogether ceased. Only
two or three boats (Tristram, p. 436) used for any
purpose are now found on the lake of Galilee. Sepp
states (Jtruwtem u. dot heiL Land, ii. 185) that
nets are no longer used in fishing there, but probably
we are to understand this as meaning that they are
not cast from boats for a draught; for others in-
form us that the fishermen wade into the water with
hand-nets, which they dexterously throw around
the fish and thus capture them. (See Richter,
WaUfnhrten, p. 60; and Rob. Bibt. Rts. iii. 262,
1st ad.) It must have been a common sight to
the ancient inhabitants of Palestine, as it is to those
there now, to see the flying-fish leap from the wa-
ters along the coast of the Mediterranean. " Their
flight is always short, spasmodic, and painful ; and
when their web-wings become dry they instantly
collapse, and the poor little aeronaut drops into the
water like a stone " (Thomson, Land and Bonk, ii.
357). The catfish or coradma (Kopwcivos) is very
abundant in the Round Fountain ('Ain Mudaioarnh)
u. the plain of Gennesaret. [Capernaum, Amer.
d.] "Certain kinds of fishing," says Thomson,
referring apparently to the Mediterranean, though
im same may once have been true also of the Sea
jf Galilee, " are always carried on at night. With
•lazing torch the boat glides over the flashing sea,
and the men stand gaslng keenly into it until their
Fll'OxIXS
82fi
prey is sighted, when, quick as lightning, they fling
their net or fly their spear; and often you see the
tired fishermen come sullenly into harbor in the
morning, having toiled all night in vain " (Lana
and Book, ii. 80). The Saviour's language (Matt.
vii. 10; Lake xi. 11) implies that a person in nf*d
might ask a fish of another and expect it as a gra-
tuity. There was an ancient " fish gate " at Jerusa-
lem (3 Chr. xxxiii. 14; Neh. iii. 8, Ac.), and a
fish market has existed there in all periods (Tobler,
Topographic ton Jerumlem, p. 208). It. is evident
that the inhabitants have always rehed in part ov
their fish-stocked waters for supplies of fond. The
reference to >> sluices and ponds " in Is. xix. l(
(A. V.), as if for preserving fish, probably rests OS
a mistranslation. [Sluices, Amer. ed.] H.
•FISH GATE. [Jerusalem, I. 8, and
HI., ral.]
* FISH-POOLS, a mistranslation hi Cant.
vii. 4, A. V. [Heshboh, Amer. ed.]
FITCHES («'. t. Vetches), the representative
in the A. V. of the two Hebrew words cutiemeth
and ketzitch. As to the former see Kye.
Kttznck (rTSj?.: lux&vtior- gilh) denotes with-
out doubt the Nigttta saliva, an herbaceous annua!
plant belonging to the natural order Rnnuneulnctox,
and sub-order Htikborta, which grows in the S
of Europe and in the N. of Africa. It was for-
Nigttta sntira.
merly cultivated in Palestine for the sake of its
seeds, which are to this day used in eastern countries
as a medicine and a condiment. This plant is men-
tioned only in Is. xxviii. 25, 27, where especial ref-
erence is made to the mode of threshing it; not
with "a threshing instrument" Q"VIO, ^"in)
but " with a staff" (H^M}), because the heavy-
armed cylinders of the former implement would
have crushed the aromatic seeds <t the Nigttta.
The iithiriutv of Dioscorides (iii. 83, ed. Sprengel)
is unquestionably the Nigttta; both these terms
having reference to its black seeds, which, accord-
ing to the above-named author and Pliny (ff. N.
xix. 8), were sometimes mixed with bread. The
word ijilh is of uncertain origin. It is used by
p liny (ff. N. xx. 17), who says, "Gith ex Graxns
|alUmelanthlon,aIiimelaspermonvocant.'' Plautos
also (Rod. v. 2, 39) has the same word git: "Of
calet tibi! nam git frigidefactas." Cotnp. Celsius
(Uitrob. U. 71).
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B30
FLAG
Besides the JV. tattoo, there U another spedes,
lb* iV. oreenni, which may be Included under the
term kebtach; but the seeds of this bat-named
plant are leas aromatic than the other. W H.
* The aeeda of this plant are universally used In
Syria, not mixed with the bread, but sprinkled on
the top of the loaf or cake. They are called
»tOy*JI sLsll, that is, the Mack teed, in
illusion to their color; also SSy*j\ &A3*>, the teed
of Muting, in allusion to their sapposed medicinal
virtues. There is an Arabic proverb, " In ike Mack
teed is the medicine for every disease." It is no
less true at this day than in Isaiah's time, that it
Is beaten out with a staff, not threshed out with
the Nouraj on the threshing-floor. G. £. P.
FLAG, the representative in the A. V. of the
two Hebrew words Achi and tuph.
1. Achi (¥1$ : i xh i x „, fioirouov. locut
paltutru, carectum; A. V. "meadow," "flag"),
a word, according to Jerome ( Comment, in Is. xix.
7), of Egyptian origin, and denoting "any green
and coarse herbage, such as rushes and reeds, which
grows in marshy places." "Quum ab eruditis
queererem," says Jerome, "quod hie sermo signi-
ficaret, audivi ab ./Egyptus hoc nomine lingua eorum
omne quod in palude virent natcitur, appellari."
In Job viii. 11 it is asked, " Can the achi grow
without water?" It seems probable that some
ipecific plant is here denoted, as Celsius has en-
deavored to prove (Bierob. i. 342), for the Achu
is mentioned with the gome, " the papyrus." The
word occurs once again in Gen. xli. 2, 18, where it
is said that the seven well-favored sine came up
oat of the river and fed in an achu. Royle (Kitto's
Cyc art. Achu) and Kitto (Pict Bib. on Gen.
L c.) are inclined to think that the Achu denotes the
Cyperut etculentut. The last-named writer iden-
tifies this sedge with the ua\iya0i\\ri of Theo-
pbrastus (Hist. Plant iv. 8, § 12), which plant was
much eaten by sheep and cattle. There is, bow-
ever, much doubt as to what the maHnathalla de-
■otea, as Schneider has shown. The LXX. render
Arith by &x> '"> ls - "*• 7 - I s ™ Rked.] Kalbch
(Comment, on Gen. I c) says that tbedcAii "is
unquestionably either the Cyperut etculentut or the
Bulomut umbtllntut." We are quite unable to
satisfy ourselves so easily on this point. There sre
many marsh-plants besides the Cyperut etculentut
snd the B. uinbeOatut; at the same time, if the
Greek fjo&ropot denotes the latter plant, about
which, however, there is some doubt, it is possible
that the achi of Job viii. 11 may be represented
by the Bulomut umbeUatut, at " flowerim; rush,"
which grows In Palestine and the East. The Achu
of Gen. (L c) may be used in a general sense to
denote such marshy vegetation as is seen on some
part* of the Nile. As to discussions on the origin
af ¥1$, see Celsius, Bierob. I c; JablonskL
Oputc i. 46, ii. 159, ed. Te- Water; Schultens,
OmmenL ad Job, I c, and Gesenius, Tket. s. v., Ac
2. S&ph (PfO '. ikos- carectum, pelagut) occurs
frequentlv in the O. T. in connection with yam,
•sea," In denote the "Red Sea" (F)3D~D?).
JSka.] The term here appears to be need in a
•try wide sense to denote "weeds of any kind."
IVi yam tit*, therefore, k the "sea of weeds,"
FLAG
and perhaps, as Stanley (S. d- P. p. «, note) ok
serves, tuph " may be applied to any aqueous veg-
etation," which would include the arborescent eora.
growths for which this sea is celebrated, as well at
the different algs which grow at the bottom : sre
Pliny (//. N. xiii. 26), and Shaw ( Trat. p. 387, foL
1738), who speaks of a " variety of alga and fua
that grow within its channel, and at low water are
left in great quantities upon the se a sh o re " (see also
p. 384). The word tuph in Jon. ii 6, translated
" weeds " by the A. V., has, there can be no doubt,
reference to •• sea-weed," and more especially to the
long ribbon-like bonds of the Lammaria, at the
entangled masses of Fuci. In Ex. ii. 3, 5, how-
ever, where we read that Hoses was bid "in the
tuph ('flags,' A. V.) by the river's brink," it b
probable that "reeds" or "rushes," Ac, are de-
noted, at Kab. Salomon explains it, " a place thick
with reeds." (See Celsius, Bierob. ii. 66.) The
yam-tiph in the Coptic version (as in Ex. X. 19, xni
18; Ps. evi. 7, 9, 22) is rendered "the Sari-tea."
lite word Sari is the old Egyptian for a " reed "
or a "rush" of some kind. Jabkmski (Oputc. I.
266) gives J uncut as its rendering, and compares a
passage in Theophrastus (But. Plant iv. 8, §§ 2, 6)
which thus describes the tari: "The tori grows
in water about marshes and those watery places
which the river after its return to its bed leaves
behind it; it has a hard and closely twisted root,
from which spring the taria (stalks) so called."
Pliny (P. If. xiii. 23) thus speaks of this plant:
" The tart, which grows about the Nile, b a shrubby
kind of plant (?), commonly being about two cubita
high, and as thick as a man't thumb ; it has the
panicle (coma) of the papyrus, and b similarly
eaten; the root, on account of its hardness, b used ic
blacksmiths' shops instead of charcoal." Spreugel
(BitL Rei Perb. i. 78) identifies the tori of Theo-
phrastus with the Cyperut fattigiaatt, Linn.; but
the description u too vague to serve as a sufficient
basis for identification. There can be little doubt
that tuph b sometimes used in a general sense like
our English "weeds." It cannot be restricted to
denote alga, as Celsius has endeavored to show,
because alga b not found hi the Nile. L>dy Cal-
cott (Script Berb. p. 168) thinks the Zottera ma-
rina ("grass-wrack") may be ii tended; but there
b nothing in bvor of such an opinion. The tuph
of Is. xix. 6, where it b mentioned with the kinek,
appean to be used in a more restricted sense to
denote some species of "reed" or "tall grass."
There are various kinds of Cyperacea and taO
Graminacta, such at Arundo and Sacckarum, in
Egypt. [Rraro.] W. H.
* It b quite poasibb that no definite species waa
intended here, as in many other places in the
Scriptures where plants are mentioned. In Gen.
xli. 2, 18, where the kine fed " in an Achi," the
expression may be used in a general sense, just aa
we might tay " in the ledge," without intending to
designate any particular species of Cyperut, or Co-
res, or Juncut, or others of kindred orders. Thb
same mdefinrteneas b retained in the Arabic terms
lv_iL>,
the former signifying
aes In general; the Utter being an indefinite tons:
covering anany species of Gr am me * sod Cypmr-
a •'
acta; while u$i>jJ •» » general term for J—
G.B.P
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FLAGON
FLAGON a word employee In the A. V to
Under two dhtinct Hebrew term: 1. AMhUkah,
H^OTfe* (3 S»m. vi. 19; 1 Chr. xri. 3; Cut. ii.
6; Hoi. lii 1). The real meaning of thin word,
according to the conclusions of Gesenius ( This. p.
168), i» a cake of pressed raisin*. lie derives it
from a root signifying to compress, and this is eon-
finned by Uie renderings of the LXX. (Kiyaror,
hfupirrt, w4mtttra) and of the Vulgate, and also
by the indications of the Targura Pseudojon. and
the Mishn* (.Vedarim, 6, § 10). In the passage
In Hosea there is probably a reference to a practice
of offering such cakes before the false deities. The
rendering of the A. V. is perhaps to be traced to
l.uther, who in the first two of the above passages
hu cm Nbtttl fVdn, and in the last Kanae
Wan; bnt primarily to the interpretations of
modern Jews (e. g. Gemara, Buba Batiira, and
rargnm on Chronicles), grounded on a false ety-
mology (see Michaelis, quoted by Gesenius, and the
observations of the latter, a* above). It will be ob-
served that in the two first passages the words " of
wine " are interpolated, and that in the last " of
wine" should be "of grapes."
8. tfebel, b^3 (Is. xxii. 34 only), Nebtl is
commonly used for a bottle or vessel, originally
probably a skin, but in later times a piece of pot-
tery (Is. xxx. 14). But it also frequently occurs
with the force of a musical instrument (A. V. gen-
erally " psaltery," but sometimes " viol "), a mean-
ing which is adopted by the Targum, and the
Arabic and Vulgate versions, and Luther, and
given in the margin of the A. V. The text, how-
ever, follows the rendering of the LXX., and with
this sg ie es Gesenius's rendering, "Beeken und
Flatchen, cm allerhand Art." G.
FLAX. Two Hebrew words are used for this
plant in O. T., or rather the same word slightly
modified — iTFItpQ, and nj-)t{J3. About the
former there is no question. It occurs only in
three places (Ex. ix. 31; Is. xlll. 3, xliii. 17). As
regards the latter, there is probably only one pas-
sage where it stands for the plant in its undressed
state (Josh. ii. 6). Eliminating all the places
where the words are used for the article manufact-
ured in the thread, the piece, or the made up gar-
ment [Lcncx; Cotton], we reduce them to two:
Ex. ix. 31, certain, and Josh. ii. 6, disputed.
In the former the flax of the Egyptians is re-
corded to have been damaged by the plague of hail.
The word bfc*33 is retained by Onkelos; but is
rendered in LXX. imp/urrf for, and in Vulg. fotti-
culoe geminabai. The A. V. seems to tune fol-
lowed the LXX. (boiled = o-wtpnaTlfar); and so
Rosenm "globulus seu nodus uni maturescentis "
(SchuL ad loc). Gesenius makes it the calix or co-
rolla; refers to the Mishna, where it is used for the
slix of the hyssop, and describes this explanation
as one of long standing among the more learned
Kabbins(r»ej. p. 261).
For the flax of ancient Egypt, see Herod, ii IT,
.to; Cela. ii. p. 886 ft*.; Heeren, Idem, ii. i, p.
168 ft*. For that of modem Egypt, see Haaselqunt,
Journey, p. 500; Olivier, Voyage, iii. 897; Guard's
Obtervation* id Detvipt, de t Egypt*, torn. xvii.
iftt moderne), p. 98 ; Paul Lucas, Voyage; pt. ii.
s.47.
From Bitter's Erdkunde, Ii. 916 (eomr.. his For-
feit-, tx. pp 46-48' it seems probable that the
FLINT 881
cultivation of flax for the purpose of the m s nnfc s t
ore of linen was by no means confined to Egypt;
but that, originating in India, it spread over the
whole continent of Asia at a very early period of
antiquity. That it was grown in Palestine even
before the conquest of that country by the Isnelitus
appears from Josh. ii. 6, the second of the two pas-
sages mentioned above. There is, however, tome
difference of opinion about the meaung of the
words V 5*TJ V"}t#3 : KtyoKaKiiaf. Vulg. ihpuia
fits' ; and so A. V. " stalks of flax; " Joseph, speaks
of Kirov ayicaKlSas, armfuls, or bundles of flax;
but Arab. Vers, "stalks of cotton." Gesenius,
however, and Rosenmuller are in favor of the ren-
dering •> stalks of flax." If this be correct, tin
place involves an allusion to the custom of drying
the flax-stalks by exposing them to the heat of the
son upon the flat roofs of houses ; and so expressly
in Joseph. (Ant v. 1, § 3), Kirov yip ayieaKtoa*
M tov -riyovs tyvx*- ^° ' ater &"** *"'* drying
was done in ovens (Rosenm. AUerthumtk.). There
is a decided reference to the raw material in the
LXX. rendering of Lev. xiil. 47, l/ucriif otw
rvira, and Judg. xr. 14, orvnrlor, eomp. Is. i.
31.
The various processes employed in preparing tue
flax for manufacture into cloth are indicated — (1.)
The drying process (see above). (9.) The peeling
of the stalks, and separation of the fibres (the
name being derivable either, as Parkh. from t2B7*3,
to strip, peel, or as Gesen. from tff*>v^, to separate
into parts). (3.) The hackling (I*, xix. 9; LXX
Klror t» axurrSri vid. Gesen. Lex. s. v. i^TPi
sod for the combt used in the process, comp- Wil-
kinson, Anc. Egypt iii. 140). The flax, however,
was not always dressed before weaving (see Ecclus.
xl. 4, where ufi6\iror is mentioned as a species of
clothing worn by the poor). That the use of the
coarser fibres was known to the Hebrews may be
inferred from the mention of low (rT")53), in
Judg. xvi. 9; Is. i. 31. That flax was anciently
one of the most important crops in Palestine ap-
pears from Has. ii. S, 9 ; that it continued to be
grown and manufactured into linen in N. Palesti-M
down to the Middle Ages we have the testimony of
numerous Talmudiats sod Rabbins. At present it
does not seem to be so much cultivated there as the
cotton plant [Cotton; Linen.] T. E. B.
FLEA < ul insect twice only mentioned in
Scripture, namely, in 1 Sam. xxiv. 14, xxvi. 90. In
both cases David in speaking to Saul applies it to
himself as a term of humility. The Heb. word Is
V ~i~*. which the LXX. render by fiKKos, and
the Vulg. by pulex. Fleas are abundant in the
East, and afford the subject of many proverbial
expressions. W. D.
FLESH. [Food.]
FLINT. The Heb. quadriliteral t^O^I? is
rendered An* in Dent rill. 15, xxxll. 18; Ps. cxlv.
8; and Is. L 7. In Job xxriii. 9 the same word is
rendered rock in the text, sod flint in the margin.
In the three first passages the reference is to God's
bringing water and oil out of the naturally barren
rocks of the wilderness for the sake of his people.
In Isaiah the word is used metaphorically to signify
the firmness of the prophet in resistance to Us
persecutors. InE» ill. 9 the English word " flint"
Digitized by
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S32 FLOOD
mors in the nine sense, but there it represent*
She lleti. 7'aor. 80 alto in Is- v. 38 we have lite
ttin{ in referenoe to the boob of hones. In 1
Mace. x. 73 irdxAol u translated flint, and in
Wiad. xi. 4 the expression Ac virpas iutporiftov
u adopted from Deut. viii. IS (LXX.). [Kjsifb.]
W. D.
FLOOD. [Noah.]
FLOOR. [Pavement.]
FLOUR. [Bread.]
FLOWERS. [Palestine, Botany of.]
FLUTE (NTT'iTP^D), a musical instru-
ment, mentioned amongst others (Dan. iii. 5, 7,
10, 15) as used at the worship of the golden image
which Nebuchadnezzar had set up. It is derived
from py$, to hiss; LXX. <rvpiy(, a pipe. Ac-
cording to the author of Shiltc-Hnggiborim, this
instrument was sometimes made of a great number
of pipes — a statement which, if correct, would
make its name the Chaldee for the musical instru-
ment called in Hebrew 3JW, and erroneously
rendered In the A. V. " Organ." D. W. M.
FLUTE (VjlJ: x ,pi,: tibia), 1 K. I. 40,
ninrg. [Pipe.]
FLUX, ELOODY (Swrtrrtpta, Acts xxviii.
8), the same as our dysentery, which in the East
is, though sometimes sporadic, generally epidemic
and infectious, and then assumes its worst form.
It is always attended with fever. [Fever.] A
sharp gnawing and burning sensation seizes the
bowels, which give off in purging much slimy matter
and purulent discharge. When blood Bows it is
said to he less dangerous than without it (Schmidt,
Wtl. Mtilic. c. xiv. pp. 603-507). King Jehoram's
disease was probably a chronic dysentery, and the
■• Iwweli foiling out " the prolnpeut am, known
sometimes to ensue (2 Chr. xxi. 15, 19).
II. H.
FLY. FLIES. The two following Hebrew
terms denote flies of some kind.
1. Zibub O'Qt: itma- mutca) occurs only in
Eccl. x. 1, " Dead zibubim cause the ointment of
the apothecary to send forth a stinking savour,"
and in Is. vii. 18, where it is said, " the Ix>rd shall
niss for the tfbub that is in the uttermost part of
the rivers of Egypt." The Heb. name, it is prob-
able, is a generic one for any insect, but the ety-
mology is a matter of doubt (see Gesenius, Thet.
p. 401; lleb. ami Chald. Lex. s. v.; and Ftirst,
Heb. Concord, s. v.). In the first quoted passage
allusion is made to flies, chiefly of the family Mu»-
tida, getting into vessels of ointment or other sub-
stances; even in this country we know what an
intolerable nuisance the house-flies are in a hot
summer when they abound, crawling everywhere
and into everything; but in the East the nuisance
is tenfold greater. The z&bttb from the rivers of
feypt has by some writers, as by Oed matin ( Ver-
r^tch. Samm. vi. 79), been identified with the amb
of which Bruce ( Trnv. v. 190) gives a description,
and which is evidently some species of Tabamu.
Sir Q. Wilkinson has given some account ( Trmunc.
of the Fntomol Soc. ii. p. 183) of an injurious fly
under the name of dthebab, a term almost identical
with tfbub. It would not do to press too much
ipon this point when it is considered that Egypt
•hounds with noxious insects: but it must be
FLi"
alowed that there is some reason for tins i
cation; and though, as was stated above. elUb is
probably a generic name for in j flies, in this pas-
sage of Isaiah it may be used to denote some very
troublesome and injurious fly, kot' i^oxhr- " Th*
dthebab is a long gray fly, which comes out about
the rise of the Nue, and is like the cleg of the
north of England ; it abounds in calm hot weather,
and is often met with in June and July, both in
the desert and on the Nile." This insect Is very
injurious to camels, and causes their death, if the
disease which it generates is neglected; it attacks
both man and beast.
8. 'Ar&b (Sit^: Kvr6fivia: omne gemts m*»
canon, mutca dScersi generis, imwn granmma :
" swarms et flies," •> divers sorts ot flies," A. V.),
the name of the insect, or insects, which God sent
to punish Pharaoh; see Ex. viii. 31-31; Pa. lxxriii
45, ev. 31. The question as to what particular
insect is denoted by 'drub, or whether any om
species is to be understood by it, has long been a
matter of dispute. The Scriptural details are as
follows: the 'drib rilled the houses of the Egyp-
tians, they covered the ground, they lighted on the
people, the land was laid waste on their account.
From the expression in ver. 31, " there remained
not one," some writers nave concluded that the
Hebrew word points to some definite species: we
do not think, however, that much stress ought to
be laid upon this argument; if the 'drib be tasuai
to denote " swarms," as the Auth. Version renders
it, the " not <me remaining " may surely have
for its antecedent an individual fly understood in
the collective "swarms." The LXX. explain 'drob
by Kvrifiuia, i. e. "dog-fly; " it is not very clear
what insect is meant by this Greek term, which is
frequent in Homer, who often uses it as an abusive
epithet. It is not improljible that one of the Hip-
/jobotcida, perhaps H. equina, Unn., is the «vn-
uvux of ./Elian (JV. A. iv. 51), though Homer may
have used the compound term to denote extreme
impudence, implied by the nbanidessness of the dog
and the teasing impertinence of the common fly
(Mutca). As the 'drdb are said to have filled the
houses of the Egyptians, it seems not improbable
that common flies (Afutcida) are more especially
intended, and that the compound kvvAu,vux denotes
the grievous nature of the plague, though we see
no reason to restrict the 'drvb to any one family.
"Of insects," says Sonnini (7Yor. iii. p. 199),
"the most troublesome in Egypt are flies; both
man and beast are cruelly tormented with them.
No idea can be formed of their obstinate rapacity
It is in vain to drive tbem away ; they return again
in the self-same moment, and' their perseverance
wearies out the most patient spirit." The 'drib
may include various species of CuKcuke (gnats),
such as the mosquito, if it is necessary to inter-
pret the " devouring " nature of the 'drib (in Ps.
Ixxviil. 45) in a strictly literal sense; though the
expression used by the Psalmist is not inapplicable
to the flies, which even to this day in Egypt may
be regarded as a " plague," and which are the great
instrument of spreading the well-known ophthalmia,
which is conveyed from one individual to another
by these dreadful pests; or the literal meaning o*
the 'drob " devouring " the Egyptians may be un-
derstood in its fullest sense of the Mutcida, if wt
suppose that the people may have been punished
by the larva) gaining admittance into (be bodiea
as into the stomach, frontal sinus, sod intestinal
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FLYING ROLL
and so occasioning in a hot climate nun; instance*
of death;" see for cases of Mgn'i* produced by
dipterous larom, Transactions of Kntomol. Soc. ii.
pp. 366-869.
The identification rf the 'drib with the cockroach
(Blatta orientaHt), whicL Oedmann I Verm. Sum.
pt. u. c. 7) suggests, and which Kir by (Britlyw.
Trent, ii. p. 397) adopts, has nothing at all to
recommend it, and is purely gratuitous, as Mr.
Hope proved in 1837 in a paper on this subject in
the Trant. Ent. Soc. ii. p. 179-183. The. error
of calling the cockroach a beetle, and the confusion
which has been made between it and the Sacred
Beetle of Egypt (Aleuchus sacer), has recently been
repeated by M. Kalisch (Ilia, and Crti. Comment.
Ex- I c). The cockroach, as Mr. Hope remarks,
la a nocturnal insect, and prowls about for food at
night, " but what reason have we to believe that
the fly attacked the Egyptians by night and not
by day?" We see no reason to be dissatisfied
with the reading in our own version. W. H.
• FLYING BOLL. [Rou, Amer. ed.]
• FOLD. [Sh«kp-Fou>.]
FOOD. The diet of eastern nations has been
in all ages light and simple. As compared with
our own habits, the chief points of contrast are the
small amount of animal food consumed, the variety
of articles used as accompaniments to bread, the
substitution of milk in various forms for our liquors,
and the combination of what we should deem
heterogeneous elements in the same dish, or the
same meal. The chief point of agreement is the
large consumption of bread, the importance of
which in the eyes of the Hebrew is testified by the
use of the term Uehem (originally food of any kind)
specifically for bread, as well as by the expression
"staff of bread" (Lev. xxvi. 26: Ps. cv. 16; Ez.
iv. 16, xiv. 13). Simpler preparations of corn were,
however, common; sometimes the fresh green ears
were eaten in a natural state,* the husks being
rubbed off by the band (Lev. xxiii. U; Dent xxiii.
35; 2 K. iv. 42; Matt. xii. 1; Luke vi. 1); more
frequently, however, the grains, after being carefully
picked, were roasted in a pan over a fire (Lev. ii.
14), and eaten as " parched corn," in which form it
was an ordinary article of diet particularly among
laborers, or others who had not the means of dress-
ing food (Lev. xxiii. 14; Ruth ii. 14; 1 Sam. xvii.
17, xxv. 18; 2 Sam. xvii. 28): this practice is still
very usual in the East (ef. Lane, i. 251 ; Robinson,
Researches, ii. 350). Sometimes the grain was
bruised (like the Greek polenta, Plin. xviii. 14), in
which state it was termed either tB^| (iputri,
LXX. ; A. V. « beaten " Lev. Ii. 14, 16), or
0^0*1 (xTio-aVoi, Aquil. Symm.; A. V. "com;"
2 Sam. xvii. 19; cf. Prov. xxvii. 22), and then
dried in the sun; it was eaten either mixed with
oil (Lev. ii. 15), or made into a soft cake named
rt 9 V 1B < A> V - "dough;" Num. xv. 20; Neh.
x. 37; Ex. xliv. 30). The Hebrews used a great
variety of articles (John xxi. 5) to give a relish to
bread. Sometimes salt was so used (Job vi. 6), as
we learn born the passage just quoted ; sometimes
■ Then is, however, no occasion to appeal to the
above explanation, for the common flies In Egypt well
merit the epithet of « devouring.'' Mr Trlstrao assures
us that be has had his ankles and lonep covered wtu
Mood tram the bite of the commob dy, as be lay on
ra* sand to the desert with his boots off.
M
foou 988
the bread was dipped into the sour wine (A. V.
" vinegar ") which the laborers drank (Kutb ii. 14);
or, where meat was eaten, into the gravy, which
was either served up separately for the purpose, as
by Gideon (Judg. vi. 19), or placed in the middle
of the meat dish, as done by the Arabs (Burck-
hardt, Notes, i. 63), whose practice of dipping bread
in the broth, or melted fat of the animal, strongly
illustrates the reference to the sop in John xiii. 26
ff. The modern Egyptians season their bread with
a sauce c composed of various stimulants, such as
salt, mint, sesame, and chick-peas (Lane, i. 180).
The Syrians, on the other hand, use a mixture of
savory and salt for the same purpose (Russell, i. 93).
Where the above mentioned accessories were want-
ing, fruit, vegetables, fish, or honey, were used. In
short it may be said that all the articles of food
which we are about to mention were mainly viewed
as subordinates to the staple commodity of bread.
The various kinds of bread and cakes are described
under the bead of Bkead.
Milk and its preparations hold a conspicuous
place in eastern diet, as affording substantial
nourishment ; sometimes it was produced in a fresh
state (S^rli Gen. xviii. 8), but more generally
in the form of the modern leban, i. e. sour milk
(rtbttpjTI; A. V. "butter;" Gen. xviii. 8; Judg.
v. 25;" 2 Sam. xvii. 29). The latter is universally
used by the Bedouins, not only as their ordinary
beverage (Burckhardt, Nolts, i. 240), but mixed
with flour, meat, and even salad (Burckhardt, i.
58, 63 ; Russell, Aleppo, i. 118). It is constantly
offered to travellers, and in some parts of Arabia
it is deemed scandalous to take any money in return
for it (Burckhardt, Arabia, i. 120). For a certain
season of the year, lebnn makes up a great part of
the food of the poor in Syria (Russell, /. c). Butter
(Prov. xxx. 33) and various forms of coagulated
milk, of the consistency of the modern kaimnk (Job
x. 10; 1 Sam. xvii. 18; 2 Sam. xvii. 29) were also
used. [Butter; Cheese; Milk.]
Fruit was another source of subsistence: figs
stand first in point of importance; the early sorts
described as the « summer fruit " ( \f?l2 i Am. *ii» i
1, 2), and the " first ripe fruit " (PH^SS : Hos
ix. 10 ; Mic. vii. 1) were esteemed a great luxury,
and were eaten as fresh fruit; but they were gen-
erally dried and pressed into cakes, similar to the
date-cakes of the Arabians (Burckhardt, Arabia, 1.
57), in which form they were termed D^/J^
(raK&Bai, A. V. "cakes of figs; " 1 Sam. xxv. 18»
xxx. 12; 1 Chr. xii 40), and occasionally \f?!2
simply (2 Sam. xvi. 1; A. V. "summer frmV'£
Grapes were generally eaten in a dried state as
raisins (D , J7?52} ; ligatura uvoj passes, Vulg. ; 1
Sam. xxv. 18, xxx. 12; 2 Sam. xvi. V; LChn xih
40), but sometimes, as before, pressed into cakes,
named nK^tt?$ (2 Sam. vi. 19; 1 Chr. ivtiV;
Cant ii. 5; Hos/iii. 1\ understood by the LXX.
as a sort of cake, \dyayoy airo rnydyou, and bj
» This custom is still practiced In Palestine (Boots
son's Researches, I. 493).
c The later Jews named this sauce nOVrTT (Mislin
jts. 2, J 8) : it consisted of vinegar, almonds, ana
spice, thickened with flour. It was ussl at tot eel*
bmtkM of the Pasanvn- (Pts. 10, §,3).
Digitized by
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884
FOOD
tbe A. V. as a " flagon of wine." Fruit-cake forms
a part of the daily food of the Arabians, and is
particularly adapted to the wants of travellers ; dis-
solved in water it affords a sweet and refreshing
drink (Niebuhr, Arabia, p. 57 ; Russell, Aleppo, i.
82) ; an instance of its stimulating effect is recorded
in 1 Sam. xxx. 12. Apples (probably citrous) are
occasionally noticed, but rather in reference to their
ftagrance (Cant. ii. 5, vii. 8) and color (Prov. xxv.
11), than as an article of food. Dates are not
noticed in Scripture, unless we accept the rendering
of \"j2 in the LXX. (2 Sam. xvi. 1) as = <polvuus\
it can hardly be doubted, however, that, where the
palm-tree flourished, as in the neighborhood of
Iciicho, its fruit was consumed; in Joel i. 12 it is
H'ckoned among other trees valuable for their fruit.
The pomegranate-tree is also noticed by Joel; it
yields a luscious fruit, from which a species of wine
was expressed (Cant. viii. 2; Hag. ii. 19). Melons |
were grown in Egypt (Num. xi. 6), but not in
Palestine. The mulberry is undoubtedly mentioned
in Luke xvii. 8 under tbe name <mc4)uvos ; the
Hebrew CNJ? so translated (2 Sam. v. 23; 1
Chr. xiv. 14) is rather doubtful; the Vulg. takes
it to mean peart. The miKo/iopda (" sycamore,"
A. V.; Luke xix. 4) differed from the tree last
mentioned ; it was the Egyptian fig, which abounded
in Palestine (1 K. x. 27), and was much valued for
its fruit (1 Chr. xxvii. 28; Am. vii. 14). [Apple;
Citron; Fio; Mulbkhky-treks; Palm-tree;
Pomegranate; Sycamine-trek; Sycamore.]
Of vegetables we have most frequent notice of
lentils (Gen. xxv. 34; 2 Sam. xvil. 28, xxiii. 11;
Ez. iv. 9), which are still largely used by the Be-
douins in travelling (Burckhardt, Arabia, i. 65);
beans (2 Sam. xvii. 28; Ez. iv. 9), which still form
a favorite dish in Egypt and Arabia for breakfast,
boiled in water and eaten with butter and pepper;
from 2 Sam. xvii. 28 it might be inferred that
beans and other kinds of pulse were roasted, as
barley was, but the second , 7|7 in that verse is
probably interpolated, not appearing in the LXX.,
and even if it were not so, the reference to pulse
in the A. V., as of deer in the Vulg., is wholly
unwarranted ; cucumbers (Num. xi. 5 ; Is. i. 8;
Bar. vi. 70 [or Epist. of Jer. 70]; cf. 2 K. iv. 39
where wild gourds, cucumcrti asinini, were picked
in mistake for cucumbers); leeks, onions, and gar-
lic, which were and still are of a superior quality
In Egypt (Num. xi. 6; cf. Wilkinson, Arte. Egypt.
ii. 374; last, i. 251); lettuce, of which the wild
species, lactuca agrestit, is identified with the Greek
wiKpis by Pliny (xxi. 65), and formed, according
•to the LXX. and tbe Vulg., the " bitter herbs "
(D v "f"ltJ) eaten with the paschal lamb (Ex. xii. 8;
Num. ix.' 11); endive, which is still well known in
the East (Russell, i. 91), may have been included
under the same class. In addition to the above we
have notice of certain "herbs" (/THIN; 2 K.
Iv. 39) eaten in times of scarcity, which were mal-
lows according to the Syriac and Arabic versions,
hot according to the Talmud a vegetable resem-
btag the Brattiea eruca of lianams; and again of
wswpursUne (PewD : &aum: A. V. " mallows ")
tad hroonwwt (D^Df^H, A. V. " juniper; " Job
xxx 4) as eaten by the poor In time of famine, un-
less :»fca bitter were gathered as fuel. An insipid
FOOD
plant, probably purslane, used in wdao, appears to
be referred to in Job vi. 8, undVr the rffpmarirT
n-TDbn Tn (" white of egg," A. V.). The
usual method of eating vegetables wu in the form
of pottage (TtJ : fyrina: pulmenUm ; Gen. xxv.
29; 2 K. iv. 38; Hag. ii. 12). a meal wholly of
vegetables was deemed very poor fare (Prov. xv. 17 ;
Dan. i. 12; Rom. xiv. 2). Tbe modern Arabians
consume but few vegetables; radishes and leeks are
most in use, and are eaten raw with bread (Burck-
hardt, Arabia, i. 56). [Beans ; Ctjcumbu: ;
Garlic; Gourd; Leek; Lentileb; Oniox.J
The spices or condiments known to the Hebrews
were numerous; cummin (la. xxviii. 25; Matt,
xxiii. 23), dill (Matt, xxiii. 23, "anise," A. V.),
coriander (Ex. xvi. 31; Num. xi. 7), mint (Matt,
xxiii. 23), rue (Luke xi. 42), mustard (Matt. xiii.
31, xvii. 20), and salt (Job vi. 6), which is reckoned
among " the principal things for the whole use of
man's life " (Ecclus. xxxix. 26 ). Nuts (pistachios)
and almonds (Gen. xliii. 11) were also used as Kwefs
to the appetite. [Almond-tree; Anise; Cori-
ander; Cummin; Mint; Mustard; Nuts;
Spices.]
In addition to these classes, we have to notice
some other important articles of food : in the first
place, honey, whether the natural product of the
bee (1 Sam. xiv. 25; Matt. Hi. 4), which abounds
in most parts of Arabia (Burckhardt, Arabia, i.
54), or the other natural and artificial productions
included under that bead, especially the <*'&» of the
Syrians and Arabians, ». e. grape-juice boiled down
to tbe state of the Roman defrulum, which is still
extensively used in the East (Russell, i. 82); the
latter is supposed to be referred to in Gen. xliii.
11 and Ez. xxvii. 17. The importance of honey,
as a substitute for sugar, is obvious; it was both
used in certain kinds of cake (though prohibited
in the case of meat offerings, I.ev. ii. 11) a* in tbe
pastry of the Arabs (Burckhardt, Arabia, i. 54),
and was also eaten in its natural state either by
itself (1 Sam. xiv. 27; 2 Sam. xvii. 29; 1 K. xiv.
3), or in conjunction with other things, even with
fish (Luke xxiv. 42). " Butter and honey " is an
expression for rich diet (Is. vi). 15, 22); such a
mixture is popular among tbe Arabs (Burckhardt,
Arabia, I. 64). "Milk and honey" are similarly
coupled together, not only frequently by the sacred
writers, as expressive of the richness of tbe promised
land, but also by the Greek poets (cf. Callim. Hymn,
in Jov. 48; Horn. Od. xx. 68). Too much honey
was deemed unwholesome (Prov. xxv. 27). With
regard to oil, it does not appear to have been used
to the extent we might have anticipated ; the mod-
ern Arabs only employ it in frying fish (Burckhardt,
Arabi'i, i. 54), but for all other purposes butter is
substituted : among the Hebrews it was deemed at
expensive luxury (Prov. xxi. 17), to be reserved for
festive oecarot s (1 Chr. xii. 40) ; it wna chiefly used
in certain lords of cake (Lev. ii. 5 ft". ; IK. xvii.
12). " Oil and honey " are mentioned in conjunc-
tion with bread in Ez. xvi. 13, 18. Tbe Syrians,
especially the Jews, eat oil and honey (dibt) mixed
together (Russell, i. 80). Eggs are not often no-
ticed, but were evidently known as articles of foot!
(Is. x. 14, lix. 6; Luke xi. 12), and are reckoned
by Jerome (In Epitaph. Paul i. 176) among tkr
delicacies of the table. [Honkt; Oil.]
Tbe Orientals have been at all times sparing la
the use of animal food : not only does the exeassht
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FOOD
tat of the climate rands' it both unwholesome to
tat much meat (Niebuhr DetcrgX. p. 48 > sod ex-
pensive from the neoessitv of immediately consum-
ing a whole animal, but beyond tiiii the ritual
regulations of the Mosaic law in ancient, as of the
Koran in modern times, have tended to the tame
result. It has been inferred from Gen. ix. 3, 4,
that animal food was not permitted before the flood :
bat the notices of the tlock of Abel (Gen. iv. 8)
and of the herds of Jabal (Gen. iv. 20), as well as
the distinction between clean and unclean animals
(Gen. vii. 2), favor the opposite opinion ; and the
permission in Gen. ix. 3 may be bdd to be only a
more explicit declaration of a condition implied in
Ibe grant of universal dominion previously given
(Gen. i. 28). The prohibition then expressed
against consuming the blood of any animal (Gen.
It. 4) was more fully developed in the Levities! law,
and enforced by the penalty of death (Lev. iii. 17,
vii 36, xix. 26; Deut. xii. IB; 1 Sam. xiv. 32 ff;
Ea. xliv. 7, 15), on the ground, as stated in Lev.
xrii. 11 and Deut xii. 23, that the blood contained
the principle of life, and, as such, was to be offered
on the altar ; probably there was an additional rea-
son in the heathen practice of consuming blood in
their sacrifices (I's. xvi. 4; Ex. xxxiii. 29). The
prohibition applied to strangers as well as Israelites,
and to all kinds of beast or fowl (Lev. vii. 26, xvii.
12, 13). So atroog was the feeling of the Jews on
this point, that the Gentile converts to Christianity
were laid under similar restrictions (Acts xv. 20,
89, xxi. -2o). As a necessary deduction from the
above principle, all animals which had died a nat-
ural death (n^a3, Deut. xiv. 31), or had been
torn of beasts (H^tp, Ex. xxii. 31), were also
prohibited (Lev. xvii. IS; cf. Ex. iv. 14), and to be
thrown to the dogs (Ex. xxii. 81): this prohibition
did not extend to strangers (Deut. xiv. 31). Any
person infringing this rule was held unclean until
the evening, and was obliged to wash his clothes
(Lev. xvii. 15). In the N. T. these cases are de-
scribed under the term wrurroV (Acts xv. 20),
applying not only to what was ttrangUd (as in
A. V.), but to any animal from which the blood
was not regularly poured forth. Similar prohibi-
tions are contained in the Koran (ii. 175, v. 4, xvi.
116), the result of which is that at the present day
the Arabians eat no meat except what has been
bought at the shambles. Certain portions of the
it' of sacrifices were also forbidden (Lev. iii. 9, 10),
rs being set apart for the altar (Lev. iii. 16, vii.
45; cf. 1 Sam. ri. 16 ff.; 2 Chr. vii. 7): it should
bo observed that the term in Neh. vill. 10, trans-
lated fat, is not D^n, but D^MJttfp = the
fctty pieces of meat, delicacies. In addition to the
shove, Christians were forbidden to eat the flesh of
animals, portions of which had been offered to idols
(tiSuKiSma), whether at private feasts, or as
bought in the market (Acts xv. 29, xxi. 25; 1 Cor.
viii. Iff.). All beasts and birds classed as unclean
(Lev. xi. 1 ff.; Deut. xiv. 4 ff.) were also prohibited
[Ukcleam Beasts and Birds] : and in addi-
tion to these general precepts there «as a special
jrohibition against " seething a Ud ir his mother's
silk" (Ex. xxtti. 10, xxxiv 26; Dent. xiv. 21),
which has been variously understood, oj Talmudl-
tal writers, as a general prohibition against the joint
ne of meat and milk (Mishna, CAoA'n.oap. 8, } 1);
ij Michaeiis (.Wot. Reckt, iv. 310), as prohibiting
fee «a« of fat or milk, at compared with S, in
FOOD
835
cooking ; by Lather and Calvin, as prohibiting ski
slaughter of young animals; and by Buehart and
others, as discountenancing cruelty in any way.
These interpretations, however, all fail in establish-
ing any connection between the precept and the
offering of the first-fruits, as implied in the three
passages quoted. More probably it has reference
to certain heathen usages at their harvest festivals
(Maimonides, More Neboch. 3, 48; Spencer, de
Ugg. Heir. Ritt. p. 535 ff.): there is a remarkable
addition in the Samaritan version and in some
copies of the LXX. in Deut. xiv. 21, which sup-
ports this view: ht yip iroiu rovro, &atl fonrir*
Xajca 0&rci, Sri ptcurfiA itrrt Ty 6<£'Iok<6£ (cf.
KnobeL, Comment, in Ex. xxiii. 19). The Hebrews
further abstained from eating the sinew of the hip
(nt^n "PS, Gen. xxxii. 82), in memory of the
straggle between Jacob and the angel (comp. ver.
35). The LXX., the Vulg., and the A. V. inter-
pret the laraf Ac-vo/uror word natheh of the
shrinking or benumbing of the muscle (t> iyipicrr
cur: o» emnrcuit: "which shrank"): Josephus
(Ant. i 80, § 2) more correctly explains it, to ytv-
porrb tAotu; and there is little doubt that tht
nerve he refers to is the nervut itcJtiadicus, which
attains its greatest thickness at the hip. There it
no further reference to this custom in the Bibb;
but the Talmudists (Choiin, 7) enforced its observ-
ance by penalties.
Under these restrictions the Hebrews were per-
mitted the free use of animal food : generally speak-
ing they only availed themselves of it in the exer-
cise of hospitality (Gen. xviii. 7), or at festivals of
a religious (Ex. xii. 8), public (1 K. i. 9; 1 Chr.
xii. 40), or private character (Gen. xxvii. 4; Luke
xv. 23); it was only in royal households that there
was a daily consumption of matt (1 K. iv. 23;
Neh. v. 18). The use of meat is reserved for sim-
ilar occasions among the Bedouins (Burckhardt's
Note; i. 63). The animals killed for meat were —
calves (Gen. xviii. 7; 1 Sam. xxviii. 24; Am. vi.
4), which are farther described by the term titling
(M^P = poVxot otrevrit, Luke xv. 23, and
vertari, Hat*, xxii. 4; 2 Sam. vi. 13; 1 K. i. 9 ft*.;
A. V. "fat cattle"); lambs (2 Sam. xii. 4; An.
vi. 4); oxen, not above three years of age (1 K. L
9; Prov. xv. 17; Is. xxii. 13; Matt. xxii. 4), whisk
were either stall-fed (DW2 : pi^oi /jcAsktoO,
or taken up from the pastures 0-*"? : 0its von&Stt ;
1 K. iv. 23); kids (Gen. xxviL'9; Judg. vi. 19;
1 Sam. xvi. 20); harts, roebucks, and fallow-deer
(1 K. iv. 23), which are also brought into close
connection with ordinary cattle in Deut. xiv. 5, as
though holding an intermediate place between tame
and wild animals; birds of various kinds (D ,| "TS(JS :
A. V. "fowls;" Neh. v. 18; the LXX.,'how-
eTer i K" 8 x'a""? *' ** though the reading were
QVTS^). quail in certain parts of Arabia (Ex.
xvL 18; Num. xi. 32); poultry (D' , "l^"15 ; 1 K
iv. 23 ; understood generally by the LXX., iprlttn
iit\ncrwr vrrtvri; by Kimchi and the A. V. as
fatted fowl; by Gesenlus, Tkamtr. 346, as geese,
from the uhiienas of their plumage; by Tbenits,
Comm. in L c, at guinea-fowls, as though the word
r e ; resented the call of that bird); partridges (1
Sam. xxv). 80); fish, with the exception of such at
were without scale* ami fins (l<ev. xi. 9; Dent, xiv
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386
FOOD
I), both salted, u «u probably the case with the
— fish brought to Jerusalem (Neb. ziii. 16), and
fresh (Matt. xiv. 19, xv. 36; Luke xxiv. 42): in
our Saviour's time it appears to have been the
usual food about, the Sea of Galilee (Matt vii. 10);
the term btfidptov is applied to it by St. John (vi.
9; xxi. 9 ff.) in the restricted sense which the word
obtained among the later Greeks, as =ftsh. Lo-
custs, of which certain species only were esteemed
dean (Lev. zi. 22), were occasionally eaten (Matt.
iii. 4), but considered as poor fare. They are at
the present day largely consumed by the poor both
in Penia (Morier's Second Journey, p. 44) and in
Arabia (Niebuhr, Voyage, i. 319); they are salted
and dried, and roasted, when required, on a frying-
pan with butter (Burckhardt's Note*, ii. 92; Nie-
buhr, L c).
Meat does not appear ever to have been eaten by
itself; various accompaniments are noticed in Script-
ure, at bread, milk, and sour milk (Gen. xviii. 8) ;
bread and broth (Judg. vi. 19); and with fish either
bread (Matt xiv. 19, xv. 36; John xxi. 9) or
honeycomb (Luke xxiv. 42): the instance in 2
Sam. vi. 19 cannot he relied on, as the term
^9t$> renderea ' in "*• A - V- o good piece of
jCak, after the Vulg., auntura bibuia carnit,
means simply a portion or measure, and may ap-
ply to wine as well as meat. For the modes of
preparing meat, see Cooking; and for the times
and manner of eating, Meals: see also lisii,
Kowl, Ac., Ac.
To pass from ordinary to occasional sources of
subsistence : prison diet consisted of bread and
water administered in small quantities (1 K. xxii.
37; Jer. xxxvii. 21); puke and water was consid-
ered but little better (Dan. i. 12) ; in time of sor-
row or fasting it was usual to abstain either alto-
gether from food (2 Sam. xii. 17, 20), or from
meat, wine, and other delicacies, which were de-
scribed as HITlOrj BIT?, lit bread of desires
(Dan. x. 3). In time of extreme famine the most
loathsome food was swallowed; such as an ass's
bead (2 K. vi. 25), the ass, it must be remembered,
being an unclean animal (for a parallel case comp.
Plutarch, Artaxerx. 24), and dove's dung (see the
article on that subject), the dung of cattle (Joseph.
B. J. v. 13, $ 7), and even possibly their own
dung (2 K. xviii. 27). The consumption of hu-
man flesh was not altogether unknown (2 K. vi.
28 ; cf. Joseph. B. J. vi. 3, § 4), the passages quoted
supplying instances of the exact fulfillment of the
prediction in Deut xxviii. 66, 57 ; comp. also La n.
ii. 20, iv. 10; Ex. v. 10.
With regard to the beverages used by the He-
brews, we have already mentioned milk, and the
probable use of barley-water, and of a mixture
resembling the modern sherbet, formed of fig-cake
and water. The Hebrews probably resembled the
Arabs in not drinking much during their meals,
but concluding them with a long draught of water.
It is almost needless to say that water was most
generally drunk. In addition to these the I Iebrews
were acquainted with various intoxicating liquors,
tot most valued of which was the juice of the
grape, while others were described under the gen-
eral term of shechar or strong drink (Lev. x. 9 ;
Num. vi. 8; Judg. xili. 4, 7), if indeed the latter
Joes not sometimes include the former (Num.
until. 7). These were reserved for the wealthy
* for (estiva occasions: the poor loasumed a sour
FOOTMAN
wine (A. V. "vinegar;" Ruth ii. 14; Matt, xxift
48), calculated to quench thirst, but not agreeabii
to the taste (Prov. x. 26). [Dklnk, strong
Vinegar; Water; Wine.] W. L. B.
* It is not correct to say that the food of the
Orientals is tight and simple, unless meat be th«
only henry article They use an inordinate amount
of grease in cooking. Eggs are fried in twice their
bulk of fat, or butter, or oil. Rice is not eaten
except drenched with butter. A stew is unheard
of unless the meat and vegetables be first fried in
butter or fat, that they may drink in as much of
the fatty matter as possible.
Again, they are famous in the East for elaborate
compounds. Kibbe, their most prized article of
diet, is compounded of cracked wheat, boiled and
dried previously to give it solidity, beaten up with
meat, and onions, and spices, and the nut of a spe-
cies of pine, a Tery heavy article of diet Esau's
pottage was probably compounded with lentilrs, oil,
onions, and spices, like the mtjedderah of the pres-
ent day. Dyspepsia is one of the most universal
disorders of the people, and arises from their heavy
and unwholesome food, and the fact that their heavy
meal is taken just before retiring for the night
Again, oil is not used merely for frying fish, bat
is eaten universally in place of butter and fat dur-
ing Lent, and at all times is a prominent article of
diet 1 know of a single family where they use
500 pounds of it per annum, of which the larger
part is for food. There are twelve to fourteen per-
sons in the household. G. E. P.
• FOOT, Watering with the, is mentioned
in Deut xi. 10, as a mark of the inferiority of
Egypt to Palestine in regard to the existence there
of fountains and rivulets. The phrase (whatever
its origin may be) imports that the Egyptians,
owing to their scanty supplies of water, were obliged
to practice a careful, pains-taking economy in the
use of such means of irrigation as they possessed.
The reference, as some think, is to a reel with a rope
and bucket attached to it, •< the upper part of which
the operator drew towards him with his hands,
while at the same time be pushed the lower part
from him with his feet " (Rob. BibL Bet. ii. 351,
and note ii., at the end of vol. i.). Niebuhr gives a
drawing of such a machine which he found very com-
mon in India (Reistbeschr. nach Arobien, i. 148),
but says that he saw it only once in Egypt The
more common explanation is that stated under
Garden. In addition to the testimony there,
Dr. Shaw ( Trmeis M Barbary and the Levant, ii.
267) says of the modem Egyptians that they plant
their various sorts of pulse in rills, and that when
they water them, " they stand ready, as occasion
requires, to stop and divert the torrent, by turning
the earth against it with toe foot, and opening at
the same time, with a mattock, a new track to re-
ceive it." H.
FOOTMAN, a word employed in the Author-
ized Version in two senses. (1.) Generally, to distin-
guish those of the people or of the fighting-men
who went on foot from those who were on horse-
back or in chariots. The Hebrew word for this if
^ V?"!> rogK from rtgdi * too*- The LXX. com-
monly express it by wsfof, or o ccas i onall y T <ry
/urro*
But (2.) The word occurs in a more i
(in 1 Sam. xxii. 17 only), and aa the
of a different term from the above— fD,
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FORDS
fUs passage affords the first mention of the ex-
istence of a bod; of swift runners in attendance on
the king, 1 bough such a thing had been foretold
by Samuel (1 Sam. viii. 11). This body appear to
hare boon afterwards kept up, and to have been
distinct from the body-guard — the six hundred,
and the thirty — who were originated by David.
See 1 K. xiv. 27, 28; 2 Chr. xii- 10, 11; 2 K. xi.
4, 6, 11, 13, 19. In each of these cases the word
is the same as the above, and is rendered " guard : "
but the translators were evidently aware of its sig-
nification, for they have put the word " runners "
in the margin in two instances (1 K. xiv. 27; 2
K. xi. 13). This indeed was the force of the term
" footman " at the time the A. V. was made, as is
plain not only from the references just quoted, but
amongst others from the title of a well-known tract
of Bunyan's — The Heavenly Footman, or a De-
scription of the Man that gets to ffenten, on 1 Cor.
ix. 24 (St. Paul's figure of the race). Swift run
ning was evidently a valued accomplishment of a
perfect warrior — a gibbor, as the Hebrew word is —
among the Israelites. There are constant allusions
to this In the Bible, though obscured in the A. V.,
from the translators not recognizing the technical
sense of the word yibbor. Among others see Ps.
xix- 5; Job xvi. 14; Joel U. 7, where "strong
man," "giant," and " mighty man," are all gibber.
David was famed for bis powers of running ; they
are so mentioned as to seem characteristic of him
(1 Sam. xvii. 22, 48, 51, xx. 6), and he makes them
a special subject of thanksgiving to God (2 Sam.
xxii. 30; Ps. xviii. 29). The cases of Cushi and
Ahimaaz (2 Sam. xviii.) will occur to every one. It
is not impossible that the former — ■' the Ethiopian,"
as his name most likely is — had some peculiar
mode of running. [Cushi.] Asahel also was " swift
on his feet," and the Gadite heroes who came
across to David in his difficulties were " swift as
the roes upon the mountains: " but in neither of
these last cases is the word roolz employed. The
word probably derives its modern sense from the
Boston] of domestic servants running by the side
rf the carriage of their master. [Gcabd.] G.
• FORDS. [See Jordan, iii.]
FOREHEAD (n§$, from TT$y, rad. inus.
Mine, Gesen. p. 815: fitrwov- from). The prac-
tice of veiling the face iu public for women of the
higher classes, especially married women, in the
East, sufficiently stigmatises with reproach the un-
veiled face of women of bad character (Gen. xxiv.
86; Jer. iii. 3; Niebuhr, Voy. i. 132, 149, 150;
Shaw, Travels, p. 228, 240; Hasselquist, Travel*,
p. 58; Buckingham, Arab Tribe*, p. 312; Lane,
Mod. Eg. 1 72, 77, 225-248; Burckhardt, Travel*,
i. 233). An especial force is thus given to the
term " hard of forehead " as descriptive of audacity
Iu general (Ex. iii. 7, 8, 9 ; comp. Juv. Sat xiv.
242 — >' Ejectum attrita de fronte ruboram ").
The custom among many oriental nations both
of coloring the face and forehead, and of impressing
on the body marks indicative of devotion to some
special deity or religious sect, is mentioned elsewhere
[Cuttings in Flesh] (Burckhardt, tiotes on Bed.
I 51; Niebuhr, Voy. ii. 57; Wilkinson, Anc. Eg.
a. U2; lane, Mod. Eg. i. 68). It is doubtless
sJraded to in Rev. (xiii. 16, 17, xiv. 9, xvii. 5, xx.
I), and in the opposite direction by Esekiel (ir '
i, 6), and in Rev. (vii. 3, ix. 4, xiv. 1. xxii. t,
Ine mark mentioned by Ijcekiel with approval has
Men supposed to lie the figure of the cross, said to
FOB EST 881
be denoted by the word hen used, VJ)» in the
ancient Semitic language (Gesen. p. 1496; Spencer,
de Leg. Uebr. ii. 20, 3, pp. 409, 413).
It may have been by way of contradiction to
heathen practice that the high-priest wore on the
front of his mitre the golden plate inscribed " Hoi
ness to the Lord " (Ex. xxviii. 36, xxxix. 30
Spencer, L c).
The -'jewels for the forehead," mentioned by
Eiekiel (xvi. 12), and in margin of A. V. Gen
xxiv. 22, were in all probability nose-rings (Is. iii
21; lane, Mod. Eg. iii. 225,226; Ilarmer, Ob*
iv. 311, 8M; Gesen. p. 870; Winer, s. v. Nasen
ring). Th<j Persian and also Egyptian women
wear jewels and strings of coins across their fore-
heads (Oiearius, Travels, p. 317; Lane, Mod. Eg.
ii. 228). [Nosk-Jkweu]
For the use of frontlets between the eyes, at*
Frontlets, and for the symptoms of leprosy ap
parent in the forehead, Leprosy. H. W. P.
• FORESKIN. [Cibcumcision.]
FOREST. The corresponding Hebrew terms
are "W 1 B^K »»d DT"1§- The first of then
most truly expresses the idea of a forest, the ety-
mological force of the word being abundance, and
its use being restricted (with the exception of 1
Sam. xiv. 26, and Cant. v. 1, in which it refers to
honey) to an abundance of trees. The second is
seldom used, and applies to woods of less extent,
the word itself involving the idea of what is being
cut down (silva a cadendo dicta, Gesen. Tliesaur.
p. 530): it is only twice (1 Sam. xxiii. 16 ft".; 9
Chr. xxvii. 4) applied to woods properly so called;
its sense, however, is illustrated in the other pas-
sages in which it occurs, namely, Is. xvii. 9 (A. V.
11 bough "), where the comparison is to the solitary
relic of an ancient forest, and Ez. xxxi. 3, where it
applies to trees or foliage sufficient to afford shelter
(frondibu* nemorosus, Vulg. : A. V. " with a shadow-
ing shroud " ). The third, parde* (a word of foreign
origin, meaning a park or plantation, whence also
comes the Greek irapi&ttaot), occurs only once in
inference to forest trees (Neh. ii. 8), and appro-
priately expresses the care with which the forests
of Palestine were preserved under the Persian rula
a regular warden being appointed, without whose
sanction no tree could be felled. Elsewhere the word
describes an orchard (Eccl. ii. 5; Cant. iv. 13).
Although Palestine has never been in historical
times a woodland country, yet there can be no
doubt that there was much more wood formerly
than there is at present. It is not improbable that
the highlands were once covered with a primeval
forest, of which the celebrated oaks and terebinths
scattered here and there were the relics. The
woods and forests mentioned in the Bible appear
to have been situated where they are usually found
in cultivated countries, in the valleys and defiles
that lead down from the high to the lowlands and
in the adjacent plains. They were therefore of nr
great size, and correspond rather with the idea of
the Latin saltus than with our forest
(1.) The wood of Ephraim was the most exten
sive. It clothed the slopes of the hills that bordered
the plain of JezreeL and the plain itself in the
neighborhood of Beth-sbean (Josh. xvii. 16 if.), ex-
tending, perhaps, at one time to Tabor, whieti ii
translated Sov/xis by Theodotioti (Hos. v. 1), and
which is still well covered with forest trees (StetuVy,
p. 360). (2.) The wood of Bethel (2 K. ii. 93, Mi
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FORNICATION
m situated in the ravine which descends to the
plain of Jericho. (3.) The forest of Hareth (1
Bun. xxii. 6) was somewhere on the border of the
Philistine plain, in the southern part of Jodah.
(1.) The wood through which the Israelites passed
in their pursuit of the Philistines (1 Sam. xiv. 86)
was probably near Ayalon (comp. v. 31), in one
of the valleys leading down to the plain of Philistia.
(S.) The '-wood" (Ps. exxxii. 6) implied in the
name of Kirjath-jearim (1 Sam. vii. 3) must have
been similarly situated, as also (6.) were the
" forests " (choreth) in which Jotham placed his
forts (3 Chr. xxvii. 4). (7.) The plain of Sharon
was partly covered with wood (Strab. xvii. p. 758),
whence the LXX. give tpvfi6s as an equivalent
(Is. lxv. 10). It has still a fair amount of wood
(Stanley, p. 360). (8.) The wood (choreth) in
the wilderness of Ziph. in which David concealed
himself (1 Sam. xxiii. 16 ff.), lay S. E. of Hebron.
The greater portion of Peraea was, and still is,
sovered with forests of oak and terebinth (Is- ii. 13 ;
Kz. xxvii. 6 ; Zech. xi. 2 ; comp. Buckingham's
Palatine, pp. 103 ff., 240 ff.; Stanley, p. 324).
A portion of this near Mahaoaim was known as the
" wood of Epbraim " (2 Sam. xviii. 6), in which
the battle between David and Absalom took place-
Winer (art. Walder) places it on the west side
of the Jordan, but a comparison of 2 Sam. xvii.
36, xviii. 3, 23, proves the reverse. The state-
ment in xviii. 23, in particular, marks its position
as on the highlands, at some little distance from
the valley of the Jordan (ouiup. Joseph. Ant. vii.
10, J§ 1, 2).
The house of the forest of Lebanon (1 K. vii. 2,
x. 17, 21 ; 2 Chr. ix. 16, 20) was so called probably
from being fitted up with cedar. It has also been
explained as referring to the forest-like rows of
oedar pillars. The number and magnificence of the
cedars of I-ebanon is frequently noticed in the
poetical portions of the Bible, '["he/mtst generally
supplied Hebrew writers with an image of pride
and exaltation doomed to destruction (2 K. xix.
23; Is. x. 18, xxxii. 19, xxxvii. 34; Jer. xxi. 14,
xxii. 7, xlvi. 23; Zech. xi. 2), as well as of unfruit-
hilness as contrasted with a cultivated field or
vineyard (Is. xxix. 17, xxxii. 16; Jer. xxvi. 18;
Hoi. ii. 12). W. L. B.
• FORNICATION. [Adultery.]
FORTIFICATIONS. [Fksced Cities.]
FORTUNATUS (ioproimos [Latin,
Happy, fortunate], 1 Cor. xvi. 17), one of three
Corinthians, the others being Stephanas and
Achalcus, who were si Epbesus when St. Paul
wrote his first Epistle. Some have supposed that
they were al XAoiji, alluded to 1 Cor. i. 11; but
the language of irony, in which the Apostle must,
in that case be interpreted in ch. xvi. as speaking
of their presence, would become sarcasm too cutting
for so tender a heart as St. Paul's to bave uttered
among his valedictions. " The household of
Stephanas " is mentioned in ch. i. 16 as having
Men baptized by himself: perhaps Fortunatus and
Achalcus may bave been members of that house-
nold. There is a Fortunatus mentioned at the end
of Clement's first Epistle to the Corinthians, who
m possibly the same person. H. A.
• FOUNDER [Handicraft, I.]
FOUNTAIN. (1.) y$i fro™ V?» tofuw;
jo signifies an " eye," Gesen. p. 1017. (8.) X$®
\fitm l), a well-watered place; sometimes in A.V.
FOUNTAIN
"wj, jt "spring." (8.) D?Q M^IS, tmm
N^J, to go forth, Gesen. p. 613; • gushing forth
of waters. (4.) "Hp^, from Tip, tocHg, Gauo
p. 1309. (6.) W2I3, from 523, to bubble for*
Gesen. p. 845. (6.) *?!, or nb|, from Vjj,
to roll, Gesen. p. 388, all usually: rrryh, or wrryh
SJotoi: font and/uns aqvarwn. The special use
of these various terms will be found examined in
the Appendix to Stanley's Sinai and Palestine.
Among the attractive features presented by tne
Land of Promise to the nation migrating from
Egypt by way of the desert, none would be mora
striking than the natural gush of waters from the
ground. Instead of watering his field or garden,
as in Egypt, " with bis foot " (Shaw, Trattlt, p.
408), the Hebrew cultivator was taught to look
forward to a land " drinking water of the rain o£
heaven, a land of brooks of water, of fountains and
depths springing from valleys and hills" (Doit,
viii. 7, xi. 11). In the desert of Sinai, " the few
living, perhaps perennial springs," by the fact of
their rarity assume an importance hardly to be un-
derstood in moister climates, and more than justify
a poetical expression of national rejoicing over the
discovery of one (Num. xxi. 17). But the springs
of Palestine, though short-lived, are remarkable for
their abundance and beauty, especially those which
fall into the Jordan and its lakes throughout its
whole course (Stanley, S.fP.pp. 17, 122, 123, 205,
373, 509; Burckhardt, Spin, p. 344). The spring
or fountain of living water, the " eye " of the land-
scape (see No. 1), is distinguished in all oriental
languages from the artificially sunk and inclosed
well (Stanley, p. 609). Its importance is implied by
the number of topographical names compounded
with En, or 'Ain (Arab.) : En-gedi, 'Ain^ufy,
"spring of the gazelle," may serve as a striking
instance (1 Sam. xxiii. 39; Reland, p. 763; Rob-
inson, i. 504; Stanley, App. § 60). [See Aix.]
Fountain at Naaarato. (Roberts >
The volcanic agency which has operated so |»wer-
fully in Palestine, has from very early times given
tokens of its working in the warm springs which
are found near the sea of Galilee and the 1 !ead Sea.
One of them, En-eglaim, the " spring of carves,'
at the N. E. end of the latter, is probably identic*
With Callirrhoe, mentioned by Josephui as a pbet
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FOUNT AIN-GAfB
to by Herod in fail hit illness (Joseph.
8. J. i. 33, § 5; Kitto, Phyt. Geogr. of Put. 120,
1S1; Stanley, S. <f P. 285). His son Philip built
tbe town, which be named Tiberias, at the sul-
phureous hot-springs at the S. of the sea of Galilee
(Joseph. Anl. xviii. 2. § 3; Hasselquist, Travels,
App. 283; Kitto, 111 ; Burckhardt, Syria, 328,
330). Other hot-springs are found at seven miles
distance from Tiberias, and at Omkcu (Gadara)
(Reland, 775; Burckhardt, 276, 277; Kitto, 116,
118).
Jerusalem, though mainly dependent for its sup-
ply of water upon its rain-water cisterns, appears
from recent inquiries to have possessed either more
than one perennial spring, or one issuing by more
than one outlet. To this agree the « fona perennis
aquas" of Tacitus (Hist, v. 12), and the biiraiy
aWcXfiwror rivTacrit of Aristeas (Joseph, ii. 112,
ed. Havercamp. ; Kobinson, i. 343, 345 ; Williams,
Holy City, ii. 458, 468; Kaumer, p. 238; Ez. xlvii.
1, 12; Kitto, Phyt. Ueogr. pp. 412, 415). [Cis-
TEKSS; SlLOAM.]
In the towers built by Herod, Josephus says
there were cisterns with YaXKoupyti/iaTa through
which water was pourea forth: these may have
been statues or figures containing spouts for water
after Koman models (Plin. Epist. v. 6; //. N.
xxxvi. 15, 121; Joseph. B. J. r. 4, § 4).
No Eastern city is so well supplied with water
as Damascus (Early Trav. p. 284). In oriental
cities generally public fountains are frequent (Poole,
Enghsha. in Egypt, i. 180). Traces of such fount-
ains at Jerusalem may perhaps be found in the
names En-Rogel (2 Sam. xvii. 17), the " Dragon-
well " or fountain, and the " gate of the fountain "
(Neh. u. 13, 14). The water which supplied Sol-
omon's pools near Bethlehem was conveyed to them
by subterranean channels. In these may perhaps
be found the " sealed fountain " of Cant. iv. 12
(Hasselquist, p. 145; Maundrell, Early Trav. p.
457). The fountain of Nazareth bears a traditional
antiquity, to which it has probably good derivative,
if not actual claim (Roberts, Views in Palestine,
i. 21, 29, 33; Col. Ch. Chron. No. ezxx. p. 147;
Fisher's Views in Syria, i. 31, iii. 44).
H. W. P.
FOWL
889
So-called " Fountain " of Gana. (From Roberts.)
* FOUNTAIN-GATE. [Jerusalem, I.,
13, and III., vni.]
FOWTj. Several distinct Hebrew and Greek
sods are thus rendered in the A. V. of the Bible.
f these the most common is WB, which is usually
% oolsetive term for all kinds of birds, frequer">y
with th* addition of D^Q^n. "of the skies.''
13^¥ is a collective term fur birds of prey, de-
rived from WS, - to attack vehemently.' It is
translated fad in Gen. xv. 11, Job xiviii. 7, Is.
xviii. 6.
-VV33 (Chald. I??), from root "15$, "to
hiss," is also a collective term for birds, though uc
casionally rendered by swallow and sparrow. For
the collective use of the word see Deut iv. 17 ; l's
viii. 8; Ez. xvii. 23; and Dan. iv. 12. In Neh
r. 18, the word seems to have the special sen*
which '-fowl" has with as, as it is enumerate*
among the viands provided for Kehemiah's table.
In 1 K. iv. 2:1, among the daily provisions fui
Solomon's table " fatted fowl " are included, the
Hebrew words being D\>"CIH D , "!^"13. Gese-
nius prefers to translate this " fatted geese," refer-
ring the word to the root "Tip, " to be pure,"
because of the pure whiteness of the bird. He
gives reasons for believing that tbe same word in
the cognate languages included also the meaning
Of SIM/I.
In the N. T. the word translated "fowls" is
most frequently tA wtrtiri, which comprehends all
kinds of birds (including rarem, Luke xii. 24);
but in Rev. xix. 17-21, where the context shows
that birds of prey are meant, the Greek is ra tpyia.
The same distinction is observed in the apocrypha
writings: comp. Jud- xi. 7, Ecclus. xvii. 4 xliii
14, with 2 Mace. xv. 33. W. [>.
[The following supplement to the preceding art-
icle appears under Bums in tbe English edition,
but was omitted in reprinting, through the misun-
derstanding of a reference in tbe Appendix. As
"birds" and "fowls" are used in precisely the
same sense in the A. V., it is better that the two
articles should be united.] .
Birds are mentioned as articles of food in Deut.
xiv. 11, 20, the intermediate verses containing a
list of unclean birds which were not to be eaten.
There is a similar list in lev. xi. 13-19. From
Job vi. R, Luke xi. 12, we find that the eggs of
birds were also eaten. Quails and pigeons are
edible birds mentioned in the 0. T. Our Saviour's
mention of the hen gathering het chickens under
her wing implies that the domestic fowl was known
in Palestine. The art of snaring wild birds is re-
ferred to in Ps. exxiv. 7 ; Prov. i. 17, vii. 23 ; Am
iii. 5; Hos. v. 1, vii. 12. The cage full of birds in
Jer. v. 27 was a trap in which decoy-birds were
placed to entice others, and furnished with a trap-
door wbieb could be dropped by a fowler watching
at a distance. This practice is mentioned in Ecclus.
xi. 30 (wip6i( &np ivrhs in KapriWy, comp.
Arist. Hut. Anim. ix. 8). In Deut. xxii. 6 it is
commanded that an Israelite finding a bird's-nest in
his path might take the young or the eggs, but
must let the hen-bird go. By this means the
extirpatioL of any species was guarded against
Comp. Phoc; 1 Carm. 80 ff. : —
Mij r« fipitSW ffoAiirt atia lrajrav cAr'oAr
Jiqr«>a f JmrpoAurOif , h? ixflt iriAi njffAj raorrovi.
Birds were not ordinarily used as victims in the
Jewish sacrifices. They were not deemed valuable
enough for iu.it purpose; but tbe substitution of
turtle-doves and pigeons was permitted to the poor
and in the sacrifice for purification. Tbe way of
offering them is detailed in Iw. j. 15-17, and v. 8
and it is worthy of notice tint tbe practice 1 f uot
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FOWLEB
iividing theui, which ma the cue in other victims,
«as of high antiquity (Gen. xv. 10).
The mbuudance of birds in the East has been
mentioned by many travellers. In Curzon'a Mon-
tsteriet of the Levnnt, and in Stanley's Siruii and
Palatine, this abundance is noticed ; by the latter
in connection with his admirable illustration of the
parable of the sower (Matt. xiii. 4). (Coinp. Ros-
snmiilkr, iforgenl. v. 59.)
The nests of birds were readily allowed by the
Orientals to remain in their temples and sanctuaries,
as though they had placed themselves under the
protection of God (comp. Herod, i. 159; jElian,
I'. //. ▼. 17). There is probably an allusion to thin
in Ps. lxxxiv. 8.
The seasons of migration observed by biids are
noticed in Jer. viii. 7. Birda of song are men-
tioned in Ps. civ. 12; Ecd. xii. 4. Ducks and
geese are supposed to be meant by the word
D" 1 "!^ J in 1 K. iv. 23. W. D.
FOWLER. [SrAKKOw.]
FOX (byitt?, $h6'ii: oAwf/J). The root of
Vyitt? la 7VW. « to break through, to make hol-
low;" and hence its application to the fox, which
burrows. The term, probably, in its use by Uie
Hebrews, included the jackal as well as the com-
mon fox; for some of the passages in which A. V.
renders it "fox" suit that animal, while others
better represent the habits of the jackal.
The fox is proverbially fond of grapes, and a very
destructive visitor to vineyards (Cant. ii. 15). The
proverbially cunning character of the fox is alluded
to in Ez. xiii. 4 and Luke xiii. 32, where the
prophets of Israel are said to be like foxes in the
desert, and where our Saviour calls Herod " that
fox." His habit of burrowing among ruins is re-
ferred to in Nch. iv. 3 and Lam. v. 18 (see also
Matt. viii. 23). In Judg. xv. 4, and in Ps. lxiii.
10, it seems probable that the jackal rather than
the fox is spoken of. The Rabbinical writers make
frequent mention of the fox and his habits. In
the Talmud it is said, " The fox does not die from
being under the earth : he is used to it, and it dors
not hurt him." And again, " He has gained as
much as a fox in a ploughed field," >'■ e. nothing.
Another proverb relating to him is this: —
" If the fox be at the rudder,
Speak him fairly, < My dear brother.' "
Both the fox and the jackal are common in Pal-
atine; the latter name being probably connected
with the Heb. tlt&'al; Fr. chacal; Germ, tchahil;
sanskr. crttaln, pigala.
A curious instance of a not unfrequeut error in
the I JCX. will be found in 1 K. xx. 10, where
thu'alim, foxes, has been read for talim, handfuls,
tnd rendered accordingly. \V. 1).
There can be no doubt that the Hebrew word
*«"d/pyiB7) denotes the "jackal" (Omit au-
reus), as weU as " the fox." The passage in Ps.
lxiii. 10, « they Jiall be a portion for tlii'Mm,"
etidently refers to "jackals," which are ever ready
to prey ou the dead bodies of the slain. Indeed,
*» am inclined to think that the "jackal" is the
unmal more particularly signified in almost all the
•■usages in the O. T. where the Hebrew term oc
FOX
curs. The partiality for grapes is nearly as strong
in the jackal as in the fox ; " and there can he lac
doubt that the Hebrew tliu'al, the Persian ihagal,
the German leliakal, and the English jactaL are
all connected with each other.
« Ws remember some yean ago testing this fond
aaas for grapes in the jackals, foxes, and wolves, In the
it's Park Zoological Uardans. The two fint-
Jackal. Casus aureus.
The thu'alim of Judg. xv. 4 are evidently
"jackals," and not " foxes," for the former animal
is gregarious, whereas the latter is solitary in its
habits; and it is in the highest degree improbable
that Samson should ever have succeeded in catch-
ing so many as 300 foxes, whereas he could readily
have " taken in snares," as the Hebrew verb (13 j)
properly means, so many jackals, which go together
for the moat part in large groups. The whole pas-
sage, which describes the manner in which Sauiaon
avenged himself on the Philistines by tying the
tails of two jackals together, with a firebrand be-
tween them, and then sending them into the stand-
ing corn and orchards of his enemies, has, it ia
well known, been the subject of much dispute. Dr.
Kennicott (Remark on Sekct Passage* m the O.
T., Oxford, 1787, p. 100) proposed, on the author-
ity of seven Heb. MSS., to read shiaBm (D^bVuf),
"sheaves" (?), instead of thu'aRm (D^b^ttT),
leaving out the letter », the meaning then being,
simply, that Samson took 300 sheaves of corn, and
put end to end ("tail to tail"), and then act a
burning torch between them. (See also what an
anonymous French author has written under the
title of Renardt de Sainton, and his arguments re-
futed in a treatise, " De Vulpibus Sirasonteis," by
11. II. Gebhard, in Thei. tfvr. ThtoL PhiL i. 653
If.) The proposed reading of Kennicott has de-
servedly found little favor with commentators. Not
to mention the authority of the important old ver-
sions which are opposed to this view, it is pretty
certain that thlaKm cannot mean "sheave*." Ths
word, which occurs only three times, denotes in la,
xl. 12 " the hollow of the hand," and in 1 K. xx
10, Ki. xiii. 19, "handfuls."
The difficulty of the whole passage consists ia
understanding how two animals tied together by
their tails would run far in the same directiuu.
Col. H. Smith (in Kitto's Cyc. art. Shu'at) ob-
serves, " they would assuredly pull counter to aaca
other, and ultimately fight most fiercely." Pro*
ably they would; but it is only nur to
named animals ate the unl
wolves would not touch It
wttA. evldlsyi but IBs
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FOX
it reply to the objection* which critics hare ad-
Aneed to this transaction of the Hebrew judge,
that it has jet to be demonstrated that two jackals
united by their tails would run counter, and thus
defeat the intended purpose; in so important a
matter as the verification of a Scripture narrative
the proper course is experimental where it can be
resorted to. Again, we know nothing as to the
length of the cord which 'attached the animals, a
consideration which is obviously of much import-
ance in the question at issue, for as jackals are gre-
irarious, the couples would naturally run together
if we allow a length of cord of two or three yards,
especially when we reflect that the terrified animals
would endeavor to escape as far as possible out of
the reach of their captor, and make the best of their
way out of his sight. Col. H. Smith's explanation,
which has been adopted by Kitto (in the Pict. BibL
in Judg. L c. ), namely, that by " tail to tail " is to be
understood the end of the f rebmtul attached to the
extremity of the tail, is contradicted by the imme-
diate context, where it is said that Samson " put a
firebrand in the midst between two tails." The
translation of the A. V. is unquestionably the cor-
rect rendering of the Hebrew, and has the author-
ity of the LXX. and Vulg. in its favor. But if
the above remarks are deemed inadequate to a sat-
isfactory solution of Samson's exploit, we are at
liberty to suppose that he had men to help him,
both in the capture of the jackals and ii. the use
to which he put them, and it is not necessary to
conclude that the animals were all caught at, and
let loose from, the snme place. Some might have
been taken in one portion of the Philistines' terri-
tory and some in another, jjiJ let loose in different
7f '•"■
FRANKINCENSE
841
Com* Oyrlatm.
part* of the country. This view would obviate the
alleged difficulty alluded to above; for there would
lie no necessity for the jackals to run any great dis-
tance in order to insure the greatest amount of
damage to the crops: 150 different centre*, so to
S|ieak, of conflagration throughout the country of
the Philistines must have burnt up nearly all their
corn; and, from the whole context, it in evident that
the injury done was one of almost unlimited extent."
With respect 'o the jackals and foxes of Palestine,
there is no doubt that the common jackal of Hat
country is the Cnnis aureus, which may be heard
every night in the villages. Hemprich and Kbran-
berg (Symb. Phys. pt. i.) speak of a vulpine ani-
mal, under the name of Ctinis Syri tcus. as occur-
ring in Lebanon. Col. H. Smith has figured an
animal to which he gives the name of " Syrian fox "
or Vulpei Ihaleb, or tanleb ; but we have been
quite unable to identify the animal with any known
species.* The Egyptian Vulptt NiL>ticut and doubt-
«* * The reader will And interesting information re-
peeting nome of ttu supposed difllcultliw In Samson's
•xplort with the foxes, in Thomson's Liit'l and Book,
■. MO, Ml. Prof. Oassel also {Rlekter mil Rath, p.
US, In luge's Bibeimerk) brings forward tram the his-
tory of other ancient chieftains various mscauees of a
wt to similar mods* of Inflicting Injury c_ enemies
■ «w. K.
Taipei NUotitai.
less the common fox of our own country ( V. vol
g"ris) are Palestine species. Hasselquist ( Trat
p. 184) says foxes are common in the stony country
about Bethlehem, and near the Convent of St.
John, where about vintage time they destroy all
the vines unless they are strictly watched. That
jackals and foxes were formerly very common in
some parts of Palestine is evident from the name*
of places derived from these animals, as Haear-Shual
(Josh. xv. 28), Shaal-bim (Judg. i. 35). W. H.
FRANKINCENSE (njhb, from 1^1, to
be white ; Ai/Savoi, Kx. xxx. 34, Ac., and Matt. U.
11; Ai&tranfr, 1 Chr. ix. 29; Kev. viii. 3, N.
T.), a vegetable resin, brittle, glittering, and of a
bitter taste, used for the purpose of sacrificial fumi-
gation (Ex. xxx. 34-30). It is obtained by succes-
sive incisions in the bark of a tree called the arbor
tliuris, the first of which yields the purest and
whitest kind (i"T3T 7 : Klflavor Sto4>ar~n, or ita-
9ap6v) ; while the produce of the after incisions is
spotted with yellow, and as it becomes old lories its
whiteness altogether. The Hebrews imported their
frankincense from Arabia (Is. Ix. 6; .ler. vi. 20),
and more particularly from Saba; but it is remark-
able that at present the Arabian Libamim, or OH-
lianum, is of a very inferior kind, and that the
finest frankincense imported into Turkey comes
through Arabia from the islands of the Indian
Archipelago. The Arabian plant may possibly
have degenerated, or it may be that the finest kind
* The late Col. Hamilton Smith used to make draw
logs of animals from all sources, such as monuments,
books speetmMis, &c. ; hut, as he often forgot the
sourer* It Is di^lcult In several instances to understand
what animal he Intended. Dr. Gray tells as that ha
was unable to identify many of the horses la j
Naturalist's Library.
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842
FRANKINCENSE
•as always procured from India, as it certainly wai
in the time of Dioscorides. The Arabs call the
beat frankincense cundur, with which compare the
Sanskrit cunduru, an odorous gum which is stated
by the Hindu medical writers to be the produce of
a tren called Sullaci or Salai. This tree grows on
the mountains of India, and is described by Dr.
Roiburgh, who calls it the BotwtUin terrain (Atini.
Re: ix. 877, 8to ed.).
The resin itself is well known: but it is still un-
certain by what tree it is produced. Ancient as
well as modern authors vary in their descriptions
to such an extent that it is difficult to arrive at a
consistent, still more difficult to gain a botanical
idea of the plant. It is described by Theophrastus
u attaining the height of about five ells, having
many branches, leaves like the pear-tree, and bark
like the liurel ; but at the same time he mentions
another description, according to which it resembles
the mattick-tree, its leaves bang of a reddish color
(BuL PUvnL ix. 4). According to Diodorus (r.
41) it is a small tree, resembling the Egyptian
hawthorn, with gold-yellow leaves like those of the
ictW. The difficulty was rather increased than
otherwise in the time of Pliny by the importation
of some shoots of the tree itself, which seemed to
belong to the terebinthvt (xii. 31). Garcia de
Horto represents it as low, with a leaf like that of
the tnnslict : he distinguishes two kinds, the finer,
growing on the mountains, the other dark, and of
an inferior quality, growing on the plains. Char-
din says that the frankincense tree on the mount-
ains of C'aramania resembles a large pear-tree. It
is not mentioned by Forskal, and Niebuhr could
learn nothing of it (Trav. p. 356). A more def-
inite notion of the plant might possibly be obtained
from the Thuia occilenlab't, the American arbor
vita, or frankincense tree. But at any rate there
can be little doubt that the tree which produces the
Indian frankincense, and which in all probability
supplied Arabia with the finer kind supposed to be
indigenous in that country, is the Botteellia terrata
of Roxburgh (rid. supr.); or Botuxllia tkuri/ern
of Colebrooke. Its claims have been maintained
by Colebrooke against the Jumperm Lycia of Lin-
naeus, which was long supposed to be the true
frankincense tree. Colebrooke shows, upon the
testimony of French botanists, that this tree, which
grows in the south of France, does not yield the
gum in question. It is extremely doubtful what
tree produces the Arabian vlibanum: Lamarck
proposes the Amyrii OUeadentU ; but, as it would
seem, upon inconclusive evidence.
The Indian olibmum. or frankincense, is im-
ported in chest; and easkc from Bombay, as a reg-
ular article of sale. It is chiefly used in the rites
of the Greek and Roman churches; and its only
medical application at present is as a perfume in
sick rooms. The olibanum, or frankincense used
by the Jews in the Temple service, is not to be con-
founded with the frankincense of commerce, which
is a spontaneous exudation of the Pima abies, or
Norway spruce fir, and resembles, in its nature and
uses, the Burgundy pitch which is obtained from
the same tree.
From Cant. iv. 14, it has been inferred that the
Vankinoenje tree grew in Palestine, and especially
<o Mount tabanon. The connection between the
sanies, however, goes for nothing (Lebonab, Leba-
■oon); the word may be used for aromatic plants
ally (Gesen. Lex.); and the rhetorical flour-
i«f Floras (Efil. iii. 6, "thuris silvas"! and
FROG
Ausonlns {.Wonosi/l. p. 110) are of Bttlt aval
against the fact that the tree Is not at pi Men
found in Palestine (Cels. ffierui. i. p. 831 ft
Roseum. AUertkumti. iv. 153 ff.). T. E. It.
* FRAN KLY (said of the creditor's manner ol
discharging his debtors, Luke vii. 42) formerly meant
freely, generously. The Greek is t^aplaaro, <■ «
made a yifl of the debt to those who owed it. H.
* FRAY (Dent, xxviii. 26; Jer. vii. 33; Zech.
i. 21) means " affright," " terrify.'' It was common
when our version was made, but 1* now s provin-
cialism. U.
•FREEDOM, Acts xxii. 28. [CrnzKxgHrr.]
* FRET (Lev. xiii. 55) is apparently a noun
(not a participle) denoting the plague-spot in a lep-
rous garment. It translates nfltT?, literally a
hollow spot, here one that has eaten into the text-
ure of the cloth. It is from the Anglo-Saxon frtUan,
" to devour," kindred with frtodan, "to rub." U.
* FRINGES. [Dress; Hem op Garmkkt.]
FROG (?T13Vi tztphardfa [marsh-leaper
Gesen., but Dietrich has other conjectures]: /W-
rpaxof- rana), the animal selected by God as an
instrument for humbling the pride of Pharaoh (Ex.
viii. 2-14; Ps. Ixxviii. 45, cv. 30; Wisd. xix. 10);
frogs came in prodigious numbers from the canals,
the rivers, and the marshes, they filled the houses,
and even entered thu ovens and kneading troughs;
when at the command of Hoses the frogs died, the
people gathered them in heaps, and "the land
stank " from the corruption of the bodies. There
can be no doubt that the whole transaction was
miraculous; frogs, it is true, if allowed to increase,
can easily be imagined to occur in such multitudes
as marked the second plague of Egypt; indeed
similar plagues are on record as having occurred in
various places, as at Paxmia and Dardania, where
frogs suddenly appeared in such Timbers as to
cause the inhabitants to leave that region (see
Eustathius on Horn. ft. i., and other quotations
cited by Bochart, /fierce, iii. 576); but that the
transaction was miraculous appears from the follow-
ing considerations.
(1.) The time of the occurrence was In spring,
when frogs would be in their tadpole state, or at
any rate not sufficiently developed to enable them
to go far from the water. (2.) The frogs would
not naturally have died, in such prodigious numbers
as is recorded, in a single day.
It is stated (Ex. viii. 7) that the Egyptian " ma-
gicians brought up frogs." Some writers hare de-
nied that they could have had any such power, and
think that they must have practiced some deceit
It is worthy of remark, that though they may hare
been permitted by God to increase the plagues, they
were quite unable to remove them.
Amongst the Egyptians the frog was considered
a symbol of an imperfect man, and was supposed to
be generated from the slime of the river — ix tt/ j
rot woto/xov (Xooj (see Horapollo, i. 26). A frog
sitting upon a lotus ittelumbwm) was also regarded
by the ancient Egyptians as symbolical of the re-
turn of the Nile to its bed after the inundations
Hence the Egyptian word Uhrur, which was used
to denote the Nile descending, was also, with tbf
slight change of the first letter into an an irate
Chrw, the name of » frog (Jablonski, / oasa
JEgg*. iv. 1, § 9).
The only known species of frog which occurs at
present in Egypt is the Sana escuiem* of wfcM
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FROJSTLKT8
two varieties an described which differ from Spal-
FRONTLETS
848
li's aperies in nme alight peculiarities (De-
KripL dt tSgypie, HuL Notur. torn. i. p. 181,
I6L ed.). The liana etcuknta, the well-known
edible frog of the Continent, which occurs also in
some localities in England, has a wide geographical
range, being found in manj parte of Asia, Africa,
and Europe. How the Ji. punct-ita (Pelodytet) came
to be described as an Egyptian species we cannot
aay, but it is certain that this species is not found
in Egypt, and it is almost certain that none but
the Ji. etcultnta does occur in that country. We
are able to state that Dr. A. Gunther of the British
Museum confirms this statement. A species of
tree-frog (Byla) occurs in Egypt; but with this
genus we have nothing to do. W. H.
* It is remarkable that none of the Hebrew
writers speak of frogs as existing in Palestine
(though referring to those in Egypt, as in Ps.
Ixxviii. 46, cv. 30); and yet the marshes, pools,
and tanks there abound with them, and the trav-
eller in the spring months hears their croaking in-
cessantly from one end of the land to the other.
The crater known as Birket er-Jtam (the Phiaki of
Josepbus), not far from the ancient Caeearea PhUippi
(Bantu), is a noted haunt of these annuals. " On
every stone, and along the edge they sat in serried
ranks, bolting into the water before us as we
stepped, while hundreds of water-snakes wriggled
from under them, but not a stork or a heron to
rule them " (Tristram, Land of /trad, p. 590, 2d
ed.). " I-arge parts of its surface (Phiala) are cov-
ered with a sort of sea-weed, and upon it, and all
around the margin,
' These loud-plplng frogs make the marshes to ring.*
It seems to be the very metropolis of frogdom "
(Thomson, Land and Book, i. 368). H.
FRONTLETS, or PHYLACTERIES
(/TrS^HtS, Ex. xiii. 16; Deut vi. 8, xi. 18; the
only time passages of the O. T. in which the word
occurs; LXX. lurd\tvrai K. T. <pvXaxrfipiu,
Matt, xxiii. 6; the modern Jews caned them Te-
ph'Utin, yyQJ-1, a word not found in the Bible,
Buxtorf, Lex. T'ulm. a. v.). These "frontlets" or
•' phylacteries " were strips of parchment, on which
were written four passages of Scripture (Ex. xiii.
3-10, 11-17; Deut. vi. 4-9, 13-33) in an ink pre-
pared for the purpose. They were then rolled up
in a case of black calf-skin, which was attached to
a stiller piece of leather, having a thong one finger
'mad, and one and a half cubits long. "They were
placed at the bend of
the left arm, and after
the thong had made a
little knot in the shape
of the letter •, it was
wound about the arm
in a spiral line, which
ended at the top of the
middle finger." This
was called "the Tephil-
lah on the arm," and
the leather case coutained
only one cell, the pas-
sages being written on a |
single piece of parch-
ment, with thin linek
ruled between (Godwvn,
Mo$a and Aaron, bx. i-
eh. x.). Those worn on
the forehead were written on four strips of parch
ment (which might net be of any hide except cow
hide, Nork, Brant, tmd Rabb. p. 211 ; comp
Hesych. «. v. XkvtIkt) iwutovpla), and put into font
little cells within a square case, on which the letter
W was written ; the three point* of the W being
" an emblem of the heavenly Fathers, Jehovah our
Lord Jehovah " (Zohar, foL 54, col. 3). The square
had two thongs (mS , Tl), on which Hebrew
letters were inscribed ; these were passed round the
bead, and after making a knot in the shape of "1
passed over the breast. This phylactery was called
" the TephiliaJi on the head," and was worn in the
centre of the forehead (Leo of Modena, Ccremonut
of the Jem, i. 11, n. 4; Oalmet, s. v. Phylactery:
Otho, Lex. Rob. p. 656).
The derivation of mS^pltS is uncertain. Gtv
seniua derives it by contraction from mBl]p9P
( Tku. p. 548). The Rabbinic name V \tR comm
from n^Ofl, " a prayer," because they were worn
during prayer, and were supposed to typify the sin-
cerity of the worshipper; hence they were bound
on the left wrist (Gem. Eruvin, 95, 2; Otho, L c;
Buxt Lex. Tatm. s. v.). In Matt, xxiii. 5, only,
tbey are called (pvKam-fipia, either because they
tended to promote observance of the Law (4«1 ftrn-
P-h" 'x*" T0 " &*o5, Just. Mart. Dial. c. Trypk.
p. 205, for which reason Luther happily renders
the word by Denlaetlel); or from the use of them
as amulets (Lat Prabii, Gk. weplawra, Grotius id
Matt, xxiii. 5). $u\wcrtipio» if the ordinary Greek
word for an amulet (Plut ii. 378, B, where <pv\-
= the Roman Bulla), and is used apparently with
this meaning by a Greek translator, Ex. xiii. 18,
for HV1D3, cushions (Rosenmuller, SchoL ad loc.
ciL; Schleusner, Lex. in A'. T.). That phylacteries
were used as amulets is certain, and was very nat-
ural (Targ. ad Cant. viii. 3; Bartolocc. DibL Bab.
i. 576 ; Winer, s. w. Amulete, PhylaiUerien).
Jerome (on Matt, xxiii. 6) says they were thus
used in his day by the Babylonians, Persians, and
Indians, and condemns certain Christian "mulier-
cuhe " for similarly using the gospels (" parvubt
evangelia," $i&Kla fuxpd, Cbrys.) as wtpUjiftara,
especially the Proem to St John (comp. Chrysost
Horn, in Matt. 73). The Koran and other sacred
books are applied to the same purpose to this day
(Hottinger, Hitt. Orient, i. 8, p. 301, de Nummu
Orient, xvii. ft. ; '• The most esteemed of all Hhe-
gaba is a Mooshaf, or copy of the Koran," Lane.
Mod. Egypt, i. 838). Scaliger even supposes that
phylacteries were designed to supersede those amu-
let*, the use of which had been already learnt by
the Israelites in Egypt [Amulkts.] There was
a spurious book called Phylact. Angelorum, where
Pope Gekuius evidently understood the word to
mean "amulets," for he remarks that Phylacteria
ought rather to be ascribed to devils. In this sense
they were expressly forbidden by Pope Gregory
(" Si quis . ■ . phylacteriis usus fuerit, anathema
sit," Sixt Senensis, BibL Sand. p. 93; comp
Can. 36, toncil. Laod.).
The LXX. rendering ka&Ktvra (AquiL krimt
to.) must allude to their being tightly bound on thf
forehead and wrist during prayer. Petit (Var.
Lectt. ii. 3) would read a(i\tvra (h. e. appaua
aiSoia «Vri irrmpovft Schleunur, Tkt$. a. ».
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FRONTLETS
t«-«A.), but he fa amply refuted by Spencer (dt
Ltgg. RU. Iv. 3, p. 1210) did Wltstus (JCgypt.
H. 9, § 11). Jerome calh tbem Pittadoia («1.
Pictat), a name which tolerably expreaaea their
purpose (Forceilini, Lex. a. v.).
The expression "they make brood their phy-
lacteries" (sAOToVovtri t4 QvK. ainiy, Matt,
xxiii. 5) refers not ao much to the phylactery itself,
which seems to hare been of a prescribed breadth,
is to the case (HS^Sp) in which the parchment
was kept, which the Pharisees (among their other
pretentious customs, Mark vii. 3, 4; Luke v. 33,
Ac.) made as conspicuous as they could (Kdand,
Aniiq. ii. 9, 15). Misled probably by the term
a-AoreVovo-t, and by the mention of the H3V2,
or fringe (Num. xv. 38, K\mrua AmcivSiroy M ra
Kpdtnrioa t&p vrtpvylvv, LXX.), in connection
with, them, Epiphamus says that they were wAdYca
ffv)/iara xofxpiftu, like the Roman laticlnve, or the
stripes on a Dalmatic ( T a it o-fipara rqt wopQir
pas <pv\<ucrtipta tl&taoi* ol fiKptfittpJpot ptro-
vo^iA(ttv, c. liar. i. 33; Sixt. Sen. I. c). lie says
tliat these purple stripes were worn by the Phari-
sees with fringes, and four pomegranates; that no
one might touch them, and hence he derives their
name (Reland, Ant. ii. 9, 15). But that this is an
error is clearly shown by Scaliger (Etench. Trihar.
riii. 66 fl". ). It is said that the Pharisees wore
them always, whereas the common people only used
them at prayers, because they were considered to
be even holier than the y^, or golden plate, on
the priest's tiara (Ex. xxviii. 36) since that had the
sacred name once engraved, but in each of the
Tephillin the tetragrammaton recurred twenty-
three times (Carpcov, App. Critic. 196). Again,
tht Pharisees wore the Tephillah above the eibtw,
but the Sadducees on the palm of the hand (God-
wyn, L e.). The modern Jews only wear them at
morning prayers, and sometimes at noon (Leo of
Modena, L c ).
In our Lord's time they were worn by all Jews,
except the Karaites, women, and skives. Boys,
when (at the age of thirteen years and a day) they
became HlStS "OH (sons of the commandments),
were bound to wear them (Babti Berac. fol. 32, 1,
in Gluesa), and therefore they may have been used
eveti by our 1-ord, as he merely discountenanced
their .ibutc The suggestion was made by Scaliger
(t c), and led to a somewhat idle controversy.
Lightfoot (flor. Htbr. ad Matt, xxiii. 5) and Otho
(Lei. Rob. p. 656) agree with Scaliger, but Carp-
sov (/. c.) and others strongly deny it, from a belief
that the entire use of phylacteries arose from an
*rror.
The Karaites explained Deut vi. 8, Ex. xiii. 9,
Ac., as a Jigurativt command to remember the law
(Reland, Anliq. p. 183), as is certainly the case in
similar passages (Prov. iii. 3, vi. 21, vii. 8; Cant
riii. 6, Ac.). It seems clear to us that the scope
of these injunctions favors the Karaite interpreta-
Uon, and in Ex. xiii. 9 the word is not HlS^Itt,
out 7"H JT •' a memorial " (Gerhardus on Deut. tL
«.; Edzardus on Beraeoth, 1. 209; Heidanue, dt
Orig Errorit, viii. B. 6; Schittgen, Hor. Htbr.
. 199; RosenmlUler, ad he. ; Hengstenberg, Pent.
', 458). Considering too the nature of the passages
taarlbed on the phylacteries (by no means the most
Dt in the Pentateuch —for the Fathers are
FRONTLETS
mistaken in saying that the Decalogue wis aajtt
in Una way, Jer. Lei Chryaost I c ; TheophyL
ad Matt, xxiii. 5), and the fact that we have ac
trace whatever of their use before the exile (during
which time the Jews probably learnt the practice
of wearing them from the Babylonians), we ban
no doubt that the object of the precepts COe-t n.
8; Ex. xiii. 9) was to impress on the mt.de <4 *fc*
people the neosasity of remembering the I*w But
the figurative language in which this doty was
urged upon them was mistaken for a literal com-
mand. An additional argument against the lit-
eral interpretation of the direction is the dangerous
abuse to which it was immediately liable. Indeed
such an o b s erva nce would defeat the supposed in-
tention of it, by substituting an outward ceretnuij
for an inward remembrance. We have a specimen
of this in the curious literalism of Kimchi's com
ment on Pa. i. 3. Starting the objection that It hi
impossible to meditate in God's law day and night,
because of sleep, domestic cares, Ac, be answers
that for the fulfillment of the text it is sufficient te
wear Tephillin I
In spite of these considerations, Justin (DiaL c
Trgph. I c), Cbrysostom, Eutbymius, Theophy-
lact, and many moderns (Baumgarten, Gmtn. L
479; Winer, s. v. PkylalU.) prefer the literal mean-
ing. It rests therefore with tbem to account for
the entire absence of all allusion to phylacteries in
the O. T. The passages in Proverbs (c. stjpro)
contain no auch reference, and in Ex. xxhr. 17 "^N?
means not a phylactery (as Jarchi says), but a tm>
ban. [Crowns.] (Gesen. Tht*. p. 1089.)
The Rabbis have many rules about their use.
They were not worn on Sabbaths or other sacred
days, because those days were themselves a sign or
pledge (fTW), and required no further memorial
(Z-har, fbL 336; Reland, /. e.). They must he
totd standing in the morning (when blue can be
distinguished from green), but in the evening (at
sunset) they might be read sitting. In times of
persecution a red thread was worn instead (Mun-
»ter, dt prae. affirm. ; comp. Josh. ii. 18). Both
hands were to be used, if possible, in writing them.
The leather must have no hole in it A single blot
did not signify if an uneducated boy could read the
word. At the top of the parchment no more room
must be left than would suffice for the letter V,
but at the bottom there might he room even for p
or 1. A man, when wearing the Tepnilan, must
not approach within four cubita of a cemetery
(Sixt Senensis, I c). He who has a taste for
further frivolities (which yet are deeply interesting
as illustrative of a priestly superstition) may find
them in Lightfoot (Hor. Htb. ad kxs.), Schottgen,
Otho (Lex. Rob. a. v.), and in the Mishna — espe-
cially in the treatise called /few* llaikanak.
The Rabbis even declared that God wore them,
arguing from Is. lxii. 8; Deut niiii. 2; la. xlix.
16. Perhaps this was a pious fraud to inculcate
their use; or it may have had some mystic mean-
ing (Zohar, pt ii. fbL 2; Carptov, L e.V.
Josephus gives their general significance (Ant.
iv. 8, § 18, is ■Ktpl&Krrror that rornrx^ter t#
wepl aurobs wpSBvfioir rod 8cov)> They ware enp>
posed to save from the Devil (Targ. ad Cant. viii. 8
and from sin (Hottinger, Jur. Htbr. Leg. ax. 39)
and they were used for oaths; but the Rabbit, das
approved the applica ti on of them to ahem vesaaia
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FROST
V M ehUdreu to sleep (11. i«j. 468; Mslmnn
is Idol &.). He who wan them wu supposed to
pcofcmg bis days (Is. xxxviii. 16), bat be who did
not, wu doomed to perdition, since he thereby broke
tight affirmative preeepta (Mairoon. Tephil. iv. 36).
On the analogous practice alluded to in Rev. xiii.
16, xiv. I, tee Forehead.
Besides the autbon already quoted (Sixt Senen-
sis, Reland, Otho, Lightfoot, Schottgen, Carpzov,
Hottinger, Godwyn, Kosenmiiller, Ac.), see the
bllowing, to whom they refer: Maimonides, 7V-
phiilin; Wagenseil in Sota, cap. U. pp. 397-418;
Surenhusius, AfUhnn, ad Tract. Beracoth, pp. 8,
9 ; Beck, de Jadaorum Ligimentit precatirit, and
dt Utu Phylaa. (1679); Basnage, ttitL da Jtdft,
fir. vi. eh. xvih.; Braunius, dt Vest. Sacerd. p. 7
£; Buxtorf, 8gnag. Jud, p. 170 ff.; Ugolini, Thtt.
torn. xxL, dt Utu PkylaeL There is in this latter
work much further information, but we have in-
serted all that seemed interesting. F. W. F.
» FROST. [Palestine, 47.]
* FUEL. [Coal; Duva; Oven; Thorns.]
FULLER (D33, from 033, frearf, Gesen.
p 667: ymptif- f«B»\. The trad* of the full-
FULLER'S FIELD
845
XsTpoaa rnller.
era, so far as it is mentioned in Scripture, appears
to have consisted chiefly in cleansing garments and
whitening them. The use of white garments, and
also the feeling respecting their use for festal and
religious purposes, may be gathered from the fol-
lowing passages : Eccl. be. 8; Dan. vii. 9; Is.
Ixhr. 6; Zech. ill. 3, 5; 9 Sam. vi. 14; 1 Chr. xv.
27; Hark ix. 3; Rer. ir. 4, vi. 11, vii. 9; Miahna,
Taanith, ir. 8; see also Stat. Site. 1. 9, 937; Ovid.
Fast i. 79 ; Oaudlan, de Laud Slit. ill. 989.
fhls branch of the trade was perhaps exercised
by other persons than those who carded the wool
and smoothed the doth when woven (Miahna, Bona
krnna, i. x. 10). In applying the marks used to
distinguish cloths sent to be cleansed, fullera were
desired to be careful to avoid the mixtures forbidden
by the Law (Lev. xlx. 19; Dent. xxii. 11 ; Miahna,
Haute. CUaim, ix. 10).
The process of fulling or cleansing cloth, so far
as it may be gathered from the practice of other
nations, consisted hi treading or stamping on the
garments with the feet or with bats in tubs of
jrater, in which some alkaline aubstance answering
he purpose of soap had been dissolved (Geaen.
Thtt. p. 1261, sT\; Beekmann, HitL of /men-
Ham, tt. 94, 95, Bohn). The aubstanoea used for
Jus purpose which are mentioned in Scripture are
"10^, nitre, »(rpor, mtrum (Gesso, p. 930; Prov.
or. 90; Jer. U. 99), and /Tni, sow, wola.
herba fullumm, herba borilk (Gesen. p. 946; Mat
iii. 9). Nitre ia found in Egypt and in Syria, and
vegetable alkali was also obtained there from the
ashes of certain plants, probably Saitoh kaU (Ge-
aen. p. 946; Plin. xxxi. 10, 46; Hasselquist, p. 276;
Burcktardt, Syria, p. 914). The Juice also of some
saponaceous plant, perhaps Gyptaphila ttrtUhiim.
or Saponario officinalis, was sometimes mixed with
the water for the like purpose, and may thus be
regarded as representing the soap of Scripture.
Other substances also are mentioned as being em-
ployed in cleansing, which, together with alkali,
seem to identify the Jewish with the Roman pro
cess, aa urine and chalk, Greta dmoUa, and bean-
water, i e. bean-meal mixed with water (Miahna,
Shnbb. ix. 5; Niddah, ix. 6). Urine, both of men
and of animals, was regularly collected at Rome
for cleansing cloths (Plin. xxxviii. 6, 8; Athen.
xi. p. 484; Mart. ix. 93; Plautus, Attn. v. 9, 57),
and it seema not improbable that its use in the full-
er's trade at Jerusalem may hare suggested the
coarse taunt of Rabshakeh, during his interview
with the deputies of Hezekiah in the highway of
the Fuller's Field (2 K. xviii. 17), but Schottgen
thinks it doubtful whether the Jews made use of
it in fulling (Antiq. full. § 9). The
pro c ess of whitening garments was
performed by rubbing into them
chalk or earth of some kind. Crcin
dmotia (Cimolite) was probably the
earth moat frequently used. The
whitest sort of earth for this pur-
pose is a white potter's clay or
marl, with which the poor at Home
rubbed their clothes on festival days
to make them appear brighter (Plin.
xxxi. 10, § 118, xxxv. 17). Sulphur
which was used at Home for dis-
charging positive color, was abun-
dant in some parts of Palestine, but
there is no evidence to show that it
was used in the fuller's trade.
The trade of the fullers, as causing offensivr
smells, and also as requiring apace for drying
clothes, appears to have been carried ou at Jeru-
s.dem outside the city, and frcm them a field, a
monument, and also a spring (En-rogel), to have
derived their names (Beekmann, Hut. of Inr. ii
92, 108, Bohn; Diet, of Antiq. art. /Ufa? Winer,
s. v. Walker; Wilkinson, abridgm. ii. 106; Seal-
schDtz, i. 3, 14, 39, ii. 14, 6; Schottgen, Antiq.
fuUonia). [Handicraft.] H. W. P.
FULLER'S FIELD, THE (Da'lS mtp :
6 aypbs roi yvaftot, or tyoffai: ager futlomt),
a spot near Jerusalem (2 K. xviii. 17; Is. xxxv).
2, vii. 3) so close to the walls that a person apeak
ing from there could be heard on them (2 K. xviii.
17,26). It is only Incidentally mentioned in these
passages, as giving its name to a "highway"
(71901? = an embanked road, Gesen. Thtt. p
967 b), "In" (?) or "on" (V^l, A. V. "In"),
which highway was the "conduit of the upper
pool." The » end " (fT^f?) of the conduit, what-
ever that was, appears to have been close to the
road (Is. vii. 3). One resort of the fallen of Jeru-
salem would seem to have been below the city on
the southeast aid.- [Eh-rooel]. But RabahsWi
and his "great host" can hardly have approaches
■h that direction They mast sat* eoss* ion the
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FUNERALS
north — the only accessible side for any body of
people — as U certainly indicated by the route traced
in Is. x. 28-32 [Gibeah] ; and the Fuller's Field
was therefore, to judge from this circumstance, on
the table-land on the northern side of the city.
The " pool " and the " conduit " would be sufficient
reasons for the presence of the fullers. But on the
other hand, Kabshakeh and his companions may
have left the army and advanced along the east
tide of Mount Moriah to En-rogel, to a convenient
place under the Temple walls for speaking.
In considering the nature of this spot, it should
be borne in mind that Sadth, " field," is a term
almost invariably confined to cultivated arable land,
as opposed to unreclaimed ground. [Jerusalem.]
G.
* Others find this "field" on the west of
Jerusalem, near the pool usually marked on the
maps as "upper Gihon" (Birket el AtamUlah).
The field took its name doubtless from the fact
that the fullers spread the garments cleansed by
them on the ground there to dry. This pool is
used now for that purpose, and the adjacent ground
may be seen covered with whitening garments.
(See Robinson in BibL Sacra, iii. 646 f.) Williams
(Holy Cily, i. Suppl. p. 122) places the Fuller's
Field on the north of Jerusalem, chiefly because
Josephus (B. J. v. 4, § 2) speaks of a " fuller's
monument" there (yytupfws urijpa). On that
side of the city the field and the place of washing
could not well have been near each other, unless
the nature of the ground hat very much changed.
On the other hand, "a fuller's monument," probably
a tomb, would have no necessary connection with
the " fuller's field." (See Schultz, Jerusalem, time
Vorlemng, pp. 51,84.) The different opinions show
how imperfectly the minute topography of the
ancient city is yet known. H.
FUNERALS. [Burial.]
FURLONG- [Measures.]
FURNACE. Various kinds of furnaces are
noticed in the Bible. (1.) "TlsliTl is so translated
in the A. V. in Gen. xv. 17 ; Is. nod. 9 ; Neh. iii.
11, xii. 38. Generally the word applies to the
baker's oven, which is described under Bread,
snd there is little doubt that the " tower of the
furnaces" in Neh. should be rendered "tower of
the ovens." (n Gen. xv. and Is. xxxi. it is used
in a more general sense. (2.) )E'5?> * smelting
or calcining furnace (Gen. xix. 28 ; Ex. ix. 8, 10,
xix. 18), especially a lime-kiln, the use of which
was evidently well known to the Hebrews (Is.
xxxiii. 12 ; Am. ii. 1). (3.) 113, a refining
furnace (Prov. xvii. 3, xxvii. 21; Ex. xxii. 18 ft'.),
metaphorically applied to a state of trial (Deut. iv.
JO; 1 K. viii. 51; Is. xlviii. 10; Jer. xi. 4). The
5>rm of it was probably similar to the one used in
Egypt, which is figured below. [The word trans-
lated "furnace" (A. V.) in Pe. xii. 6 (7), Vbj,
does not occur elsewhere, and is of uncertain sig-
nification. Gesenius inclines to the sense " work-
shop " ; Fiirst and others understand it to mean
•crucible." — A.] (4.) 1V1N, a large furnace
aaUt like a brick-kiln, with an opening at the top
U> east in the materials (Dan. iii. 22, 23), and a
tear at the ground by which the metal might be
extracted (ver. 26). The Roman fornax, as repre-
antad in Diet, of Ant. p. 546, gives an idea of the
FURNITURE
Persian aatn. The Persians were in the hal«
of using the furnace at • means of inflicting eapaM
Furnace. — An Egyptian blowing the On (far rndttni
gold. (Wilkinson.)
punishment (Dan. I. c: Jer. xxix. 22; 9 Mace, vii
5; Hos. vii. 7). A parallel case is mentioned by
Chardin ( Voyage en Peite, iv. 276). two ovens
having been kept ready heated for a whole month
to throw in any corn-dealers who raised the price
of corn. (5.) The potter's furnace (Ecclus. xxvii.
5 ; xxxviii. 30), which resembles a chimney in
shape, and was about five or six feet high, as rap-
resented below. (6.) The blacksmith's "
The Egyptian Potter's Furnace. (WUkmsm.)
(Ecclus. xxrviii. 28). The Greek icd/uns, which
is applied to the two latter, also describes the cal-
cining furnace (Xen. Vectig. iv. 49). It is meta-
phorically used in the N. T. in this sense (Rev. i.
15, ix. 2), and in Matt. xiii. 42, with an espeda,
re f erence to Dan. iii. 6. W. L. B.
• FURNITURE, formerly = « equipment,"
"accoutrements " (see Bible Word-Book), is so used
in Gen. xxxi. 34. Rachel put the " teraphim "
(which see) or "images" in the "camel's furni-
ture," in order to conceal them from Laban, who
was searching for them in her tent. It is nut easy
to Bay how this should be understood. Thomson
thinks that she placed them under the padding of
the riding-saddle, where, as he mentions, the Arabs
at present often secrete stolen goods (Land ami
Boole, ii. 24). Carpets were frequently spread over
the saddle on which women rode, and these could
have been thrown over the idols, so as to answer
the purpose of a seat and of concealment. Kitto
(Bible Jlhulr. i. 301, Amer. ed.) suggests that the
convexity of the pack-saddle may have formed a good
hiding-place for the images. It is altogether less
probable that the " furniture " was the palanquin
or litter swung across the camel's back, with apart-
ments on both sides, and screened with curtains
(see Jahn, Bibl. Arc/tool § 49, Upham's trans. /
The rapid travelling on this flight of Jacob wools
have made such a vehicle inconvenient and unsafe
On the Hebrew expression, see Tneh, Die (i n t e rn*,
p. 459; Bunsen, Bibehoerk, 1. 67; Knobet, Dit
Gaunt, p. 996; Eeil and Deiitach, PntalemeA
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GAAL
. S08 (Lag. tnui.). " Saddle," oi 'he whole,
though vague, ma; for u* be the bed translation.
G.
GAAL (bpj [re/eetwn, Flint, perh. a cuton#
x- graft, Gea.]: r«U; [Vat roAoaJ, exc ver.
28, roo»; Alex, root, exc. ver. 36, ro», and w.
98, 37, ToAaal;] Joseph. raiAijs: </W), eon of
Ebed, aided the Shecheniites in their rebellion
against Abimelech (J wig. ix. [26-41] ; Joseph. /4»«.
v. 7, §§ 3, 4). He dues not seem to hare been a
native of Shejheni, nor specially interested in the
revolution, but rather one of a class of conduCHtri,
who at such a period of anarchy would be willing
to sell their services to the highest bidder. Josephus
calls him rlr tAp eWoVran-, a term which scarcely
designates any special office, as in the case of Zebuj
(raV 2ucuurt»' afX*"*, Joseph. L c.)i more prob-
ably it has refeunce to the headship of his family
(Judg. ix. 96; Joseph. /. c), and the command of
a body of men-at-arms, who seem to have been
permanently attached to his service (trim SrXlrmt
«al avyytriat, Joseph.). His appeal to ante-
Israelitish traditions (Judg. ix. 88), together with
the re-establishment of idolatry nt Shechem, shows
that the movement in which he took part was a
reactionary one, and proceeded upon the principle
of a combination of the aborigines with the idola-
trous Israelites against the iconoclastic family of
Gideon as represented by Abimelech. The ambi-
tious designs of Gaal, who seems to have aspired to
the supreme command, awakened the jealousy of
Zebul, who recalled Abimelech, and procured the
expulsion of Gaal from the city upon a charge of
cowardice [Abimelech.] T. E. B.
OA'ASH ([KJ?3, in pause] 07^2 <= virth-
funkt: r-ufi, [Rom. Vat.] once ToAaaS: O'ku).
On tbo north side of "the hill uf Gush" (accurately
•• Mount G.,"'|""in), in the district of « Mount
Kphraim," was TImnath-serach, or Tininath-cheres,
the city which at bis request was given by the
nation to Joshua; where he resided, and where at
but he was buried (Josh. xxiv. 30; Judg. ii. 9;
eomp. Josh. xix. 4ft, 50). We only hear of it again
incidentally as the native plaoe of one of David's
guard, " Hiddai, or liurai, of the brooks (the
torrent-beds or wades, V?n3) of Gaash" — the
"torrents of the earthquake'" (3 Sam. xxiii. 30;
I Chr. xi. 3*2). By Kusebius and Jerome the name
* mentioned ( Oman. " (Saas "), but evidently with-
nit any knowledge of the place: nor does it appear
o have been recognized by any more modem trav-
tfler in Palestine. G.
* The name of Gaash has been lost, but the hill
which was so called has been identified with reason -
ible certainty. Our countryman, l>r. FJi Smith,
•" 1843 discovered Timnath-serah ( = Timnath-
neresi m the site and ruins of the present 7fbneh,
about 6 miles northeast of Jufm (the Roman
Gophna). But we know from Judg. ii. P, that
liaasL was within the precincts of the ancient town,
which lav in the tri'ie of Ephraira (where Tibneh
■ at present), and that Joshua was buried on the
rath side of this hill. It Is found now that off
•gainst these ruins of Tibneh (thus identified as
naanath se ra h), a little to the south of them, rises
GABBATHA
847
| a high hill, and on " the north side " of this hiO
are some remarkable tombs of elaborate structure
and of great antiquity. Thus nothing but the
extant name is wanting ; for the site of the ruined
town, the vicinity of the hill, the sepulchral excava-
tions on the north side of the hill where the tomb
of Joshua was cut out, supply ample proof that
Gaash must have been in this place. (See " Visit
to Antipatris " in the Bibl. Sacra, 1843, p. 478 If.)
Add to all this that "the brooks" (aaditi or
ravines) of Gaash (2 Sam. xxiii. 80) answer to
" the deep valleys round about this hill, through
which the winter torrents flow to Wadg Belat."
(See Bob. Phyt. Gtogr. p. 42.) * H.
GA'BA (»?| [height, hX]: Tafiai, ra-JSdA,
Ta$a6v, [etc:] Gabee, Gabaa, Geba). The suae
name as Geba, but with the vowel sound made
broader, according to Hebrew custom, because of
its occurrence at the end of a clause or sentence.
It is found in the A. V. in Josh, xviii. 24 ; Err. ii.
96; Neh. vii. 30 ["Geba," A. V. ed. 1611]: but
in the Hebrew also in 2 Sam. v. 26; 2 K. xxiii. 8;
Neh. xi. 31. [Gabuks.]
GAB'AEL (r«MAi Alex. ro/wn-A. : Vet.
I At. Gaoabel; Vulg. omits). 1. An ancestor of
Tobit (Tob. i. 1).
9. [raSaqXos, rafia^K ; Alex. iv. 20, ra-iai-Aot ,
FA', i. 14, ra/SqAoj: Gabelm.] A poor Jew (Tob.
i. 17, Vulg.) of " Rages in Media." to whom Tobias
lent (sue chirographo deoSt, Vulg.) ten talents of
silver, which Gabael afterwards faithfully restored
to Tobias in the time of Tobit's distress (Tob. L
14, ir. 1, 20, v. 6, ix. [2, 6,] x. 2). [Gabkias.]
B. F. W.
GAB'ATHA ([rajSofc.:] Bagalha), Esth. xii
1. [BlGTHAH.]
GAB'BAI [2 syL] 039 [collector, as of
tribute]: rn/jV; [Vat Pi-*,; Alex. rnj8«i; FA
ISl/lc-;:] Gebbai), apparently the head of an im-
portant family of Benjamin resident at Jerusalem
(Neh. xi. 8).
GAB'BATHA (ro/6/JaSa: Gabbatha). The
Hebrew or Chaldee appellation of a place also called
'■ Pavement" (Kt6i<rrparoy), where the judgment-
seat or bema (firjua) was planted, from his place
on which Pilate delivered our Lord to death (John
xix. 13). The name, and the incident which leads
to the mention of the name, occur nowhere but in
this passage of St. John. The place was outside
the pretorium (A. V. judgment-hall), for Pilate
brought Jesus forth from thence to it
It is suggested by Ughtfoot (Exerc. on 8L John,
ad loc.) that the word is derived from 2?, a sur-
face, in which case Gabbatha would be a mere
translation of \t66orpmrov. There was a room in
the Temple in which the Sanhedrim sate, and which
was called Gazith, because it was paved with smooth
and square flags (iTt|1 ; and Ughtfoot conjectures
that Pilate may on this occasion have delivered his
judgment in that room. But this is not consistent
with the practice of St John, who, in other in-
stances, gives the Hebrew name as that properly
belonging to the place, not as a mere translation
of a Greek one. Besides, Pilate evidently spoke
from the tana — the regular seat of justice — and
this in a' important place like Jerusalem would be
in a fixed spot Besides, the nrsstorium, a Romas)
residence with je idolatrous emblems, could not
have been within the Temple. The word la not*
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848
GABDEH
prooably t'haklee, NT153, from an ancient root
signifying height or roundness — the not of the
Hebrew word Uibvih, which is the coinaion term
in the 0. T. for a bald rounded hill, or deration
of moderate height, hi this case Gabbatha desig-
nated the elevated bema; and the "pavement"
was possibly some mosaic or tessellated work, either
forming the bema itaelf, or the flooring of the court
immediately round it — perhaps some such work
as that which we are told by Suetonius ( Catar, 46)
Julius Cesar was accustomed to carry with him
on his expeditions, in order to giro the bema or
tribunal its necessary conventional elevation.
[Havkmknt.] G.
GABTJES (raflffis, both MSS. ; [rather,
Book, Alex. ; Vat A<r«a00ip : Aid. rifiSvs.]
Gabta), 1 Esdr. v. 20. [Gaba.]
GABRI'AS (rafiplas, LXX. ; Tafi/,,1, FA.
[8ln.] ; ». e. n*"J5|, the man o/Jthotah), accord-
ing to the present* text of the LXX. the brother of
Gabacl, the creditor of Tobit (Tob. i. 14). though
hi another place (Tob. iv. 20, rf rov Vafipia [Vat
-«■-]< *f- Fritssche, ad lac.) he is described as bis
father. The readings throughout are very uncer-
tain, and in the versions the names are strangely
confused. It is an obvious correction to suppose
that Va$*4ikt? rf aStKtpif t$ Vu0pl$ should be
read in i. 14, as is in fact suggested by Cod. FA.,
TafHlky . . . t«? if. t«? Tafiott. The misun-
derstanding of ry ateKipip (cf. lob. i. 10, 16, Ac.)
naturally occasioned the omission of the article.
The old l-atin has, Gabtkfratri meojtlio Oabalitl ;
and so also iv. 20. B. F. W.
GABRIEL (^"pS, man of God: to-
8w<A, LXX. and N. T.: [Gnftritf]). The word,
which is not in itself distinctive, but merely a de-
scription of the angelic office, is used as a proper
name or title in Chin. viii. 16, ix. 21, and in Luke
I. 19, 26. (It is also added in the Targums as a
gloss on some other passages of the O. T.) In the
ordinary traditions, Jewish and Christian, Gabriel
is spoken of as one of the archangels. In Scripture,
he is set forth only as the representative of the
wgelic nature, not in its dignity or power of con-
tending against evil [Michael], but in its minis-
tration of comfort and sympathy to man. Thus
his mission to Daniel is to interpret in plain words
the vision of the ram and the he-goat and to com-
fort him after his prayer with the prophecy of the
" seventy weeks." And so in the Mew Testament
he is the herald of good tidings, declaring as he
loss the coming of the predicted Messiah and of
si* forerunner. His prominent character, there-
fore, is that of a " fellow - se r v ant " of the mints on
with; and there is a corresponding simplicity, and
ihsence of all terror and mystery, in bis communi-
cations to men. A. B.
* There is no clear Scriptural authority for the
Jural use of archangel (see above). The term,
ffhioh twice occurs in the N. T. (1 Tbess. iv. 10:
Jude 9), is once applied to Michael, but not to
Gabriel. Although the divine messages by the
ingel Gabriel, on both the occasions of his recorded
appearance, were characterized, as above stated, by
simplicity and freedom from terror, yet it is stated,
■ In bis Quasi, in Qnvtiw, Jerome has in/ottuna.
fcmphus (Ant. 1. 19, } 8) gives it still a different ram
-»vx«um ^fertmtus.
» Jsrosss (A Bntdict. JacM) interprets this of toe
GAD
in each instance, that the vision awakened extract
dinary fear — suggesting the thought, that then
may have been something in the mien of the angel
fitted to inspire special awe. S. VV.
GAD (T$ : r<tt; [1 Chr. vi. 63, Tat M. Aor
Jer. xHx. 1, FaXaiS, but Comp. with 4 MSS
rdo - ;] Joseph, rdtas: Gad), Jacob's seventh son
the first-born of Zilpah, Leah's maid, and whole-
brother to Asher (Gen. xxx. 11-13, xhri. 16, 18).
{a.) The passage in which the bestowal of the name
of Gad is preserved — like the others, an eickma
tion on his birth — is mere than usually obsoure-
" And Leah said, ' In fortune ' {be gad, TO), and
she called his name Gad " (Gen. xxx. 11). Such
is supposed to be the meaning of the old text of
the passage (the C'eoo): so it stood at the tuna
of the LXX., who render the key-word by «V rirf !
in which they are followed by Jerome in the Vul-
gate, ftlicUer. a But in the marginal emendations
of the Masocwts (the A'eri) the word is given N""j>
"TJ, " Gad comes." This construction is adopted
by the ancient versions of Onketos, AquUa ({a9«v
il (Zeis), and Syuiauvcbus (j)A0<v rdt). (A.) In
the blessing of Jacob, however, we find the name
played upon in a different manner: " Gad " is hen
taken as meaning a piratical band or troop (Uw
term constantly used for which is gtdid, TTTJ),
and the allusion — the turns of which it is impos-
sible adequately to convey in English — would seem
to be to the irregular life of predatory warfare which
should be pursued by the tribe after their settlement
on the borders of the Promised Land. " Gad, a
plundering troop (gedid) shall plunder him (ye-
ywl-enu), but he will plunder (yi-gid) at their
heels " (Gen. xlix. 19).» (c.) The force here lent
to the name has been by some partially transferred
to the narrative of Gen. xxx., e. o. the Samaritan
version, the Veneto-Greek, and our own A. V. "a
troop (of children) cometh." But it must not be
overlooked that the word gtdid — by which it is
here sought to interpret the gad of Gen. xxx. 11 —
possessed its own special signification of turbulence
and fierceness, which makes it hardly applicable to
children in the sense of a number or crowd, the
image suggested by the A. V. Exactly as the turns
of Jacob's language apply to the characteristics
of the tribe, it does not appear that there is any
connection between bis allusions and those in this
exclamation of I.eah. The key to the latter is
probably lost To suppose that Leah was invoking
some ancient divinity, the god Fortune, who is
conjectured to be once alluded to — and once only
— in the later part of the book of Isaiah, under
the title of Gitd (Is. lxv. 11; A. V. "that troop; "
Gesenius, '• dem Gliick "), is surely a poor explana-
tion.
Of the childhood and life of the Individual Gajo
nothing is preserved. At the time of the descent
into Egypt seven sons are ascribed to him, remark-
able from the fact that a majority of their name*
have plural terminations, as if those of famibea
rather than persons (Gen. xlvi. 16). The list with
s slight variation, is again given on the occasion
of the census In the wilderness of Sinai (Num. xxvt
15- 18). [Arod; Ezbok; Ozki.] The poaMoa
revenge taken by the warriors of the tribe on task
return from the conquest of western Pstsstlns, fte MM
Incursions of tbs a ssi s t Moss during then- i t s— as
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UAD
at Gad daring the march to luc I'romiied Land
was on the south aide of the Tabernacle (Num. ii.
14). The leader of the tr*be at the time of the
•tart from Sinai was Kliaaapn eon of Reuel ur Deuel
(ii. 14, x. 20). Gad is regular); named in the
various enumerations of the tribes through the
wanderings — at the despatching of the spies (ziii.
15) — the numbering in the plains of Moab (xxvi.
3, 15) ; but the only inference we can draw is an
indication of a commencing alliance with the tribe
which was subsequently to be his next neighbor.
Ho has loft the more closely related tribe of Asher,
to take up his position next to Reuben. These
two tribes also preserve a near equality in their
numbers, not suffering from the fluctuations which
were endured by the others. At the first census
Gad had 45,650, and Reuben 46,500; at the last,
Gad had 40,500, and Reuben 43,330. This alliance
was doubtless induced by the similarity of their
pursuits. Of all the sons of Jacob these two tribes
alone returned to the land which their forefathers
had left fire hundred years before, with their occu-
pations unchanged. " The trade of thy slaves hath
been alwit cattle from our youth even till uow " —
" we are shepherds, both we and our fathers "
(Gen. ilvi. 34, xlvii. 4) — such was the account
which the patriarchs gave of themselves to Pharaoh.
The civilization and the persecutions of Egypt had
worked a change in the habits of most of the tribes,
but Reubeu and Gad remained faithful to the pas-
toral pursuits of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob; and
at the halt on the east of Jordan we find them
coming forward to Moses with the representation
that they " have cattle " — " a great multitude of
cattle," and the land where they now are is a " place
for cattle.'' What should the) do in the close pre-
cincts of the country west of Jordan with all their
flocks and nerds? Wherefore let this land, they
•way, be given them for a possession, and let them
tot be brought over Jordan (Num. xxxii. 1-5).
rhey did not, however, attempt to evade ukini.'
Jieir proper share of the difficulties of subduing
the land of Canaan, and after that task had been
effected, and the apportionment amongst the uine
and a half tribes completed " at the door-way of the
tabernacle of the congregation iu Shiloh, before
Jehovah," tbey were dismissed by Joshua " to their
tents," to their " wives, their little ones, and their
cattle," which they had left behind them in GUead.
To their tenia they went, to the dangers and
delights of the free Bedouin life in which they had
elected to remain, and in which — a few partial
glimses excepted — the later history allows them
to remain hiddeu from view.
The country allotted to Gad appears, speaking
roughly, to have lain chiefly about the centre of
the land east of Jordan. The south of that district,
from the Anion ( W uty .Hofeb), about half way
down the Dead Sea, to Heshbon, nearly due east
of Jerusalem, was occupied by Reuben, and at or
about Heshbon toe possessions of Gad commenced.
They embraced half GUead, as the oldest record
ipeeially states (Ueut. iii. 12), or half the land of
the children of Amnion (Josh. xiii. 25), probably
the mountainous district which is intersected by
the torrent Jabbok — if the Wady Zirbi be the
Jabbok — including, as its most northern town, the
ancient sanctuary of Mahanaim. On the east the
farthest landmark given is " Aroer. that faces Kab-
bah," the present Amman (Josh. /mi. 25). West
was the Jordan (ver. 27). The territory thus con-
stated of two comparatively separate and 1 .dependent
o4
GAD 849
parts, (1) the high land, on the general kvel of
the country east of Jordan, and (2) the tank
valley of the Jordan itself — the former stopping
short at the Jabbok; the litter occupying the whole
of the great valley on the east side of the river, and
extending up to the very sta of Cinnercth, or Gen-
nesaret, itself.
Of the structure and character of the land whicl
thus belonged to the tribe — " the land of Gad and
GUead " — we have only vague information. From
the western part of Palestine its aspect is that of a
wall of purple mountain, with a singularly horizon-
tal outline; here and there the surface is seamed
by the ravines, through which the torrents find their
way to the Jordan, but this does not much affect
the vertical wall-like look of the range. But on a
nearer approach in the Jordan valley, the horizontal
outline becomes broken, and when the summits are
attained, a new scene is said to burst on the view.
" A wide table-laud appears, tossed about in wild
confusion of undulating downs, clothed with rich
grass throughout; in the southern parts trees arc
thinly scattered here and there, aged trees covered
with lichen, as if the relics of a primeval forest long
since cleared away ; the northern parts still abound
in magnificent woods of sycamore, beech, terebinth,
ilex, and enormous fig-trees. These downs are
broken by three deep defiles, through which the three
rivers of the YarmAk, the Jabbok, and the Anion
fall into the valley of the Jordan and the Dead Sea.
On the east they melt away into the vast red plain,
which by a gradual descent joins the level of the
plain of the Hauran, and of the Assyrian desert "
(Stanley, S. f P. p. 320). A very picturesque
country, not the " flat open downs of smooth and
even turf" of the country round Heshbon (lrby,
p. 142), the sheep-walks of Reuben and of the
Moabites, but " most beautifully varied with hang-
ing woods, mostly of the vaUonia oak, laureotinus,
cedar, arbutus, arbutus andrachne, Ac. At times
the country had all the appearance of a noble |iark**
(147), "graceful hills, rich vales, luxuriant herbage"
(Porter, ffantlb. p. 310). [Gilkad.]
Such was the territory allotted to the Gaditea;
but there is no doubt that they soon extended them-
selves beyond these limits. The official records of
the reign of Jotham of Judah (1 Chr. v. 11, 16)
show them to have been at that time established
over the whole of Gilead, and in possession of
Bashan as far as Salcah, the modern S&lkhad, a
town at the eastern extremity of the noble plain of
the ffawdn, and very far both to the north and
the east of the border given them originally, while
the Manassites were pushed still further northwards
to Mount Hermon (1 Chr. v. 23). They soon be-
came identified with Gilead, that name so mem-
orable in the earliest history of the nation ; and in
many of the earlier records it supersedes the name
of Gad, as we have already remarked it did that of
Bashan. In the song of Deborah >' Gilead " is said
to have "abode beyond Jordan" (Judg. v. 17)
Jephthah appears to have been a Gadite, a native of
Mizpeh (Judg. xi. 34: comp. 31, and Josh. xiii. 26),
and yet he is always designated "the Gileadite;"
and so also with Barzillai of Mahanaim (2 San.
xvil. 27; Ezr. ii. 61; comp. Josh. xiii. 26).
The character of the tribe is throughout strongly
marked, fierce and warlike, " strong men of might,
men of war for the battle, that could handle shield
and buckler, their faces 'the faces of lions and like
roes upon the mountains for swiftness." Such ■
the gmphio description given of those eleven I
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GAD
of Gad, " the least of them more than equal to a
hundred, and the greatest to a thousand," who
joined their fortunes to David at the time of his
greatest discredit and embarrassment (1 Chr. zii.
8), undeterred by the natural difficulties of " flood
and field " which stood in their way. Surrounded,
as they were, by Ammonites, Midianites, Hagarites,
- Children of the East," and all the other countless
tribes, animated by a common hostility to the
strangers whose coming had dispossessed thei.i of
their fairest districts, the warlike propensities of the
tribe must have had many opportunities of exercise.
One of its great engagements is related in 1 Chr.
v. 19-22. Here their opponents were the wander-
ing Ishmaelite tribes of Jetur, Nephiah, and N'odab
(comp. Gen. xxr. 15), nomad people, possessed of
an enormous wealth in camels, sheep, and asses, to
this clay the characteristic pos s essions of their Be-
douin successors. This immense booty came into
the hands of the conquerors, who seem to have
altered with it on the former mode of life of then-
victims : probably punned their way further intc
the eastern wilderness hi the "steads" of these
Hagarites. Another of these encounters is con-
tained in the history of Jephthah, but this latter
story develops elements of a different nature and a
higher order than the mere fierceness necessary to
repel the attacks of the plunderers of the desert.
In the behavior of Jephthah throughout that affect-
ing history, there are traces of a spirit which we
may almost call chivaleresque ; the high tone taken
with the Elders of Gilead, the noble but fruitless
expostulation with the king of Anunon before the
attack, the hasty vow, the overwhelming grief, and
yet the persistent devotion of purpose — surely in all
these there Bro marks of a great nobility of character,
which must have been more or less characteristic
of the Uadites in general. If to this we add the
loyalty, the generosity and the delicacy of BuKtUai
(2 Sam. xix. 32-39) we obuin a very high idea of
the tribe at whose head were such men as these.
Nor must we, while enumerating the worthies of
Sad, forget that in all probability Elijah the Tish-
oite, •' who was of the inhabitants of Gilead," was
>ne of them.
But while exhibiting these high personal qualities,
Gad appears to have been wanting In the powers
necessary to enable him to take any active or lead-
ing part in the confederacy of the nation. The
warriors, who rendered such assistance to David,
might, when Ishbosheth set up his court at Maha-
naim as king of Israel, have done much towards
affirming his rights. Had Aimer made choice of
Shechem or Shiloh instead of Mabanaim, the quick,
explosive Ephraim instead of the unready Gad, who
can doubt that the troubles of David's reign would
have been immensely increased, perhaps the estab-
lishment of the northern kingdom ante-dated by
nearly a century? David's presence at the same
eity during his flight from Absalom produced no
•fleet on the tribe, and they are not mentioned as
having taken any part in the quarrels between
Kphraim and Judah.
Cut on* as Gad was by position and circumstances
bom Its brethren on the west of Jordan, it still re-
tained some connection with them. We may infer
that it was considered as belonging to the northern
kingdom: " Know ye not," says Ahab in Samaria,
'• know ye not that Ramoth in Gilead is ours, and
we be still, and take it nottnit of the hand of the
Hag of Syiia?" (l K. xxii. 3). The territory of
Qad was th» battlefield on which the long and fierce
GAD
struggles of Sytt* and Israel wen fought out, and
at an agricultural pastoral country, it moat ban
suffered severely in consequence (2 K, x, 33).
Gad was carried into captivity by Tigluth-Pikast
(1 Chr. v. 26), and in the time of Jeremiah the
cities of the tribe seem to have been inhabited by
the Ammonites. " Hath Israel no sons ? hath he
no heir? why doth Malcham (i. e. Moloch) inherit
Gad, and his people dwell in his cities?" (Jrr.
xlix. 1). " G.
GAD (T| [see above]: TiS- Gad), "the seer"
(rrjhn), or « the king's seer," t. e. David's —
such appears to have been his official title (1 Chr
xxix. 89; 3 Chr. xxix. 25; 2 Sam. xxiv. 11; t Chr
xxi. 9) — was a "prophet" (r^SJ), who appea.-a
to have Joined David when In " the hold,' and at
whose advice he quitted it for the forest of Hareth
(1 Sam. xxi. 5). Whether he remained with David
during his wanderings is not to be ascertained : we
do not again encounter him till late in the life of
the king, when he reappears in connection with the
punishment inflicted for the numbering of the peo-
ple (2 Sam. xxiv. 11-19; 1 Chr. xxi. 9-19). But
be was evidently attached to the royal establish-
ment at Jerusalem, for be wrote a book of the Acta
of David (1 Chr. xxix. 29), and also assisted in
settling the arrangements for the musical service
of the " house of God," by which his name was
handed down to times long after his own (2 Chr.
xxix. 25). In the abruptness of his introduction
Gad has been compared with Elijah {Jerome, Qm.
Uebr. on 1 Sam. xxii. 5), with whom he may have
been of the same tribe, if his name can be taken
as denoting bis parentage, but this is unsupported
by any evidence. Nor is there any apparent ground
for Ewald'r suggestion {(.letch, iii. 116) that be was
of the school of SauiueL If this could be made
out, it would afford a natural reason for his joining
David. [David, p. 556.] G.
GAD (TJ : tKu/iinov; Sin. SalfimV- Forttma).
Properly "the Gad," with the article. In the A. T.
of Is. liv. 11 the clause " that prepare a table for
that troop " has in the margin instead of the last
word the proper name " Gad," which evidently de-
notes some idol worshipped by the Jews in Babylon,
though it is impossible positively to Identify it.
Huetius would understand by it Fortune as sym-
bolized by the Moon, but Vitringa, on the contrary
considers it to be the Sun. MUlius (Diu. efe Gad
tt Hem) regards both Gad and Men! as names of
the Moon. That Gad was the deity Fortune, un-
der whatever outward form it was worshipped, is
supported by the etymology, and by the common
assent of commentators. It is evidently connected
with the Syriae J fS^i ffdoVi, " fortune, luck," and
with the Arabic (X**>, jad, " good fortune," and
Gesenius is probably right in his conjecture thai
Gad was the planet Jupiter, which was regarded
by the astrologers of the East (I'ococke, Spec. //<*.
Ar. p. 130) as the star of greater good fcrtune.
Movers (Pltctn. 1. 650) is in favor of the planet
Venus. Some have supposed that a trace of tat
Syrian worship of Gad is to be found in the exekv
■nation of Leah, when Zilpah bare a son (Gag. six.
11), I??. Wydrf, or as the Ken has It, T*J HJ.
" Gad, or good fortune, eometh." The Targutn of
Pseudo-Jonathan and the Jerusalem Targum best
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GAD AHA
ffnm " » makj planet ooroeth," but it U moct prob-
abla that this is in interpretation »bich grew out
of the Mtrologic&l beliefs of a later time; and we
aut infer nothing from it with respect to the idol-
atry of the inhabitants of Padan-Arain in the age
of Jacob. That this later belief in a deity Fortune
existed, there are many things to prove. Buxtorf
(Lex. Talm. s. v.) says that anciently it was a cus-
tom for each man to hare in his house a splendid
couch, which was not used, but was set apart for
" the prince of the bouse," that is, for the star,
or constellation Fortune, to render it more propi-
tious. This couch was called the couch of Gada,
or good-luck (Talm. BabL Sanhtd. f. 20 o, Neda.
rim, f. 56 a). Again in Bereshith Rabba, sect. 65,
the words N 3N CPIpJ, in Gen. xxvii. 81, are ex-
plained as an Invocation to Gada or Fortune.
Kabbi Moses the Priest, quoted by Aben Ezra (ou
Gen. xxx. 11), says "that Tib (Is. lxv. 11) sig-
nifies the star of luck, which points to everything
that is good; for thus is the language of Kedv
(Arabic): but he says tliat "0 N3 (Gen. xxx. 11)
is not used in the same sense."
Illustrations of the ancient custom of placing a
banqueting table in honor of idols will be found in
the table spread for the sun among the Ethiopians
(Her. iii. IT, 18), and in the feast made by the
Babylonians for their god Bel, which is described
in the Apocryphal history of Bel and the Dragon
(oomp. also Her. i. 181, Ac.). The table in the
temple of Belus is described by Diodonu Siculus
(ii. 9) as being of beaten gold, 40 fret long, 15
wide, and weighing 500 talents. On it were placed
two drinking cups (tnu^iria) weighing 30 talents,
two censers of 300 talents each, and three golden
goblets, that of Jupiter or Bel weighing 1300 Baby-
lonian talents. The couch and table of the god in
the temple of Zeus Triphylius at Patara in the
island of Panchsea are mentioned bj Diodorus (v.
46). Oomp. also Virg. j£>u ii. 763:
" Hue undiquo Troia gam
InoensU erepta adytis, mtmaque deorttm
Oraletetque auro solidi, capUvaque Testis
Congerltur."
lu addition to the opinions which have been referred
to above may be quoted that of Stephen Le Moyne
( I'm*. Sacr. p. 363), who says that Gad is the goat
of Mendes, worshipped by the Egyptians as an em-
blem of the sun ; and of Le Clerc ( Comm. in Is.)
and Lakenracher ( Obi. PkiL iv. 18, Ate.), who iden-
tify Gad with Hecate. Macl->bius (Sat. i. 19) tells
us that in the later Egyptian iiythology TiSxi '"*
worshipped as one of the four deities who presided
over birth, and was represented by the Moon.
This will perhaps throw some light upon the ren-
dering of the LXX. as given by Jerome. [Mkki,
note a.]
Traces of the worship of Gad remain in the
proper names Baal-Gad, and Giddeneme (Plaut.
Pan. v. 3), the latter of which Gesenius ( .Won. Plum.
,.407) renders iTOM 13, "favoring fortune."
W. A. W.
GADARA, a strong city (Joseph. Ant. xiii.
13, J 3), situated near the river Hieromax (Plin.
H. N. v. 16), east of the Sea rf Galilee, over
against Seythopolis and Tiberias lEuseb Onom.
t. v. ), and sixteen Roman miles distant from each
of those places (IHn. Anton, ed. West. pp. 196,
IM; Tab. Peat.). It stood on tbe .op of a hiU,
«t the foot of which, upon the hanks of the Hiero-
G AD ABA
861
max, three miles distant, wen warm springs and
baths called Amatha ( Onom. s. v. AVtham «t Go*
ara; Itin. Ant. Martyr.). Josephus oaus it to*
capital of Persa; and Polybius says it was one of
tbe most strongly fortified cities in the eountrj
(Joseph. B. J. iv. 7, § 3; Polyb. v. 71). A large
district was attached to it, called by Josephus
Tataphit (JB. J. iii. 10, § 10); Strabo also Informs
us that the warm healing springs were iy rp Tor
taplti, "in the territory of Gadara (Oeog. xvi.).
Gadara itself is not mentioned in the Bible, out it
is evidently identical with the "Country of the
Gadarenes," y^/xx or trtpixepos t£k r^ipnuir
(Mark v. 1 ; Luke vUi. 26, 37).
Of the site of Gadara, thus so clearly denned,
there cannot be a doubt. On a partially isolated
hilL at the northwestern extremity of the moun
tains of Gilead, about sixteen miles from Tiberias,
lie tbe extensive and remarkable ruins of Um Kris.
Three miles northward, at the foot of the hill, is
the deep bed of the Sherioi ei-MondhAr, the an-
cient Hieromax ; and here are still the warm springs
of Amatha. On the west is the Jordan valley; and
on the south is Wady el-' Arab, running parallel to
the Afandhur. Um Kei» occupies the crest of the
ridge between the two latter wadies; and as this
crest declines in elevation towards the east as well
as the west, the situation is strong and command-
ing. The whole space occupied by tbe ruins is
about two miles in circumference; and there are
traces of fortifications all round, though now almost
completely prostrate.
The first historical notice of Gadara is its cap-
ture, along with Pells and other cities, by Antio-
chus tbe Great, in the year B. c. 218 (Joseph. Ant.
iii. 3, § 3). About twenty years afterwards it WW
taken from the Syrians by Alex. Jamueus, after a
siege of ten months (Ant. xiii. 13, § 3; B. J. i.
4, § 3). The Jews retained possession of it for
some time; but the place having been destroyed
during their civil wars, it was rebuilt hv Pompey
to gratify his freedman Demetrius, «no was a
Gadarene (B. J. i. 7, § 7). When Gabinius, th»
proconsul of Syria, changed the government of
Judiea, by dividing the country into five districts,
and placing each under tbe authority of a council,
Gadara was made the capital of one of these dia
tricts (B. J. i. 8, § 5). The territory of Gadara,
with the adjoining one of Hippos, was subsequently
added to tbe kingdom of Herod the Great (AnL
xv. 7, § 3).
Gadara, however, derives its greatest interest
from having been the scene of our Lord's miracle
in healing the demoniacs (Matt. viii. 28-34 ; Mark
v. 1-31 ; Luke viii. 26-40). " They ware no clothes,
neither abode in any house, but in the tombs."
Christ came across the lake from Capernaum, and
landed at the southeastern comer, where the steep,
lofty bank of the eastern plateau breaks down
into the plain of the Jordan. Tbe demoniacs met
him a short distance from the shore; on the side
of the adjoining declivity the " great herd of swine "
were feeding; when the demons went among them
the whole herd rushed down that " steep place "
into the lake and perished ; the keepers ran up tc
the city and told the news, and tbe excited popula-
tion cane down in haste, and " beat ught Jesus that
he would depart out of their coasts." The whole
circumstances of the narrative are thus strikingly
illustrated by the features of the country. Another
thing is worthy of notice. Tbe most interesting
remains of Gadara are its tomb*, which dot the etttk
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862
GADARA
fcr t canddanble dutance round the city. They
are excavated in tlie limestone rock, and consist of
chambers of various dimensions, some more thin
90 feet square, with recesses in the sides for bodies.
The doors are slabs of stone — a few being orna-
mented with panels : some of them still remain in
their places. The present inhabitants of Um Keit
are all troglodytes, " dwelling in tombs," like the
poor maniacs of old ; and occasionally they are al-
most as dangerous to the unprotected traveller.
In the Gospel of Matt. (viii. 28) we ban [in the
received text] the word Tfoyttrnnav (instead of
ratapnvSr), which seems to be the same as the
Hebrew , B73"J3 (LXX. repytatuos) in Gen. xv.
21 and DeuL rii. 1 — the name of an old Canaan-
itish tribe [Girgashites], which Jerome (Comm.
ad Gen. xv.) locates on the shore of the sea of
Tiberias. Origen also says (Opp. iv. 140) that a
city called Oermia anciently stood on the
GADARA
aide of the lake Ever were this true, still the
other gospels would be strictly accurate. Gadara
was a large city, and its district would include Gar-
gets. Hut it must be remembered that the most
ancient MSS. give the word rtpnrqvwr, while
others have Tataprivuv — the former reading Is
adopted by Griesbach « and Tju-hnmni , while Schola
[with Tisch. and Treg.] prefers the latter; and
either one or other of these is preferable to Ttftyr
oritur- [Gbraba.]
Gadara was captured by Vespasian on the £rtt
outbreak of the war with the Jews, all its fchab*
itanta massacred, and the town itself, with the
surrounding villages, reduced to ashes (Joseph.
B. J. iii. 7, § 1). It was at this time one <i the
most important cities east of the Jordui, and is even
called the Capital of Perasa. At a later period it
was the seat of a bishop; but it fell to ruin at, a
soon after, the Mohammedan conquest.
The ruins of Um Keit bear testimony to the
splendor of ancient Gadara. On the northern side
oi the hill is a theatre, and not far from it are the
remains of one of the city gates. At the latter a
street commences — the via recta of Gadara —
which ran through the city in a straight line, hav-
ing a colonnade on each side. The columns are all
prostrate. On the west side of the hill is another
larger theatre in better preservation. The prin-
cipal part of the city lay to the west of these two
theatres, on a level piece of ground. Mow not a
bouse, not a column, not a wall remains standing;
yet the old pavement of the main street is nearly
perfect; and here and there the traces of the char-
m-wheels are visible on the stones, reminding one
of die thoroughfares of Pompeii. (Full descrip-
tions of Gadara are given in Handbook for Syr. <f
Pat. I Burckhardt, Syria, p. 270 f.; Porter, in
Journal of Snc. Lit. voL vi. p. 281 f.) J. I- P.
* ft is still a question whether we know the
exact place where the Saviour healed the demoniacs,
or the precipice from which the swine rushed down
into the sea. The statement in the foregoing arti-
cle that both these events occurred at Gadara, o>
in its immediate vicinity, is attended with serious
difficulty. That city is ten miles inland from tb*
lake, and is approached only by a toilsome way,
whereas the evangelists seem to rep res en t the niir
acle as performed at once on the Saviour's landing
(Mark v. 3), and consequently, according to the
a • Orirsbaeh retains TVy«n|M»' In the text (Matt, mnr'vnu Oiticut, I. SO IT. Uehmann, Tlscbradort
vB. V), bat marks rqu^w as of equal, or nearly and Iregelles sajna In readme I>ptursr»r in Kirk ; is
•sail, authority Seu the mil disousifon in bis Com- Luke, TIseh. now route (fitu at., n^inwr. A.
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GADARA
■ion which the narrative make* on the leader,
•ear the abate. Again, toe mountain where the
•wine were feeding appears to have bran near the
lake; for they ran madly down the precipice (<tpt|/i-
rot) into the asa and were drowned. But with
Gadara at such a distance, the miracle could not
hare been wrought till after some considerable de-
lay, and still less could the swine hare plunged
directly into the sea. A recent traveller in that
region, Thomson (fsmd </ Bout, ii. 35), describes
the intervening country thus : — First (as one goes
-nland), "there is a broad plain from Khw-bet
Smra to the Jtrmut ; then the vast gorge of
this river, and after it an assent for an hour and a
half to l/m Ktts." Hence, if the swine started
horn the vicinity of Gadara, they would have to
run down the mountain, ford the Jrrmuk (Hiero-
max) as deep and rapid as the Jordan itself, and
then cross a level plain several miles in length be-
fore reaching the lake.
Under these circumstances the writer just named
proposes a different locality, which agrees much
better with the Scripture account. He reports bis
finding a heap of ruins on the eastern shore of the
lake, near the mouth of W nth/ Stmalch, known
among the natives as Kent or Gtrtt. Directly
above this site stands " an immense mountain,"
where are alio (as well as near Gadara) rock-tombs
such as lunatics in the East sometimes occupy at
the present day." The base of this mountain,
though not directly overhanging the site, is so near
the shore that the swine, rushing down the declivity
(said to be almost perpendicular = koto to» a-prm,-
rju, efcrk v. 13), would he carried by their own
impetus across the narrow strip of beach into the
depth of the sea.* He says further, that this Gern,
as pronounced by the Arabs, gives back to us very
nearly the ancient Gergesa or Geresa. This may
be the identical place of which Origen seems to
have heard, and which he supposed to be the scene
of the miracle. (See Reland's Pakutina, p. 807.)
One circumstance not unimportant to the discus-
sion here has been overlooked by some writers.
The evangelists do not mention Gadaia or Gergesa
(whichever may be the true reading), but speak
jnly of " the country (region, x^/m) of the Gad-
arenes," or Uenjeaenes, as a general geographical
designation.? So far from naming that city, Luke
(viii. 26), in order to give his readers an idea of the
'•region of the Gadarenes,'' merely defines it as
opposite to Galilee (a>rnr«pw Trjt TaMKuiat)-
Hence the city to which the Synoptists refer as
the one to which the keepers of the swine fled in
terror, and from which the people, on hearing their
report, came out to Jesus (Matt. viii. 33 ft*. ; Mark
14 ; Luke viii. 34 ft*.), is not necessarily Gadara,
jut may be any other city in the land of the Gada-
renes, viewed definitely as the one associated in the
writer's mind with these transactions. It is suffi-
cient for the accuracy of the writer*, if we find the
uene of the two-fold miracle within the limits of
the country of the Gadarenes or Gergeseue*. The
a • Trismus (Land of brad, 2d «J., p. 465, note)
lays : "I nave often met In the outskirts of Oaifle
"Haifa, at the foot of Mount Carmel] a maniac who
■ells in similar tombs." H
» • Matthew's " afar off," viii. SO (juutpiv), being of
muss relative, applies wen enough to the herd high
as on the side of the " Immense mountain," though
she spectator may be at the base. B esides, on* feels
rami Mark's and Lukrt dnctic hul reflects a manifest
GAHAB 858
evangelists do not in reality commit themashss to
anything more definite than that.
It is gratifying to find that Mr. Tristram, whs
also visited the ruins of this Ktrza or Gerta, en-
dorses Dr. Thomson's view. " The bluff behind it
so steep, and the shore to narrow, that a herd of
swine, rushing frantically down, must certainly
have been overwhelmed in the sea before they
could recover themselves. While the tomb* at
Gadara are peculiarly interesting and remarkable,
yet the whole region is so perforated everywhere by
these rock-chambers of the dead, that we may be
quite certain that a home for the demoniac will not
lie wanting, whatever locality be assigned for the
events recorded by the evangelists." (Land of
itratl, p. 4(!6, tJd ed.) Lord Lindsay, who went
into that region, assigns the occurrence to Wad\
fit, considerably further south on the lake (Leilert
on Ike Holy Land, p. 238). Stanley, at first rely-
ing on that writer, adopted the same view (Sin. <f
Pal eh. x.); but now speaks of the inadmissibility
of that identification (Noticet of Eastern LocaH-
litt, ifc, p. 194). Captain Wilson's exploring
party have visited this Kerzi still more recently,
and found it answering well to the conditions of
the Scripture history. H.
GAD-DI ('TO: Tattli [Vat. ra8*«:] find*"),
son of Suai ; representative of the tribe of Manas
seh among the spies sent by M»es to explore Ca-
naan (Num. xiii. 11).
GADDIEL OW V£ [God the forUmt-gher,
FUrst]: Tovtth\' Gtddiet), ton of Sodi; represent-
ative of the tribe of Zebulun on the same occasion
(Num. xiii. 10).
OATH Oil' roJSf; [Vat. roSSci;] Alex
Tfttu, and roZSer- Gadi), father of Menahem
who seized the throne of Israel from Shallum (2 K
xv. 14, 17).
GADTTES, THE (*T|n : A ntt, 6 r«M,
[Vat. FA. •»«], ol ufol r<£«; [Alex, in 2 K. x. 88,
roAoaSSu; Vat. in 1 Chr. rii. 8, Ttttux ver. 37,
FA. ro88«i»-:] Gad, Gidila, Gaddi). The de-
scendants of Gad and members of his trilio. Ther
character is described under (Sad, p. 849. In J
Sam. xxiii. 36 for "theGadite" the LXX. hai*
roAooJS/ [Vat. -8«, Alex. Tatti], and the Viug.
de Gadi. W. A. W.
GA'HAM (DOJ [perh. tmrmny, Jin-brand]:
Tain; ^ ex - [" m charact. rninore"] radV : [0°
ham] ), son of Nahor, Abraham's brother, by hit
concubine Keumah (Gen. xtii. 24). No light ha*
yet been thrown on this tribe. The name probably
signifies "sunburnt," or "swarthy."
GA'HAR (tnj [Aiotno^ptoce, Get.]: radp,
[in Ect., Vat r<u\i In Neh., Vat. FA. omit:]
Gaher). The Bene-Gachar were among the fami-
lies of Xctliinim who returned from the Captivity
with Zemhbabel (Ezr. ii. 47; Neh. rii. 49). In
the lists of 1 Esdr. the name is given as Geddur.
on their part of the vicinity of the mountain and
the landing-pUoe to each other. The hand points oof
the object, as It were, visible from toe shore. H.
c • Tristram (p. 466) ipeakf of Matthew as naaalng
the exact locality, Gergesa =. Otrm, but Matthew's
expnsakc is gupa vie Tipytnpmr or rafaitsvw (ttw
latter tb» better reading), and therefore la each east
Indefinite 'Dm that of tha other writer*. H
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364
OAITJS
• G A1TJS or CA1US (r<tlo»: Cauu, the for-
s*st Unseized from the Utter) ia the name appax-
sntlj - of four persons mentioned in the N. T.
L A Macedonian, a missionary associate of
Paul (owckoimuh), whom the mob at Epbesus
wized and dragged into the theatre, and would no
doubt have killed, had it not been for the interposi-
tion of the Agiarulis and " town-clerk " of the city.
This Uaius is otherwise unknown. See Acts xix.
29.
2. One of the party who went with Paul from
Corinth (possibly only from Philippi), accompanying
him as fer as Asia, when he went for the last time
from Europe to Palestine. 8 This Gains was a na-
tive of Derbe (Acts xx. 4), and hence a different
person from the preceding one. Some, as Kuinoel,
Oishausen, Neander, regard him as a Theaaakmian,
but they must then join Atpfiau>s with Ti/ioTtau,
in the above passage, which not only puts xai there
out of its natural place, but disagrees with xvL 1.
Timothy was a native of Lyutka (which see).
3. A Gains, who lived at Corinth, and sent a
salutation in Paul's letter to the Roman Christians
(Kom. xvi. 23). He was one of the very few whom
Paul baptized at Corinth (1 Cor. i. 14), was Paul's
* host " during his second sojourn in that city, and
was noted for his hospitality to all who bore Christ's
name (Kom. xvi. 23).
4. John's Third Epistle is addressed to a Chris-
tian of this name, of whose character the Apostle's
commendation (3 John i. G) gives us an exalted
opinion. We may possibly identify him with num-
ber 2. John wrote the epistle at Ephesus. Derbe
was in Lycaonia, a province of Asia Minor, and the
Derbean Uaius, as last traced in the Acts (xx. 4),
was on the way to Asia. [John, Second and
Third Epistles of.] H.
GAL'AAI) (raWS; [in 1 Mace. v. 9, Alex.
raAoaJiTii : Gaiaad; in Jud. L, Cedar, in xv.
Vulg. omits]), 1 Mace. v. 9, 65; Jud. i. 8, xv. 5;
and the country op Ualaad (») raAiuS?Tis;
[Sin. St,-:] GalaatHHt), 1 Mace v. 17, 20, 25, 27,
36, 46; xiii. 22, the Greek form of the word
UlLEAD.
GAIiAL ( V^ [occasion, or cause ; and then,
perh., one mighty, influential, Flint]: raAaoA;
[Vat. raAaat; Alex. r«Ai)\; Comp. TaAaA:]
Galal). 1. A Levite, one of the sons of Asaph
(1 Chr. ix. 15).
2. Another Levite of the family of Elkanah
(1 Chr. ix. 16).
3. [Rom. Vat. Alex. FA.1 omit; FA.* and
i/ju.p. raA<A.] A third Levite, son of Jeduthun
(Neh. xi. 17).
GALATIA (roAoT(o). It is sometimes diffi-
cult to determine, in the case of the names of dis-
tricts mentioned in the N. T., whether they are to
be understood in a general and popular sense as
referring to a region inhabited by a race or tribe
of people, or whether tbey define precisely some
tract of country marked out for political purposes.
Galatia is a district of this kind ; and it will be
•onvenient to consider it, first ethnologically, and
then as a Roman province.
Galatia is literally the "Gallia," of the East
i * It Is said erroneonnly In Kltto't Cyclop, of BM.
In. (Hi. 1167), that Paul was then going " fn-n Asia,
■ Us steond vbit to Europe," i. «., earlier than the
tonal (an*, and tht opposite of the true direction.
U.
GALATIA
Roman writer* call its inhabitants Gain, Jast si
Greek writers call the mh»bitjnt» of ancient Francs
raAdVai. In 2 Tim. iv. 10, some oommentator*
suppose Western Gaul to be meant, and seven.
MSS. have raAAfar instead of YaKaria*. In 1
Mace. viii. 2, where Judas Maccabteus is hearing
the story of the prowess of the Romans in con-
quering the roAdreu, it is possible to interpret the
passage either of the Eastern or Western Gauls;
for the subjugation of Spain by the Roniaus, and
their defeat of Antiochus, King of Asia, are men-
tioned in the same context. Again, raAoVtu is
the same word with KsXtoi; and the Galatians
were in their origin a stream of that great Keltie
torrent (apparently Kymry, and not Gael) which
poured into Greece in the third century before the
Christian era. Some of these invaders moved on
into Thrace, and appeared on the shares of the
Hellespont and Bosphorus, when Nicomedes I., king
of Bithynia, being then engaged in a civil war, in-
vited them across to help him. Once established
in Asia Minor, they became a terrible scourge, and
extended their invasions far and wide. The neigh-
boring kings succeeded in repressing them within
the gener.il geographical limits to which the name
of Galatia was permanently given. Antiochus I.,
king of Syria, took his title of Soter in consequence
of his victory over them, and Attalus I. of Perga-
mus commemorated his own success by taking the
title of king. The Galatians still found vent for
their restlessness and love of war by hiring them-
selves out as mercenary soldiers. This is doubtless
the explanation of 2 Mace. viii. 20, which refers to
some struggle of the Seleucid princes in which both
Jews and Galatians were engaged. In Joseph. B.
J. i. 20, § 3, we find some of the latter, who bad
been hi Cleopatra's body-guard, acting in the same
character for Herod the Great. Meanwhile the
wars had been taking place, which brought all the
countries round the east of the Mediterranean
within the range of the Roman power. The Ga-
latians fought on the side of Antiochus at Magne-
sia. In the Mithridatic war they fought on both
sides. At the end of the Republic Galatia appears
as a dependent kingdom, at the beginning of the
Empire as a province. (See Hitter, Erdhmde,
xviii. 697-610.)
The Roman province of Galatia may be roughly
described as the central region of the peninsula of
Asia Minor, with the provinces of Asia on the west,
Capi-adocia on the east, Pamphylia and Ciu-
cia on the south, and Bithynia and Pontus on
the north. It would be difficult to define the ex-
act limits. In fact they were frequently changing.
For information on this subject, see the Diet, of
Geog. i. 930 b. At one time there is no doubt thai
this province contained Pisidia and Lycaonia, and
therefore those towns of AnOoch, Iconium, Lystra,
and Derbe, which are conspicuous in the narrative
of St Paul's travels. But the characteristic part
of Galatia lay northward from those districts. On
the table-land between the Sangarius and the Halve,
the Galatians were settled in three tribes, the Teo-
tosages, the Tolistoboii, and the Trocmi, the first
of which is identical in name with a tribe familiar
to us in the history of GauL as distributed over the
Cevennes near Toulouse. The three capitals wen
respectively Taviuni, Pessinus, and Ancyra. Th»
last of these (the modem Angora) was the eentn
of the roads of the district, and may be regarded
as the metropolis of the Galat an*. These Fa st en
Gauls umnis d much of their ancient
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GALATIA
■a* something of their ancient language. At lea*t
IcNme says that hi hie day tht same language
■light be heard at Ancyra as at Treves : and he is
> good witness ; for he himself had been at Treves.
The prevailing speech, however, of the district was
Greek. Hence the Galatians were called Gallo-
gneei. (" Hi jam degeneres sunt; niixti, et Gal-
iogned vera, quod appeluu.tur." Hanlios in Livy,
xxxviii. 17 i The inscriptions found at Ancyra are
Greek, and St. Paul wrote his Epistle in Greek.
It is difficult at first sight to determine in what
sense toe word Galatia is used by the writers of the
N T., or whether always in the same sense. In
the Acts of the Apostles the journeys of St Paul
through the district are mentioned in very general
terms. We are simply told (Acts xvi. 6), that on
his second missionary circuit he went with Silas
and Timotbcus through t)|k #ptry(o» ml tvJk Ta-
XarutV x&pav. From the epistle indeed we have
this supplementary information, that an attack of
sickness (81" ixrStvtiay rtft crapes, Gal. iv- 13)
detained him among the Galatians, and gave him
the opportunity of preaching the Gospel to them,
and also that he was received by them with extraor-
dinary fervor (ib. 14, 15); but this does not inform
us of the route which he took. So on the third
circuit he is described (Acts xviii. 23) as Supxi/tt-
roi Kaffsfijf rV roAarucV x&F"' " a ' *p"yl"»-
We know from the first Epistle to the Corinthians
that on this journey St. Paul was occupied with the
collection for the poor Christians of Judaea, and
that he gave instructions in Galatia on the subject
(Sxrwtp ti«Va(a this V««X<)o*tait Ttjs ["aAarlaj,
1 Cor. xvi. 1); but here again we are in doubt as
to the places which he had visited. We observe
that the " churches " of Galatia are mentioned here
in the plural, as in the opening of the Epistle to
the Galatians themselves (Gal. i. 9). From this
we should be inclined to infer that he visited sev-
eral parts of the district, instead of residing a long
time in one place, so as to form a great central
church, as at Ephesus and Corinth. This is in
harmony with the phrase ^ raAarurh x<fy"* "^
in both instances. Since Phrygia is mentioned
first in one case, and second in the other, we should
suppose that the order of the journey was different
on the two occasions. Phrygia also being not the
name of a Roman province, but simply an ethno-
graphical term, it is natural to conclude that Gala-
tia is used here by St Luke in the same general
way. In confirmation of this view it is worth while
to notice that in Acts ii. 9, 10, where the enumera-
tion is ethnographical rather than political, Phrygia
is mentioned, and not Galatia, while the exact con-
trary is the case in 1 Pet 1. 1, where each geograph-
ical term is the name of a province.
The Epistle to the Galatians was probably writ-
ten very soon after St. Paul's second visit to them.
Its abruptness and severity, and the sadness of its
tone, are caused by their sudden perversion from
the doctrine which the Apostle had taught them,
and which at first they had received so willingly.
It is no fancy, if we see In this fickleness a speci-
men of that " esprit impltueux, ouvert a tout** les
mpressions," that, " mobility extreme," which
rhierry marks ss characteristic of the Gaulish race
/Rat. oV* Gmloit, In trod, iv., v.). From Joseph.
tut. xvi. 6, J 2, we know that man* Jews were
tattled in Galatia- but GaL iv. 8 would lead us to
oppose that St Paul's converts were mostly Gen-
(las.
Wt rrast not leave unnoticed the view advocated
GALATIANS
865
by Buttger (Schr&plaiz itr WirlaamttoU it* Af>»
ttU Panlm, pp. 28-30, and the third of bit
Beitrigt, pp. 1-6 J, namely, that the Galatia of the
epistle is entirely limited to the district between
Uerbe and (Jolossse, 1. e. the extreme southern fron
tier of the Roman province. On this view tin
visit alluded to by tie Apostle took place on his
first missionary circuit; and the iurQiyua of GaL
iv. 13 is identified with the effects of the stoning at
Lystra (Acts xiv. 19). Geographically this is not
impossible, though it seems unlikely that regions
called Pisidia and Lycaonia in one place should h*
called Galatia in another. Bottger's geography,
however, is connected with a theory concerning the
date of the epistle; and for the determination of
this point we must refer to the article on the Gala-
tians, The Epistle to the. J. S. H.
• GALATIANS (roAoroi: Oalala), 1 Mace
viii. 2; 2 Mace. viii. SO; Gal. Hi. 1; to whom
Paul wrote his Gahttian epistle. Of this people
some account has been given above [Galatia].
No one of all the N. T. epistles reflects so many
national traits of the readers to whom they were
addressed as that to the Galatians. The some-
what peculiar intermixture of Judaistic and hea-
then elements which we find at work among
them, their tendency to the opposite extremes of a
Pharisaic legalism on the one band, and of a de-
gree of libertinism on the other, the ardor of tem-
perament which made them so zealous for the truth
of the Gospel at one time, and so easy a prey to
the arts of false teachers at another, and likewise
susceptible of such strong affection for Paul when
they first believed, and of such partisanship for his
opponents so soon after bis leaving them, are char-
acteristics more or less peculiar to this letter, and
presuppose certain historical antecedents having
something to do with their formation.
Of these antecedents, Prof. Ligbtfoot's ethno-
graphic sketch, brief, but the result of extended in-
vestigation (SL Paut$ h'pistle to the Oalitiaiu, pp.
1-17, 2d ed.\ furnishes a very good account: " The
Galatians, whom Manlius subdued by the arms of
Home, and St Paul by the sword of the Spirit,
were a very mixed race. The substratum of society
consisted of the original inhabitants of the invaded
country, chiefly Phrygians, of whose language not
much is known, but whose strongly marked re-
ligious system has a prominent place in ancient
history. The upper layer was composed of tht
Gaulish conquerors ; while scattered irreguLniy
through the social mass were Greek settlers, mnny
of whom doubtless had followed the successors of
Alexander thither, and were already in the country
when the Gauls took possession of it To thi
country thus peopled the Romans, ignoring the old
Phrygian population, gave the name of Gallogrrcia.
. . . The great work of the Roman conquest was
the fusion of the dominant with the conquered race
— the result chiefly, it would appear, of that nat-
ural process by which all minor distinctions arc
levelled in the presence of a superior power. From
this time forward the amalgamation began, and ii
was not long before the Gauls adopted even the re-
ligion of their Phrygian subjects. . . . But before
St. Paul visited the country two new elements had
been added to this already heterogeneous population
The establishment of the province must have drawn
thither a considerable number of Romans, not very
wioeiy spread in til probability, but gathered about
the centres of go -eminent, either holding omnia)
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356 GAXATIAN8
positions themselves, or connected more or lea di-
rectly with thoie who did. . . . More important is it
to remark on the Urge influx of Jews, which moat
have invaded Galatia in the interval Autiochui
thj Great had nettled two thousand Jewish families
in I.vdia and Phrygia; and even if we suppose these
settlements did not extend to Galatia, properly so
called, the Jewish colonists must in course of time
hare overflowed into a neighboring country which
possessed so many attractions for them. . . . The
country of Galatia afforded great facilities for com-
mercial enterprise. With fertile plains rich in
agricultural produce, with extensive pastures for
Hocks, with a temperate climate and copious rivers,
it abounded in all those resources out of which a
commerce is created. It was moreover conveniently
situated for mercantile transactions, being traversed
by a great high-road between the East and the
shores of the yEgean, along which caravans were
constantly passing, and among its towns it numbered
not a few which are mentioned as great centres of
commerce. . . . With these attractions it fat not
difficult to explain the vast increase of the Jewish
population in Galatia, and it is a significant (met
that in the generation before St. l'aul, Augustus
directed a decree granting especial privileges to the
Jews to be inscribed in his temple at Ancyra, the
Galatian metropolis, doubtless because this was a
principal seat of the dispersion in these parts of
Asia Minor. Other testimony to the same effect
is afforded by the inscriptions found in Galatia,
which present here and there Jewish names and
symbols amidst a strange confusion of Phrygian
and Celtic, Roman and Greek. At the time of
St. Paul they probably boasted a large number of
proselytes, and may even have infused a beneficial
leaven into the religion of the mass of the heathen
population. . . . The main features of the Gaulish
character are traced with great distinctness by the
Roman writers. Quickness of apprehension, promp-
titude in action, great impressibility, an eager crav-
ing after knowledge, this is the brighter aspect of
tlie Celtic character. Inconstant and quarrelsome,
treacherous in their dealings, incapable of sustained
effort, easily disheartened by failure, such they ap-
pear when viewed on their darker side. . . . Fickle-
ness is the term used to express their temperament.
This instability of character was the great difficulty
against which Cnsar had to contend in his dealings
with the Gauls. He complains that they all with
scsrcely an exception are impelled by the desire of
change. Nor did they show more constancy in the
discharge of their religious than of their social obli-
gations. The hearty zeal with which they embraced
the Apostle's teaching, followed by their rapid apos-
tasy, is only an instance out of many of the reckless
facility with which they adopted and discarded one
religions system after another. To St. Paul, who
had had much bitter experience of hollow profes-
sions aid fickle purposes, this extraordinary levity
was yet a matter of unfeigned surprise. ' T mar-
sel,' he lays, 'that ye are changing so quickly.'
He looked upon it as some strange fascination.
Ye senseless Gauls, who did bewitch you ? ' The
language in which Roman writers speak of the
martial courage of the Gauls, impetuous at the first
>nset, but rapidly melting in the heat of the fray,
well describes the short-lived prowess of these con-
verts in the warfare of the Christian church.
Equally important, in its relation to St. Paul's
rpistle, is the type of religious worship which seems
« have pervaded the Celtic nations. The Gauls
OALATIANS, EPISTLE TO THB
are described as a superstitious people, gives m
to ritual observances. . . . Tbe Gospel was <
to them, and the energy of tbe Apostle's _
ing took their hearts by storm. But the old I
still remained. The pure and spiritual teaching
of Christianity soon ceased to satisfy them. Their
religious temperament, battered by long habit,
prompted them to seek a system more external and
ritualistic. ' Having begun in the Spirit, they
would be made perfect in the flesh. 1 Such is this
language of the Apostle rebuking this unnatural
violation of the law of progress." H.
GALATIANS. THE EPISTLE TO
THE, was writU.il by the Apostle St Paul, not
long after his journey tiiruugb Galatia and Phrygia
(Acts xviii. 23), and probably (see below) in tta.
early portion of his two years and a half stay at
Kphesus, which terminated with the Pentecost of
A. D. 67 or 68. It would thus succeed in order of
composition the epistles to the Thessalonians, and
would form the first of the second group of epistles
the remaining portions of which are epistles to the
Coriuthians and to the Romans.
This characteristic letter was addressed to the
Churches of the Asiatic province of Galatia (i. S),
or Gallognecia (Strabo, xii. 566) — a province that
bore in its name its well-founded claim to a Gallic
or Celtic origin (Pausanias, i. 4), and that now,
after an establishment, first by predatory conquest,
and subsequently by recognition but limitation at
the hands of neighboring rulers (Strabo, L c. ;
Pausanias, iv. 5), could date an occupancy, though
not an independence, extending to more than three
hundred years; the first subjection of Galatia to
the Romans having taken place iu 189 ■>. c. (Ut.
xxxviii. 16 ff), and its formal reduction (with ter-
ritorial additions) to a regular Roman province in
36 B. C. Tbe epistle appears to have been called
forth by the machinations of Judsizing teachers,
who, shortly before the dote of its composition, had
endeavored to seduce tbe churches of this provines
into a recognition of circumcision (v. 2, 11, 13; vi.
12 ff.), and had open)) sought to depreciate tbe
apostolic claims of St. Paul (comp. i. 1, 11).
Tbe scope and contents of the epistle are thus:
(1] apologetic (i., ii.) and polemical (iii., iv.), and
(2) hortatory and practical (v., vi.), the positions
and demonstrations of the former portion being
used with great power anil |irr»uasiveiieas in the
exhortations of the latter. The following is a brief
summary: —
After an address and salutation, in which Ms
total independence of human mission is distinctly
asserted (i. 1), and a brief doxology (t 6), the
Apostle expresses bis astonishment at the speedy
lapse of his converts, and reminds them how be
had forewarned them that even if an angel preached
to them another gospel he was to be anathema
(L 6-10). The gospel he preached was not of men,
as his former course of life (i. 11-14), and as his
actual history subsequent to his conversion (i. 15-
24), convincingly proved. When he went up to
Jerusalem it was not to be instructed by th»
Apostles, but on a special mission, which resulted
iu his being formally accredited by them (ii. 1 -If.
nay, more, when St Peter dissembled ta bis esss
munion with Gentiles, he rebuked him, and deaa
onstrstes the danger of such inconsistency (H. 11-
21). The Apostle then turns to the Galatiana
and urges specially the doctrine of justification, as
evinced by the gift of the Spirit (iii. l-o* ibecast
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GALATIA NS. EPI8TLE TO THB GALATIANS, EPISTLE TO THE 857
sf tbraham (iii C-9), the bet of the law involving
case, from wiiicb Christ has freed in (iii. 10-
14). md lastly tie prior validity >f the promise (iii.
15-18), and that preparatory character of the Law
(iii. 19-34) which ceased when faith in Christ and
baptism into him were fully come (iii. 95-23). All
this the Apoetle illustrates by a comparison of the
nonage of an heir with that of bondage under the
Law: they were now sons and inheritors (iv. 1-7),
why then were they now turning back to bondage
(iv. 8-11)? They once treated the Apoetle very
dimmntly (iv. 12-16); now they pay court to others
and awaken feelings of serious mistrust (iv. 17-20),
and yet with all their approval of the Law show
that they do not understand its deeper and more
allegorical meanings (\\. 21-30). If this be so,
they must stand fast in their freedom, aqd beware
that they make not void their union with Christ
(iv. 31-v. 6): their perverters at any rate shall be
punished (v. 7-12). The real fulfillment of the
Law is love (v. 13-15): the works of the Spirit are
what no law condemns, the works of the flesh are
what exclude from the kingdom of (lod (v. 16-26).
The Apostle further exhorts the spiritual to be for-
bearing (vi. 1-5), the taught to be liberal to their
teachers, and to remember that as they sowed so
would they reap (vi. 6-10). Then after a noticeable
recapitulation, and a contrast between his own con-
duct and that of the false teachers (vi. 11-16), and
an affecting entreaty that they would trouble him
no more (vi. 17), the Apostle concludes with his
Tinal benediction (vi. 18).
With regard to the ijt twinrnru and nuthmticity
of this epistle, no writer of any credit or respect-
ability has expressed any doubts. The testimony
of the early church is most decided and unanimous.
Beside express references to the epistle (Irenajus,
tter. iii. 7, 2, v. 21, 1 ; TertuU. ik Prater, c. 60,
al.), we have one or two direct citations found as
early as the time of the Apostolic Fathers (l'olyc.
iut PhiL c. 3), and several apparent allusions (see
Davidson, Jntrud. ii. 318 ft*.). The attempt of
Bruno Bauer (Krtiik <kr Puulin. Briefe, Berlin,
1850) to demonstrate that this epistle is a com-
pilation of later times, out of those to the Romans
and to the Corinthians, has been treated by Meyer
with a contempt and a severity ( I'orrWc, p. vii. ;
Einlt'd. p. 8) which, it does not seem too much to
say, are both completely deserved. Such efforts are
alike melancholy and desperate, but are useful in
exhibiting the real issues and tendencies of all his
torical criticism that has the hardihood to place its
awn, often interested, speculations before external
testimony and recognized facts.
Two historical questions require a brief notice : —
1. The number of rlgits made by St. Paul to the
churches of Galatia previous to his writing the
epistle. These seem certainly to have been lico.
fbe Apostle founded the churches of Galatia in the
-isit recorded Acts xvi. 6, during his second mis-
sionary journey, about a. d. 51. and revisited them
«i the period and on the occasion mentioned Acts
Kviii. 23, when he went through the country of
Galatia and Phrygia, iwumiptfov mirror roit
vUhirdt. On this occasion it would seem probable
\at he found the leaven of Judaism beginning to
work in the churches of Galatia, and that he thei.
warned them against it in language of the most
tedded chat tcter (comp. i. 9, v. 3). The majority
•f the new converts consisted i«f Gentiles 'iv. 8),
Vst, as we may infer from the language of the
vssj'a. had considerable contact with Jews, and
some familiarity with Jewish modes of inU
tion. It was then all the more necessary tot
them emphatically against believing in the necessity
of ci :umcision, and of yielding themselves up to
the bondage of a Law which, however strenuously
urged upon them by those around them, had now
become merged in that dispensation to which i
was only prevenient and preparatory.
2. Closely allied with the preceding ]uestioc is
that of the date and place from which the epistle
was written. If the preceding new be correct, the
epistle could not have been written before the sec-
ond visit, as it contains clear allusions to warnings
that were then given when the Apostle was present
with them. It must then date from some perior"
subsequent to the journey recorded in Acts xviil
23. How long subsequent to that journey is some
what debatable. Conybeare and Howson, and more
recently Lightfoot (Journa' of l'ln$$. anil Snared
PhiloL for Jan. 1857), urgo the probability of its
having been written at about the same time as the
Epistle to the Komans, and find it very unlikely
that two epistles so nearly allied in subject and line
of argument should have been separated in order
of composition by the two epistles to the Corin-
thians. They would therefore assign Corinth as
the place where the epistle was written, and the
three mouths that the Apostle stayed there (Acta
xx. 2, 3), apparently the winter of a. i>. 57 or 58,
as the exact period. It is not to be denied that
there is a considerable plausibility in these argu-
ments; still when we consider not only the note of
time in Gal. i. 6, oSron raxitn, hut also the ob-
vious fervor and freshness of interest that seems to
breathe through the whole epistle, it does seem
almost impossible to assign a later period than the
commencement of the prolonged stay in Epbesus.
The Apostle would in that city have been easily
able to receive tidings of bis Galatian converts;
the dangers of Judaism, against which be person-
ally warned them, would have been fresh in Ms
thoughts ; and when he found that these warnings
were proving unavailing, and that even his apostolic
authority was becoming undermined by a fresh
arrival of Judaizing teachers, — it is then that he
would have written, as it were, on the spur of the
moment, in those terms of earnest and almost im-
passioned warning that so noticeably mark this
epistle. We do not, therefore, see sufficient ration
for giving up the anciently received opinion that
the epistle was written from F.phesus, perhaps not
very long after the Apostle's arrival at that city.
The subscription iyp4<pn awl *P&ui)s has found,
both in ancient and modem times, some supporters
but seems in every way improbable, and was not
unlikely suggested by a mistaken reference of the
expressions in ch. vi. 17 to the sufferings of im
prison men t. See Meyer, tinleit. p. 7; Davidson,
Introduction, ii. 292 ff. ; Alfbrd, Prolegomena, p.
459.
The editions of [commentaries on] this epistle
have been very numerous. We may specify those
of Winer (Lips. 1829 [4th ed. 185'jj), Kuckert
(Leipz. 1833), Usteri (Zurich, 1833). Schott (Lips.
1834), Olshauseu (Konigsb. 1840), Windischmann
(Mainz, 1843), De Wette (Leipz. 1845 [3d ed. by
W. Miller, 18641), Meyer (Giittlng. 1851 [4th ed.
1862]), Turner 'New York, 1855), and In our own
country those or Kllicott (Lond. 1854, 4th ed. 1867),
Bagge (Lond. 1856), and Afford (Lond. 1857 [4th
ed. 1866]). C.J. E.
* Prof. Lighttoot In his Commentary (tea ansae
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358 GALATIANS, EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS, EPISTLE TO THE
SaLatlans) assigns the Epistle to the Galatians to
Corinth a* the place where it was written, at the
lime of Paul's last visit to that city (Acts xx. 3
8*.) and shortly before his writing the Epistle to the
Romans. lake other advocates of this opinion, he
trgue* for it mainly from the similarity of thought
and language which distinguishes these two letters
in a somewhat remarkable degree. For a tabular
view of the passages which exhibit this resemblance
sec hi* St. Paul's Epistle to the Galoti ins, pp. 46-
48, and Davidson's Introduction to the N. T. p. 396.
Hut there aie two considerations which abate the
force of this reasoning. First, it is to be borne in
miud that this similarity so far as it is verbal (the
tort of correspondence only which furnishes decisive
proof of proximity in time) is found to a great
extent in the proof-text* quoted from the O. T., or
other formulistic expressions, and would therefore
be found to exist at whatever intervals of time the
two letters may hare been written. The verbal
agreement between the Epistle to the Ephesians and
that to the Colossians is of a very different character,
and shows that the phraseology of the one was still
in the writer's memory, as well as the ideas, when
the other was written. Secondly, the similarity
in the trains of thought is really uot greater than
one might expect to occur when the same writer,
who has fixed and definite views of Christian truth,
is led to discuss the same topics at different times
and under different circumstances. For example,
Paul's speech to the Lystrians (Acts xiv. 15-17)
contains a striking epitome of his views respecting
the accountability of the heathen as more fully
stated in Bom. i. 19 ff., and yev the speech and
the epistle stand widely apart from each other as
to the time when the one was spoken and the other
written. On this relation of Paul's discourses and
epistles to each other, see especially Tboluck's Die
lie/Jen del Aj/ottels Paulus in der Apnsttlg., nit
teinen Brie/en terylichen (Stud. u. /bit. 1839, p.
305 ff.); and Ch. J. Trip's Pnuhu nnch der Apoe-
telgeschichte : ffistorischer Werth dieter Berichte,
pp. 187-819 (Leiden, 1866).
Bishop EUicott's view (stated above) that Paul
wrote to the Galatians from Kphesus, is the generally
accepted oue of the later critics as well as the older.
So, among others, Winer, tfonsen, Olshausen,
Wieeeler, Schott, Anger, Neander, Meyer, Guericke,
llensa, Ewald, Scbaff, lV^sensi. Bleek is unde-
cided (A'int in this N. i tit. p. 429), and some, as
De Wette and Alford, have held both opinions at
•iffeient times. On the question whether Paul
wrote the entire letter with his own hand, see
Epistles (Anier. ed.). It is one of the four letters
which Chr. Fr. Baur admits to be unquestionably
Pauline, never having in fact been seriously quet-
krned, says Meyer, except by Bruno Bauer, 1850.
The dogmatic and practical interest of this epistle
ha* given to it a foremost place in all ages of the
.hutch. It formed the battle-ground between Prot-
aatautism and Komanism at the time of the Refbr-
jiatlon. Luther wrote and re-wrote Commentaries
id it, which have been often printed, and translated
nto other languages. Of all the labors of hi*
ict've life he esteemed none more useful than that
bestowed on the exposition of this one epistle. In
our own day it ha* been brought into new prom-
inence by the use which Baur and his followers
make of it as supporting their notion of Christianity
«s having been only a modified Judaism until it
m re-wrought by the plastic hand of the energetic
Cad. » The epistle," say* Ughtfoot (p. 68, 3d ed.),
'• affords at once the ground for, and the i
<£, this view. It affords the ground, for it dfcv
covers the mutual jealous/ and suspicions of the ism-
i*h and the Gentile converts. It affords the refuta-
tion, for it snows the t ue relations existing between
St Paul and the Twu.e. It presents not indeed
a colorless uniformity of feeling and opinion, but a
far higher and more instructive harmony, the gen-
eral agreement amidst some leaser differences and
some human failings, of men animated by the same
divine Spirit, and working together for the same
hallowed purpose."
Additional literature. — Among the writers wno
have illustrated this epistle the following also deserve
notice: C. F. A. Kritssche, De nomuulit Pauli ad
GalaL Epittola Ijodt Comm. i.-iii., Rostock, 1833-
34, repr. in Fritzschiorum Opusc. Acad. pp. 158-
258; P. A. Sardinoux, Comm. tur tepitre de tap.
Pant aux GahUet, Valence, 1837, with a critical
introduction and new translation ; Barnes, Albert,
Notes, Explan. and Practical, on id Corinthians
and Galatians, New York, 1839; Hilgenfeld, Der
Galalerbrief ihersetd, in teinen gctchtchtl. Bezie-
hungen unlertuckt u. erkldrt, etc. Leips. 1852;
Brown, John, Exposition of the Kp. to the Gala-
tians, Edin. 1853, an elaborate work ; Maurice.
The Unity of the Jfae Test. (1854), pp. 491-511 ,
Jatho, Pauls Brief an die Ualater, Hildesh. 1856,
Ewald, in hi* Sendschreiben del Ap. Paului
ubersttt u. erUSrt (1857), pp. 52-101 ; Jowett
The Epistlct to the Thtstaloniant, Galatiant
Romans, with Oil. Notes and Dissertations, vol
1., 2d ed., Load. 1859 (1st ed. 1866); Wieeeler,
Comm. 06. d. Brief an die Galater, Gott. 1859,
see also his supplementary article in Herxog's Real-
Encyle. xix. 523-635; SchmoUer, Der Brief an die
Galater, in Lange's Bibehcerk, Theil viii. (1862,
2d ed. 1865); J. C. K. von Hofmann, Die heUige
Schrift tusammenhangend untersucht, Theil ii.
Abth. L (1863); Reithmayr (Cath.), Comm. turn
Brief e on die Galater, Miinehen, 1865; Vumei,
S. Pauli Br. an d. Galater, griech. mil deuitcher
Vebersetxung u. mit hit. Anmerhmgen (1865);
G. W. Matthias, Der Galalerbrief, u. a. w. (1866),
Greek text with German translation, explanation
of difficult passages, and a special dissntatimi oc
iii. 20; Webster and Wilkinson, Greet New Test.
ii. 112-180 (1861); Wordsworth, Greek Nca Test.,
4th ed., 1866; and J. B. Ughtfoot, St. Pouts Ep.
to the Galatians ; a revised Text, with Introdu ct ion,
Notes, and Dissertations, 2d ed., Lond. 1866. This
last work is one of special value in it* treatment
of the various ethnographic and historical questions
which grow out of the epistle. Hermann's •r^oyr.
de Pauli Epist. ad Gala, tribut pximit Capuihus
(Lips. 1832) is not only remarkable, but very in-
structive. It shows how impossible it is to reach
the sense of the N. T. writers if we construe their
Greek (as did this celebrated scholar) as strictly
classical, without mating due allowance for it*
Hebraistic character.
The doctrinal passages, of which so many occn»
in this letter, are specially examined in such works
as Usteri's Paulin. txhrbegriff, Zurich, 1834;
Neander's Planting and Training of the Chrittinm
Church by the Apotilet; R. A. Upeius's Dk
Paulinische Rechtfertigungilehre, Leipz. 1863; C
F. Schmid'i Bibl. TheoL del N. T. 2* Aon
(1859), pp. 472-588; Reuses Hut. de la AM.
chretitme au tiecU apostolique, torn, it, 2* srU
Stranb. 1860 ; and Messner's Die Lekredar Apottu
dargesUlk, Leipx. 1856.
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GALBANUM
Ob it* relation of this epistle to the theory of
aW Tubingen critics, tee thecomn.entar:es of Meyer
lad Hofmium; Lechler's Dasopvstul. a. nachapost.
Ztkaher, p. 235 ff; Prof. U. P. Fishers Essays
M »4e Supernatural Origin of Christimity (New
York, 1866 ), pp. 205-282 (from the New Englander
for Jul;, 1864); Lighlfoot's Din. iii., fit Paul and
He Three, in his Up. to Me Gal pp. 283-355, 2d
ad. ; and especially C. J. Trip's prize-essay, Paulut
Mch der Apostelgeschichte (already mentioned),
which treats of many of the points in this contro-
versy common to Acts and Gaiatians, and is a val-
uable contribution to the subject It deserves to
be translated into English. For the view of the
Tubingen school, besides the well known works of
Baur and Zeller (see addition to Acts op the
Apostles), one may consult the articles of Hilgen-
Md in his Zeitschr.f. win. TheoL for 1858, 1860,
and 1866.
A fuller outline of the argument of the epistle
than the one given above, will be found in the
Christian Review for Oct 1861, pp. 677-584. For
the correction of errors in the A. V. relating either
to the sense or the Greek text, see articles in the
BUI Sacra, zix. 211-225 and xxii. 138-149; also
AHord's New Testament for English Readers, vol.
ii. Host of the changes there recommended are
incorporated in the revised version of the American
Bible Union. Winer prefixes an admirable Latin
translation to his Pauls ad Galatas Kpistola (4th
sd., 1369). H.
GALBANUM (HJ? 1 ?^, cheli'ndh), one of
the perfumes employed in the preparation of the
■acred incense (Ex. xxx. 84 [eomp. Eeclus. xxiv.
15]). The similarity of the Hebrew name to the
Greek xaAJ3dw> "«1 the Latin galbanum has led
to the supposition that the substance indicated is
the same. The galbanum of commerce is brought
chiefly from India and the Levant It is a resinous
gum of a brownish-yellow color, and strong, dis-
agreeable smell, usually met with in masses, but
sometimes found in yellowish tear-like drops. The
ancients believed that when burnt the smoke of it
was efficacious in driving away serpents and gnats
(PHn. xii. 56, xix. 58, xxiv. 13; Virg. Georg. iii.
416). But, though galbanum itself is well known,
the plant which yields it has not been exactly de-
termined. Dioscorides (iii. 87) describes it as the
juice of an umbelliferous plant growing in Syria,
and called by some ptrdntiw <cf. i. 71). Kiihn,
hi his commentary on Dioscorides (ii. p. 632), is in
favor of the Ferula femlago, L., which grows in
North Africa, Crete, and Asia Minor. According
to Pliny (xii. 66) it is the resinous gum of a plant
called stugonitis, growing on Mount Amanus in
Syria; while the metopum is the product of a tree
near the oracle of Amnion (xii. 49 ). The testimony
of Theopbrastus (Hist. Plant, ix. 7), so far «s it
goes, confirms the accounts of Pliny and Dioscorides.
It was for some time supposed to be the product
of the Bubon galbanum of Limueus, a native of the
Cape of Good Hope. Doc found in the galbanum
of commerce the fruit of an umbelliferous plant of
the tribe Silerina, which be assumed to be that
from which the gum was produced, and to which I
se gave the name of Galbanum officinale. But his
►occlusion was called in question by Dr. Undley,
Jrbo received from Sir John Macneil the frui*« of a
Jant growing at Durrood, near Nishaporn, in
Khoraasan, which be named Opoidia galbamfera,
«f the tribe Smurnea. This pant has been adopted
GALILEE
069
by the Dublin College in their Pharmacopoeia, m
that which yields the galbanum (Pereira, Mat. Mel
ii. pt. 2, p. 188). M. Buhse, in his Persian travels
(quoted in Royle, Mat. Med. pp. 471, 472), identi-
fied the plant producing galbanum with one which
he found on the Demawend mountains. It was
called by the natives khassuch, and bore a ver)
close resemblance to the Ferula erubescent, but
belonged neither to the genus Galbanum nor to
Opoidia. It is believed that the Persian galbanum,
and that brought from the Levant, are the produce
of different plants. But the question remains un
decided.
If the galbanum be the true representative of the
chelb'nih of the Hebrews, it may at first sight ap-
pear strange that a substance which, when burnt
by itself, produces a repulsive odor, should be em-
ployed in the composition of the sweet-smelling
incense for the service of the tabernacle. We have
the authority of Pliny that it was used, with other
resinous ingredients, in making perfumes among
the ancients; and the same author tells us that
these resinous substances were added to enable the
perfume to retain its fragrance longer. " Kesina
aut gummi adjiciuntur ad continendum odorem in
corpora " (xiii. 2). Galbanum wax also employed
in adulterating the opobalsanium, or gum of the
balsam plant (PUn. xii. 54). W. A. W.
GALTEED Cry 1 ?*' *• «• Gti-tA = heap of wit-
ness: [ver. 47, Bovvis pAprvsX 48, B- paprvpti;
Alex. B. paprvpn: Acervus ttstimonii Galaad]).
The name given by Jacob to the heap which he
and Laban made on Mount Gilead, in witness of
the covenant then entered Jito between them (Gen.
xxxi. 47, 48; eomp. 23, 25;. [Gilead; Jkgabv
BAHADUTHA.]
GAL/GALA (rikyaha: cigala), the ordi-
nary equivalent in the LXX. Fir Gilgal. In the
A V. it is named only in 1 Mace. ix. 2, as desig-
nating the direction of the road taken by the army
of Demetrius, when they attacked Masaloth in Ar-
hela — "the way to Galgala " (btbr t V tit rdA-
yaka). The army, as we learn from the statements
of Josephus (Ant. xii. 11, § 1), was on its way from
Antioch, and there is no reason to doubt that by
Arbela is meant the place of that name in Galilee
now surviving as Mid. [Akbkla.] Its ultimate
destination was Jerusalem (1 Mace. ix. 3), and Gal-
gala may therefore be either the upper Gilgal near
Bethel, or the lower one near Jericho, as the rout*
thiough the Ghor or that through the centre ot
the country was chosen (F.wald, Gesch. iv. 370).
Josephus omits the name in his version of the pat-
sage. It is a gratuitous supposition of Ewald's
that the Galilee which Josephus introduces is i
corruption of Galgala. G.
• GALILEAN or GALILEAN (roA.
\atos- GaUlcsus), an Inhabitant of Galilee (Mark
xiv. 70; Luke xiii. 1, 2, xxii. 59, xxiii. 6; John
iv. 45; Acts ii. 7; also in the Greek, Matt xxvL
69; Aetal. 11, v. 37). A
GALILEE (roAiAo/o; [Vat TaXtOuu*:
GaHlata]). This name, which in the Roman age
was applied to a large province, seems to have been
originally confined to a little " circuit " (the He-
brew word V 1 ?}, GalO, the origin of the later
" Galilee," like "t^S, signifies a " circle, or dr-
col: "» V country round Kedesh-Naphtali, In whiea
mrt *l*'iated the twenty towns given by Sofcvnoa.
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860
GALILEE
to Hiram, king of Tyre, as payment for his work
In conveying •timber from Lebanon to Jerusalem
(Josh. xx. 7: 1 K. ix. 11; LXX. VtOuXala). They
were then, or subsequently, occupied by strangers,
and for this reason Isaiah gives to the district the
name " Galilee of the Gentiles " (D^On Vbj,
•\- Is. ix. 1. In Matt ir. 18, TaAiAoia t*V Mriiy;
in 1 Mace. v. 15, TaXiKaia iKXofiXoiy). It is
probable that the strangers increased in number,
and became during the Captivity the great body of
the inhabitants; extending themselves also over the
surrounding country, they gave to their new terri-
tories the old name, until at length Galilee became
one of the largest provinces of Palestine. In the
time of the Maccabees Galilee contained only a few
Jews living in the midst of a large heathen popula-
tion (1 Mace. v. 20-23); Strabo states tiiat in his
day it was chiefly inhabited by Syrians, Phoenicians,
and Arabs (xvi. p. 760); and Josephua says Greeks
also dwelt in its cities ( VU. 12).
In the time of our Lord all Palestine was divided
into three provinces, Judfea, Samaria, and Galilee
(Acts ix. 31; Luke xvii. 11; Joseph. B. J. iii. 3).
The latter included the whole northern section of
the country, including the ancient territories of
Issachar, Zebulun, Asher, and Naphtali. Joeephus
defines its boundaries, and gives a tolerably full
description of it* scenery, products, and population.
He says the soil is rich and well cultivated ; fruit
and forest trees of all kinds abound; numerous
large cities and populous villages, amounting in all
to no leas than two hundred and forty, thickly stud
the whole face of the country ; the inhabitants are
industrious and warlike, being trained to arms from
their infancy (B. J. iii. 3, § 3; VU. 45). On the
west it was bounded by the territory of PtolemaU,
which probably included the whole plain of Akka
to the foot of Carmel. The southern border ran
along the base of Carmel and of the hills of Samaria
to Mount Gilboa, and then descended the valley of
Jezreel by Scythopolis to the Jordan. The river
Jordan, the Sea of Galilee, and the upper Jordan
to the fountain at Dan, formed the eastern border;
and the northern ran from Dan westward across
the mountain ridge till it touched the territory of
the Phoenicians (B. J. iii. 3, § 1, ii. 18, § 9 ; comp.
Luke viii. 96).
Galilee was divided into two sections, " Lower "
and "Upper;" i, K i.ru mtl i) turn TahiKaia.
Cyril says (c. Jul. ii.) Elrl yap ToAiAaiai Sio, &y
rj /iff* fua Kara T^r 'lai/Salar, %yt fi^jy iripa reus
toiytxtty tixtoa/ ofiopit rt itol ytlntr. A single
glance at the country shows that the division was
natural. Lower Galilee included the great plain
of rsdraelon with its offshoots, which run down to
tlu Jordan and the Lake of Tiberias : and the whole
of the hill-country adjoining it on the north to the
foot of the mountain-range. The words of Joeephus
are clear and important (B. J. iii. 3, § 1): Kol ttjj
uey K&Ttt KaKovp4in)s roAiAa/os iwo Ti/JcpidSos
tUxfi 1 ZajBovA&y r/r cV rots wapaXlots Tlroktfuits
yilrvp to fiTJKoi iKrclytrtu' wKariytTai 3c aWo
-fjj iv ry fity&Ktp ictBlq> Kti/x4rns K&pns fj BaA&d
taKurai M'Xp' BT|/wdj8T(5. " The village of
Xaloth ' is evidently the Chesulloth of Josh. xix.
12, now called Jksdl, and situated at the base of
Mount Tabor, on the northern border of the Great
Plain (Porter, Handbook, p. 359). But a oom-
Dantr.n of Josephus, Ant. xx. t), § 4, with B. J. iii.
I § 4, proves that Lower Galilee extended as far
\t the village of Ginea, the modern Jenta, on the
o at.t t.uk
extreme southern side of the plain The aft* at
the northern border town, Bersabe, h not known
but we learn incidentally that both Arbeit an*
Jotapata were in Lower Galilee (Joseph. VU. 37
B. J. 11. 20, § 6); and as the former was situated
near the northwest angle of the Lake of Tiberias,
and the latter about eight miles north of Nazareth
(Porter, Handbook, pp. 432, 377), we conclude that
Lower Galilee included the whole region extending
from the plain of Akka, on the west, to the shores
of the lake on the east. It was thus one of the
richest and most beautiful sections of Palestine.
The Plain of Eadraelon presents an unbroken surface
of fertile soil — soil so good that to enjoy it the
tribe of Issachar condescended to a semi-nomadic
state, and " became a servant to tribute M (Deut
xxxiii. 18; Gen. xlix. 14, 15). With the exception
of n few rocky summits round Nazareth the hills
are all wooded, and sink down in graceful slopes to
broad winding vales of the richest green. The out-
lines are varied, the colors soft, and the whole land-
scape is characterized by that picturesque luxuriance
which one sees in parts of Tuscany. The blessings
promised by Jacob and Moses to Zebulun and Asher
seem to be here inscribed on the features of the
country. Zebulun, nestling amid these hills, " often
sacrifices of righteousness " of the abundant flocks
nourished by their rich pastures ; he rejoices " in
his goings out " along the fertile plain of Esdraclon ;
" be sucks of the abundance of the seas " — hie
possessions skirting the bay of Haifa at the baa*
of Carmel ; and " he sucks of treasures hid in the
sand," probably in allusion to the ylau, which was
first made from the sands of the river Belus (Deut.
xxxiii. 18, 19; Plin. v. 19; Tac. Hut. v.). Asher,
dwelling amid the hills ou the northwest of Zebu-
lun, on the borders of Phoenicia, " dips his feet in
oil," the produce of luxuriant olive groves, such a*
still distinguish this region; "his bread," the pro-
duce of the plain of Phoenicia and the fertile upland
valleys, " is fat; " " he yields royal dainties " — oil
and wine from his olives and vineyard*, and milk
and butter from his pastures (Gen. xlix. 20 ; Deut.
xxxiii. 24, 25). The chief towns of I-ower Galilee
were Tiberias, Tarichasa, at the southern end of the
Sea of Galilee, and Sepphoris (Joseph. Vit. 9, 25,
29, 37). The latter played an important part in the
last great Jewish war (Joseph. ViL 45 ; B.J. ii. 18,
§ 11). It is now called Sefurieh, and is situated
about three miles north of Nazareth (Porter, Hani-
book, p. 378). There were besides two strong for-
tresses, Jotapata, now called Jefat, and Mount
Tabor (Joseph. B. J. iu. 7, § 3 ff., iv. 1, § 6).
The towns most celebrated in N. T. history are
Nazareth, Cana, and Tiberias (Luke i. 26; John
ii. 1, vi. 1).
Upper Galilee, according to Josephus, extended
from Bersabe on the south, to the village of Baca,
on the borders of the territory of Tyre, and from
Meloth on the west, to Tbella, a city near toe
Jordan (B. J. Iii. 3, J 1). None of these places
are now known, but there is no difficulty in ascer-
taining the position and approximate extent of the
province. It embraced the whole mountain-rang*
lying between the upper Jordan and Phoenicia. Its
southern border ran along the foot of the Safcj
range from the northwest angle of the Sea of
Galilee to the plain of Akka. To this region the.
name " Galilee of the Gentiles " is given in ths
O. and N. T. (Is. ix. 1; Matt ir. 15). So Eos*.
bius states : r) ply TaAiAata ttr&y ttynrat A
bptais Tuolmy wapaxciptVn, tVOa taunt StAspsV
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GALILEE
r»S Xififi W »<fA«u KAJipou N«<p0oAefp (Omm.
*■ v. roAiAala) The town of Capernaum, on the
north shore of the lake, was in upper Galilee ( Onom.
s. v. CapAaiwium), and this fact Is important, as
•bowing bow far the province extended southward,
and as proving that it, as well as Lower Galilee,
touched the lake. The mountain-range of Upper
Galilee is a southern prolongation of Lebanon, from
which it is separated by the deep ravine of the
I pontes [Lkhakon]. The summit of the range is
•able-land ; part of which is beautifully wooded with
dwarf oak, intermixed with tangled shrubberies of
hawthorn and arbutus. The whole is varied by
fertile upland plains, green forest glades, and wild
picturesque glens breaking down to the east and
west. The population are still numerous and in-
dustrious, consisting chiefly of Met&wileh, a sect of
Mohammedans. Safed is the principal town, and
contains al>out 4000 souls, one-third of whom are
Jews. It is one of the four holy Jewish cities of
Palestine, and has for three centuries or more been
celebrated for the sacredness of its tombs, and the
learning of its Kabbins. Stfed seems to be the
centre of an extensive volcanic district Shocks of
earthquake are felt every few years. One occurred
in 1837, which killed about 5000 persons (Porter,
Handbook, p. 438). On the table-land of Upper
Galilee lie the ruins of Kedesb-Naphtali (Josh. xx.
7), and Giscala (now eUJith), a city fortified by
Joaephus, and celebrated as the last place in Galilee
that held out against the Romans (B. J. ii. 22, §
8, iv. 1, § I, 9, § 1-5).
Galilee was the scene of the greater part of our
l/jrd's private life and public acts. His early years
were spent at Nazareth; and when he entered on
his great work he made Capernaum his home"
(Matt iv. 13, ix. 1). It is a remarkable (act that
the first three Gospels are chiefly taken up with our
Lord's ministrations in this province: while the
Gospel of John dwells more upon those in Judcea.
The nature of our Lord's parables and illustrations
was greatly influenced by the peculiar features and
products of the country. The vineyard, the fig-
tree, the shepherd, and the desert in the parable of
the Good Samaritan, were all appropriate in Judiea;
while the corn-fields (Mark iv. 28), the fisheries
(Matt xiii. 47), the merchants (Matt. xiii. 45), and
the flowers (Matt. vi. 28), are no less appropriate in
Galilee. The Apostles were all either Galileans by
birth or residence (Acts 1. 11); and as such they
were despised, as their Master had been, by the
proud Jews (John i. 46, vii. 52; Acts ii. 7). It
appears also that the pronunciation of those Jews
who resided in Galilee had become peculiar, prob-
ably from their contact with their Gentile neighbors
(Matt xxvi. 73; Mark xiv. 70; see Lightfoot, Opp.
ii. 77). After the destruction of Jerusalem, Galilee
became the chief seat of Jewish schools of learning,
and the residence of their most celebrated Kabbins.
The National Council or Sanhedrim was taken for
» time to Jabneh in Pbilistia, but was soon removed
to Sepphoris, and afterwards to Tiberias (Ijghtfoot,
Opp. ii. 141). The MUhna was here compiled by
Rabbi 'udah Hakkodesh (eir. A. i>. 109-220); and
" * The best arrangement places toe Saviour's re-
moval to Capernaum after his return from Judiea to
Oa!lUe (John iv. 1 a.). It must have been, tberHbrs,
s year or more alter his baptism, tbs proper beginning
tf Us public ministry. (See table at the mt A Oos-
ms) H.
* • Rulolf Hofmann, In his Utorr in Berg Qal-
Ott OMmira. 1866). maintains this vim. and ureas It
GALL
861
a few yean afterwards the Gemara was added
vBuxtorf, meruit, p. 19). Remains of splendid
synagogues still exist in many of the old towns ami
villages, showing that from the second to the seventh
century the Jews were as prosperous as they were
numerous (Porter, Handbook, pp. 427, 440).
J. L. V.
• GALILEE, MOUNTAIN IN, where tl»
Saviour manifested himself to some of his disciples
(Matt, xxviii. 16, and probably 1 Cor. xv. 6) after
his resurrection. It is impossible to know what
particular mountain is here referred to. Some of
the conjectures are that it was the Mount of Trans
figuration (whether that was Tabor or Hermou on
the east of the Jordan), or the Mount of Beatitudes
in the vicinity of the Sea of Galilee. The singular
opinion that it was the northern summit of Olivet
is utterly indefensible.* It is stated explicitly in
Matt xxviii. 16 that the disciples went into Gal-
ilee (sir tV raAiAofay) to the mountain which
Christ had appointed for the interview : and Galilee,
according to the invariable usage of the N. T.,
denotes the province of that name. Undoubtedly
the Saviour mentioned the place, but the Evangelist
has passed that over. H.
GALILEE, SEA OF. [Gkxnksarbt.]
GALL, the representative in the A. V. of the
Hebrew words mirerah, or mtrtr&h, and roth.
1. Miririh or mfrA-d* (jTrtQ or TTp^ :
XoA4) : /"«', amaritudo, vitcera mea) denotes ety-
mologically " that which is bitter;" see Job xiii
26, " thou writest bitter things against me." Hence
the term is applied to the " bile " or ■' gall " from
its intense bitterness (Job xvi. 13, xx. 25); it is
alio used of the " poison " of serpents (Job xx. 14),
which the ancients erroneously believed was their
gall : see Pliny, //. If. a 37, •> No one should be
astonished that it is the gall which constitutes th»
[wboii of serpents."
2. Kith (0W~) or ttPH : x „^, a-ucofo, ayocnt-
tij: fd, amaritudo, caput), generally translated
" gall " by the A. V., is in Hot. x. 4, rendered
« hemlock ; " in Deut xxxii. 33, and Job xx. 16.
rfoli denotes the "poison" or "venom" of ser-
pents. From Deut xxix. 18, " a root that bearetu
rdth " (margin " a poisonful herb "), and Lam. iii.
I!), " the wormwood and the rdth," compared with
Hos. x. 4, "judgment springeth up as nWi," it is
evident that the Hebrew term denotes some bitter,
and perhaps poisonous plant, though it may also
be used, as in Ps. Ixix. 21, in the general sense of
" something very bitter." Celsius (Hierub. ii. 46-
52) thinks "hemlock" (Conium maeulahtm) is in-
tended, and quotes Jerome on H<3sea in support of
bis opinion, though it seems that this commentator
had in view the couch-grass (Trilicmn repent)
rather than "hemlock." RoeenmiiDer (Bib. Bot
p. 118) is inclined to think that the Lolium (emu-
trntum [darnel] best agrees with the passage in
Hosea, where the rfith is said to grow " in the fur-
rows of the field."
Other writers have supposed, and with some
as important for harmonising the different account of
the teariour's appearances after the resurrection. Tbftre
is some evidence that the northern point of Olivet may
bare bran known as Galilee In a later afS, baeenev
the Galileans usually cr ossed here on tboir way tc *•-
ruaalem (aw XbSio't Cod. apotr. N. T. p. 619 K).
B
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GAIX
isasoii (from Dent xxxli. 32, "their grapes in
{impel of rM"), that tome berry-bearing plant
must be intended. Ueseuius (Tka. p. 1251) un-
derstands " poppies ; " Michaelis (Sappi Lex. ffeb.
j. 2220) b of opinion that rdeh may be either the
LoUum temulenlum, or the Solatium ("night-
shade"). Oedmann (Verm. Sam. pt. iv. e. 10)
irgues in favor of the Colocynth. The most prob-
able conjecture, for proof there it none, is that of
Geseniua: the capsules of the Papaveracea may
well give the name of rdsA (" head ") to the plant
in question, just as we speak of poppy head*. The
various species of this family spring up quickly in
w.ro-nelds, and the juice is extremely bitter. A
jteeped solution of poppy heads may be " the water
if gall " of Jer. viii. 14, unless, as Gesenlus thinks,
the Wt?h ^D may be the poisonous extract, opium ;
but nothing definite can be learnt
The passages in the Gospels which relate the
circumstance of the Roman soldiers offering our
Lord, just before bis crucifixion, " vinegar mingled
with gall" according to St. Matthew (xxvii. 34),
and "wine mingled with myrrh" according to
St Mark's account (xv. 24), require some consid-
eration. The first-named Evangelist uses xoAt),
which is the I.XX. rendering of the Hebrew iiS«A
in the Psalm (Ixix. 21) which foretells the Lord's
sufferings. St. Mark explains the bitter ingredient
in the sour vinous drink to be " myrrh " (otros
tanvpviapivos), for we cannot regard the transac-
tions as different. " Matthew, in hit usual way," as
Hengstenberg ( Comment, on I's. box. 21 ) remarks,
" designates the drink theologically. Always keep-
ing hit eye on the prophecies of the 0. T., he
speaks of gall and vinegar for the purpose of ren-
dering the fulfillment of the Psalms more manifest.
Mark again (xv. 23), according to Am way, looks
rather at the outward quality of the drink." Ben-
gel takes quite a different view; be thinks both
■•yn-h and gall were added to the sour wine:
•nyrrha conditus ex more; felle adulteratus ex
petiuantia" (Onom. A'or. Test. Mutt I c).
llengstenberg's view is far preferable; nor is "gall "
(xoAt)) to be understood in any other sense than
js expressing the bitter nature of the draught. As
to the intent of the proffered drink, it is generally
supposed that it was for the purpose of deadening
pain. It was customary to give criminals just be-
fore their execution a cup of wine with frankincense
in it, to which reference is made, it is believed, by
the alvos nararitttn of Ps. lx. 3; tee also Prov.
ml 8. This the Talmud states was given in
order to alleviate the pain. See Buxtorf (Lex.
Talm. p. 2131 1, who thus quotes from the Talmud
(Sunken*, fol. 43, I ) : " Qui exit ut occidatur (ex
tententia judicial potanteum grano thtiris in pocuk)
vini ut distrahatur mens ejus." Kosenmiillcr (Bib
But. p. 163) is of opinion that the myrrh was given
to our Ixird, not for the purpose of alleviating his
sufferings, but in order that be might be sustained
until the punishment was completed. He quotes
Vmu Apuleius (.Velamorpk. viii.), who relates that
% certain priest " disfigured himself with a multi-
tude of blows, having previously strengthened him-
self by taking myrrh." How far the frankincense
-u the cup, as mentioned in the Talmud, was sup-
posed to possess soporific properties, or in any way
to indu <e an alleviation of pain, it it difficult to
Menuine. The same must be said of the ofroj
keiixfiioiaiyos of St Mark ; for it is quite certain
hit neither of these two drugs in question, both
GALLIM
of which arc the produce of the t
of plant* (Amyridaceat), is ranked among the hyp-
nopoietics by modem physicians. It is true that
Irioscoridet (i. 77) ascribes a soporific property to
myrrh, but it does not teem to have been to re-
garded by any other author. Notwithstanding,
therefore, the almost concurrent opinion of ancient
and modern commentators, that the '• wine mingled
with myrrh " was offered to our Lord as an ano-
dyne, we cannot readily come to the same conclu-
sion. Had the soldiers intended a mitigation of
suffering, they would doubtless have offered a
draught drugged with some substance having nar-
cotic properties. The drink in question was prob-
ably a mere ordinary beverage v! the Romans, who
were in the habit of seasoning their various wines,
which, as they contained little alcohol, soon turned
tour, with various spices, drugs, and perfumes, anon
as myrrh, cassia, myrtle, pepper, Ac, Ac (Diet, of
Or. and Rom. Antiq. art. (iman). W, H.
* RosenmuUer's supposition is not founded on a
knowledge of the natural history of Palestine. No
plant Is more common in the fields than the Papaver
Syriacum, which is a plant of the same genus aa
the opium plant, Papaver tommferum. In place*
the Papaver Syriacum it seen in such proration
that the ground is covered with its red blossoma-
The bitterness of the colocynth is proverbial with
the Arabs, who speak of anything bitter as being
like the |vitJLe, but the fact that this does not
grow in the furrows causes us to decide in favor of
the former. ti. E. P.
GALLERY, an architectural term, describing
the porticos or verandas, which are not uncommon
in eastern houses. It is doubtful, however, whether
the Hebrew words so translated have any reference
to such an object. (1.) In Cant. L 17, the word
rachlt (tS^rn) meant "panelling," or "betted
work," and is to understood in the LXX. and Vulg
((p&rrapa: laqueare). Tie sense of a " gallery '
appears to be derived from the marginal reading
rahit (ttVT), Keri), which contains the idea of
" running," and so of an ambulatory, as a plan
of exercise: such a sense is, however, too remote to
lie accepted. (2.) In Cant. vii. 5, r&kit is applied
to the hair, the regularly arranged, flowing locks
being compared by the poet to the channels of run-
ning water seen in the pasture-grounds of Palestine.
[Hair.] (3.) In Ez. xli. 15, xlii. 3, the word
attik (p'FISQ seems to mean a pillar, nsed for the
support of a floor. The LXX. and Vulg. give in
the latter passage xtpiirrvXov, and porlicut, bat a
comparison of verses 5 and 6 shows that the " gal-
leries" and "pillars" were identical; the reason
of the upper chambers being shorter is ascribed to
the absence of supporting pillars, which allowed an
extra length to the chambers of the lower storj
The space thus included within the pillars would
assume the comer of an open gallery.
W. L.K.
GALLEY. [Ship.]
GALLIM (D <> ; I =heapt, at possibly iprinot
[in Is.,] roAAef/j; [Vat raA«u; FA.' TaAfipC
Galhm), a place which it twice mentioned in the
Bible: (1.) As the native place of the man to
whom Michel David's wife was given — "Phatti
the ton of Laith, whr in from GaUim " (D^U
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UALLIO
I 3ku nr. 44). lie LXX. [Rom. Vat] hai
Poppsi [Alex. roAAti], and Joaephus TcSAcE; but
there is no clew in either to the situation of -the
place. In 2 Sain. iii. 15, 1G, where Michal returns
to David at Hebron, her husband is represented as
following her as far as Bahurim, i". e. on the road
between the Mount « I Olives and Jericho (comp. 2
Sam. xri. 1 ). But even this does not necessarily
point to the direction of Gallim, because Fhalti
may have been at the time with Ishbosheth at Ma-
tuuiaim, the road from which would naturally lead
past Bahurim. (2. ) The name occurs again in the
catalogue of places terrified at the approach of
Sennacherib (Is. x. 30): "lift op thy voice, O
daughter (i. e. inhabitant) of Gallim! attend,
O Laish ! poor Auathoth ! " The other towns in
ill is passage — Aiath, Micbmash, Kamah, Gibeah
of Saul — arc all, like Auathoth, ic the tribe of
Benjamin, a short distance north of Jerusalem. It
should not be overlooked that in both these pas-
■ages the names Laish and Gallim are mentioned
in connection. Possibly the Ben-Loan in the
former implies that Phalti was a native of Laish,
that being dependent on Gallim.
Among the names of towns added by the LXX
to those of Judah in Josh. xv. 59, Galetn (raA*u
[Alex. raAAiu]) occurs between Karen) and The-
ther. In Is. xv. 8, the Vulgate has Gallim for Kg-
laim. among the towns of M<r*b.
The name of Gallim has not been met with in
modern times. Schwarz (p. 131) reports a Brit-
Djattin between Ramleb and Joppa, but by other
explorers the mime is given as Btit-Drjun. F.use-
bius, from hearsay (KtytTcu), places it near Ak-
karon (Ekrou). G.
GALLIO (roAAuw: Junius Anmeua Gallio,
Plin. II. JV. xxxi. 33), the Roman proconsul of
Achaia when St. Paul was at Corinth, a. d. 53,
under the Emperor Claudius [Acta xviii. 12-17].
He was brother to Lucius Animus Seneca, the
philosopher, and was originally named Marcus An-
mens Novatue, but got the above name from his
adoption into the family of the rhetorician Lucius
Junius Gallio. (See Tac. Ann. xv. 73, xvi. 17;
Seneca, Nat. Quatt. iv. prssf. ; Dion. Cass. lx. 35 ;
Statius, Site. ii. 7, 32.) Gallio appears to have
resigned the government of Achaia on account of
the climate not agreeing with his health, Seneca.
k'p. civ. : " Quum in Achaia febrem habere cwpu-
tet, protinus navem adscendit, clan ii tuns non cor-
poris esse sed loci inorbum." The character of him
which his brother gives is in accordance with that
which we might infer from the narrative in the Acts :
" Nemo mortstb'um uni tarn dulcis est, quam hie
omnibus." " Gallionem fratrem meum, quern nemo
non parum amat, etiam qui amare plus non potest."
And Statius ('. c.) says, " Hoc plus quam Senecam
dedisse mundo, aut dulcem generasse Gallionem."
He is said to have been put to death by Nero, " as
well as his brother Seneca, but not at the same
time" (Winer); but there is apparently no author-
ity for this." Tacitus describes him {Ann. xv. 73)
as " fratris morte pavidum, et pro sua incoluniitate
supplicem; " and Jerome in the Chronicle of Eusr-
bius says that he committed auicidt in the year 65
A. D. Of Seneca's works, the De Ira is dedicated
to nils ( L'xeyuti a me, Novate, Ac. ), and the i t(<i
Heata ( tfverc, Gallio f rater, onrntt beate wbuU).
H. A.
•Hi* worth observing as a nark of Luke's ac~
nracy that he mentions Gallio aj proconsul (Mr
OAMAIilEL
863
nrrtiorros, Acts xviii. 18) in the irign of Gradius
(Suet Ootid, o. 25); for under the preceding em-
perors, Tiberius and Caligula, Achaia was an im-
perial province, and the title of the governor would
have been propraetor (oirrnrrpttTiryoj, irp«<r/S«ir
t4>). See Lardner's CredtbWy, pit. i. bk. i. ch.
i. [Procomsol.] Luke does not mention GauV
lio's indifference to the dispute between the Jews
and the Christians and to the abuse of Sosthenes
by the Greeks (Acts xviii. 17) in order either to com-
mend or censure him, but simply as showing why
the attempt of the Jews against Paul had such an
unexpected issue. Luke's oitir rovrw t/icAer,
which furnishes this explanation, accords at tht
same time with Gallic's character, as his contem-
poraries describe it (see above) ; for this incidental
remark about his carelessness reveals to us a glimpse
of that easy temper which goes so far to make a
man a general favorite. H.
GALLOWS. [Pumishmkmt.]
GAM'AEL (r«u«aAi#>; [Vat. ropnAot ; Ald.J
Alex, rofux^k: Amenta), 1 Kadr. viii. 29. [Dak-
iel, 3.]
GAMAXLEL (byrbpa [God Ike avenger
Fiirst]: rcuuAiqA.: Qama&el), son of Pedahzur;
prince or captain (rVtM) of the tribe of Manaaseh
at the census at Sinai (Num. i. 10; ii. 90; vii. 54,
59), and at starting on the march through the wil
demesa (x. 23).
GAMAXIEL (rsuioAtfjx: for the Hebrew
equivalent see the preceding article), a Pharisee and
celebrated doctor of the 1-aw, who gave prudent
worldly advice in the Sanhedrim respecting the
treatment of the followen of Jesus of Nazareth
(Acts v. 34 ft). We learn from Acts xxii. 8, that
he was the preceptor of St. Paul. He is generally
identified with the very celebrated Jewish doctor
Gamaliel, who is known by the title of " the glory
of the law," and was the first to whom the title
" Rabban," " our master," was given. The time
agrees, and there is every reason to suppose the as-
sumption to be correct. This Gamaliel was son ot
Kabbi Simeon, and grandson of the celebrated Hil-
lel ; he was president of the Sanhedrim under Ti -
berius, Caligula, and Claudius, and is reported to
have died eighteen yean before the destruction of
Jerusalem. Winer says "after" (nach); but it is
evidently a mistake, for he was succeeded in the
presidency by his son Simeon, who perished in the
siege (see Lightfoot, Cenluritt chorographiea Mat-
than pramma, ch. xv.). If the identity be as
turned, there is no reason — and we should arrive
at the same result by inference from his conduct in
Acts {L c.) — for supposing him at all inclined
towards Christianity. The Jewish accounts make
him die a Pharisee. And when we remember that
in Acts v. be was opposing the then prevalent feat-
ure of Sadduceeism in a matter where the Resur-
rection was called in question, and was a wise and
enlightened man opposing furious and unreasoning
zealots, — and consider also, that when the anti
pkaritaicnl element in Christianity was brought out
in the acts and sayings of Stephen, his pupil Saul
was founa the foremost persecutor, — we should be
skiw to suspect him of forwarding the Apostles a$
fulloiotrt of J (tut.
• * Uwln't citations (Ftxiti Satri, p. SB t) show
tnu Gallio was a victim of Nero's cruelty as well as
OsiMoa, and was put to death after his brotasr. B
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GAMES
Ecclesiastical tradition makes him become a
Christian, and be baptized bj St. Peter ai:d St.
Paul (Phot. Cud. 171, p. 199), together with his
ton (Samaliel, and with Nicodemus; and the Clem-
entine Recognition* (i. 65) state that he was se-
cretly a Christian at this time. Various notices
and anecdotes concerning him will be found in
Conybeare and Howson's lift, of SU Paul, ed. 2,
voL i. p. 69 ff. H. A.
* For the alleged anachronism in Gamaliel's
speech before the Jewish Council, see Thkudas.
I lis recommendation of a lenient policy toward
the followers of Jesus when the popular rage
again* 1 them was so strong, is certainly remark-
abl'. Neander (Pjlanzung, i. 74 ff.) attributes to
him something more than the discernment which
sees the folly of conferring importance on what is
insignificant, or of making fanaticism more violent
by vain resistance. On the contrary, the manner
in which the Apostles had spoken and acted may
hare produced a favorable impression on him, and
so much the more because their strict observance
of the Law and their hostile attitude towards Sad-
duceeism may have awakened in him an interest in
their behalf. It is by no means impossible that
the thought may distinctly have occurred to him
that there might be something divine in the cause
of these persecuted Galileans. The Talmud, in ac-
cordance with this view, represents Gamaliel as not
only a great teacher, but tolerant and charitable.
far beyond the mass of hit countrymen. See fur-
ther Prassel's article on " Gamaliel " in Herzog's
Heal-Encyk. iv. 65H f., and especially Ginsl urg's
art, Gimilitl I. in Kitto's CycL of Bib. Lit., 3d
ed. H.
GAMES. Of the three classes into which
games may be arranged, juvenile, manly, and pub-
lic, the two first alone belong to the Hebrew life,
the latter, as noticed in the Bible, being either
foreign introductions into Palestine' or the customs
of other countries. With regard to juvenile games,
the notices are very few. It must not, however, be
inferred from this that the Hebrew children were
without the amusements adapted to their age. The
toys and sports of childhood claim a remote an-
tiquity ; and if the children of the ancient Egyp-
tians had their dolls of ingenious construction, and
played at ball (Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, ahridgm.
i. 197), and if the children of the Romans amused
themselves much as those of the present day —
** Adrflcare rasas, plostello adjungere mures,
Ludere par lropar, equltars In arundhw tonga."
Ilor. 2 Sat. in. 247 —
we mav imagine the Hebrew children doing the
same, as they played in the streets of Jerusalem
(Zech. viii. 6). The only recorded sports, how-
ever, are keeping tame birds (Job xli. 5 ; cf. Catull.
li. 1, " Passer, delicite mete puelbe ") and imitating
the proceedings of marriages or funerals (Matt. xi.
16).
With regard to manly games, they were not
much followed up by the Hebrews; the natural
earnestness of their character and the influence of
the climate alike indisposed them to active exertion.
The chief amusement of the men appears to have
consisted in conversation and joking ( Jer. xv. 17 ;
Prov. xxri. 19). A military exercise seems to be
noticed in 2 Sam. ii. 14, but the term under which
it is described (prTH?) is of too general an appli-
cation to enable us to form an idea as to its char-
Mtar : if intended as a sport it must have resem-
GAME8
bled the Djerid, with the exception of the <
ants not being mounted ; but it is more consonant
to the sense of the passage to reject the notion of
sport and give tichidc the sense of fencing at fight-
ing (Thenius, Coram, in loc). In Jerome's day
the usual sport consisted in lifting weights as a
trial of strength, as also practiced in Egypt (Wil-
kinson, i. 2J7). Dice are mentioned by the Tat
mudiste (Mishna, Sanlitd. 3, 3; Shabb. S3, 21.
probably introduced from Egypt (Wilkinson, ii.
424); and, if we assume that the Hebrews im-
itated, as not improbably they did, other amuse-
ments of their neighbors, we might add such games
as odd and even, mora (the utienre, digitis of the
Romans), draughts, hoops, catching balls, Ac
(Wilkinson, i. 188). If it be objected that euch
trifling amusement^ were inconsistent with the
gravity of the Hebrews, it may be remarked that
the amusements of the Arabians at the present
day are equally trifling, such as blindman's bufF
hiding the ring, Ac. (Wellsted, Arabia, i. 160).
Public games were altogether foreign to the spirit
of Hebrew institutions : the great religious festivals
supplied the pleasurable excitement and the feelings
of national union which rendered the games of
Greece so popular, and at the same time inspired
the persuasion that such gatherings should be ex-
clusively connected with religious duties. Accord-
ingly the erection of a gymnanum by Jason, in
which the discus was chiefly practiced, was looked
upon as a heathenish proceeding (1 Mace. i. 14,
2 Mace. iv. 12-14) ; and the subsequent erection by
Herod of a theatre and amphitheatre at Jerusalem
(Joseph. Ant. xv. 8, § 1 ), as well as at Csnarea
{Ant. xv. 9, § 6; B.J. i. 21, § 8) and at Berytus
(Ant. xix. 7. § 5), in each of which a quinquennial
festival in honor of Caesar was celebrated with the
usual contests in gymnastics, chariot-races, music,
and with wild beasts, was viewed with the deepest
aversion by the general body of the Jews (Ant. xv.
8, § 1).
The entire absence of verbal or historical refer-
ence to this subject in the Gospels shows how little
it entered into the life of the Jews : some of the
foreign Jews, indeed, imbibed a taste for theatrical
representations; Josephus (fit. 3) speaks of one
Aliturus, an actor of farces (funo\£yos), who was in
high favor with Nero. Among the (i reeks the rage
for theatrical exhibitions was such that every city
of any size possessed its theatre and stadium. At
Ephesus an annual contest (ay&r «al yvpruths,
Kal iwvoiKit, Thucyd. iii. 104) was held in honor
of Diana, which was superintended by officers named
'hatipxat (^t* *ix. 31; A. V. "chief of Asia").
[Asiabch/B.] It is probable that St. Paul was
present when these games were proceeding, ss they
were celebrated in the month of May (comp. Acta
xx. 16; Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul, ii. 81).
A direct reference to the exhibitions that took place
on such occasions is made in the term l^pco/uixno-a
(1 Cor. xv. 32). The 0>u»a]udx o< were sometimes
professional performers, but more usually criminal?
(Joseph. Ant. xv. 8, § 1) who were exposed to lions
and other wild beasts without any means of defenw
(Cic. Pro SexL 64; Tertull. Apol. 9). Political
offenders were so treated, and Josephus (B. J. vii.
3, § 1) records that no has than 2500 Jews wer*
destroyed in the theatre at Ctesarea by this tat
similar methods. The expression as used by S*-
Paul is usually taken as metaphorical, both on
account of the qualifying words kot' ttrOpttinp, th*
absence of all reference to the occurrence tn thi
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G AMISS
Acts, and the righto of citizenship which St Paul
enjoyed : none of these argument* can be held to
be absolutely conclusive, while on the other hand
the term $Tjpiouayt'iy is applied in its literal sense
in the Apostolical Epistles (Ign. ad l'.pli. 1, ad
TralL 10; Mart Polyc. 3; cf. Euieb. //. E. It.
15), and, where metaphorically used (Ign. ad Rom.
5), an explanation is added which implies that it
would otherwise hare been taken literally. Certainly
St Paul was exposed to some extraordinary suffer-
ing at Ephesus, which he describes in language
borrowed from, if not descriptive of, a real case of
(htpiofiaxla; for he speaks of himself as a criminal
condemned to death (ImBararlovs, 1 Cor. iv. 9;
arixpiua tow Bewirav iffxhttautv, 2 Cor. i. 9),
exhibited previously to the execution of the sentence
(aritti^tr, 1 Cor. L c), reserved to the conclusion
of the games (laxirovt) as was usual with the
thcn/machi (mmtumot tUyil, ctlul bestiariot,
Tertull. dt Pudie. 14), and thus made a spectacle
(iiai for iyirliirivuv)- Liglitfoot (J-jeera'L on
1 Coi xv. 33) points to the friendliness of the
Asiarchs at a subsequent period (Acts xix. 31) as
probably resulting from some wonderful preserva-
tion which they had witnessed. Nero selected this
mode of executing the Christians at Rome, with
the barbarous aggravation that the victims were
dressed up in the skins of beasts (Tac. Arm. xv.
44). St Paul may possibly allude to his escape
from such torture in 3 Tim. iv. 17. [Diet, of
Art. art Bestiarii.]
St Paul's epistles abound with allusions to the
Greek contests, borrowed probably from the Isth-
mian games, at which he may well have bean
present during his first visit to Corinth (Conybeare
.uid Kowson, ii. 206). These contests (6 ayAt —
a word of general import, applied by St. Paul, not
to the Ji yhl, as the A. V. has it, but to the race,
2 Tun. iv. 7; 1 Tim. vi. 13) were divided into two
classes, the pancratium, consisting of boxing aud
wrestling, and the pentathlon, consisting of leaping,
running, quoiting, burling the spear, and wrestling.
The competitors (o oytm(iiitros, 1 Cor. ix. 35;
iim A0Aj? tij, 3 Tim. ii. 5) required a long and
severe course of previous training (cf. fftsuarucii
yvfirturla, 1 Tim. iv. 8), during which a partic-
ular diet was enforced (wima {yKpareitru,
tovKarytryA, 1 Cor. ix. 25, 27). In the Olympic
contests these preparatory exercises (wpoyvuyio-
uara) extended over a period of ten months, during
the last of which they were conducted under the
supervision of appointed officers. The contests took
place in the presence of a vast multitude of specta-
tors (rtpucttusroy W<t>or futpripur, Heb. xii. 1),
the competitors being the spectacle (Oiarpov —
W<V*a, 1 Cor. iv. 9; eVafopsvoi, Heb. x. 33). The
games were opened by the proclamation of a herald
(anunifat, 1 Cor. ix. 37), whose office it was to
proclaim the name and country of each candidate,
and especially to announce the name of the victor
before the assembled multitude. Certain conditions
and rul'i were laid down for the different contests,
as, that no bribe be offered to a competitor; that
in boxing the combatants should not lay hold of
one another, Ac. ; any infringement of these rules
da* fit] youiutus i8\r)on, 3 Tim. ii. 5) involved a
'oss of the prize, the competitor being pronounced
disqualified (oooVu/uit, 1 Cor. ix. 27 ; indiomu
brabeo, Bengel.). The judge was selected for his
spotless integrity (J SUatot Kpyrhs, 2 Tim. iv. 8):
hit office was to decile any disputes (SpaBturra,
Col. IH. 15 ; A. V. " rule ") and te give the prize
65
GAMES
865
(to 0pa$t?oy, 1 Cor. ix. 24; PhU. iii. 14). con-
sisting of a crown (o*ri<payot, 3 Tun. ii 6, if. 9)
Isthmian Crowns.
of leaves of wild olive at the Olympic games, and
of pine or, at one period, ivy at the Isthmian games.
These crowns, though perishable {cp6apr6y, 1 Cor
ix. 25; cf. 1 Pet v. 4), were always regarded as a
source of unfailing exultation (PhU. ir. 1 ; 1 Then,
ii. 19) : palm branches were also placed in the hands
of the victors (Rev. vii. 9). St Paul alludes to
two only out of the five contests, boxing and run-
ning, most frequently to the latter. In boxing
(mrf/iri; cf. Tomtits, 1 Cor. ix. 26), the banns
and arms were bound with the cuius, a band of
leather studded with nails, which very much in-
Boxiiig
creased the severity of the blow, and rendered; a
bruise inevitable (bmnttifa, 1 Cor. I e. ; im&ntw=*
t& iwh roin irst ray irAirYw* fx r >)> Pollux,
Onum. ii. 4, 52). The skill of the combatant was
shown in avoiding the blows of his adversary so
that they were expended on the sir (ovy it itipa
S4pm>, 1 Cor. L c). The foot-race (ip6uot, 2
Tim. iv. 7, a word peculiar to St Paul; cf. Acta
xiii. 36, xx. 34) was run in the stadium («V ora&it,;
The Baca,
A. V. "net;" 1 Cor. ix. 24), an oolong ana,
open at one «nd and rounded In a semlorrsuk*
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GAMES
farm at the other, (long the ciden of which were
tin raised tieri of seats on which the spectators sat.
The nee was either from one end of the stadium to
the other, or, in the UauiKos, bask again to the
■teruug-poat. There ma; be a latent reference
in the tlavkoi in the expression ipxvyoy a»l
rsAsus-rfjr (Heb. xii. 2), Jesus being, as it were,
the starting-point and the goal, the focus a quo and
the focus ad quern of the Christian's course. The
judge was stationed by the goal (oitor4v; A. V.
"mark"; Phil. iii. 14), which was clearly visible
from one end of the stadium to the other, so that
the runner could make straight for it (ov« its
ocW)A»t, 1 Cor. ix. 2«). St. Paul brings vividly
before our muds the earnestness of the competitor,
having cast off every encumbrance io-yxor 4>o-
td/itmi wdVra), especially any closely-fitting robe
(linrtpitrrarov, Heb. xii. 1; ef. Conybeare and
Howson, ii. 543), holding on his coarse uninter-
ruptedly {iuiitv, Phil. iii. 12), his eye fixed on the
distant goal (iupopirrn, bir4$\m, Heb. xii. 8,
tt M; aW notat fonye, Bengel), unmindful of the
GAMES
space already past ( T a uiv Man triXariariutixs,
Phil. L c), and stretching forward with bent body
(roii t< tuxpooBtr iw(Krttv6ntro%), his pmevor-
ance (»,' intouorns, Heb. xii. 1), his joy at ths
completion of the course intra x°P*'> Acts xx
34), his exultation as be not only receives (fXafior.
Phil. iii. 12) but actually grasps (*oTaA<(&*, not
» apprehend," as A. V. Phil; (ViAavSou, 1 Tun.
vi. 12, 19) the crown which had been sK spari
(4»<S*««t<«, 2 Tim. iv. 8) for the victor.
w. l. a
* Dr. Howson devotes the last of his four essays
on the << Metaphors of St Paul " (Sunday Mngit
ant, 1866-7) to the illustration of Paul's imager j
derived from the Greek games (July, pp. 683-689)
He reminds us that the athletic games of this
Greeks, such as " wrestling, boxing, and especially
foot-races, with all the preliminary training, with
the assembled and applauding multitudes while the
contest was going on, with tb* formality cf the
heralds and the strict observance of the rules, with
the umpires and prizes and eager eangratulsJ'*>os
foot-race, adapted from a view of She Obtos Flora at Boms. (Hontssasoa.)
at the close, with the poems which perpetuated
great victories like heir-looms," must have been
very familiar to Paul's thoughts. Though a Jew,
he was bom in a foreign city, and not only labored
for the most part in places where the Creek popu-
lation was predominant, but wrote hia letters to
Greek Christians or those who spoke the Greek
language, in some of these cities, as Ephesus,
Phllippi, Athens, Corinth, and Rome, remains of
the Gymnasium, for training the body, and of the
Stadium, or the ground for running, are still to be
seen.
The foot-race supplied many of the figures which
occur in his speeches and epistles. Unfortunately,
our ambiguous "course" (A. V.) conceals some
of these from the reader. When in his sermon at
Antloch in Pisidia (Acts xiii. 25)the Apostle speaks
of John the Baptist as " fulfilling hia course," he
means that the forerunner was hastening to the
end of his appointed "race" (ipi/ios), and that
this race though brief was energetic while it lasted.
So also in Acta xx. 24, the substitution of " race "
far " course " brings out a similar allusion in that
passage to the struggles of the runner for the crown
sf victory. " I count not my life dear unto me,"
be says, " that 1 may finish my race with joy."
The comparison in Heb. xii. 2 gives special prom-
bunee to the immense concourse which the Greek
'■eetacle called together, as well as the necessity
■J behig free from every hindrance and of straining
-in the utmost every nerve, in order to obtain the
■ss' sn ly runner's prixe. (See also 1 Cor. ix. 24 ;
Gal. ii. 2,v. 7; Phil.li. 16.) There was as office
among those employed in the supervision of the
games " whose business it was with his voice or
with a trumpet to summon the competitors to the
exciting struggle." Paul seems to refer to this
practice, when, in speaking of the possibility that
some who have instructed and warned others may
lose their own souls, he says (1 Cor. ix. 27): " I
keep under my body and bring it into subjection ;
lest that by any means, after having been a herald
(" preached " in the A. V.) to others (4AAo<»
tcnpHas), I myself should be a cast-away." The
metaphor in this passage (taken from the boxer.
not the runner) states strongly another significant
thought: "So" (•'. t. imitating the earnestness of
those who strive for " a corruptible (fading ) crown " )
" fight I, not as one beating the air." What if
meant is that if we hare really entered op the
Christian warfare, having now to do with defb...*
formidable antagonists, we are not to trifle, bnt tt
be in earnest, like the pugilist " with whom is no
mere striking for striking's sake, no mere pretense
no dealing of Lsdws in the air." The apostle referr
not to outwaid efforts for the advancement of
Christ's kingdom, but (note the context) its triumpl
in each one's bosom over his own peculiar sins an-
temptations. The " bodily exercise " of which Paul
speaks with so much disparagement (1 Tim. iv. 8)
was not a species of religious asceticism, against
which be would warn the self-righteous, baa ths
severe training of the body, to which the a thle tes
submitted for the take of the rewards to wstsatjt)
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OAMMADIMS
wd contemptible, though coveted so much, in com-
psriaou with those of the work* " of godliness," in
which we should •'exercise (or tram) ourselves " —
i ssrvice " having promise of the life that now is,
wd of that which is to come."
Possibly Paul when at Philippi may have seen the
rock seats in the hill-aide there, full of eager specta-
tors of combats such as he refers to in his letter to
the PhUippians: " Not as though I had already at-
tained, either were already perfect : but I follow after.
This one thing I do, forgetting those things
which are behind, and reaching forth unto those
things which are before, I press toward the mark for
the prize of the high calling of God in Christ Jesus "
(Phil. iii. 13-14). Ibe athlete in the scene which
this figure so vividly depicts, forgetting the spaces
of the race-course already past, and thinking only
of those which lie between him and the goal, runs,
is it were, with outstretched neck (iw<KT(iy6fiiroi),
in his eagerness to outstrip every competitor and
arrive first at the pillar where the crown of the
victor awaits him. For the Christian '• there is no
looking back, no thought of giving up the struggle.
The whole energy of mind and body is bent upon
success, and till success is achieved, nothing is done."
Once more, it is not to a fight or campaign, as the
A. V. might suggest, but to a strife in the foot-
race, that Paul alludes in that outburst of exultant
joy, on the eve of his martyrdom : '» I have fought
the good fight, I have finished my course (race) ;
I have kept the faith ; henceforth there is laid up
for me a crown of righteousness, which the lord,
the righteous Judge, shall give me at that day "
(3 Tun. iv. 7, 8). •• The race is nearly run, the
rtruggle is all but over; be is weary, as it were, and
pants with the effort, but he is successful, the
:rown is in sight, and the Judge, the righteous
Judge, who cannot make a mistake, is there, ready
to place that bright wreath upon his brow."
The entire paper of which use hss been so freely
made in this account of Paul's agonittic figures,
wutains many good hints, both for the preacher
ind the general student of the Apostle's speeches
wd letters. The subject illustrates the dependence
■A practical exegesis ou a knowledge of arctueology.
It reveals also a harmony of language in what is
ascribed to Paul as a writer and a speaker, which
« not without its value as " one of the small col-
stteral proofs of the genuine and honest character
both of the Acts and the epistles." H.
OAMTM AJDIMS P^l). This word oc-
curs only in Et. xxvii. 11, where it is said of Tyre
'* the Gammadims were in thy towers." A variety
of explanations of the term have been offered. (1.)
One class turns upon a supposed connection with
TQ3, a eMt, as though = cvbit-high men, whence
the Vulg. has Pggnun. Michaelis thinks that the
apparent height alone is referred to, with the in-
tention of conveying an idea of the great height of
the towers. Spencer (de Ltg. lleb. Rit. ii. cap.
31 ) explains it of small images of the tutelar gods,
like the Lares of the Romans. (3.) A second class
treats it as a geographical or local term; Grotius
Voids Gamad to be a Hebraized form of the name
Ancon, a Phoenician town; the Chaldee paraphrase
baa Cnppadocumt, as though reading D N '79^ '
FuBsr (HUctU. vi. 8) Identifies them as the inhab-
ntjts of Gamala (Pliii. v. 14); ana again the word
■m been broken up into D^TO D3 =nfso the
GARDEN 867
.If ait t. (3.) A third class gives a more genera,
sense to the word; Gesenius (Tl.tt. p. 393) con-
nects it with 1733, a bough, whet te the sense of
brave warriors, hotUt arborum instar eadenie*.
llitiig (Comm. in loc.) suggests deserters (Ueber-
lauftr) and draws attention to the preposition m
as favoring this sense: he inclines, however, to the
opinion that the prophet had in view Cant. iv. 4,
and that the word 0^123 in that passage has
been successively corrupted into D^TQtP, as read
by the LXX. which gives <pihax*i, and D N Ttfj,
as in the present text. After all, the rendering to
>////a;
bbs a
as aa
Castle of a maritime people, with (he shields hanging
upon the walls. (From a bas-rsllef at Kouyuujlk.
Layard.)
the LXX. furnishes the simplest explanation: the
Lutheran translation has followed this, giving
Wachter. The following words of the verse, « they
banged their shields upon thy walls round about,"
are illustrated by one of the bas-reliefs found at
Koujuiyik (see preceding cut). W. L. B.
* The best sense is that of " warriors," under (3)
above. Thus De Weste's Utbtntttamg (1858) ren-
ders the word by " Tapfere," and that of the So-
ctiti bibliijut Protettmu* de Parit (1860), by "de»
braves." Ki diger supports this signification from
the Syrisc use of T SQ^and its derivatives, in his
Addit. ad Ge$en. The*., p. 79 f. H.
GA'MUL (71233 [weaned, Ges.; hence one
mature, strong, Flint] : i ra/uiiK; Alex. rapovqA
Gamut), a priest; the leader of the 33d course in
the service of the sanctuary (1 Chr. xxiv. 17).
GAR (rdi; [Aid. rd>]: Sanu). "Sons of
Qsr " are named among the " sons of the servants
of Solomon " in 1 Esdr. v. 34. There are not in
the lists of Ezra and Nehemiah any names corr*
•ponding to the two preceding and the six succeed-
ing this name. It does not appear wheree the
form of the name in the A. V. is derived. [It was
derived from the Aldine edition; see above.]
GARDEN 03, n^, H|3: rfpns). Gar
dens in the East, ss the Hebrew word indicates,
are inclosures, on the outskirts of towns, planted
with various trees and shrubs. From the allusions
in the Bible we learn that they were surrounded by
hedges of thorn (Is. v. 5), or walls of stone (Prov.
xxiv. 81). For further protection lodges (Is. i. 8;
Lam. ii. 6) or watch-towers (Mark xii. 1) were built
in them, in which sat the keeper pXb, Job xxvii.
IS) to drive away the wild beasts and robbers, as
is the ease to this day. I-ayard (.Vin. <f Bab
p. 365) gives the following description of a seem
which be r'tnessed : " The broad silver river
wound through the plain, the great ruin east its
dark shadows in the moonlight, the lights of ' th»
lodges in the gardens of cucumbers ' flickered at
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868
GARDKN
oar fiat, and the deep silence was only broken by
(he sharp report of a rifle fired by the watchful
guards to frighten away the wild boars that lurked
in the melon beds." The scarecrow also was an
invention not unknown (irpofiaoK&rtor, Bar- vi.
70 [or Epist of Jer. 70]).
The gardens of the Hebrews were planted with
flowers and aromatic shrubs (Cant. vi. 2, iv. 16),
jesides olives, fig-trees, nuts, or walnuts (Cant. vi.
11), pomegranates, and others for domestic use
(Ex. xxiii. 11; Jer. xxix. 5; Am. ix. 14). The
quince, medlar, citron, almond, and service trees
are among those enumerated in the Mishna as cul-
tivated in Palestine (KiUUm, L § 4). Gardens of
herbs, or kitchen-gardens, are mentioned in Deut.
xi. 10, and 1 K. xxi. 3. Cucumbers were grown
in them (Is. i. 8; Bar. vi. 70 [or Epist. of Jer.
70]), and probably also melons, leeks, onions, and
garlic, which are spoken of (Num. xi. 5) as the
productions of a neighboring country. In addi-
tion to these, the lettuce, mustard-plant (Luke xiii.
19), coriander, endive, one of the bitter herbs eaten
with the paschal lamb, and rue, are particularized
in the precepts of the Minima, though it is not
certain that they were all, strictly speaking, culti-
vate,! in the gardens of Palestine (KUaim, i. §§ 2,
8). It is well known that, in the time of the Ro-
mans, the art of gardening was carried to great
perfection in Syria. Pliny (xx. 16) says, "Syria
in bortis operosissima est ; indeque proverbium
Gnecis, ' Multa Syroruui olera; ' " and again (xii.
54) he describes the balsam plant as growing in
Judaea alone, and there only in two royal gardens.
Strabo (xvi. p. 763), alluding to one of these gar-
dens near Jericho, calls it 6 rov ftoJurA/uiv wapd-
ttiaos. The rose-garden in Jerusalem, mentioned
in the Mishna (Maa$trolh, ii. § 5), and said to
have been situated westward of the Temple mount,
is remarkable as having been one of the few gar-
dens which, from the time of the prophets, existed
within the city walls (Ligbtfoot, Hor. Hub. on
Matt. xxvi. 36). They were usually planted with-
out the gates, according to the gloss quoted by
Lightfoot, on account of the fetid smell arising
from the weeds thrown out from them, or from the
manure employed in their cultivation.
The gate Gennath, mentioned by Josephus (B.
J. v. 4, § 2) is supposed to have derived its name
from the rose-garden already mentioned, or from
the fact of its leading to the gardens without the
city. It was near the garden-ground by the Gate
of the Women that Titus was surprised by the
Jews while reconnoitering the city. The trench by
which it was surrounded cut off his retreat (Joseph.
8. J. v. 2, § 2). But of all the gardens of Pales-
tine none is possessed of associations more sacred
and imperishable than the garden of Uethsemane,
Mside the oil-presses on the slopes of Olivet. Eight
*ged olive-trees mark the site which tradition has
connected with that memorable garden-scene, and
their gnarled stems and almost leafless branches
attest an antiquity as venerable as that which is
liumed for them. [Gethsemank.]
In addition to the ordinary productions of the
c-untry, we are tempted to infer from Is. xvii. 10
that in some gardens care was bestowed on the
wring of exotics. To this conclusion the descrip-
tion of the gardens of Solomon in the Targum on
ivccl. ii. 5, 6, seems to point: "I made me well-
watered gardens and paradises, and sowed there all
lindi of plants, some for use of eating, and some
V use of drinking, and some for purposes of med-
GARDEtf
icine; all lands of plants of spices. I planted la
them trees of emptiness (i. e. not fruit- bearhiK)
and all trees of spices which the spectres and de-
mons brought me from India, and every tree which
produces fruit; and its border was from the wall
of the citadel, which is in Jerusalem, by the waters
of Siloah. I chose reservoirs of water, which be-
hold! are for watering the trees and the plants,
and I made me fish-ponds of water, some of them
also for the plantation which rears the trees to
water it."
In a climate like that of Palestine the neighbor-
hood of water was an important consideration ii
selecting the site of a garden. The nomencratuxi
of the country has perpetuated this tact in tb*
name En-gannim — "the fountain of gardens " —
the modern Jtnin (cf. Cant. iv. 15). To the old
Hebrew poets " a well-watered garden," or " a tree
planted by the waters," was an emblem of luxuri-
ant fertility and material prosperity (Is. lriii. 11;
Jer. xvii. 8, XXxi 12) ; while no figure more graph-
ically conveyed the idea of dreary barrenness or
misery than " a garden that hath no water " (Is.
i. 30). From a neighboring stream or cittern
were supplied the channels or conduits, by which
the gardens were intersected, and the water was thus
conveyed to all parts (P». i . 3 ; Eccl. ii. 6 ; Ecclus.
xxiv. 30). It is matter of doubt what is the exact
meaning of the expression •' to water with the foot "
in Deut xi. 10. Niebuhr {Deter, tk lAiab. p
138) descrilies a wheel which is employed for irri-
gating gardens where the water is not deep, and
which is worked by the hands and feet after the
maimer of a treadmill, the men " pulling the upper
part towards them with their hands, and pushing
with their feet upon the lower part " (Robinson, ii.
226). This mode of irrigation might be described
as "watering with the foot." But the method
practiced by the agriculturists in Oman, as narrated
by Wellsted ( Truv. i. 281 ), answers more nearly
to this description, and serves to illustrate Prov.
xxi. 1 : " After ploughing, they form the ground
with a spade into small squares with ledges on
either side, along which the water is conducted . .
. . When one of the hollows is filled, the peasant
stops the supply by turning up the earth with his
foot, and thus opens a channel into another."
The orange, lemon, and mulberry groves which
lie around and behind Jaffa supply, perhaps, the
most striking peculiarities of oriental gardens —
gardens which Maundrell describes as being "a
confused miscellany of trees jumbled together,
without either posts, walks, arbors, or anything
of art or design, so that they seem like thickets
rather than gardens " (Early Trot, in PnL p.
416). The Persian wheels, which are kept era
working, day and night, by mules, to supply the
gardens with water, leave upon the traveller's ear
a most enduring impression (Lynch, Exp. to Jor
dtm, p. 441 ; Siddon's Memoir, p. 187).
The law against the propagation of mixed specie*
(Lev. xix. 19: Deut. xxii. 9, 11) gave rise to nu-
merous enactments in the Mishna to insure its
observance. The portions of the field or garden,
in which the various plants were sown, were sepa-
rated by light fences of reed, ten palms in height,
the distance between the reeds being not more than
three palms, so that a kid could not enter ( Kilam .
iv. $5 3, 4).
The kings and nobles had their oormtay-hsraa*
surrounded by gardens (1 K. xxi. 1; 2 K. ix. ST
and these were used on festal occasions (Oust. v. 1
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GARDEN
So IntimaUly, indeed, were gardens associated with
festivity that horticulture and conviviality are, in
lb* Talmud, denoted by the same term (cf. Bux-
torf, Ux. Talm. i. t. HTD^H). It ia possible,
however, that this may be a merely accidental
coincidence. The garden of Ahuuerus was in a
court of the palace (Esth. i. 5), adjoining the
tmnqueting-hall (Esth. vii. 7). In Babylon the
gardens and orchards were inclosed by the city
•nils (Layard, Nin. U. 846). Attached to the
bouse of Joachim was a garden or orchard (Sus.
I) — "a garden inclosed" (Cant. iv. 12) — pro-
tided with baths and other appliances of luxury
|8us. 15; cf 2 Sam. xi. 2).
1c bugs cardans the orchard (DT1Q, n^.
GARDEN
869
■ tturot) was probably, as in Egypt, the incksnn
set apart for the cultivation of date and sycamon
trees, and fruit-trees of various kinds (Cant. iv. 13
Eccl. ii. 5). Schroeder, in the preface to his Tht-
taarm Linyua Armenica, assert* that the word
"pardes" is of Armenian origin, and denotes a
garden near a house, planted with herbs, trees, and
flowers. It is applied by Diodorus Siculus (ii. 10)
and Berosus (quoted by Joseph. AnL x. 11, § 1) u>
the 6unous hanging gardens of Babylon. Xenophon
(Anab. i. 2, § 7) describes the " paradise " at Ce-
henae in Phrygia, where Cyrus had a palace, as a
large preserve full of wild beasts; and Aldus Gel
lius (ii. 20) gives " vivaria " as the equivalent ol
waoiiuaoi (cf. Phikntratus, VU. ApolL Tijan i.
38). The officer in charge of such a domus
tftH'tliWMfMMf>M
frt^t+Y+i^l^i+frt^f^liYU
gmrdan, with the
and other m eh smres , tanks of water, • tasupls or
house. (Bosellini.)
chapel, and isuu
ww called "the keeper of the paradise" (Neh. ii.
I).
The ancient Hebrews made use of gardens as
[laces of burial (John xix. 41). Manasseh and bis
mo Amon were buried in the garden of their pal-
soe, the garden of Uzza (2 K. xxi. 18, 26; iv rati
muToS *apaSfl<rois. Joseph. Ant. x. 3, § 9). The
retirement of gardens rendered them favorite places
'3t devotion (Matt. xxvi. 36, John xviil. 1; cf.
3i*)L xxiv. 63). In the degenerate times of the
iwaarohy they were selected as the scenes of idoL
brans worship (Is. i. 29, Ixv. 3, Ixvi. 17) and im-
■ges of the idols were probably erected I* them.
Gardeners an alluded to In Job xxrii. 18 and
'ofcn xx. 15. But how far the art of gardening
was oarried among the Hebrews we have few means
of ascertaining. That they were acquainted with
the process of grafting is evident from Kom. xi. 17,
24, as well as from the minute prohibitions of the
Mishna;" and the method of propagating plants
by layers or cuttings was not unknown (Is. xvii
10). Buxtorf says that I^TH, drMn (Mishna,
Biccurim, i. § 2), were gardeners who tended and
looked after gardens on consideration of receiving
some portion of the fruit (Lex. Talm. s. v.). But
that gardening was a special means of livelihood Is
clear from a proverb which contains a warning
It was fbrUddan to graft trass on tress of a HP
Jerent kind, or so graft vegetables on Bess or tress <m
vsgetsblas (Ktlaim, L JJ 7, 8).
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OAREB
against nah inoculations: "Who hires * garden
eats the birds; who Urea gardens, bio. the birds
tat" (Dukes, Jiabbm. BlumexUse, p. 141).
The traditional gardens and pools of Solomon,
supposed to be alluded to in Eocl. ii. 5, 6, are shown
in toe Wadg L'rtds (i. e. Hortus), about an hour
and a quarter to the south of Bethlehem (cf. Jo-
seph. Ant nil. 7, $ 3).« The Arabs perpetuate the
tradition in the name of a neighboring bill, which
they call "Jtbtl-tl-FuradU," or " Mountain of the
Paradise" (Stanley, 8. d> P. p. 166). MaundreU
is skeptical on the subject of the gardens (AVirfy
Trav. in PaL p. 467), but they find a champion
in Van de Vetde, who asserts that they " were not
confined to the IVadi Urtat ; the hill-slopes to the
left and right also, with their heights and hollows,
must have been covered with trees and plants, as is
shown by the names they still bear, as ' peach-bill,'
'nut-vale,' ' fig-vale,' " Ac (Sgria A PaL ii. 27).
The " king's garden," mentioned In 2 K. xxr. 4,
Neh. iii. 15, Jer. mil. 4, lii. 7, was near the pool
of Siloam, at the mouth of the Tyropawn, north
of Bir A'ytiA, and was formed by the meeting of the
valleys of Jehoshaphat and Ben Hinnom (Wilson,
Lands of the BibU, i. 498). Joseph™ places the
scene of the (east of Adongah at Kn-rogel, '• beside
the fountain that is in the royal paradise " (Ant.
vii. 14, § 4; cf. also ix. 10, $ 4). W. A. W.
GATIEB (2T§ [Uptr, FUret]: [Rom. Vat
rtipdfi; Alex. Taptfi; Comp.] rop43: [Gareb]),
one of the heroes of David's army (8 Sam. xxiii.
38). He is described as the ( A. V. » an " ) Ithrite,
et ipse Jethriten, Vulg. This is generally explained
as a patronymic = son of Jether. It may be ob-
served, however, that Ira, who is also called the
Ithrite in this passage, is called the Jairite in 2
Sam. xx. 26, and that the readings of the LXX.
vary in the former passage, "ESpalot, "ZBtpatot, and
'EOcraior- These variations support to a certain
extent the sense given in the Syriac version, which
reads in 2 Sam. xx. 26 v VI»n, t. e. an inhab-
itant of Jathir in the mountainous district of Ju-
dah. W. L. B.
GA'REB, THE HILL CTi| H533
[scabbed, leprous, Gesen., Fiirst] : flovrol Tap^$
cvUis Goreb), in the neighborhood of Jerusalem,
named only in Jer. xxxi. 39. [Jkkusauui.]
* The prophet mentions this hill as falling within
the circuit of the restored "holy" Jerusalem,
which was to be built in the latter times. Ewald,
In view of the meaning partly ("scraped off,"
"bald"), would identify Gareb with Golgotha
(kbovIqv) in the history of the Crucifixion (Ge-
ickichte Chiistus, p. 485). Gesenius thinks it may
have been the later Bezetha (Add. ad Thesaur. p.
90). It is impossible to reconcile these opinions,
unless Bezetha was outside of Jerusalem in the
time of Christ. The supposed Bezetha is now
rithin the city. [Jerusalem.] H.
GAB1ZIM (rapi&v, Alex. raptCtw, [Tapt-
£«:] Garoin), 2 Mace v. 23, vi. 2. [Gerizim.J
• GARLANDS (or^u/uaTo), wreaths or chap-
eta of flowers which the priest of Jupiter at Lyatra
drought with oxen to the gates of the city when
lhs people were about to offer worship to Paul and
GARRISON
Barnabas (Acts xiv. 13). The garlands wen fc
aJorn the victims of sacrifice, and perhaps, aa D«
Wette suggests, the bead of the priest himself, aal
the altar. See Jahn's BibL ArchaoL J 491, 6.
That the garlands were not exclusively meant fas
the oxen seems probable from the Greek (raipout
xal (rriufiara, and not ravpovs irrtpftimt)
[Chows; Diadem.] H.
GARLIC (Cnd: t« o-«too8o: ollia), men-
tioned in Num. xi. 6 as one of the Egyptian plants
the loss of which was regretted b) thy mixed mul
titude at Taberah. It is the Altiu.it sahtum of
Linnaeus, which abounds in Egypt (see Celsius,
llieroboL pt. ii. p. 52 ft".), a fact evident from He
rodotus (it 125), when he states that the allowance
to the workmen for this and other regetables war
inscribed on the great pyramid. W. D.
GARMENT. [Duos.]
•GARMENT, BABYLONISH. [Dbksj,
Babylonish Garment.]
GAR'MITE, THE CO"?!? [the stem?
Fiirst] : [Rom. Aid.] rwl; [Vat Ara/wi;] Alex
Orapiu'- Garmi). Keilah the Garmite, i. e. the
descendant of Gerem (see the Targum on this word)
Is mentioned in the obscure genealogical lists of tht
families of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 19). Keilah is ap-
parently the place of that name; but there is no
clew to the reason of the sobriquet here given it
GARRISON- The Hebrew words so rendered
in the A. V. are derivatives from the root ndtxib
to " place, erect," which may be applied to a variety
of objects. (1-) Afattz&b and mattzdbak (2^Q,
njjSS O) undoubtedly mean a " garrison," or for-
tified post (1 Sam. xiii. 23, xiv. 1, 4, 12, 15; 2
Sam. xxiii. 14). (2.) Net*b (S" 1 ??) U also used
for a "garrison" (in 1 Chr. xi. 16),' but elsewhere
for a " column " erected In an enemy's country aa
a token of conquest, like the stela erected by Sesos-
tris (Her. ii. 102, 106): the LXX. correctly gives
ayitrrvfia (1 Sam. x. 6) : Jonathan broke in pieces
a column which the Philistines had erected on
a hill (1 Sam. xiii. 3). (3.) The same word
elsewhere means "officers" placed over a van-
quished people (2 Sam. viil. 6, 14; 1 Chr. xviii. 13 ,
2 Chr. xvii. 2): the presence of a "garrison" in
such cases is implied but not expressed in the word
(comp. 1 K. iv. 7, 10). (4.) Mattzibih (n^flj)
means a "pillar:" in Et. xxvi. 11, reference is
made to the beautiful piuirs of the Tynan temples,
some of which attracted the attention of Herodotus
(ii. 44). W. L. B.
* There was a garrison at Jerusalem at a later
period, variously known as the acropolis or citadel.
Bans (Macedonian for arx, see WahTa Claris Ubr.
V. T. Apucryph. a. v.), tower of Antonia (Joseph.
Art. xv. 11, § 4; B. J. i. 6, § 4), and castle ot
barracks (Acta xxi. 34). It was built by the Mac-
cabees, and during the Roman occupancy was htld
by the Roman troops stationed at Jerusalem, at
moved thither from Caisarea to prevent riots dur-
ing the festivals. Its military use appears in its N
T. name, the T<u>f/i£oAv) or " camp " (Acts xxi. 84
87). It is especially memorable as having been taw
a Within a few yean this valley of Ortas has been
fat under European cultivation, and though in Its
aasWiari state it memed to bo sterile and almost use-
lea, it exhibits
fertility.
now an extraordinary rtalineas smt
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GASHMU
slii^i tad prison of the Apostle Paul (Act* xxiii.
10). It stood on a rock or hill at the nonnwest
tag)* of the temple-area. It had a tower at the
southeast comer, which waa 70 cubit* high and over-
looked the whole temple with it» court*. At a mo-
ment'* notice the toldiera in thia garrison could
descend bjr flight* of stair* into the incloaure below
and instantly suppress any tumult there which might
M reported to the officer in command (Joseph. B.
J. v. o, § 8). This arrangement explain* how the
ehiliarch could interfere with so much promptitude
and rescue Paul from the fury of the Jewish mob.
It wis from the steps which led up into this castle
that the Apuntle addressed the crowd in the adjacent
eonrt (Acta xxii. 3 ff.). The Turkish garrison
stands at present very ue-irly on the site of the an-
cient fortress. If this garrison (as some suppose)
was Pilate's pratorhun during hi* visit* to Jerusa-
lem, it was then the place where Jesus was ar-
raigned before the Soman tribunal, and whence he
was led along the Via Dulorom to Golgotha.
The A. V. in 2 Cor. li. 32 speak* of a "gar-
rison " at Damascus a* employed to prevent Paul's
escape. But the Greek verb (iQpoipti) states only
the fact of the custody, noi the means of it: the
governor " watched " or " guarded the city." The
watch on this occasion may have belonged to the
garrison. H.
GASH'MU ("tQtpJ: [Comp. Aid. with 7
MSS. ri)<rd>; FA. S rtosu:] Gossem), Neh. vi. 6.
Assumed by all the lexicons to be a variation of
the name of Gkshkm (see w. 1, 9). The words
" and Gashmu saith " are omitted in both MSS.
of theLXX.
GATAM (DH73 [a valley burnt, Fiint]:
ToMil, Tontiii; Alex. [roAut, ToBa,} Totap-
Gotham, Galium), the fourth son of Eliphax the
son of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. It; 1 Chr. i. 36), and
one of the <• dukes" of Eliphax (Gen. xxxvi. 16).
By Knobd (Genesis, ad loc.) the name is compared
with Jodam (a) J^Sk), a tribe inhabiting a part
of the mountains of Sherah called Hismak. But
in this ease the Am in the original name would
have been dropped, which is very rarely the case.
Rodiger (Gesen. The*, iii. 80) quote* S+AJtat as
the name of an Arab tribe, referring to Ibn Duraid,
1864, p. 300.
OATB- (1.) "I5tt?, from TBW, to dividt,
Gesen. p. 1458: wi\n: porta, introitus. (9.)
nnS, from nn^, to open, Gesen. p. 1138: eipa,
wiKri : ostium, a " doorway." (3.) F)D, a vestibule
or gateway: avX4, erai/iit'- timtn, paste*. (4.)
XMf-l, Child, only in Ezra and Daniel: alikb,
tipa: ostium, fores. (6.) fTT-f from nVj, to
hang down: Gesen. p. 339, a door: eipa'- valea,
ostium, fores, the " door " or valve.
The gate* and gateway* of eastern cities an-
ciently held, and still hold, an important part, not
snly in the defense, but in the public economy of
the place. They are thus sometimes taken as rep-
-vacating the city itself (Gen. xxii. 17, xxiv. 60;
Deut xiL 18; Judg. v. 8; Ruth iv. 10; Ps. lxxxvii.
i, cxxil. 3). Among the special purposes for which
they were used may be mentioned: (1.' As places
at* pablie resort, either for business, or wtsre people
•at is converse and bear news (Gen xix. 1, xxiii.
OATB 871
10, xxxiv. 90, 94; 1 Sam. It. 18; 9 Sam. it. %
xvui. 24; Pa. Ixix. 12; Neh. vui. 1,3, IS; Shaw
p. 207). (2.) Places for public deliberation, ad-
ministration of justice, or of audience for kings awl
rulers, or ambassadors (Deut. xvi. 18, xxi. 19, xxv.
7; Josh. xx. 4; Judg. ix. 38; Kuth iv. 1; 9 Sam.
xix, 8; IK. xxii. 10; Job xxix. 7; Prov. xxii. 92,
xxiv. 7; Jer. xvii. 19, xxxviii. 7; Lam. v. 14; Am.
v. 12; Zech. vui. 16; Polyb. xv. 31). Hence cams
the usage of the word " Porte " in speaking of the
government of Constantinople (F.arly Trar. p. 349).
(3.) Public markets (2 K. vii. 1; comp. AristopL.
Eq. 1243, ed. Bekk.; Neh. xUL 16,19). [Crnra.]
In heathen towns the open spaces near the gatm
f^vwi sywv|
(Layard.)
appear to have l«en sometimes used as place* for
sacrifice (Acts xiv. 13; comp. 3 K. xxiii. 8).
Regarded, therefore, a* position* of great import-
ance, the gates of cities were carefully guarded and
iBjypOaa doors. — fig. 1. Th* upper pa n, en w h to h Ha
door turned- Jig- 2- I<owar pin- (Tnikmeon.)
closed at nightfall (Deut. iii. 6; Josh. ii. 5, 7;
Judg. ix. 40, 44; 1 Sam. xxiii. 7; 2 Sam. xL 98,
Jer. xxxix. 4; Judith i. 4). They contained cbvr
An Egyptian folding-door.
ben -er the gateway, and probably also rhsrnhm
or recesses at the si cs for the various Durnoses ts
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872
GATE
I they were applied (2 Sam. iviii. 34 ; Laysrd,
Ifi*. 4 Bab. p. 87, and note).
The gateway* of Assyrian cities were arched or
iquare-lieaded entrances in the wall, aornetimea
flanked by towers (Layard, Nineveh, ii. 388, 395,
Win. 4 Bab. p. 231, Mom. of If in. pt. 2, pi. 49;
nee also Assyrian Ins-reliefs in Brit. Hus. Nos. 49,
26, 26). In later Egyptian times the gates of the
GATB
fences from the Law were inscribed on and abet*
the gates, as in Mohammedan countries sentemsi
from the Koran are inscribed over doorways and oa
doors (Deut vi. 9; Is. liv. 12; Kev. xxi. 21;
Maundrell, Early Trail, p. 488; Lane, Mod. Egypt.
i. 29; Kauwolif, Travel*, pt. iii. c 10; Ray, ii
278). The principal gate of the royal palace at
Ispahan was in Chardin's time held sacred, and
served as a sanctuary for criminal* (Chardin, vii.
368), and petitions were presented to the sovereign
at the gate. (See Esth. iv. 2, and Herod, iii. 120,
140.) The gateways of Kimroud and Persepolis
were flanked by rnkisaal figures of animals.
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIHI I
Modern K&vptlan door (La: c.)
temples seein to have beeu iuU'nded as places of
defense, if not the principal fortifications (Wilkin-
son, Ane. Egypt, i. 409, abridgm.). The doors
themselves of the larger gates mentioned in Script-
ure were two-leaved, plated with metal, closed with
locks and fastened with metal bars (l>eut. ill. b:
Judg. xvi. 3; 1 Sam. xxiii. 7; 1 K. iv. 13: 2 Clir.
viii. 5; Neh. iii. 3-15; 1"«. cvii. 16; Is. xlv. 1, 2;
Jer. xlix. 31). Gates not defended by iron were
of course liable to be set on fire by an enemy (Judg.
it. 52).
ancient BxTpitaa door. (Wilkinson.)
The gates of Solomon's Temple were very mass! re
and costly, being overlaid with gold and earrings
(1 K. vi. 34, 35; 2 K. xviii. 16). Those of the
Holy I'lace were of olive-wood, two-leaved, and over-
laid with gold; those of the temple of fir (1 K. v».
31, 32 34; Ez. xli- 23, 24). Of the gates of -he
outer court of Herod's temple, 9 were covered «th
tcold and silver, as weU as the posts and lintels, but
the outer one, the Beautiful Gate (AcU iii. 2), was
Modern Egyptian door. (lain.)
Tbe gatcwajs or royal palaces and even of pri-
i were often richly ornamented. Sen-
Anckat Egyptian door. (vVUktaaoo.;
made entirelv of Corinthian brats, and was eoav
sidered to surpass the others fcr In costliness
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GATE, BEAUTIFUL
(Jisaph A /. v. 6, § 3). Thu gate, which was
m heavy as to require 30 men to dose it, was un-
exptctedlv found open on one occasion shortly be-
fore the cljee of the tiege (Joeeph. B. J. vi. 5, § 3;
c Ap. ii. 9).
The figurative gates of pearl and precious atones
(Is. liv. 13; Rev. xxi. 21) may U regarded as
having their types in the massive stone doors which
are found in some of the ancient nouses in Syria.
These are of single slabs several inches thick, some-
times 10 feet nign, and turn on stone pivots above
and below (MaundreU, Karly Trav. p. 447 ; Shaw,
p. 310; Burckhardt, Syria, pp. 58, 74 ; Porter,
Damatau, ii. 22, 192 ; Hay, Coll of Trav. ii. 429)
Egyptian doorways were often richly ornamented.
The parts of the doorway were the threshold ("""D,
Judg. six. 27: wpitupmr! linen); the side-posts
(rfrltp: (rraOixol ■■ uterque pottit), the lintel
^HptP5 : <j>Kiis mptrUmtnart, Ex. xil. 7). It
was on the lintel and side-posts that the blood of
the Passover lamb was sprinkled (Ex. xii. 7, 22).
A trace of some similar practice in Assyrian worship
wenis to have been discovered at Nineveh (Layard,
JVm. ii. 366).
The camp of the Israelites in the desert appears
to have been closed by gates (Ex. xxxii. 27).
The word "door" in reference to a tent, ex-
presses the opening made by dispensing with the
cloths in front of the tent, which is *-hen supported
only by the hinder and middle poles (Gen. xviii. 3;
Burckhardt, Note* on Bed. i. 43).
In the Temple, Levitet, and in houses of wealthier
classes, and in palaces, persons were especially ap-
pointed to keep the door (Jer. xxxv. 4; 3 S. xii.
9, xxv. 18; 1 Chr. ix. 18, 19; Est U. 31 ; D^StP' :
Supapoi, »u\o>po(: portarii, janiioret). In* the
A. V. these are frequently called " porters," a word
which has now acquired a different meaning. The
chief steward of the household in the palace of the
Shah of Persia was called chief of the guardians of
the gate (Chardin, vii. 369). [Cvrtaim; House;
Temple.] H. W. P.
* GATE, BEAUTIFUL, Acts iU. 2. [Tem-
ple (of Herod), Clouten.]
• GATES OF JERUSALEM. [Jerusa-
lem.]
GATH (na, a wine-prtu: r«'»; [1 Sam. t.
8, rat. r««a, Alex. r«W«; vii. 14, 'A(6$; xvii.
52i *, Alex. Tat: 1 Chr. vii. 31, Alex. r<u«;]
,'^seph. rfrra: Otlh), one of the five royal cities
if the Fh'lltiines (Josh. xiii. 3; 1 Sam. vi. 17);
vud the native place of the giant Goliath (1 Sam
xvii. 4, 33). The site of Gain has for many cen-
turies remained unknown. The writer of this
article made a tour through Pbilistia in 1857, one
special object of which was to search for tLe long
lost city. After a careful survey of the country,
snd a minute examination of the several passages
' Scripture in which the name is mentioned, he
aine to the conclusion that it stood upon the con-
<>icuous hill now called Tell-tt-Sdfith. This hill
stands upon the side of the plain of Philistia, at
the foot of the mountains of Judah; 10 miles E.
rf Ashdod, and about the same distance S. by E.
if Ekron. It is irregular in form, and about 200
•set high. On the top are the foundations of an old
wab; and great numbers of hewn stones are built
ip in the walls of the teiTacea that run along the
GATH 878
declivities. On the N. E is a projecting tcooUer
whose sides appear to have Iwen scarped. Hen,
too, are tract* of ancient buildings ; and here stands
the modern village, extending along the whole
northern nice of the hill. In the walls of the houses
are many old stones, and at its western extremity
two columns still remain on their pedestals. Round
the sides of the hill, especially on the S., a-e large
cisterns excavated in the rock. Oath occupied a
strong position (2 Chr. xi. 8) on the border ot
Judah and Philistia (1 Sam. xxi. 10; 1 Chr. xviii
1); and from its strength and resources, forming
the key of both countries, it was the scene of fre-
quent struggles, and was often captured and recap-
tured (2 Chr. xi. 8, xxvi. 6; 2 K. xii. 17; Am. vi.
2). It was near Shocoh and Adullani (2 Chr. xi.
8), and it appears to have stood on the way leading
from the former to Ekron ; for when the Philistines
fled on the death of Goliath, they went " by the
way of Shaaraim, even unto Gath and unto Ekron "
(1 Sam. xvii. 1, 52). All these notices combine in
pointing to TtU-n-S&fieh as the site of Gath. The
statements of most of the early geographers as to
the position of Gath are not only confused, but con
tradictory, probably owing to the fact that there
was more than one place of the same name. But
there is one very clear description by Eusebius,
translated without change or comment by Jerome.
It is as follows : " Gath, from which the Anakim
and Philistines wero not exterminated, is a village
seen by such as go from Eleutheropolis to Diospolis,
at about the fifth milestone" — Kufj.-q ttaoiirritv
&w* Tijt "EKtvSipoirikfcit npl AtoVtroAor ittoX
rfinrror (rn/uTov rijs 'E\€u9tpowi\Ket (Onom.
s. v. rcfWd). The road from Eleutheropolis, now
Beit Jebrin, to Diospolis or Lydda, must haw
passed near Tell-ei-Sifieh, which would be dis-
tinctly seen at about the distance indicated. Euse-
bius mentions another Gath (Onom. s. v. Geth), a
large village between AntipatrU and Jamnia, which
he considered to be that to which the Ark was
carried (1 Sam. v. 8), but this position, on the
western side of the plain of Philistia, does not agree
with the descriptions above referred to. Jerome,
who, as stated above, translates Eusebius' former
notice without change or comment, gives a per-
plexing statement in his Comm. on Micah : " Geth
una est de 5 urbibus Pahestiiue vicina JudssB con-
finio et de FJentheropoli euntibus Gazam, nuno
usque vicus vel nuurimus." Yet in his preface tc
Jonah, be says that Geth in Opber, the native place
of the prophet, is to be distinguished : " Allarura
Geth urbium qine junta Kleutheropolim sive Dios-
polim hodie quoque monstrantur." On the whok
then there is nothing in these notices to contradict
the direct statement of Eusebius, and we may
therefore, safely conclude that TelUt-SdJlek Is it.
site.
The ravages of war to which Gath ww* exposed
appear to have destroyed it at a comparatively early
period, as it is not mentioned among the othet
royal cities by the later prophet* (Zeph. ii. 4 ; Zeeh
ix. 5, 6). It is familiar to the Bible student as the
scene of one of the most romantic incidents in the
life of king David (1 Sam. xxi. 10-15), when tc
'save his life "he feigned himself mad; scrabbM
1 on the doors of the gate, and let his spittle faf
down upon his beard." A few years later he re-
turned to the city, was well received by the Philis-
tine king, and had Ziklag assigned to him as a
residence. He then secured some firm friends amcMi~
his hereditary foes, who were true to him when his
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S74
GATH-HBPHER
nm no lebeDed. We have few mote striking
examples rf derated attachment than that of Ittai
the Gittite (2 Sam. xv. 19-22). J. L. P.
GATH-HETHER, or GITTAH-HB'-
PHER ("I^Cin *"§» <*« tdne-prut </ Ott xtU ;
and with 71 loc. "lgn HW2, Josh, xix. 13: Tin
9 K., U$xo<Hp, Vat r*$xo0tp, Alex. IX A yofl«p,
Comp. Ttutupip, Vuig. 6'etA owe e»< m t^Aer ;
in Josh., Ttfrpi, Alex. raitWa, Aid. r<0ea«p9t(,
Comp. Tttoi&pip, Vulg. GtlA-hephtr]), a town on
the border of the territory of Zebulun, not far from
Japhia, now Ka/.i (Joah. xix. 12, 13), celebrated
u the native place of the prophet Jonah (2 K. xiv.
26). Jerome says (Proam. in Jonam): "Geth
quo eat in Opher haud grandia est viculns, in
•acundo Sepphoris miliario qua? hodie appellatur
Diooesarea euntibus Tiberiadem, ubi et sepulchrum
ejus oatenditiir." Keiijamin of TudeU in the 12th
century savs that the tomb of Jonah was still
shown on » hill near Sepphoria {Early Traveh in
Pal p. 89). About 2 miles E. of Seftrieh (Sep-
pboris), on the top of a rocky hill, stands the little
village of el-iftihhad, in which the tomb of Jonah
yet exists. It belongs to the Moslems, and both
they and the Christians of Nazareth agree in re-
garding this as the native village of the prophet.
There can scarcely be a doubt that tl Mtikhnd is
the ancient Gath-hepber. J. L. P.
GATH-RInTMON 0'W"! H3 [pomt-
granait-prtjs : Mpt/quir, exc Josh. xxi. 24,
Eon - . Vat. r-Btptft^aiy, and 1 Chr., Vat. TfBvpur-
O'etliremmon) ;. 1. A city given out of the tribe
of Dan to the Levites (Josh. xxi. 24; 1 Chr. vi.
89), situated on the plain of Philistia, apparently
not far from Joppa (Josh. xix. 45). Kuaebius
mentions a rerOA lying between Antipatris and
Jamnia, which would answer well to the position
of Gath-rimmon ( Onom. s. v. O'eth). But in an-
other place he says rtSpt/titity vvv itrrt K&pt)
utyltrrn &wo cn/ufvr iff Auxnr6\fui awidVruy
«'i 't\*vB*pAro\iv (Onom. s. v.). This, however,
would seem to agree better with the. position of
(lath, the royal city of Philistia, than of that
assigned to Gath-rimmon in the passage above
cited. The site of Gath-rimmon is unknown (Ke-
land, p. 808).
2. ['U$a0il; Alex. BoitVa; Aid. with 11 MSS.
BaieVaV (7 others BeeVdV); Comp. with 3 MSS.
rt0p*tuuiv- Celhremman.] A town of the half
tribe of Manasseh west of the Jordan, assigned to
the Invites (Josh. xxi. 25). It is only once men-
tioned, and the LXX. reading is BaieVsV [see
above]. In the parallel passage in 1 Chr. vi. 70,
this town is called Bileam. The reading Gath-
rimmon is, therefore, probably an error of the tran-
scril«rs, and may be merely a repetition ot the
same name occurring in the previous verse.
J. L. P.
G A'ZA (rWJ, 1. e. Aaah [ttrong, ajbrtras] :
r<ffa; still called Ghuznth or 'Aaah: the form
Gavira is found In the Apocrypha and Josephus,
and Brocardus mentions it as used in his day ), one
jt the five chief cities of the Philistines. It is
GAfcA
remarkable for its continuous exuaVnoe Lad In
portance from the very earliest times. Like Damas-
cus, it is mentioned both in the book of Genesis
and hi the A"ta of the Apostles: and it it still
a place of \ert considerable size, larger than
Jerusalem.
The secret of this unbroken history is to be
found in the situation of Gaza. It is the last towr.
in the S- tV. of Palestine, on the frontier towards
Egyot, eVrxdrn ixuro &»» eV ASyirrini in
♦oiKdcTjt limn M rn ipxV rij» ipiiuov (Arrian,
Exp. Alex. ii. 26). It lay on the road which must
always have been t'je line of communication be-
tween the valley of the Nile and the whole region
of Syria. Even now its bazaars are belter thuu
those of Jerusalem. "Those travelling towards
Egypt naturally lay in here a stock of ptorisxws
and necessaries for the desert: while those coming
from Kgypt arrive at Gaza exhausted, and mint
of course supply themselves anew " (Robinson, ii.
40).
The same peculiarity of situation has made Gaza
important in the military sense. Its name means
« the strong; " and this wss well elucidated in its
siege by Alexander the Great, which, notwithstand-
ing all bis resources of artillery, lasted five months.
As Van de Velde says (p. 187), it was the key of
the country. What had happened in the times of
the Pharaohs (Jer. xlvii. 1) and Cambyses (Pomp.
Mel. i. 11) happened again in the struggles between
the Ptolemies and Seleucida (Polyb. v. 68, xvi. 40).
This city was one of the most important military
positions in the wars of the Maccabees (see 1 Mace
xi. 61, 62, xlii. 43; Joseph. Ant xiii. 5, § 5, and
13, § 3). By the Romans it was assigned to the
kingdom of Herod (xr. 7, § 3), and after bis death
to the province of Syria (xril. 11, J 4). Nor does
the history of Gaza in connection with war end
here. In A. D. 634 it was taken by the generals
of the first Khalif Abu Bekr, though be did not
live to hear of the victory. Some of the most im-
portant campaigns of the crusaders took place in
the neighborhood. In the 12th century we find
the place garrisoned by the Knights Templars. It
finally fell into the bands of Saladin, A. D. 1170
after the disastrous battle of Hattin.
The Biblical history of Gaza may be traced
through the following stages: — In Gen. x. 19 it
appears, even before the call of Abraham, as a
"border" city of the Canaanites. With this we
should compare the descriptive words in Dent. ii.
23, where the name is spelt " Azzah " in the
English Version. [Azzah.] In the conquest of
Joshua the territory of Gaza is mentioned as one
which he was not able to subdue (Josh. x. 41, xi.
22, xiii. 3). It was assigned to the tribe of Judah
(Josh. xv. 47), and that tribe did obtain possession
of it (Judg. 1. 18); but they did not hold it long;
fur soon afterwards we find it in the hands of the
rbilistines (Judg. iti 3, xiii. 1, xvi. 1, 21); indeed
it seems to have been their capital; and notwith
standing the gigantic efforts of Samson," who die>!
here, Gaza apparently continued through the tinws
of Samuel, Saul, and David to be a Philistine city
(1 Sam. vi. 17, xiv. 52, xxxi. 1; 2 Sam. xxi. 16)
Solomon became master of " Azzah " (1 E. iv. 24)
" • The A. T Judg. xvi. 8, ImpUs* a proximity of hour southeast Iron Oua ; for it Has In the rl<h
Sasa to Hebron which Is not true, nor required by the dtneOon, and Is a marked eminence, being paraWli
Hebrew. Samson carried the doors of the city-gate ' Isolated and higher than any other pomt m the aetajfc
' * the top of the hill " (definite) " that to (not br/brr, I borhood. H.
ant) .towari Hebron." this may to the hill halt an I
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GAZA
Bat in nA T time) the same trouble with the Phil-
istines rec r-ed (SC'hr. xxi. lit, xxvi. 8, xxviii. 18).
In these p .sgiiges, indeed, Gaza is not specified, Im*.
then is little doubt that it is implied. In *2 K.
iviii. 8, we are distinctly told that llezekiah " smote
the Philistines even unto Gaza, and the borders
thereof, frvm the tower of the watchmen to the
fenced city." During this period of Jewish history,
it setnu tha. some facta concerning the connection
of Gaza with the invasion of Sennacherib may I*
added from the inscriptions found at Nineveh
(La} mi's Nineveh and BtibyUm, p. 144). We
ought here to compare certain passages in the
prophets where the name of the Philistine city
occurs: namely, Am. i. 8, 7; Zeph. ii. 4; Zecb.
ix. 6. The period intermediate between the Old
and New Testaments has been touched on above.
Hie passage where Uaza is mentioned in the
N. T. (Acta viii. 26) is full of interest. It is the
account of the baptism of the Ethiopian eunuch ou
"nj ration from Jerusalem to Egypt The words
GAZA
875
in this passage: ' Arise and gc towards the natk,
iMitu tlie way that goeth down from JeruasJea K)
Gaza, which is desert" (roptiaL kotA iu<rrii*B tiv,
twi r^r 6lbv rijv Karafkdi'owrew dwo '\*pt vfftt
\hh *<> rd(ar airri <>rlf <pi)/ter), bare (pv*o
rise to much discussion. It is doubted, in the first
place, whether they are to be attributed to the ange'
■ir to the narrator. The solution of this donbl
depends partly on another question, namely, whetbei
afrrn is to be referred to tie road or the city. If
to the latter, the remark will naturally be under
stood as St. Luke's ; and we may suppose that bs
wrote the passage just after the beginning of the
Jewish war (a. d. 85), when Gaza was actually
desolated (Joseph. B. J. ii. 18, $1)- Others would
refer us to a passage of Strabo, where he says that
the town was ffrnuuj after it was taken by Alex-
iindcr : but the text of Strabo in this place is doubt-
ful ; and it is evident (see above) that the statement
cannot be literally true. Pomponius Mala speaks
I of Gaxa as "ingeni urbs et munita ail<r<«huii,"
tid .t la prominently noticed in Pliny. Some sup-
poet (at Jerome) that the site of Uaza was changed :
ai.d this may possibly be true: for Strain* says that
it was only seven stadia from the sea, whereas it is
now considerably more: and the encroachment of
the drifting sands near the coast may have been a
motive for the restorers of the city to move it
further eastwards. The probability, however, is that
the words aJrij iarly fpripof refer to the road, and dition having
BtHriigt, incorporated in the last edition of r'-
Palaitinn, also by Robinson in the Appendix t bu
second volume. The latter writer suggests • ret)
probable place for the baptism, namely, at the witer
in the Wady tl-Biuy, between Eleutheropolis and
Gaza, not far from the old sites of Lachiah and
Eglon. The legendary scene of the baptism is at
Beit~t&r, b e t we en Jerusalem and Hebron: the tra
are used by the angel to inform Philip, who
hen in Samariii, on what route he would find the
sunuch. Besides the ordinary road from Jerusalem
by Kainleh to Gaza, there was another, more fa-
vorable for carriaem (Acts viii. SB), further to the
south, through Hebron, and thence through a dis-
trict comparatively without towns and much ex-
isted to the incursion* of people from the desert.
Hw matter U discussed by Kaumet in jiie of his
apparently from the opinion
that Philip himself was travelling southwards from
Jerusalem. But there is no need to suppose thai
he went to Jerusalem <\t all. Lange (ApnU ZtUnk.
ii. 109) gives a spiritual sense tu the word (pijfot
[See Bktii-zuk, Amer. ed.]
The modern Ghtazeh is situated partly on as
.blong hill of moderate hi ight, and partly on '!»
lower ground. Tlie climate of the place is ilnnn:
tropical, bat it has deep wells of excellent water
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876
GAZARA
There an a few palm-trees in the town, and its
fruit-orchards are very productive. But the chief
feature of the neighborhood is the wide-spread olive-
grove to the Nl and N. E. Heuce arises a consider-
able manufacture of soap, which Ghvtteh exports in
large quantities. [Ashes, Amer. ed.] It has also
an active trade in com. For a full account of nearly
all that has been written concerning the topograph-
ical and historical relations of Gaza, Ma Bitter's
Erdkunde, xvi. 46-60. Among the travellers who
have described the place we may mention especially
Robinson (Biblical Researches, ii. 86-43) and Tan
de Velde (Syria and Palestine, ii 179-188), from
whom we have already quoted ; also Thomson (Land
and Book, ii. 331-348). The last writer speaks of
the great extent of oom-land near Gaza, and of the
sound of millstones in the city. Both these cir-
cumstances are valuable illustrations of the acta
and sufferings of Samsom, the great hero of Gaza.
[On the site and ruins of Gaza, see also Porter's
Handb. of Syr. and Palest i. 283 ff.; Sepp's Je-
rusalem «. das heiL Land, it 622 ff. ; and Gage's
Trans, of Bitter's Geoyr. of Palestine, iii. 206 ff.
- II.] J. S. H.
GAZ'AKA (4 rdfapa, and T 4 rd{apa; [in 1
Mace. xv. 28, 35, Alex. ra(apyrav (gen.;:] '»'»*■
ara), a place frequently mentioned in the wars of
the Maccabees, and of great importance in the
operations of both parties. Its first introduction is
as a stronghold (oxi/m/ia), in which Timothciis
took refuge alter his defeat by Judas, and which
for four days resisted the efforts of the infuriated
Jews (8 Mace. x. 32-36). One of the first steps
of Bacchides, after getting possession of Judas, was
to fortify Bethsura and Uazara and the citadel
(a/tpa) at Jerusalem (1 Mace. ix. 62); and the
same names are mentioned when Simon in his turn
recovered the country (xiv. 7, 33, 34, 36, xv. 28).
So important was it, that Simon made it the
residence of his son John as general-in-chief of the
Jewish army (xiii. 53, xvi. 1 ).
There is every reason to lielieve that ( iazara was
the same place as the more ancient Gkzkk or
Gazer. The name is the same as that which the
LXX. use for Gezer in the U. T.; and more than
this, the indications of the position of both are very
much in accordance. As David smote the Philis-
tines from Gibeon to Gezer, so Judas defeats
Gorgias at Emmaus, and pursues him to Gazera
(1 Mace. iv. 15). Gazara also is constantly men-
tioned in connection with the sea-coast — Joppa
and Jamuia (xv. 28, 35: iv. 15), and with the
Philistine plain, Azotus, Adasa, Ac. (iv. 15, vii. 45,
riv. 81). [Gazbra.] G.
GA'ZATHITES, THE OrWSil, aceor.
I** Attalhilt : r«7 ra(at<?: Gaxaos), Josh. xiii. 3;
the inhabitants of Gaza. Elsewhere the same
ian* is rendered Gazttks in the A. V.
GA'ZER (TtJ [dteBritf, precipice] : [I"a-
(npi: in 1 Oar. rhr., FA. ra(aptu> : Geter,
Casern]), 2 Sam. v. 25; 1 Chr. xiv. 16. The
same place as Gezer; the difference arising from
the emphatic Hebrew accent ; which has been here
stained in the A. V., though disregarded in several
ther places where the same form occurs. [G rzer.]
From the uniform practice of the LXX.. both in
tin O T. and the books of Maccabees, Ewald infers
that the original form of the name was Gazer; but
Jie pmetnatlor of the & loreta is certainly a*
GKBA
often the one as the other. (Ewald, Oesth. H 4SR
note.) G.
GAZE'RA. L (rit rdfapai Alex, roarays
Joseph, ra TdSapa- Getrrun, Gazara), 1 Maee
iv. 15, vii. 45. The place elsewhere given at
Gazara.
2. [Kafoet; Aid. Alex, rafrpd: Gate.] One
of the "servants of the temple," whose sons re-
turned with Zorobabel (1 Esdr. v. 31). In Ezra
and Nehem. the name is Gazzam.
GA'ZEZ (TT| [sAearer]: i Ts(ov4; [Comn.
ra(b(, r«C«>; AW. rafffi] Gettx), a name which
occurs twice in 1 Chr. ii. 46; (1) ss son of CsJefc
by Ephah his concubine; and (2) as son of Haran,
the son of the same woman : the second is possibly
only a repetition of the first. At any rate there is
no necessity for the assumption of Houbigant, that
the second Gazez is an error for Jahdai. In some
MSS. and the Peshito the name is given Gases
The Vat. LXX. omits the second occurrence.
GA'ZITES, THE (DVVJ?n : T oh rofofou :
PMUsthiim), inhabitants of Gaza (Judg. xvi 8).
Elsewhere given as Gazathttks.
GAZ'ZAM (D$ [aVnw-tria]: Tsdjlfi, r»C«V !
Gaum, [Getem]). The Bene-Gazzam were among
the families of the Kkthinim who returned from
the Captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 48; Keh. vii.
51). In 1 Esdr. [v. 31] the name is altered U
Gazbra.
GETJA (55Si often with the definite article =
the hill: Tafiad, [etc.: Gabna, Geba,] Gabai,
Gabee), a city of Benjamin, with " suburbs,"
allotted to the priests (Josh. xxi. 17; 1 Chr. ri.
60). It is named amongst the first group of the
Benjamite towns, apparently those lying near to
and along the north boundary (Josh, xviii. 24).
Here the name is given as Gaba, a change due to
the emphasis required in Hebrew before a pause ;
and the same change occurs in Ezr. ii. 26 ; Neh.
vii. 80 and xi. 81; 2 Sam. v. 26; 2 K. xxiii. 8; the
last three of these being in the A. V. Geba. Ir.
one place Geba is used as the northern landmark
of the kingdom of Judah and Benjamin, in the ex-
pression "from G. to Beer-eheba " (2 K. xxiii. 8).
and also as an eastern limit in opposition to Gazer
(2 Sam. v. 26). In the parallel passage to this last
in 1 Chr. xiv. 16, the name is changed to Gibeon
During the wars of the earlier part of the reign of
Saul, Geba was held as a garrison by the Philis-
tines (1 Sam. xiii. 3), but they were ejected by
Jonathan, a feat which, while it added greatly tc
his renown, exasperated them to a more overwhelm-
ing invasion. Later in the same campaign we find
it referred to to define the position of (be two rockn
which stood in the ravine below the garrison of
Michmash, in terms which fix Geba on the south
and Michmash on the north of the ravine (1 Sun.
xiv. 6; the A. V. has here Gibeah). Exactly in
accordance with this is the position of the modern
village of Jeba, which stands picturesquely on the
top of its steep terraced hill, on the very edge of toe
great Wady Stiweinil, looking northwards to the
opposite village, which also retains its old name of
MikhmAs. The names, and the agreement of the
situation with the requirements of the story of
Jonathan, make the identification all but certain;
but it is still further confirmed by the invaluable
list of Benjamite "owns visited by the Assyria*
army on their road through the country soulbwsat;
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GEBAL
to Jerusalem, which we hare in It. x. 28-82; when
tie minute details — the stoppage of the heavy
baggage (A. V. " carriagea "), which eoold not be
got acroas the broken ground of the wad; at Mich-
mash; then the passage of the ravine by the lighter
portion of the army, and the subsequent bivouac
("lodging," Pvjp =re,t for tne ""gn') at Geba
on the opposite side — are in exact accordance with
tne nature of the spot Standing as it does on the
south bank of this important wady — one of the
most striking natural features of this part of the
country — the mention of Geba as the northern
boundary of the lower kingdom is very significant
Thus commanding the pass, its fortification by Asa
(1 K. iv. 22; 2 Chr. xvi. 6) is also quite intelligible.
It continues to be named with Michmath to the
very last (Neh. xi. 31).
Geba is probably intended by the " Gibeah-in-
the-field " of Judg. xx. 31, to which it* position is
very applicable. [Gibbah, 6. J The " fields " are
mentioned again as late as Neh. xii. 29.
It remains to notice a few places in which, from
the similarity of the two names, or possibly from
some provincial usage," " Geba " is used for " Gib-
eah." These are: (1.) Judg. xx. 10: here the A.
V., probably anxious to prevent confusion, has
"Gibeah." (2.) Judg. xx. 33: "the meadows,"
or more probably " the cave of Geba." Geba may
be here intended, but Gibeah — at in the A. V. —
teems almost necessary. Owing to the word oc-
curring here at a pause the vowels are lengthened,
and in the Hebrew it stands as iliba. (3.) 1 Sam.
xiii. 16 : here the meaning is evident, and the A.
V. has again altered the name accordingly. Jc-
•ephus (Ant. vi. 6, § 2) has ra/Jouy, Gibeon, in
this place; for which perhaps compare 1 Chr. viii.
», ix. 35.
2. The Geba (r<u0ai; Alex. Tai0av: [Sin.
taiBtw; Comp. TaM; Aid. Tat$d]) named in
Jud. iii. 10, where Holofernes is said to have made
his encampment — >' between Geba and Scythopo-
lis " — mult be the place of the same name, Jebn,
on the road between Samaria and Jtmtn, about
three miles from the former (Bob. i. 440). The
Vulgate has a remarkable variation here — "venit
ad Idunueos in terrain Gabaa." G.
GE'BAL (bj?, Cbat, from bj$, Gibed, la
twist ; hence TO?, G'btt, a Hne ; thence <}**■!*■■
Gtbal, a line of mountains at a natural boundary :
pn Pa.,] r<0<U; [Vat Sin. Nat/9aA:] Gtbal; [in
Ex., $i&\iot'- GMii]), a proper name, occurring
in Ps. lxxxiii. 7 (Vulg. lxxxli.) in connection with
Edom and Moab, Amnion and Amalek, the Philis-
tines and the inhabitants of Tyre. The mention
of Assur, or ihe Assyrian, in the next verse it with
reason supposed to refer the date of the composition
to the latter days of the Jewish kingdom. It is
inscribed, moreover, with the name of Asaph.
Now in 2 Chr. xx. U it is one of the sons or de-
scendants of Asaph, Jahaziel, who is inspired to
tncoura^e Jehoshaphat and his people, when threat-
ened with invasion by the Moabites, Ammonites,
sod others from beyond the sea, and from Syria
(at the LXX. and Vulg. : it is unnecessary here to
go into the obscurities and varieties of the Hebrew,
Syriac, and Arabic versions). It is impossible,
therefore not to recognize the connection betveen
« as with us, Berkshire fcr Berkshire, Darby ft*
•trey, *c
GEBEU 87?
this psalm and these events; and hence the con-
texts both of the psalm and of the historical records
will justify our assuming the Gebal of the Psalms
to be one and the same city with the Gebal oi
Ezekiel (xxvii. 9), a maritime town of Phieuicia
and not another, as some have supposed, in thi
district round about Petra, which is by Josephiu,
Eusebius, and St. Jerome called Gebakne. Jeho&b
apbat had, in the beginning of his reign, humbled
the Philistines and Arabians (2 Chr. xvii. 10-11),
and still more recently had assisted Ahab again-rt
the Syrians (Md. ch. xviii.). Now, according to
the poetic language of the Psalmist, there were
symptoms of a general rising against him. On
the south the Edomites, I|hmaeUtet, and Haga
renes ; on the southeast Moab, and northeast Am-
nion. Along the whole line of the western coast
(and, with Jehoshaphat 's maritime projects, this
would naturally disturb him most tee 2 Chr. xx
36) the Amalekites, Philistines, and Phoenicians, or
inhabitants of Tyre, to their frontier town Ueual ,
with Assur, i. e. the Syrians, or Assyrians, from
the more distant north. It may be observed that
the Ashurites are mentioned in connection with
Gebal no less in the prophecy (rer. 6) than in the
psalm. But, again, the Gebal of Ezekiel was evi-
dently no mean city. From the fact that its in-
habitants are written "Gibliant" in the Vulg.
and " Bibliant " in the LXX., we may infer their
identity with the Giblites, spoken of in connection
with Lebanon by Joshua (xiii. 5), and that of their
city with the " Biblns " (or Byblus) of profane lit-
erature — so extensive that it gave name to the
surrounding district (See a passage from Lucian,
quoted by Keland, Palast. lib. 1. c. xiii. p. 26'J.)
It was situated on the frontiers of Phoenicia, some-
what to the north of the mouth of the small river
Adonis, to celebrated in mythology (comp. Ex.
viii. 13). Meanwhile the Giblites, or Biblians,
seem to have been preeminent in the arts of stone-
carving (1 K. v. 18) and ship-caulking (Ex. xxvii.
9); but, according to Strabo, their industry suffered
greatly from tne robbers infesting the sides of
Mount Lebanon. Pompey not only destroyed the
strongholds from whence these pests issued, but
freed the city from a tyrant (Strab. xvi. 9, 18).
Some have confounded GehaL or Biblut, with the
Cabala of Strabo, just below Laodicea, and conse-
quently many leagues to the north, the ruins and
site of which, still called Jebitee, are so graphically
described by Maundrell (Early Travels in Pales-
tine, by Wright P- 494). By Moroni (Vision.
Ecetes.) they are accurately distinguished undar
their respective names. Filially, Biblus beams a
Christian see in the patriarchate of Antioch, sub-
ject to the metropolitan see of Tyre (Ketand'd
Palast. lib. i. p. 2U ff). It shared the usual vi-
cissitudes of Christianity in these parts; and even
now furnishes episcopacy with a title. It is called
Jtbail by the Arabs, thus reviving the old Biblical
name. E. S. If.
GET5ER (*13| [man, Aeru]), a name occur
"*ng twice in the list of Solomon's commissariat
officers, and there only. 1. (Uafitf, [Vat Alex.
ra$tp- Bengabtr].) The ton of Geber (Ben-
Gtber) resided in the fortress of Kamoth-Gilead
and had charge of Havotb-Jair, and the district or
Argob (1 K. iv. 13). Josephiu (Ant. viii. t, ) 8)
gives the name as ra/Morir.
2. (ratfep; [Vat M. omits: J Gaber.) Gaits
Urn ton of (Jri had a district south of Urn (
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878 GEBIM
Die " land of Gilead," the country oriirinnBy pon.
MMwd by Sihon and Og, probably the modern
Attn, the great pasture-ground of the tribes east
sf Jordan (1 K. ir. 10). The eonclusiuii of Uiix
raree a* reudered in the A. V. is rery unsatisfactory
— " tuid be was the only officer which ni in the
UikI," when two others are mentioned in 13 and
14. A more accurate interpretation is, "and une
officer who was in the land," that is, a superior
(3^5, a word of rare occurrence, but used again
for Solomon's "officers" in 9 Chr. viii. 1(1) over
the three. Josephus has twl Si tovtky tXs s-aAiv
Hpxuv aroMtwcTO, the woAir referring to a similar
statement just before that there was also one general
superintendent over the'comniissaries of the whole
cf L'pper Palestine. G.
KHIM (Caan, with the article = probably
Vie ililchtt [cisterns, tprinyt, Fiirst] ; the word i«
uaed in that sense in 2 K. iii. 16, and elsewhere :
ViftSftp; [Comp. r<j3(/t:] Gabim), a village north
of lerusaleui, in the neighborhood of the main
road, and apparently between Anatboth (the modem
An i tn) and the ridge on which Nob was situated,
and from which the first view of the city is obtained.
It is named nowhere but in the enumeration by-
Isaiah of the towns whose inhabitants fled at Sen-
nacherib's approach (x. 31). Judging by those
places the situation of which is known to us, the
enumeration is so orderly that it : i impossible to
entertain the coiyecture of either Kusebius ( Onom.
Uebin), who places it at Geba, five miles north of
tiophna; or of Schwarz (p. 131), who would have
it identical with Gob or Gezer : the former being at
least 10 miles north, and the latter 20 miles west,
of its probable position. Et-ltawiyth occupies
about the right spot. G.
GEDALIAH (HJVTJ, Mid VT 1 ?!?. <• '•
GedahVhu [Jehovah is 'great] t Tetoklat'' Gatlo-
titu). L Gedaliah, the sou of Ahikain (Jere-
miah's protector, Jer. xzvi. 24), and grandson of
Shaphan the secretary of king Josiah. After the
destruction of the Temple, B. c. 688, Nebuchad-
nezzar departed from Judaea, leaving Uedaliah with
a Chaldiean guard (Jer. xl. 6) at Mizpah, a atront;
(1 K. xv. 22) town, six miles N. of Jerusalem, to
govern, as a tributary (Joseph. Ant. x. 9, § 1) of
the king of Babylon, the vine-dressers and hus-
bandmen (Jer. Iii. 16) who were exempted from
captivity. Jeremiah joined Uedaliah ; and Mizpah
became the resort of Jews from various quarters
(Jer. xl. 6, 11), many of whom, as might be ex-
ported at the end of a long war, were in a demor-
alized state, unrestrained by religion, patriotism, or
prudence. The gentle and popular character of
Gedaliah (Joseph. Ant. x. 9, § 1, 3), his hereditary
piety (Rosenmuller in Jer. xxvi. 24), the prosperity
of his brief rule (Jer. xl. 12), the reverence which
revived and was fostered under him for the ruined
Temple (ill. 5), fear of the Chaldiean conquerors
■those officer he was, — all proved insufficient to
secure Gedaliah from the foreign jealousy of Raalis
king of Amnion, and the domestic ambition of
Ishmad, a member of the royal family of Judah
(Joseph. Ant. x. 9, § 3). This man [Isbmael, 2
%. xxv. 25] came to Mizpah with a secret purpose
to destroy Gedaliah. Gedaliah, generously refus-
• • (Jelled the "Cut or the seventh," 1. 1. month
viH. 19 with 2 K. xxv. 25. See Few
's feat-Sufi. Iv. 867). for toe
GEDERATHTTB, THE
iin? tn believe a friendly warning which he reeehec'
of the intended treachery, was murdered, with hi>
Jewish and Chaldean followers, two months after
his appointment. After his death, which is stil
commemorated in the Jewish calendar (Pridestrx,
Cimuxim, anmt 688, and Zech. riii. 19) « as a
national calamity, the Jews, in their native land,
anticipating the resentment of the king of Baby-
lon, gave way to despair. Many, forcing Jeremiah
to accompany them, tied to Egypt under Johanan.
2. [Vat. rows, roAovia.] Gkdaua'hc; a
1-evite, one of the six sons of Jedutbun who played
the harp in the service of Jehovah (1 Ohr. xxv. 3
9).
3. [roSoAfa; Vat. -Asia: FA. raAaoW: Oo-
tlutia.] Gedaliah; a priest in the time of Ezra
(KXT. X. 18). [JoADANUH.]
4. [FA. 1 roAiaj: GedeUae.] Gedai.ia'IIU;
son of Fashur (Jer. xxxviii. 1 ), one of those who
caused Jeremiah to be imprisoned.
6 Gedaliah; grandfather of Zephaniah the
prophet (Zeph. i. 1). W. T. B.
GEDTDUR XrtfSoip; [Vat. Ktttovp :)
OeiiJu), 1 Esdr. v. 30. [Gahab.]
GELVEON ([Alex.] r«»W; [Sin. r«JV<»»:]
Gtiitou). L The son of Baphaim; one of the
ancestors of Judith (Jud. viii. 1). The name it
omitted in the Vat. LXX.
2. The Greek form of the Hebrew name Giimum
(Heb. xi. 32); retained in the N. T. by our trans-
lators, in company with FJias, Eliseus, Usee, Jesus,
and other Grecized Hebrew names, to the confusion
of the ordinary reader.
GE'DER CVja [walled place], r«o*>; [Vat.
Ae-«i ] Under). The king of Getter was one of
the 31 kings who were overcome by Joshua on the
west of the Jordan (Josh. xU. 13), and mentioned
in that list only. Being named with Debir, llor-
nub, and Arad, Geder was evidently in the extreme
south : this prevents our identifying it with Gedor
(Josh. it. 68), which lay between Hebron and
Bethlehem ; or with ha-Gederah in toe low country
(xv. 36). It is possible, however, that it may be
the same place as the Gedor named in connection
with the Simeonites (1 Chr. iv. 39). Q.
GEDE-RAH (ITTIjn, with the articles
the thtepcvte : rdlvpa' (iedero), a town of Judah
in the Shtfelnh or lowland country (Josh. xv. 86),
apparently, from the near mention of Azekah,
Socoh, Ac , in its eastern part, near the " valley of
the Terebinth." [Klail] This position sgrees
passably with that assigned by Eusebius ( Onomat-
ticon) to >' Gedour," which he says was in his time
a very large village 10 miles from Eleutbeiopolis, on
the road to Diospolis (I.ydda); and also with an-
other which he gives as Gidora, in the boundaries
of Jerusalem (/Elia), near the Terebinth. Nc
town bearing this name has however been yet dis-
covered in this hitherto little explored district. The
name (if the interpretation given be correct), and
the occurrence next to it of one so similar as Gkd-
ekoth aim, seem to point to a great deal of sheep-
breeding in this part. u.
GEDBTRATHITB, THB 00733?? [set
above]: i raoapatfuV; [Vat -m^;] Alex. roSw
eaamcter of Gedaliah and the tragical seem of hfc
death, the reader may sss Stanley's Jewiek Bhu~*. t
616 a. m.
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GKDERITB, THIS
mtti (FA. r«Sapa :] Gaaerathite*), the Dative of
s nam called Gederah, but not of that in the
Sktftlak of Judah, for Josaaad the Gederatbite
(1 Chr. xii. 4) was one of Saul's own tri'-e — hi*
"brethren of Benjamin" (ver. 2). Mo otner U
named. U.
GKDERITB, THE 0"?!!?!? : i TOvplrvt
[Vat. -pci-] ; Alex, o Tttup • Gederita), L e. the na-
tive of aoiue place named Geder or Gederah. Baal-
hanan the Gederite had charge of the olive and
ijrcamore graves in the low country (Shtfeljh) for
king David (t Chr. xxvii. 28). He possibly be
longed to Gki'Krah, a place in this district, the
very locality for sycamores. G.
GEDETIOTH (iTm? = iheep-cottt, but in
Chr. with the article: Tttidp, raAqpti; Alex. Ta-
tip*e: Gidemth, Godervth), a town in the Shef-
tinh or low country of Judah (Josh. it. 41 ; 2 Chr.
xxviii. 13). It is not named in the tame group
with 'JLDKRAH and Gkdkhuthaim in the list in
Joshua, but lay apparently a little more to the
north with Makkedah. The notice in Chronicles
shows, however, that ill the towns of these groups
were comparatively close together. G.
GEDEROTHAIM (DVfYT?=:<i« sleep-
foUs: GedoraUuUm), a town in the low country
of Judah (Josh. xv. 36 ), named next in order to
Gederah. The LXX. treat the word as referring to
the name preoeding it, and render it kcu at iirovktu
eeViir. G.
GETJOR CIVT? [o fat] ■• Gedor). 1. (r«»-
Sdf, Alex. rtSttp-) A town in the mountainous
part of Judah, named with Halhul and Bethzur
(losb. xv. 58), and therefore a few miles north of
Hebron. Eusebius (Onom. "Gasdur") places it
at ten miles south of Diospolis, the modern Ltkkl;
but this does not agree with the requirements of
the passage. On the other hand, Kobmson (iii.
283) has discovered a Jedir half way between Bsth-
lebem and Hebron, about two miles west of the
road, which very probably represents the ancient
site. The Gaadur of Eusebius is more likely.
2. [r«o>p; FA. rttSttp.] The town — appar-
ently of Benjamin — to which "Jehoram of Ge-
dor" belonged, whose sons Joelah and Zebuiiah
■ere among the mighty men, " Saul's brethren of
Benjamin,'' who joined David in his difficulties at
Zikhtg (1 Chr. xii. 7). The name has the definite
article to it in this passage HVT^iT^B : of tou
r<idp)- If this be a Benjamite name, it is very
probably connected with
3. (Tttoip: [in 1 Chr. viii. 31, Vat. Aovp; in
ix. 37, Vat. Sin. USoup.]) A man among the
ancestors of Saul; son of Jebiel, the "father of
Gibeon " (1 Chr. viii. 31; ix. 37).
4. The name occurs twice in the genealogies of
Judah — 1 Chr. iv. 4, and 18 — (in both shortened
to "ITS : Ftt&p). In the former passage Penuel
is said to be " father of Gedor," while in tb-> latter
Jered, son of a certain Ezra by his Jewish wife
lA. V. •' Jehudijai "\ has the same title. Tn the
Targum, Jered, Gedor, and other names in this
passage, are treated as being titles «i Moses, con-
ferred on him by Jehudijah, who is identified with
the daughter of Pharaoh.
ft. Id the records of the tribe of Simeon, in 1
«lr. It. 39, certain chiefs of the tribe an said to
tsve gone, in the reign of Ilesekiah, " to the en-
GBHKNNA 879
trance of Gedor, unto the east side of the vsaVty "
(H?jn), in search of pasture grounds, and to hart
expelled thence the Hamites who dwelt there is
tents, and the Maonites (A. V. "habitations")
Simeon lay in the extreme south of Judah, and
therefore this Gedor must be a different place from
that noticed above — No. 1. If what is told in ver.
42 was a subsequent incident in the same expedi-
tion, then we should look for Gedor between the
south of Judah and Mount Seir, t. e. Petra. No
place of the name has yet been met with in that
direction. The LXX. (both MSS.) read Gerar for
Gedor (i«j toS i\9fiy Tipapa; which agrees well
both with the situation and with the mention of
the " pasture," and is adopted by Ewald (i. 322.
note). The " valley " ( Gni, i. e. raiher the " rav
ine"), from the presence of the article, would ap-
pear to be some well-known spot; but in our pres-
ent limited knowledge of that district, do conjecture
can be made as to its locality. It may be noticed
that Nachat (== wady), and not Got, is the word
elsewhere applied to Gerar. G.
GEHA'ZI (?*r$ [usually = ^rpj toffee
of virion, Ges. ; Fttrst suggests from another ru*,
letsener, denier]: TuOl [Vat. Alex. -f«:] Giea),
the servant or boy of Elisha. He was sent as the
prophet's messenger on two occasions to the good
Shunammite (2 K. iv.); obtained fraudulently in
Elisha's name money and garments from Naauiau
was miraculously smitten with incurable leprosy,
and was dismissed from the prophet's service (2 K.
v.). Later in the history he is mentioned as being
engaged in relating to King Joram all the great
things which Elisha had done, when the Shunam-
mite whose son Elisha had restored to life appeared
before the king, petitioning for her house and land
of which she had been dispossessed in her seven
years' absence in Philistia (2 K. viii.).
W. T. R
GEHEN'NA (r««Wa), the Greek represents,
live of DbiT"^, Josh. xv. 8, Neh. xi. 30 (rendered
by LXX. rcutVya, Josh, xviii. 16; more fully
nbrnj •% or 'ma? "% 2 k. am. 10, 2
Chr. xxviii. 3, xxxiii. 8, Jer. xix. 2), the " valley of
Hinnom," or " of the son," or " children of H."
(A. V.), a deep narrow glen to the S. of Jerusalem,
where, after the introduction of the worship of
the fire-gods by Ahaz, the idolatrous Jews offered
their children to Molech (2 Chr. xxviii. 3; xxxiii
6; Jer. vii. 31, xix. 2-6). In consequence of these
abominations the valley was polluted by Josiah (2
K. xxiii. 10); subsequently to which it became the
common lay-stall of the city, where the dead bodies
of criminals, and the carcases of animals, and every
other kind of filth was cast, and, according to late
and somewhat questionable authorities, the com-
bustible portions consumed with firo. From tht
depth and narrowness of the gorge, and, perhaps,
its ever-burning fires, as well as from its being the
receptacle of all sorts of putrefying matter, and all
that defiled the holy city, it became in later times
the image of the place of everlasting punishment.
" where their worm dieth not, and the fire is not
quenched ; " in which the Taliuudists placed the
mouth of hell : " There are two palm-trees in tht
V. of H., between which a smoke ariseth . .
and this is the door of Gehenna." (Talmud, quo-
ted by Barclay, City of Grtnl King, p. 90' Light
foot. Center. Chorugraph. Matt, praam. U. 200.)
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680
OEBENSA
In this now the word h> used by oar Ha we d
Lord, Matt t. 29, 30, x. 28, xxiii. 16, 38; Milk
x. 43, 46; Luke xii. 5; and with the addition tov
wooit, Matt v. 22, xviii. 9; Mark ix. 47; and by
St. James, Hi. 6. [Hell; Hi.n.nom, Valley ok;
Tophet.] K. V.
* There is a remarkable passage in the book of
Enoch which deserve* notice here, as perhaps the
earliest example in Jewish writings of the represen-
tation of Gehenna or the Valley of lliunom as a
place of punishment fur the wicked. The valley is
not namtd in the passage referred to, but it is so
minutely described in connection with Jerusalem
and Mount Zion that its identity is unmistakable.
After the description, the passage continues thus: —
"Then I said: ' What means this blessed land
which la full of trees, and this accursed valley in
the midst '! ' ("ben Uriel, one of the holy angels
with me, answered and said: * This accursed valley
is for those who shall be accursed to eternity : here
must assemble all those who utter with their mouths
unseemly sjietvhes a^aihst God, and blaspheme his
glory; here they are to be gathered, and this is the
place of their punishment. And in the last times
will the spectacle be given to the righteous of a
just judgment on these for ever and ever ; for which
those who have found mercy will praise the Lord of
glory, the eternal king.' " (Enoch, c 37, Dill-
maun; 26, Laurence.)
" This," remarks a writer in the NiUvmal Re-
new (xviii. 663, 564), " is the earliest expression
of the Jewish belief respecting the scene and mode
of the Messianic crisis. . . . The Judgment, it is
plain, was to take place near Jerusalem : and while
the temple hill was to be the citadel of reward to
the pious, the punishment of the wicked, in order
to be withii: sight [comp. Is. lxvi. 24], would take
place in the valley of Iiinnom below. This spot,
it is quite evident, is not figuratively referred to, as
furnishing merely a name and symbol for the invis-
ible penalties of another world, but literally desig-
nated as their real topographical seat; precisely as
the neighboring heights are taken to be the proper
metropolis of the elect, both physical and his-
torical causes inclined the Jewish imagination to
select this paiticular valley fur the fatal purpose.
Stretching towards the volcanic district to the south,
t is said to have emitted at times a smoke which
ortrayed subterranean fires, and which would re-
ceive from the Jew the same penal interpretation
that bis Scriptures had already put on the convul-
sions of the Asphaltite basin. Ajid as the frequent
scene of the rites of Moloch, it was associated with
many horrors, and had received the curse of the
prophet* (comp. 2 K. xxiii. 10; Jer. vii. 31-33,
tix. 5-7, xxxii. 35; Is. xxiv. 15, 23)."
For a fuller illustration of the subject, see Dill-
maun'i note (Dae Buck Henoch, pp. 131, 1-12), and
romp. AnocA, cc. xc. 20, 27, liv. 1, 2. Ivi. 3, 4 (or
Ixxxix. 34-37, liii. 1, 2, liv. 7, 8, in Ijuireuce's
translation). The conception of the writer appears
to have been, that at the time of the Messianic
judgment the wicked would be gathered in the
Valley of Hinnora in the presence of the rurbteous.
where the earth would open, as in the case of the
fullowers of Korab (Num. xvi. 30). and receive
them into the fiery lake beneath. Krom this con-
ception of " the accursed valley " as the gate of
bJL the transfer of the name Gehenna to the place
•f punishment itself (comp. the Latin Avernut)
wis easy and natural. Jahnnnatn is the current
Arabic name for hell, as tiehinnam is in the Tar-
OKMABIAH
gumj and the Talmud (see Buxt- Lex. Tahm. eoi
395, and Lightfoot and Wetatein on Matt. v. 88k
See also Jkhoshapiut, Value* or. A
GELTLOTH (rtW?l [circle, orcWi]
Ta\i\46; Alex. A-vaAAiAatf, as if the definite artich
had been originally prefixed to the Hebrew word
ad lumulot), a place named among the marks of
the south boundary line of the tribe of Benjaniii
(Josh, xviii. 17). The boundary went from Kn-
sbemeah towards Gelikith, which was "ova
against" (1*123) the ascent of Aut'MMlaf. !■
the description of the north boundary of Judah.
which wis identical at this part with the south of
Benjamin, we find Gilgal substituted for Geliloth
with the same specification as " over against "
(njj) the ascent of Adummim (Josh. xv. 71.
The name Geliloth never occurs again in this lo-
cality, and it therefore seems probable that Gilgal
is the right reading. Many glimpses of the Jor-
dan valley are obtained through the hills in the
latter part of the descent from Olivet to Jencno,
along which the boundary in question appears to
have run; and it hi very possible that, from the
ascent of Adummim, Gilgal appeared through one
of these gaps in the distance, " over against " the
spectator, and thus furnished a point by which to
indicate the direction of the line at that part.
But though Geliloth does not again appear in
the A. V., it is found in the original bearing a pe-
culiar topographical sense. The following extract
from the Appendix to Professor Stanley's 8. <* P
(1st edit.) § 13, contains all that can be said on
the point : " This word is derived from a root
Vb|, ' to roll ' (Gesen. Thee, p. 287 *.). Of the
five times in which it ocean in Scripture, two are
in the general sense of boundary or border: Josh,
xiii. 2, • All the bordert of the Philistines ' (tput);
Joel iii. 4, ' All the coajft of Palestine ' (raAiWa
a\\o<pi\ar) ; and three specially relate to the
course of the Jordan : Josh. xxU. 10, 11, • The
border* of Jordan ' (FaAoAS tov 'lopSArov); Ess.
xlvii. 8, 'The east comtfry' (sir tV TaXiXaiar).
It has been pointed out in ch. vii. p. 278 note, thai
this word is analogous to the Scotch term ' links,'
which has both the meanings of Geliloth, being
used of the snake-like windings of a stream, as
well as with the derived meaning of a coast or
shore. Thus Geliloth is distinguished from Ciccar,
which will rather mean the circle of vegetation or
dwellings gathered round the bends and reaches of
the river."
It will not be overlooked that the place Geliloth,
noticed above, is in the neighborhood of the Jor-
dan. G.
GEMAI/LI OyPJI [camel-owner or cnmeJt-
kteptr}: CafiaKi; [Vat. Tafiaf] Cematli), the
father of Ammiel, who was the " ruler " (A'tui) of
Dan, chosen to represent that tribe among the spiel
who explored the land of Canaan (Num. xili. 12).
GEMAKI'AH (iT^D? [Jehovah ,**r*ittt\.
ra/iopias; [Vat w. 10, 11,' -»«-:]: (jnmanae)
1. Son of Shaphan the scribe, and father of Mi
chaiah. He was one of the nobles of Judah, and
had a chamber in the bouse of the Lord, froe
which (or from a window in which, Prideaux, Mi
chaelis) Barueh read Jeremiah's alarming prophecy
in the ears of all the people, n. c. 606 (Jer. xxxri
[10-12, 85]). Gemariah with the other, print*
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GESEALOGY
I the Divine message with terror but witnout
* sign of repentanc* though Gemariah joined two
others in intreatiug king Jehoiakim to forbear de-
stroying the roll which they had taken from Baruch.
2. Son of Ililkiah, being sent u. c. 697 by king
Zedekiah on an embassy to Neliuchadnezzar at
Babylon, was made the bearer of Jeremiah's tetter
to the captive Jews (Jer. xiix.). W. T. B.
OEMS. [Stones, Prkciouh.J
GENEALOGY (rwtaKoyla), literally the act
x art of the ytyta\6yas, •'■ e. of him who treats
of birth and family, and reckons descents and gen-
erations. Hence by an easy transition it is often
(like larofla.) used of the document itself in which
such series of generations is set down. In Hebrew
tho term for a genealogy or pedigree is "^9P
B?n*rj, and finVvi 155, "the book of the
generations; " and because the oldest histories were,
usually drawn up on a genealogical basis, the ex-
pression often extended to the whole history, as is
the cose with the Gospel of St. Matthew, where
'• the book of the generation of Jesus Christ " in-
cludes the whole history contained in that Gospel.
So Gen. ii. 4, " These are the generations of the
heavens and of the earth," seems to be the title of
the history which follows. Gen. v. 1, vi. 9, x. 1,
xi. 10, 97, xxv. 12, 19, xxxvi. 1, 9, xxxvii. 2, are
other examples of the same usage, and these pas-
sages seem to mark the existence of separate histo-
ries from which the book of Genesis was compiled.
Nor is this genealogical form of history peculiar to
the Hebrews, or the Semitic races. The earliest
Greek histories were also genealogies. Thus the
histories of Acusilaus of Argos and of Hecatasut of
Miletus were entitled FtptaJurylcu, and the frag-
ments remaining of Xanthus, Charon of Lampsacus,
and HeUanicus, are strongly tinged with the same
genealogical element, 11 which is not lost even in the
pages of Herodotus. The frequent use of the pa-
tronymic in Greek, the stories of particular races,
as Ileraclidee, AlcmtBonidm, Ac., the lists of priests,
and kings, and conquerors at the Games, preserved
at Elis, Sparta, Ulympia, and elsewhere; the hered-
itary monarchies and priesthoods, as of the Bran-
chidte, Eumolpide, Ac., in so many cities in Greece
and Greek Asia; the division, as old as Homer,
into tribes,/ra<ris, and yitrr), and the existence of
the ti-ibe, the yens, and the familia among the
Romans; the Celtic clans, the Saxon families using
a common patronymic, and their royal genealogies
running back to the Teutonic gods, these are among
the many instances that may be cited to prove the
strong family and genealogical instinct of the an-
cient world. Coming nearer to the Israelites, it
will l« enough to allude to the hereditary principle,
and the vast genealogical records of the Egyptians,
as regards their kings and priests, and to the pas-
sion for genealogies among the Arabs, mentioned
by LayarJ and others, in order to show that the
attention paid by the Jews to genealogies is in
entire accordance with the manners and tendencies
of their contemporaries. In their case, however,
it was heightened by several peculiar circumstances.
The promise of the land of Canaan to the seed of
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob successively, and the
° r O<ra 'EAAarurot ' Ajcov<riAay *■«;; twr y*i*aAoyu*r
t.«v«4«MnfK«v (Joseph, t. Apion. l. 8).
* Jil. Africanus, !n his Ep. to A ittulrx, expres s ly
namiNM that the ancient genealogical neotft at Jeru-
i taal ndsa those who ware demoded from prom
M
GENEALOGY 88}
separation of the Israelites from the Gentile worn;
the expectation of Messiah as to spring from tax
tribe of Judah; the exclusively hereditary priest-
hood of Aaron with its dignity and emoluments;
the long succession of kings in the line of David ;
and the whole division and occupation of the lai.d
upon genealogical principles by toe tribes, families,
and houses of fathers, gave a deeper importance to
the science of genealogy among the Jews than per-
haps any other nation. We have already noted
the evidence of the existence of family memoirs
even before the flood, to which we are probably in-
debted for the genealogies in Gen. iv., v. ; and Gen
x., xi., Ac., indicate the continuance of the same
system in the times between the flood and Abra-
ham. But with Jacob, the founder of the nation,
the system of reckoning by genealogies (tDITJ^in,
or in the language of Moses, Num. i. 18, Iv^nn)
was much further developed. In Gen. xxxv. 22-36
we have a formal account of the sons of Jacob, the
patriarchs of the nation, repeated in Ex. i. 1-5. In
Gen. xlvi. we ha.*, m exact genealogical census of
the house of Israel at the time of Jacob's going
down to Egypt. The way in which the former
part of this census, relating to Reuben and Simeon,
is quoted in Ex. vi., where the census of the tribe
of Levi is all that was wanted, seems to show that
it was transcribed from an existing document.
When the Israelites were in the wilderness of Si-
nai, in the second month of the second year of the
Kxodus, their number was taken by Divine com-
mand, " after their families, by the house of their
fathers," tribe by tribe, and the number of each
tribe is given "by their generations, after their
families, by the house of their fathers, according to
the number of the names, by their polls," Num. i.,
iii. This census was repeated 38 years afterwards,
and the names of the families added, as we find in
Num. xxvi. According to these genealogical divis-
ions they pitched their tents, and ra&rched, and
offered their gilts and offerings, and chose the spies.
According to the same they cast the lots by which
the troubler of Israel, Achan, was discovered, as
later those by which Saul was called to the throne.
Above all, according to these divisions, the whole
land of Canaan was parcelled out amongst them.
But now of necessity that took place which always
has taken place with respect to such genealogical
arrangements, namely, that by marriage, or servi-
tude, or incorporation as friends and allies, persons
not strictly belonging by birth to such or such a
family or tribe, were yet reckoned in the census as
belonging to them, when they had acquired prop
erty within their borders, and were liable to the
various services in peace or war which were per
formed under the heads of such tribes and fani lies.
Nobody supposes that all the Cirnelii, or all the
Campbells, sprang from one anc estor, and it is in
the teeth of direct evidence from Scripture, as well
as of probability, to suppose that the Jewish tribes
contained absolutely none but such ss were de
scended from the twelve patriarchs. 6 The tribe of
Levi was probably the only one which had no ad-
mixture of foreign blood. In many of the Script
ure genealogies, as e. g. those of Caleb, Josh,
lytes, and yciwpcu, as well as those who sprang from
the patriarchs. The registers In Esra and Nehemtah
Include the Nethlnim, and the children of 8o otana'r
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882
GENEALOGY
Began, and the son* of Rephaiah, Ik., in 1 Chr.
iu. SI, it is quite clear that birth wa* not the
ground of their incorporation into their respective
tribes. [Bkciikb; Calkb.] However, birth was,
and continued to be throughout their whole na-
tional course, the Jimsidntum of all the Jewish
organisation, and the reigns of the more active
and able kings and rulers were marked by atten-
tion to genealogical operations. When David estab-
lished the temple services on the footing which con-
tinued till the time of Christ, he divided the priests
and Invites into courses and companies, each under
the family chief. The singers, the porters, the
trumpeters, the players on instruments, were all
thus genealogically distributed. In the active stir-
ring reign of Kehoboam, we have the work of Iddo
concerning genealogies (2 Chr. xii. 15). When
Hezekiah reopened the temple, and restored the
temple services which had Mien into disuse, be
reckoned the whole nation by genealogies. This
appears from the fact of many of the genealogies
in Chronicles terminating in Uezekiah's reign [Az-
akiaii, 5], from the expression " So all Israel were
reckoned by genealogies " (1 Chr. ix. 1), immedi-
ately following genealogies which do so terminate,
and from the narrative in 2 Chr. xxxi. 16-19 prov-
ing that, as regards the priests and Levites, such a
complete census was taken by Hezekiah. It Is in-
dicated also in 1 Chr. It. 41. We learn too inci-
dentally from i'rov. xxv. that Hezekiah bad a staff
of scribes, who would be equally useful in transcrib-
ing genealogical registers as in copying out Prov-
erbs. So also in the reign of Jotham king of
Judah, who among other great works built the
higher gate of the house of the Lord (2 K. xv. 35),
aiid was an energetic as well as a good king, we
find a genealogical reckoning of the Keulienites (1
Chr. v. 17), probably in connection with Jotham's
wars against the Ammonites (2 Chr. xxvii. 5).
When Zerubbabel brought back the Captivity from
Babylon, one of his first cares seems to have been
to take a census of those that returned, and to
settle them according to their genealogies. The
evidence of this is found in 1 Chr. ix., and the
duplicate passage Neh. xi. ; in 1 Chr. iii. 19 ; and
yet more distinctly in Neb. vii. 5, and xii. In like
manner Nehemiah, as an essential part of that na-
tional restoration which he labored so zealously to
promote, gathered " together the uobles. and the
rulers, and the people, that they might be reckoned
by genealogy," Neh. vii. 5, xii. 26. The abstract
of this census is preserved in Ezra ii. and Neh. vii.,
and a portion of it in 1 Chr. Ul. 21-24. That this
system was continued after their times, as far at
least as the priests and Levites were concerned, we
learn from Neb. xii. 22; and we have incidental
evidence of the continued care of the Jews still
later to preserve their genealogies, in such passages
of the apocryphal books as 1 Mace ii. 1-5, viii. 17,
xiv. 2:), and perhaps Judith viii. 1 ; Tob. i. 1, Ac.
Passing on to the time of the birth of Christ, we
have a striking incidental proof o f the continuance
of the Jewish genealogical economy in the fact that
■vhen Augustus ordered the census of the empire to
lie taken, the Jews in the province of Syria immedi-
ately went each one to bis own city, •'. e. (as Is
(tear from Joseph going to Bethlehem the city of
OaridS to **» cil > to which bis tribe, family, and
fatlier'a house belonged. So that the return, if
eomnleted, doubtless exhibited the form of the old
•Misuses taken by the kings of Israel and Judah.
Anotha proof is the existence of our Lord's gen-
GENEALOG*
ealogy In two forms as given by St Mstlhan mi
St. Luke. [Gkmkalooy of Christ.]. The nxat
tioo of Zacharias, as " of the course of Abia," o*
Elizabeth, as " of the daughters of Aaron," and of
Anna the daughter of PhanueL as " of the tribe
of Aser," are further indications of the same thing.
And this conclusion is expressly confirmed by the
testimony of Josephus in the opening of his Lift.
There, after deducing his own descent, " not only
from that race which is considered the noblest
among the Jews, that of the priests, but from the
first of the 24 courses " (the course of Jehoiarib)
and on the mother's side from the Asmonean so*
ereigns, he adds, " I have thus traced my genealogy
as I have found it recorded in the public tables ' ■
(eV rats iiifioclait SiXrott iraryrypaitftinfr);
and again, Omtr. AjAor 1. § 7, he states that the
priests were obliged to verify the descent of their
intended wives by reference to the archives kept at
Jerusalem; adding that it was the duty of the
priests after every war (and be specifies the wan
of Antiochus Epiph., Pompey, and Q. Tarns), to
make new genealogical tables from the old ones,
and to ascertain what women among the priestly
families had been made prisoners, as all such were
deemed improper to be wives of priests. As a proof
of the care of the Jews in such matters he farther
mentions that in his day the list of suc cessive high
priests preserved in the public records extended
through a period of 2000 years. From aU this it
is abundantly manifest that the Jewish genealogical
records continued to be kept till near the destruction
of Jerusalem. Hence we are constrained to disbe-
lieve the story told by Afrieanus concerning the
destruction of all the .Jewish genealogies by Herod
the Great, in order to conceal the ignoUeness of
his own origin. His statement is, that op to that
time the Hebrew genealogies had been preserved
entire, and the different families were traced up
either to the patriarchs, or the first proselyte*, or
the yaiptu or mixed people. But that on Herod's
causing these genealogies to lie burnt, only a few
of the more illustrious Jews who had private pedi-
grees of their own, or who could supply the lost
genealogies from memory, or from the books ot
chronicles, were able to retain any account of their
own lineage — among whom be says were the
Desposyni, or brethren of our Lord, from whom
wss said to be derived the scl.eme (given by Afri-
eanus) for reconciling the two genealogies of Christ
But there can be little doubt that the registers of
the Jewish tribes and families perished at the de-
struction of Jerusalem, and not before. Some par-
tial records may, however, have survived that event,
as it is probable, and indeed seems to be implied in
Josephus's statement, that at least the priestly
families of the dispersion had records of their own
genealogy. We learn too from Benjamin of Tudesa,
that in his day the princes of the Captivity pro-
fessed to trace their descent to Dnvid, and be ab>
names others, t. g. K. (.'alonymos, "a descendant
of the house of David, as proved by his pedigree.'
vol. i. p. 32, and K. FJeazar Ben Tsemach, •• wbe
possesses a pedigree of bis descent from the prophe'
Samuel, and knows the melodies which were song
in the temple during its existence," ib. p. 100, As.
He also mentions descendants of the tribes of Dan.
Zabulon, and Xaphteli, among the moun'ains of
Khasvm, whose prince was of toe tribe f Levi
The patriarchs of Jerusalem, so called from tin
Hebrew /TQ£ tPrh, claimed descent from Hill*
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G«NKAt.O«Y
aW Barjytoolan, of whom it it said that a genealogy,
bund »t Jerusalem, declared hit descent from David
and Ahital. Others, however, traced bis descent
from Benjamin, and from. David only through a
laughter of Shephatiah" (Wolf, B. II. ir. :>»>).
Bat however tradition may nave preserved for a
while true genealogies, or imagination and pride
have coined fictitious ones, after tbe destruction of
Jerusalem, it nay be safely affirmed that tbe Jewish
genealogical system then came to an end. Essen-
tially connected as it was with the tenure of the
land on tbe one hand, and with the peculiar priv-
ileges of the houses of David and Levi on the other,
it naturally failed when the land was taken away
from tbe Jewish race, and when the promise to
David was fulfilled, and the priesthood of Aaron
superseded by the exaltation of Christ to the right
hand of God. Tbe remains of the genealogical
t/Mi-U among the later Jews (which might of coarse
oe much more fully illustrated from Kabbinical
literature) has only been glanced at to show how
deeply it had penetrated bito the Jewish national
mind." It remains to be said that just notions of
tbe nature of the Jewish genealogical records are
of great importance with a view to the right inter-
pretation of Scripture. Let it only be remembered
that these records have respect to political and ter-
ritorial divisions, as much as to strictly genealogical
descent, and it will at once be seen how erroneous
' a conclusion it may be, that all who are called
'• sons " of such or such a patriarch, or chief father,
must necessarily be his very children. Just as in
the very first division into tribes Manasseh and
Ephraini were numbered with their uncles, as if
they had been sons instead of grandsons (Gen.
xlviii. 5) of Jacob, to afterwards the names of per-
sons belonging to different generations would often
stand side by side as heads of families or houses,
and be called the sons of their common ancestor.
For example, Gen. xlvi. 91 contains grandsons as
well aa sons of Benjamin [Bklaii], and Ex. vi. 24
probably enumerates the son and grandson of Asan-
as beads, with their father, of tbe famines of the
Korhltes. And so in innumerable instances. If
any one family or house became extinct, some other
would succeed to its place, called after its own chief
father. Hence of course a census of any tribe drawn
up at a later period would exhibit different divisions
from one drawn up at an earlier. Compare, e. g.,
the list of courses of priests in Zerubbabel's time
(Net. xii.), with that of those in David's time (1
Chr. xxiv.).c The same principle must be borne
in mind 'in interpreting any particular genealogy.
The sequence of generations may represent the suc-
cession to such or such an inheritance or headship
of tribe or family, rather than the relationship of
father and son.*' Again, where a pedigree was
abbreviated, it would naturally specify such genera-
tions as would indicate from what chief houses the
OaSKKALOOY
838
« Some further Information on these modern Jewtah
genealog'aa Is given in a note to p. 82 of Asber's &nj.
•/" Tudria, vol. U. p. 6.
e Thus in the Targom of Either we have Hainan'*
tedlgree traced through 21 generations to tbe " Impious
dsau ; " and Mordecai'a through 42 generations to
abraharo- The writer makes 88 generations from
tbmban. to King Saul !
c The Jews say that only 4 courses came >wck with
ueiabbabel, ana that tbey were subdlvlaed into 24,
taring tbe rights of such oourses as should return
ton captivity. See Selden, Opp. V. i. t. i. p. X.
-* " The term ' son of ' appears to have been used
person descended. In cues where a ratine was
common the father's name would be added for di»
Unction only. These reasons would be well under
stood at the time, though it may be difficult no*
to ascertain them positively. Thus in the pedigret
of Ezra (Kzr. vii. 1-6), it would seem that lwth
Seraah and Axariah were beads of bouses (Neb. x.
2); they are both therefore named. Hilkiab is
named as having been high-priest, and bis identity
is established by the addition "the son of Shallum"
(I Chr. vi. 18); the next named is Zaiok, the
priest in David's time, who was chief of the 16
courses, sprang from Eleazar, and then follows a
complete pedigree from this Zadok to Aaron. But
then as regards the chronological use of the Script-
ure genealogies, it follows from the above view that
great caution U necessary in using them as meas-
ures of time, though they are invaluable for this
purpose whenever we can be sure that they are
complete. What seems necessary to make them
trustworthy measures of time is, either that they
should have special internal marks of being com-
plete, such as where tbe mother as well as the
father is named, or some historical circumstance
defines tbe several relationships, or, that there
should be several genealogies, all giving the same
number of generations within the same termini.
When these conditions are found it is difficult to
overrate tbe value of genealogies for chronology. In
determining however the relation of generations to
time, some allowance must be made for the station
in life of tbe parsons in question. From the early
marriages of the princes, the average of even 30
years to a generation will probably be found too
long for the kings.'
Another feature in the Scripture genealogies
which it is worth while to notice is the recurrence
of the tame name, or modifications of the same
name, such is Tobias, ToUt, Nathan, Mattatha,
and even of names of the same signification, in the
same family. This it an indication of the careful
liens with which the Jews kept their pedigrees (as
otherwise tbey could not have known tbe names of
their remote aucestors); it also gives a clew b«
which to judge of obscure or doubtful genealogies.
The Jewish genealogies have two forms, one
giving the generations in a descending, the other
in an ascending scale. Examples of the descend-
ing form may be seen in Ruth ir. 18-22, or 1 Chr.
iii. Of tbe ascending, 1 Chr. vi. 33-43 (A. V.)i
Ear. vii. 1-6. The descending form is exp r es sed
by the formula A begat B, and B begat C, am.,
or, the tons of A, B hit ton, C hit ton, <tc; or,
the tool of A, b, c, D; and the sons of B, c, D,
k; and the sons of C, B, F, o, Ac. The tsoend
ing is always expressed in the same way. Of the
two, it is obvious that the descending scale is the
one in which we are most likely to find collateral
descents, inasmuch as it implies that the object is
throughout tbe nut in those days, as V. still Is, to
denote connection generally, either by dap-rut or so*
cession '* (bayard's JVm. f Bat. p. 818). Tne observa-
tion Is to explain the Inscription " Jehu the son ot
Omrl."
* Mr. J. W. Bosanqnet, in a paper read before the
" Chrooolog. InstiL," endeavors to show that a gen-
eration in Scripture language — 40 yean ; and that SI
Matthew's three dJ H «tona of 14 generations, conse-
quently, equal each 660 years; a calculittcn wblcb
suite hie chronological aeheme exactly, by placing tha
Captivity n the year t. o. 688.
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084 GENEALOGY
10 enumerate the heirs of the pertoa at the bead
•f the item ; and if direct belli (ailed at an; point,
collateral one> would have to be inserted. In all
am, too, where the original document waa pre-
served, when the direct line failed, the heir would
naturally place his own name next to hia immediate
predeceaaor, though that predecessor waa not hia
father, but only hia kinsman. Whereas in the
ascending scale there can be no failure in the nature
of things. But neither form is in itself more or
Ins fit than the other to express either proper or
imputed filiation.
Kennies are named in genealogies when there is
any thing remarkable about them, or when any
right or property is transmitted through them.
See Gen. xi. 89, zxil. 23, xxv. 1-4, xxxv. 23-86;
Ex. vi. 83; Num. xxvi 33; 1 Chr. ii. 4, 10, 50,
36, ox*
The genealogical lists of names are peculiarly
liable to corruptions of the text, and there are many
such hi the books of Chronicles, Ezra, Ac. Jerome
speaks of these corruptions having risen to a fearful
height in the LXX. : " Sylvan, nominum qua)
scriptorum vitio confuaa sunt." " Ita in Grrec. et
Lat. Codd. bio nominum liber vitioaua est, ut non
tam Hebnea quam barbara quedsm et Sarmatica
nomina conjecta arbitrandum sit" " Sa?pe tria
nomina, subtractia e medio syllable, in unum vo-
cabulum coguut, vel . . . unum nomen ... in
duo vel tria vocabula dividunt " (PraifaL in Para-
hip.). In like manner the lists of high-priests in
Josephus are so corrupt that the names are scarcely
recognizable. This must be borne in mind in deal-
ing with the genealogies.
The Bible genealogies give an unbroken descent
of the house of David from the creation to the
time of Christ The registers at Jerusalem must
have supplied the same to the priestly and many
other families. They also inform us of the origin
of most of the nations of the earth, and carry the
genealogy of the Edomitish sovereigns down to
about the time of Saul. Viewed as a whole, it is
a genealogical collection of surpassing interest and
accuracy. (Rawlinaon'a Herod, vol. i. ch. 2; Bur-
riugton's GeneaL Tab.; Seidell's Works, passim;
Brm. of Twltla'i Itm., by A. Asher.)
A. C. H.
* The late Prof. Auberlen has some thoughts on
this subject of the " genealogies," particularly those
in the book of Genesis, of which it may be well
to remind the reader. He calls attention especially
to the uses of such registers among the Hebrews,
in whose minds it was so important to keep alive a
aonsciousness of their mission aa a national family,
set apart for peculiar religious purposes. Such
register* are "without doubt the oldest medium
through which history was handed down among
men. . . . Those in the first eleven chapters of
Genesis are perhaps the most ancient examples,
•irst of an oral, and then of a written tradition, that
there are on earth. . . . They furnish the casting
or framewora of history, in the names and num-
bers of which they largely consist; but such data,
it ia to be remarked, are to the Oriental living
things; they are to him aa a gallery of family
ictures, with which an ever fresh remembrance
and oral tradition may connect many particulars
which arc not recorded. Of the transmission of
rocb accessory facts, we have a remarkable instance
in Gen. v. 21-24. The ease of the Table of Na-
.lutM. so called, in the tenth chapter of Genesis,
I now readily the genealogical register expand.)
GENEALOGY OF JESUS CHJilST
itself to historiography, genealogy to ethnograjph)
and ethnography to history (see Acts xvii. 24)
This Table contains notices of the gemiinant or-
ganization of states and kingdoms with which his-
tory in its narrower sense begins." It is remarked
as disclosing the msin object sud interest of " the
genealogies," that they attach themselves almost
exclu-dvelv to the line of descent from Adam, which
contains the progenitors of the chosen race, of
which in the fullness of time Christ waa to be bom,
while as to Cain a few names only are mentioned,
and soon the succession in that line ia broken off
altogether. Thus in Gen. xi. 10, the Messianio
genealogy becomes distinct from the general or
human genealogy ; or, in other words, the human
genealogy derives its importance from the Messianic.
The significance of these registers, it is maintai led,
ia to be mainly found in the recognition of this
Messianic element which pervades them. See tie
full discussion in Auberlen's Gdtiiiche Offenbaruuj :
tin apohgetuther Vtrtach, pp. 123-131 (trans, in
the BibL Sacra, 1868, pp. 395-405). H.
GENEALOGY OF JESUS CHRIST.
The New Testament gives us the genealogy of but
one person, that of our Saviour. The priesthood
of Aaron having ceased, the possession of the land
of Canaan being transferred to the Gentiles, there
being under the N. T. dispensation no difference
between circumcision and uncircumcision, barbarian *
and Scythian, bond and free, there is but One
whose genealogy it concerns us as Christiana to be
acquainted with, that of our Lord Jesus Christ.
Him the prophets announced as the seed of Abra-
ham and the son of David, and the angel declare!
that to him should be given the throne t f his father
David, that he might reign over the house of Jacob
for ever. His descent from David and Abraham
being therefore an essential part of his Messiahship,
it was right that his genealogy should be given aj
a portion of Gospel truth. Considering, further,
that to the Jews first he was manifested and
preached, and that his descent from David and
Abraham was a matter of special interest to them,
it seems likely that the proof of his descent would
be one especially adapted to convince them; -
other words that it would be drawn from document*
which they deemed authentic. Such were the ge-
nealogical records preserved at Jerusalem. [Gkkk
alocy.] And when to the above considerations
we add the fact that the lineage of Joseph waa
actually made out from authentic records for the
purpose of the civil census ordered by Augustus, it
becomes morally certain that the genealogy of Jesus
Christ waa extracted from the public registers.
Another consideration adds yet further conviction.
It has often excited surprise that the genealogies of
Christ should both give the descent of Joseph, and
not Mary. But if these genealogies were those con-
tained in the public registers, it could not be other-
wise. In them Jesus, the son of Mary, the es-
poused wife of Joseph, could only appear as Joseph's
son (romp. John i. 45). In transferring them to
the pages of the Gospels, the evangelists only added
the qualifying expression " ss waa supposed " (Luks
iii. 2=1, and its equivalent, Mntt. i. 16).
Hut now to approach the lifficulties with whiek
the genealogies of Christ are thought to be beset
Them difficulties have seemed so considerable in al
ages as to drive commentators to very strange shifts.
Some, as early as the second century, broached tat
nition, which Julius Africanus vigorously repod.
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GENEALOGY OF JESUa Uauil
385
•is, that the genealogies are imaginary lists de-
ligrvM only to set forth the union of royal and
priestly descent in Christ. Others, on the contrary,
to silence this and similar solutions, brought in a
" Deus ex machina," in the shape of a tradition
derived from the Desposyni, in which by an ingen-
ious application of the law of Lerirate to uterine
brothers, whose mother had married first, into the
house of Solomon, and afterwards into the house
of Nathan, some of the discrepancies were recon-
ciled, though the meeting of the two genealogies
in Ztrubbabel and Salathiel is wholly unaccounted
for. Later, and chiefly among l'rotestant divines,
the theory was invented of one genealogy being
Joseph's and the other Mary's, a theory in direct
contradiction to the plain letter -if the Scripture
narrative, and leaving untouched as many diffi-
culties as it solves. The fertile invention of An-
nius of Viterbo forged a book in Pbilo's name,
which accounted ibr the discrepancies by asserting
that all Christ's ancestors, from David downwards,
had two names, lite circumstance, however, of
one line running up to Solomon, and the other to
Nathan, was overlooked. Other fanciful sugges-
tions have been offered ; while infidels, from I'or-
phyry downward*, have seen in what they call the
contradiction of .Matthew and Luke a proof of the
•puriousness of the Gospels: and critics like Pro-
fessor Norton, a proof of such portions of Scripture
being interpolated. Others, tike Alford, content
tlietnselve* with saying that solution is impossible,
without further knowledge than we possess. But
it is not too much to say that after all, in regard
to the main points, there is no difficulty at all, if
only the documents in question are dealt with rea-
aunably, and after the analogy of similar Jewish
documents in the O. T. — and that the clews to a
right understanding of them are so patent, and so
strongly marked, that it is surprising that so much
diversity of opinion should have existed. The fol-
lowing propositions will explain the true construc-
tion of these genealogies : —
1. They are both the genealogies of Joseph, i. e.
of Jesus Christ, as the reputed and legal son of
loseph and Mary. One has only to read them to
oe satisfied of this. The notices of Joseph as being
of the bouse of David, by the same evangelists who
give the pedigree, are an additional confirmation
(Matt. i. 80; Luke i. 27, ii. 4, Ac.), and if these
pedigrees were extracted from the public archives,
they must have been Joseph's.
2. Hie genealogy of St Matthew is, as Grotius
most truly and unhesitatingly asserted, Joseph's
genealogy as legal successor to the throne of David,
*■ e. it exhibits the successive heirs of the kingdom
ending with Christ, as Joseph's reputed son. St.
Luke's is Joseph's private genealogy, exhibiting his
real birth, as David's son, and thus showing why
he was heir to Solomon's crown. This is capable
of being almost demonstrated. If St. Matthew's
Etmealogy had stood alone, and we had no further
Information on this subject than it affords, we might
indeed have thought that it was a genealogical steiu
in the strictest sense of the word, exhibiting Jo-
seph's forefathers in succession, from David down-
wards. But immediately we find a second genealogy
of Joseph — that in St. Luke's Gospel— inch is no
Innger a reasonable opinion. Because if St. Mat-
thew's geiiealogy, tracing as it does the successive
fenerations through the long line of Jewish kings,
lad been Joseph's real paternal stem, there could
lot possibly have been room for a seoond genealogy.
The steps of ancestry coinciding with the step* of
succession, oi:e pedigree only could in the nature cf
things be proper, ITie mere existence, therefore, o.
a second pedigree, tracing Joseph's ancestry througl
private persons, by the side of one tracing it through
kings, is in itself a proof that the latter is not the
true stem of birth. When, with this clew, we
examine St. Matthew's list, to discover whether it
contains in itself any evidence as to when the lineal
descent was broken, we fix at once upon Jechonias,
who could not, we know, be literally the father of
Salathiel, because the word of God by the mouth
of Jeremiah had pronounced him cMUlttt, and
declared that none of his seed should sit upon the
throne of David, or rule iu Judah (Jer. xxii. 30).
The same thing had been declared concerning hi*
father Jehoiakim in Jer. xxxvi. 30. Jechonias,
therefore, could not be the father of Salathiel, nor
could Christ spring either from him or his father.
Here then we have the most striking confirmation
of the justice of the inference drawn from finding a
second genealogy, namely, that St. Matthew gives
the succession, not the strict birth ; and we con-
clude that the names after the childless Jechonias
are those of his next heirs, as also in 1 Chr. iii. 17.
One more look at the two genealogies convinces us
that this conclusion is just; for we find that the
two next names following Jechonias, Salathiel and
Xoroliabel, are actually taken from the other gene-
alogy, which teaches us that Salathiel's real father
was Neri, of the house of Nathan. It becomes,
therefore, perfectly certain that Salathiel of the
bouse of Nathan became heir to David's throne
on the failure of Solomon's line in Jechonias, and
that as such he aud his descendants were transferred
as " sons of Jeconiah " to the royal genealogical
table, according to the principle of the Jewish law
laid down Num. xxvii. 8-11. The two genealogies
then coincide for two, or rather for four generations,
as will be shown below. There then occur six
names in St. Matthew, which are not found in St.
Luke; aud then once more the two genealogies co-
incide in the name of Matthan or Matthat (Matt
i. 15; Luke iii. 2-4), to whom two different sons,
Jacob and Heli, are assigned, but one and the same
grandson and heir Joseph, the husband of Mary,
and the reputed father of Jesus, who is called
Christ. The simple and obvious explanation o!
this is, on the same principle as before, that Joseph
was descended from Joseph, a younger son of Abiuil
(the Juda of Luke iii. 26), but that ou the failure
of the line of Abiud's eldest son in Eleazar, Jo-
seph's grandfather Matthan became the heir; that
Matthan had two sons, Jacob and Heli ; that Jacob
bad no son, and consequently that Joseph, the soi.
of his younger brother Heli, became heir to his
uncle, and to the throne of David. Thus thi
simple principle that one evangelist exhibits that
genealogy which contained the rnccessive heirs to
David's and Solomon's throne, while the othet
exhibits the paternal stem of him who waa the
heir, explains all the anomalies of the two pedigrees,
their agreements as well as their discrepancies, anr
the circumstance of there being two at all. II
must be added that not only does this theory ex-
plain all the phenomena, but that that portion of
it which asserts that Luke gives Joseph's paternal
stem receives a most remarkable confirmation from
the names which compose that stem. For if ajt
begin with Nathan, we find that his son, Mattatha,
and four others, of whom the last was grandfather
to Joseph, had names which are merely modlfiea-
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GENEALOGY OF JESUS CUBIST
liooa jf Nathan (Hatthat twice, and Mattathias
twice); or, if we begin with Joeepb, we shall find
uo lea than three of hij name between him and
Nathan: an evidence, of the moat convincing kind,
that Joseph was lineally descended from Nathan in
die waj St. Luke represents him to be (eomp.
Zech. xii. 13).
3. Mar;, the mother of Jesus, was in all prob-
ability the daughter of Jacob, and first cousin to
Joseph her husband." So that in point of fact,
though uot of form, both the genealogies are as
much hers as her husband's.
But besides these main difliculties, as the; have
been thought to be, there are several others which
sannot be passed over in any account, however eon-
use, of the genealogies of Christ The most start-
ling is the total discrepancy between them both and
that of Zerubbabel in the O. T. (1 Chr. Ui. 10-04).
In this last, of seven sons of Zerubbabel not one
bears the name, or any thing like the name, of
Khesa or Abhid. And of the next generation not
one bears the name, or any thing like the name, of
FJiakim or Joanna, which are in the corresponding
generation in Matthew and Uike. Nor can any
iubaequent generations be identified. But this
difference will be entirely got rid of, and a remark-
able harmony established in its place, if we suppose
Rhea*, who is named in St. I.uke's Gospel as Zerub-
babel's son, to have slipped into tbe text from the
margin. Rhatt is in fact not a name at all, but it
is tbe Chaldee title of the princes of the Captivity,
who at tbe end of the second, and through the
third century after Christ, rose to great eminence
in the East, assumed the state of sovereigns, and
were considered to be of the house of David. (See
preceding article, p. 882 A.) These princes then
were exactly what Zerubbabel was in his day. It
is very probable, therefore, that this title, Nyi!
Hliem, should have been placed against the came
of Zerubbabel by some early Christian Jew, and
thence crept into the text. If this be «, St. Luke
will then give Joanna, 'laxwrat, as the «on of
Zerubbabel. But 'luavvas is the very same nar.ie
ss Hnnaniah, n^53CT- the son of Zerubbabel ac-
cording to 1 Chr. "iil. 19 [Hahaniah.] In St.
Matthew this generation is omitted. In the next
generation we identify Matthew's Ab-jud (Abiud),
"BITPa^, with Luke's Juda, in the Hebrew of
that day TBT (Jud), and both with Hodaiah,
WTJYTin, of 1 Chr. iii. 34 (a name which is act-
ually interchanged with Juda, fTJ'wT'J, Ear. iii. 9;
Neh. xi. 9, compared with Ear. u. 40*; 1 Chr. ix.
7), by the simple process of supposing tbe Shemaiah,
ITT&tp, of 1 Chr. Iii. 22 to be the same person
as the Sbimei, '^'QB?, of ver. 19: thus at the
same time cutting off all those redundant genera-
tions which bring this genealogy in 1 Chr. iii.
do»n sonu 200 years later than any other in the
book, and long after the close of the canon.
Ihe next difficulty is the difference in the num-
her of generations between tbe two genealogies.
St. Matthew's division into three fourteens gives
m.} 42, while St. Luke, from Abraham to Christ
« Mpporjrtns of Thebes, In the 10th century, a*.
»rari that Mary was granddaughter of Matthan, but
inclusive, reckons 66, or, which is .note ti the point
(since the generations between Alraham and Datja
are the same in both genealogies), while St. Mat
tbew reckons 38 from David to Christ, St. l.ulu
reckons 43, or 42 without Khesa. But the gene-
alogy itself supplies the explanation. In tbe sec
ond tessarodecad, including the kings, we know
that three generations are omitted — Ahanah, Jo-
ash, Amaziah — in order to reduce the generations
from 17 to 14: the difference between then 17 and
the 19 of St. Luke being very small. So in like
manner it is obvious that the generations have been
abridged in the same way in the third division to
keep to the number 14. Tbe true number would
be one much nearer St Luke's 23 (22 without
Khesa), implying the omission of about seven gen-
erations in this last division. Dr. Mill has shown
that it was a common practice with the Jews to
distribute genealogies into divisions, each contain-
ing some favorite or mystical number, and that, in
order to do this, generations were either repeated
or left out. Thus in Philo the generations from
Adam to Moses are divided into two decads and
one hebdomad, by the repetition of Abraham.
But in a Samaritan poem the very same aeries is
divided into two decads only, by the omission of
six of the least important names ( VnuSentim, pp.
110-118).
Another difficulty is the apparent deficiency in
the number of the last tessarodecad, which seems
to contain only 13 names. But the explanation of
this is, that either in the process of translation, or
otherwise, the names of Jeboiakim and Jehoiacbin
have got confused and expressed by the one name
Jecbonias. For that Jechonias, in ver. 11, means
Jeboiakim, while in ver. 12 it means Jehoiachin, n
quite certain, as Jerome saw long ago. JehoiachiD
had no brothers, but Jeboiakim had three brother*,
of whom two at least sat upon the throne, if not
three,'' and were therefore named in the genealogy
The two names are very commonly considered at
the same, both by Greek and I^ttin writers, e . ;/.
Clemens Alex., Ambrose, Africanus, Epiphanhw,
as well as the author of 1 Eadr. (i. 37, 43), and
others. Irenaeus also distinctly asserts that Jo-
seph's genealogy, as given by St Matthew, expresses
both Joiakim and Jechonias. It seems that this
identity of name has led to some corruption in Ihe
text of very early date, and that the clause *I*xo-
rf« ti iyirtrrtat rhr 'U%oria» has fallen out
between airrov and trl rfjs iter- Bafi-, in ver. 11.
The Cod. Vat. B contains the clause only after
Ba&vkaros in ver. 12, where it seems less propes
(see Alford's Creek TetL).
The last difficulty of sufficient importance to bs
mentioned here is a chronological one. tn both
the genealogies there are but three names between
Salmon and David — Boaz, Obed, Jesse. But,
according to the common chronology, from tht
entrance into Canaan (when Salmon was come to
man's estate) to the birth of David was 405 years,
or from that to 600 years and upwards. Now for
about an equal period, from Solomon to Jehoiachin
St I dike's genealogy contains 20 names. Obvi-
ously, therefore, either the chronology or the gene-
alogy is wrong. But it cannot be the genealogy
(which is repeated four times over without any vari
ation), because it is supported by eiykt other gen»
by her mother (Parrlttus, Dismt. tx. ire.. IV »*■«
J $. Oiriui).
t> See Jar. xxH. 11.
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GENEALOGY OF JESUS CHRIST
387
atosji** « which mil contain about the avne nnmbgr
jf a-anerations from the Patriarchs to David aa
David's own line does: except that, u waa to be
•expected from Jodah, Boas, and Jesse being all
advanced in years at the time of the birth of their
torn, David'a line U one of the shortest. Hie
number of generationa in the genealogies referred
to ia 14 in five, 15 in two, and 11 in one, to corre-
tpond with the 11 in David'a line. There are other
genealogies where the aeriea is not complete, but
r.ot one which contains mora generations. It is
the province therefore of Chronology to square its
calculations to the genealogies. It must suffice
here to assert that the shortening the interval be-
tween the Exodus and David bj about 200 years,
which brings it to the length indicated by the gene-
alogies, does in the most remarkable manner bring
Israelitish history into harmony with Egyptian,
arith the traditional Jewish date of the Kxodut,
with the fragment of Edomitish history preserved
in Gen. xxxvi. 31-39, and with the internal evi-
dence of the Israelitish history itself. The follow-
ing pedigree will exhibit the successive generations
is given by the two Evangelists : —
Adein I
I Saraeh (Strug)
I Nxhor
Enoe |
I TW»(T«mh)
Colusa
ht-Jeleel
m.lmt*.
to Mult.
mdLntrn.
I
JwUh
I
Nosh
J
Arshued
Exrom
AnundUm)
Amlaedsb
I
*-.
U.k.
FholM (Pslef)
Bacau(Baa)
Selmona-Bach*:
Boo »- Bath
Obld
>»Tld-A*thihebt
JTSSlt*
Solomon
Roboaun
Nathan
JoaWphftt
Jmrnm (Ahaiiah,
OlLtf
Joatham
I
achas
Esellaa
i
ieebonlM (C «. J«-
hotaklra) and hli
brother. (•. e. Je-
hoaha*, Zedeklab .
and Shall nm)
Mela*
EUaVio.
•Toojui
«loMph
Juda
fllnwon
Jv,
Matthal
Jorim
SU«Mr
• Tbtas of Zsdok, He-nao Ahluioth, Asaph, sXian,
:n 1 One. vi. ; tost of Abiatbar. suds up from dtf-
e-mt doHcw of his aoeiston in 1 8am. : that of Saul,
Jechonla* «. «. Js-
hotaeun), shlld-
r
IBMOM
UtalL mdlMU) I
. Bslsthlel
Zorobebel (Um Prlacs or Bans)
Joanna (Henanlah, In 1 Chr. til. a)
omitted bj Matthew, i. IS)
Tads, or Ab-lad (Hodiiah.
1U.H)
111.
EUsLun
As,
Bsdoe
ACBlSB
Eu'od
I
flemei
J.
Nun
Amos
Mituthlu
JoMph
Jsnna
Melekl
Levi
JfcrJ. Htoaslrwsa
Mstthin
or Matthat
iwob lleU
I (Mull, mil Lute.) |
Star/ — Jacob** heir wse Joeeph
Jaatra, celled Christ.
Thus it will be seen that the whole nunilwr ol
generations from Adam to Christ, both inclusive,
ia 74, without the second Cainan and Kheaa. In-
cluding these two, and adding the name of Goi>,
Augustine reckoned 77, and thought the number
typical of the forgiveness of all sine in baptism by
Him who was thus born in the 77th generation,
alluding to Matt, xviii. 22; with many otLer won-
derful speculations on the hidden meaning of the
numbers 3, 4, 7, 10, 11, and their additions and
multiplications (Quest. Kmng.,] ii.e. 6). Iremvnt,
who probably, like Africanus and Eusebius, omitted
Matthat and l^evi, teckoned 72 generations, which
he connected with the 72 nations, into which, ac-
cording to Gen. x. (LXX.), mankind was divided,
and so other fathers likewise.
For an account of the different explanations that
have been given, both by ancient and modern com-
mentators, the reader may refer to the elaborate
Dissertation ot Patritius in his 2d vij. Dt Jivim-
yeliie ; who, however, does not contribute much to
elucidate the difficulties of the case. The opinions
advanced in the foregoing article are fully discussed
in the writer's work on the Utntalogia <>f oir
h>rd Jam Chritt ; and much valuable matter will
be found in T>. Mitts' Vindication of the Gene </.,
and in Grotius'* note on Luke iii. 23. Other trea-
tises art Qomaru, Dt GeneaL Chruli; llottinger,
Itiuen. <tmt <M GeneaL ChrM; 0. U. Voss, IM
J. Chr. Urneil. : Yardley, On the GeneaL of I
Ckr., Ac. A. C. H.
from 1 Chr. rill., ix . and 1 9am. Ix. sad taat a
in 1 Chr. ii.
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GENERATION
GENERATION. 1. Abstract — Tim.,eltber
Mlnite or indefinite. The primary meaning of the
Heb. ^1"T is revolution; faenoe period of time:
comp. rtplotot, 4ruwrit, and annut. From (he
reneral idea of a period comes the more special
notion of an age or generation of men, the ordi-
nary period of human life. In this point of view
the history of the word seems to be directly con-
trasted with that of the Lat. seculum; which,
starting with the idea of breed, or race, acquired
the secondary signification of a definite period of
time (Ceiuorin. de Die Nat. c 17).
In the long-lived Patriarchal age a generation
seems to have been computed at 100 years (Gen.
zv. 16;' comp. 13, and Ex. xil. 40); the later
reckoning, however, was the same which has been
adopted by other civilized nations, namely, from
thirty to forty years (Job xlii. 16). For genera-
tion in the sense of a definite period of time, see
Gen. xv. 16; Deut. xxiii. 3, 4, 8, &c.
As an indefinite period of time: for time post
see Deut. xxxii. 7; Is. lviii. 12; for time future
see Ps. xlv. 17, Ixxii. B, Ac.
2. Concrete — The men of an age, or time. So
generation = cvntemporariei (Gen. vi. 9; Is. liii.
8; see I-owth ad toe.; Ges. Lex.; better than
'•Kterna generatio," or "multitudo creditura");
posterilg, especially in legal formula) (Lev. iii. 17,
*c.): fathers, at ancestors (Ps. xlix. 19; Rosenm.
£chol. ad loc. ; comp. 2 Chr. xxxiv. 28). Dropping
the idea of time, generation comes to mean a race,
or cinu of men ; t. g. of the righteous (Ps. xiv.
6, ice.): of the wicked (Dent, xxxii. fi; Jer. rii.
29, where "generation of his wrath " = against
which God is angry).
In A. V. of N. Test three words are rendered
by generation : —
(1.) rivto-it, properly generatio; but in Matt.
i. 1 $l0\os y«Wo-M»=3 JTnVvi "l5P=a ge-
nealogical scheme. (2.) iVrvTJfWTa, pi of yivrqua.
Matt. iii. 7, Ac., A. V. generation ; more properly
brood [of vipers], as the result of generation in its
primary sense (3.) Tmi in most of its uses
corresponds with the Heb. *WT [see above].
For the abstract and indefinite, see Luke i. 50;
Eph. iii. 21 (A V. "ages"), future: Act* xv. 21
(A. V. "of old time"), F.ph. iii. 5 (A. V.
"ages"), past. For concrete, see Matt. xi. 16.
For generation without reference to time, see Luke
xvi. 8, "in their generation " [A. V.], i. e. in their
disposition, "indoles, ingenium, et ratio homi-
num," « (Schleusn.): in Matt. i. 17, "all the gen-
erations;" either concrete use, sc. "famUue abi
invicem succedentes; " or abstract and definite, ac-
cording to the view which may be taken of the
difficulties connected with the genealogies of our
Ijord. [Genealogy.] T. E. B.
• GENERATION or GENERATIONS,
is the translation of fllT/Vl or ytrtait, has
these secondary meanings in the A. V. : first, a gen-
ealogical register (as Gen. v. 1); second, a family
aistory (Gen. vi. 9, xxv. 19, etc.), since early his-
tory among the Orientals is drawn so much from
■> • Meyer (in let.) takes the Greek expression as
(Mining " In respect to their own nice," i. «. their
Uodredshlp In a morel sense. The worldly In their
isaliiigs with each other are wiser In worldly things
Jus tin children of Iteht Id spiritual thins*. B.
GENESIS
geoealogical registers; and third, a history at* tfcs
origin of things as well as persons, e. g. of th»
earth (Gen. ii. 4). H.
GENE8ARETH. In this form the nami
appears in the edition of the A. V. of 1611, ia
Mark vi. 63 and Luke v. 1, following the spelling
of the Vulgate. In Matt, xii . 34, where the Vulg.
has Oenesnr, the A. V. originally followed the Re-
ceived Greek Text — Genesaret. The oldest MSS
have, however, rWncapeV in each of the three
places. [Gknnesarbt!]
GEN'ESIS OTttfta? : Tinea: Gtnem;
called also by the later Jews ITT^ ItyQ), the
first book ef the Law or Pentateuch.
A. The book of Genesis has an interest and an
importance to which no other document of antiquity
can pretend. If not absolutely the oldest book in
the world, it Is the oldest which lays any claim
to being a trustworthy history. There may be
some papyrus-rolls in our Museums which were
written in Egypt about the same time that the
genealogies of the Semitic race were so carefully
collected in the tents of the Patriarchs. But these
rolls at best contain barren registers of little service
to the historian. It is said that there are fragments
of Chinese literature which in their present form
date back as tar as 2200 years b. c, and even more.'
But they are either calendars containing astronom-
ical calculations, or records of merely local or tem-
porary interest. Genesis, on the contrary, is rich
in details respecting other races besides the race
to which it more immediately belongs. And the
Jewish pedigrees there so studiously preserved are
but the scaffolding whereon is reared a temple of
universal history.
If the religious books of other nations make any
pretensions to vie with it in antiquity, in all other
respects they are immeasurably inferior. The Man*
tras, tbe oldest portions of the Vedas, are, it would
seem, as old ss the fourteenth century u. c. c The
Zendavesta, in the opinion of competent scholars,
is of very much more modern date. Of tbe Chi-
nese sacred books, tbe oldest, the Yih-king, is un-
doubtedly of a venerable antiquity, but it is not
certain that it was a religious book at all; while
the writings attributed to Confucius are certainlv
not earlier than the sixth century n. c. d
But Genesis is neither like the Vedas, a coDse
tion of hymns more or less sublime; nor Eke the
Zendavesta, a philosophic speculation on the origin
of all things, nor like tbe Yih-king, an unintel-
ligible jumble whose expositors could twist it from
a cosmological essay into a standard treatise on
ethical philosophy.* It is a history, and it is a
religious history. Tbe earlier portion of the book,
so far as the end of the eleventh chapter, may be
property termed a history of the world ; the latter
is a history of the fathers of the Jewish race. But
from first to last it is a religious history: it begins
with the creation of the world and of man; it tell"
of tbe early happiness of a Paradise in which God
spake with man : of the first sin and its conse-
quences: of the promise of Redemption; of the
gigantic growth of sin, and tbe judgment of the
Flood ; of a new earth, and a new covenant witt
» Qfrorer, OrgesckUku, I. s. 215.
c SeeColebrooke, Asial. Hit. vIL 283, sod I
Wilson's preface to his tnnslattau of the Hip rnta
<t Onvrer, I. 270.
♦ Kardwfck. (3wist msut odur Hasten, iii • H
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GENESIS
ngeableness typified by the oo« ir
the heavens; of the dispersion of the humau race
mt the world. And then it panes to the »tory
;f Kedeinption; to the promise given to Abraham,
and renewed to Isaac and to Jacob, and to all that
chain of circumstances which paved the way for the
great symbolic act :' Redemption, when with a
mighty hand and a stretched ont arm Jehovah
brought his people out of Egypt.
It Is very important to bear in mind this relig-
ious aspect of the history if we would put our-
selves in a position rightly to understand it. Of
course the facta must be treated like any other his-
torical (acta, sifted in the same way, and subjected
to the same laws of evidence. But if we would
judge oi the work as a whole we must not forget
the evident aim of the writer. It is only in this
way we can understand, for instance, why the his-
tory of the Fall is given with so much minuteness
of detail, whereas of whole generations of men we
have nothing but a bare catalogue. And only in
this way can we account for the fact that by far the
greater portion of the book is occupied not with
the fortune* of nations, but with the biographies of
the three patriarchs. For it was to Abraham, to
Isaac, and to Jacob that God revealed himself. It
was to them that the promise was given, which was
to be the hope of Israel till " the fullness of the
time " should come. And hence to these wander-
ing sheikhs attaches a grandeur and an interest
.neater than that of the iiabels and Nimrcds of
the world. The minutcxt circumstances of their
lives are worthier to be chronicled than the rise and
fall of empires. And this not merely from the
patriotic feeling of the writer as a Jew, but from
his religious feeling as one of the chosen race. He
lived in the land given to the fathers; he looked for
the seed promised to the fathers, in whom himself
and all the families of the earth should be blessed.
It. Unity ami Design. — That a distinct plan
and method characterize the work is now generally
.admitted. This is acknowledged in fact quite as
much by those who contend for, as by those who
■leuy the existence of different documents in the
look. Ewald and Tuch are no less decided advo-
cates of the unity of Genesis, so far as its plan is
oncerned. than Itanke or Hetigstenberg. Ewald
it deed (in bis Cwnpotilitm <ler Genesis) was the
fhst who established it satisfactorily, and clearly
pcinted out the principle on which it rests.
What, then, is the plan of the writer? First.
ice must bear in mind that Genesis is after all but
» portion of a larger work. The five books of the
Pentateuch form a consecutive whole: they are not
merely a collection of ancient fragments loosely
strung together, but, as we shall prove elsewhere,
a well^iigested and connected composition. [Pen-
tateuch.]
The great subject of this history is the establish-
ment of the Theocracy. Its central point is the
gl zing of the \aw on Sinai, and the solemn cov-
enant there ratified, whereby the Jewish nation was
constituted " a kingdom of priests and a holy na-
tion to Jehovah." With reference to this great
Mntral fact all the rest of the nanative is grouoed.
Israel is the people of God. God rules ii the
midst of them, having chosen them to himself.
But a nation must have laws, therefore He cives
hem a law; and, in virtue of their peculiar rela-
ibuship to God, this body of laws is both religious
lad political, defining their duty to God as well as
Mr duty to their neighbor. Further, a nation
6KNB81S
88S
must have a land, and the promise of tin hut mi
the preparation for its possession are all along kept
in view.
The book of Genesis then (with the first chap-
ters of Exodus) describes the steps which led to the
establishment of the Theocracy. In reading it we
must remember that it is but a part of a more ex
tended work ; and we must also bear in mind these
two prominent ideas, which give a characteristic
unity to the whole composition, namely, the people *-
of God. and the promised land.
We shall then observe that the history of A bra
ham holds the same relation to the other portions
of Genesis, which the giving of the Law does to.
the entire Pentateuch. Abraham is the father of
the Jewish Nation ; to Abraham the Land of Ca-
naan is first given in promise. Isaac and .'raob,
though also prominent figures in the narratiie, yet
do but inherit the promise as Abraham's children,
and Jacob especially is the chief connecting link in
the chain of events which leads finally to the pos-
session of the land of Canaan. In like manner the
former section of the book is written with the same
obvious purpose. It is a part of the writer"s plan
to tell us what the divine preparation of the world
was in order to show, first, the significance of the
call of Abraham, and next, the true nature of the
Jewish theocracy. He does not (as Tuch asserU)
work backwards from Abraham, till be comes in
spite of himself to the beginning of all things.
He does not ask, Who was Abraham ? answering,
of the posterity of Shem; and who was Shem? a
son of Ncah ; and who was Noah ? etc. But he
begins with the creation of the world, because the
God who created the world and the God who re-
vealed himself to the fathers is the same God. Je-
hovah, who commanded his people to keep holy the
seventh day, was the same God who in six days
created the heavens and the earth, and rested on
the seventh day from all his work. The God who,
when man had fallen, visited him in mercy, and
gave him a promise of redemption and victory, is
the God who sent Moses to deliver his people out
of Egypt. He who made a covenant with Noah,
and through him with "all the families of the
earth," Is the God who also made himself known
as the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob
In a word, creation and redemption are eternally
linked together. This is the idea which in fact
gives its shape to the history, although its distinct
enunciation is reserved for the N. T. There we
learn that all things were created by and for Christ,
and that in him all things consist (CoL 1. 16, 17).
and that by the church is made known unto prin
cipalities and powers the manifold wisdom of God
It would be impossible, therefore, for a book which
tells us of the beginning of the church, not to tell
as also of the beginning of the world.
The book of Genesis has thus a character at once
special and universal. It embraces the world ; it
speaks of God as the God of the whole human race.
But as the introduction to Jewish history, it makes
the universal interest subordinate to the national.
Its design is to show how God revealed himself to
tne first fathers of the Jewish race, in order that
he might make to himself a nation who should be
his witnesses in the midst of the earth. This is
the inner principle of unity which pervades the
book. Its external framework we are now to ex
amine. Five principal persons are the pillars, at
to speak, on which the whole superstructure rntr
A' -aja, Noah, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. ^
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GENESIS
l Mum — The creation of the world, and tse
•truest history of mankind (ch. i.-iii.). A* yet,
do divergence of the different families of man.
II. Ifcah. — The history of Adam 'a descendant*
to the death of Noah (iv.-ix.). — Here we hare (1 )
the line of Cain branching off while the history
follows the fortunes of Seth, whose descendants
are (2) traced in genealogical succession, and in an
unbroken line as far as Noah, and (3) the history
of Noah himself (vi.-ix.), continued to his death.
III. Abraham. — Noah's posterity till toe death
of Abraham (z.-zxv. 18). — Here we have (1) the
peopling of the whole earth by the descendants of
Noah's three sons (li. 1-9). The history of two
of these is then dropped, and (2) the line of Sbem
only pursued (xi. 10-32) as Ear as Terah and Abra-
ham, where the genealogical table breaks off. (3)
Abraham is now the prominent figure (xii.-xxv.
18). But as Terah had two other sons, Nahor and
Haran (il. 27), some notices respecting their fam-
ilies are added, loot's migration with Abraham
into the land of Canaan is mentioned, as well as
the fact that he was the father of Moab and Am-
nion (mix. 37, 38), nations whose later history was
ultimately connected with that of the posterity of
Abraham. Nahor remained in Mesopotamia, but
his family is briefly enumerated (xxii. 20-24),
chiefly no doubt for Kebekah's sake, who was after-
wards the wife of Isaac. Of Abraham's own chil-
dren, there branches off first the line of Ishmael
(xxi. 9, Ac.), and next the children by Keturah;
and the genealogical notices of these two branches
of his posterity are apparently brought together
(utv. 1-9, and xxv. 12-18), in order that, being
here severally dismissed at the end of Abraham's
life, the main stream of the narrative may flow in
the channel of Isaac's fortunes.
IV. Isaac. — Isaac's life (xxv. 19-xxxv. 23), a
Hfe in itself retiring and uneventful. Itut in his
sons the final separation takes place, leaving the
field clear for the great story of the chosen seed.
Even when Nabor's family comes on the scene, as
It does in ch. xxix., we hear only so much of it as
Is necessary to throw light on Jacob's history.
V. Jacob. — The history of Jacob and Joseph
(xxxvL-1.). — Here, after Isaac's death, we have (1)
the genealogy of Esau, xxxvi., who then drops out
of the narrative in order that (2) the history of
the patriarchs may be carried on without inter-
mission to the death of Joseph (xxxvii.-I.).
Thus it will be seen that a specific plan is pre-
served throughout. The main purpose Is never
forgotten. God's relation to Israel holds the first
place in the writer's mind. It is this which it is
his object to convey. The history of that chosen
seed who were the heirs of the promise, and the
guardians of the divine oracles, is the only history
which interprets man's relation to God. By its
Ught all others shine, and may be read when the
time stall come. Meanwhile, as the different fam-
Jes drop off here and there from the principal
stock, their course is briefly indicated. A hint is
given of their parentage aid their migrations; and
then the narrative returns to its regular channel.
Thus the whole book may be compared to one of
thore vast American rivers which, instead of being
fed by tributaries, send off here and there certain
tenser streams or bayous, ss they are termed, the
main current meanwhile flowing on with its great
mass of water to the sea.
Beyond all doubt then, we may trace in the book
sf Genesis in its present form a systematic plan.
GENESIS
It is no hasty compilation, no mere ooBscMan at
ancient fragments without order or arrangement
It coheres by an internal principle of unity. 1st
whole structure presents a very definite and dearly
marked outline. But does it follow from this thai
the book, as it at present stands, is the work of a
single author?
C. InUgriiy. — This is the next question we
have to oensider. Granting that this unity of
design, which we have already noticed, leads to the
conclusion that the work must have been by the
same hand, are there any reasons for supposing that
the author availed himself in its compositiou of
earlier documents? and if so, are we still able by
critical investigation to ascertain where they have
been introduced into the body of the work?
1. Now it is almost impossible to read the book
of Genesis with anything like a critical eye without
being struck with the great peculiarities of style
and language which certain portions of it present.
Thus, for instance, chap. ii. 3 — Hi- 24 is quite dif-J
ferent both from chap. i. and from chap. iv. Again,
chap. xiv. and (according to J ami) chap, xxiii. an
evidently separate documents transplanted in then-
original form without correction or modification
into the existing work. In fact there is nothing
like uniformity of style till he come to the history
of Joseph.
2. We are led to the same conclusion by the
inscription* which are prefixed to certain sections,
as ii. 4, v. 1, vi. 9, x. 1, xi. 10, 27, and seem to
indicate so many older documents.
3. Lastly, the distinct use of the Divine names.
Jehovah in some sections, and Klohim in others, is
characteristic of two different writers; and other
peculiarities of diction, it has been observed, fall u.
with this usage, and go far to establish the theory.
All this is quite in harmony with what we might
have expected a priori, namely, that if Moses or
any later writer were the author of the book be
would have availed himself of existing traditions
either oral or written. That thev might hmt been
written is now established beyond all doubt, the art
of writing having been proved to be much earliei
than Moses. That they icvre written we infer from
the book itself.
Astruc, a Belgian physician, was the first who
broached the theory that Genesis was based on •
collection of older documents. [Pkxtatxucii.]
Of these be professed to point out a* many m
twelve, the use of the Divine names, however, hav-
ing in the first instance suggested the distinction.
Subsequently Kichhorn adopted this theory, so far
as to admit that two documents, the one Klohistie,
and the other Jehovistic, were the main sources of
the book, though he did not altogether exclude
others. Since his time the theory has been main-
tained, but variously modified, by one class of
critics, whilst another class has strenuously opposed
it. De Wette, Knolwl, I'uch, Delitzscb, Ac., think
that two original documents may be traced through-
out tbe work, the Jehovist, who was also probably
the editor of the book in its present form, having
designed merely to complete the work of the Klohist.
Hengstenberg, Keil, liaumgarten, and Havemick
contend for a single author. The gieat weight of
probability lies on the side of those who argue for
tbe existence of different documents. The eridenof
already alluded to is strong ; and nothing can be
more natural than that an honest historian shook*
seek to make his work m ire valuable by enilodyim
in it the most ancient rccoids of his race: tk»
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GBftBSIS
the value whlcn they possesjed m hb eyes,
the more anxious would he be to preserve them
In their original form. Tnoae particularly in the
earlier portion of the work were perhaps simply
transcribed. In one instance we have what looks
like an omission, ii. 4, where the inscription seems
to promise a larger cosmogony." Here and there
throughout the book we meet with a later remark,
intended to explain or supplement the earlier mon-
ument. And in some instances there seems to hare
been so complete a fusion of the two principal docu-
ments, the Klohistic and the Jebovistic, that it is
no longer possible accurately to distinguish them*
The later writer, the Jehovist, instead of tran-
scribing the Klohistic account intact, thought fit to
blend and intersperse with it his own remarks. We
have an instance of this, according to Hupfeld ( Die
Quellen der Genesis), in chap. vii. : w. 1-10 are
usually assigned to the Jehovist ; but whilst he ad-
mits this, he detects a large admixture of Klohistic
phraseology and coloring in the narrative. But
this sort of criticism it must be admitted is very
doubtful. Many other instances might be men-
tioned where there is the same difficulty in assign-
ing their own to the several authors. Thus in
sections generally recognized as Jehovtstic, chaps,
xii., xiii., xix., here and there a sentence or a phrase
occurs, which seems to betray a different origin, as
xll. 6, xiii. 6, xix. 23. These anomalies, however,
though it may be difficult to account for them, can
hardly be considered of sufficient force entirely to
overthrow the theory of Independent documents
which has so much, on other grounds, to recom-
mend it. And certainly when Keil, Hengstenberg
ai.d others, who reject this theory, attempt to ac-
rount for the use of the Divine names, on the
hypothesis that the writer designedly employed the
one or tho other name according to the subject of
which he was treating, their explanations are often
of the most arbitrary kind. As a whole, the docu-
mentary character of Genesis is so remarkable when
we compare it with the later books of the Penta-
teuch, and is so exactly what we might expect,
supposing a Mosaic authorship of the whole, that,
whilst contending against the theory of different
documents in the later portions, we feel convinced
that this theory is the only tenable one in Genesis.
Of the two principal documents, the Elohistie is
the earlier. So far as we can detach its integral
portions, they still present the appearance of some-
thing like a connected work. This has been very
'tJCNB81H
891
" * This remark is unnecessary. In Gen. II. 4 IT.
(hen Is a further account of creation, more particular
so far as relates to the Bret human pair and the pro-
visions made for them. The superscription, n These
are the generations of the heavens and of the earth,"
U specially adapted to such an account. We should
not expect from It an account of the creation of the
heavens an J the earth, or " a larger cosmogony " in
any sense. The Hebrew word rendered " generations "
properly means births, and by metonymy a record of
births, a family record. [OsifSALOOT ; Gesiiutiojs,
Amer. ed.J In such a record Incidents of family bls-
Vwy would naturally be Interwoven (as to eh. v , ejpe-
dally tv. 24, 29, and in xL 27-82, xxx-L l-ti„ and
crance the word came to express simply a record of
ruoh incident*. Thus in vi 91. and under the heading
* These are the generations of Noah," Instead of a list
jf births we find only the chief events of his own life
sod times. In xxv. 19 this heading Is prefixed to the !
erief family history of Isaac, and in xxxvt 1 to that
sfasaa, and In xxzrlL 2 to that of Jacob, '.he berth!
wefl argued by Tuch (Die Genetie, AUg.wt. BUL
li.-lxv.), as well as by Hupfeld (Die UaeaVa dm
O'eucais), hjiobel, and Delitzeoh.
Hupfeld, however, whose analysis is very careful,
thinks that be can discover traces of three original
records, an earlier Elohist, a Jehovist, and a later
Elohist. These three documents were, according
to him, sulieequeutly united and arranged by a
fourth person, who acted as editor of the whole.
His argument is ingenious and worthy of consid-
eration, though it is at times too elaborate to be
convincing.
The following table of the use of the Divine
Names in Genesis will enable the reader to font
his own judgment as to the relative probability of
the hypotheses above mentioned. Much as com
mentatore differ concerning some portions of the
book, one pronouncing passages to be Klohistic,
which another with equal confidence assigns to the
Jehovist, the fact is certain that whole sections an
characterized by a separate use of the Divine names.
(1.) Sections in which Elohim is found exclu-
sively, or nearly so: Chap. i. — ii. 3 (creation of
heaven and earth); r. (generations of Adam, except
ver. 99, where Jehovah occurs); vi. 9-23 (genera-
tions of Noah); vii. 9-24 (the entering into the
ark), but Jehovah in ver. 16; viii. 1-19 (end of
the flood); ix. 1-17 (covenant with Noah); xvii.
(covenant of circumcision), where, however, Jehovah
occurs onoe in ver. 1, as compared with Elohim
seven times; xix. 29-38 (conclusion of Lot's his-
tory); xx. (Abraham's sojourn at Gerar), where
again we have Jehovah once and Klohim four times,
and ha-Elohim twice; xxi. 1-21 (Isaac's birth and
Ishmael's dismissal), only xxi. 1, Jehovah; xxi.
22-34 (Abraham's covenant with Abimeleeh ), where
Jehovah is found once; xxv. 1-18 (sons of Keturah,
Abraham's death and the generations of Ishmael),
Elohim once; xxriL 46-xxviii. 9 (Jacob goes to
Haran, Esau's marriage), Elohim once, and El
Shaddaionce; xxxi. (Jacob's departure from I-aben),
where Jehovah twice [namely, w. 3 and 49] ; xxxiii.-
xxxvii. (Jacob's reconciliation with Esau, Dinah
and the Shechemites, Jacob at Bethel, Esau's family,
Joseph sold into Egypt). It should be observed,
however that in large portions of this section the
Divine name does not occur at alL (See below.)
xL-1. (history of Joseph in Egypt) : here we have
Jehovah once only (xlix. 18). [Ex. i.-ii. (Israel's
oppression in Egypt, and birth of Moses as deliv-
erer)].
or origin of the one whom name standi as the subject
of this word la Mldotn included.
Accordingly, we should ezpeet hen, under tht
superscription, " These are the generations of the
heavens and of the earth, 11 not an account of their
origin, but a continuation and farther development
of their history, in event* connected with them as
parts of the same divine plan. And this is what we
And. The account of creation is here continued, buv
with special reference to man, for whom the heavens
and the earth were made and in whose history the
design of their creation la fully unfolded. Hence ill
the facts here related are presented from a point of
view which has him for its object, and hence the order
of sequence here observed In narrating them.
The words, " when they were created," etc., show
that the following account belongs to the same periot*
of time as the preceding one, and is a continuation I
it In ver. 6, where the account commeooer *#■
should translate : " And there was yet no plant a. *Jm
field m the earth, and no herb of the field htJ jet
sprung up." T J.
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GENESIS
(8.) Sections In which Jehovah ocenn exclusively,
jr in preference to Klohim ; iv. (Cain and Abel,
•nd Cain's posterity), where Jehovah 10 time* and
Eloliim only once; vi. 1-8 (the sons of God and
the daughters of men, etc.); rii. 1-8 (the entering
into the ark), bat Efohini once, ver. 9; viii. 20-22
(Noah's altar and Jehovah's blessing); iz. 18-27
(Noah and his sons); z. (the families of mankind
as descended from Noah); zi. 1-9 (the confusion
of tongues); xii. 1-20 (Abram's journey first from
llaran to Caanan, and then into Egypt); xiii.
(Abraham's separation from Lot); zv. (Abram's
(aitb, sacrilice, and covenant); xvi. (Hagar and
Ishniael), whsre ^Wl vS once; zviii.-zix. 28 (visit
at the three angels to Abram, Lot, destruction of
Sodom and Gomorrah) xxiv. (betrothal of Kebekah
and Isaac's marriage); xxv. 19-xxvi. 35 (Isaac's
sons, his visit to Abimelech, Esau's wives); xxvii.
1-40 (Jacob obtains the blessing), but in ver. 28 ha-
Elohin); xxx. 25-43 (Jacob's bargain with Laban),
where however JeLovah only once; xxxviii- (Judah's
incest); xxxix. (Jehovah with Joseph in Potiphar'a
house and in the prison); [Ex. iv. 18-31 (Moses'
return to Egypt); v. (Pharaoh's treatment of the
messengers of Jehovah).]
(3.) The section Gen. ii. 4-iii. 24 (the account
of Paradise and the Fall) is generally regarded as
Jehovistic, but it is clearly quite distinct. The
Divine name as there found is not Jehovah, but
Jehovah Klohim (in which form it only occurs once
beside in the Pentateuch, Ex. ix. 30), and it occurs
20 times ; the name Elohim being found three times
in the same section, once in the mouth of the
woman, and twice in that of the serpent.
(4.) In Gen. xiv. the prevailing name is H-Elyon
(A. V. " the most high God "), and only once, in
Abram't mouth, " Jehovah the most high God,"
which is quite intelligible.
(5.) Some few sections are found in which the
names Jehovah and Elohim seem to be used pro-
miscuously. This is the case in xxii. 1-19 (the
offering up of Isaac); xxviii. 10-22 (Jacob's dream
at Bethel): xxix. 31-xxx. 24 (birth and naming
of the eleven sons of Jacob): and xxxii. (Jacob's
wrestling with the angel); [Ex. Hi. 1-iv. 17 (the
call of Moses).]
(C.) It is worthy of notice that of the other
Divine names Adonai is always found in connection
with Jehovah, except Gen. zx. 4; whereas El, Kl-
Shaddai, etc., occur most frequently in the Etohistic
sections.
(7.) In the following sections neither of the
Divine names occur: — Gen. xi. 10-32, xxii. 20-24,
txtii., xxv. 27-34, xxvii. 40-45, xxix. 1-30, xxxiv.,
txxvi., xxxvii., xl., Ex. ii.' 1-22.
D. Authenticity. — Luther used to say, " Nihil
pulerius Genesl, nihil utilius." But hard critics
have tried all they can to mar its beauty and to
Jetrnct from it* utility. In fact the bitterness of
the attacks on a document so venerable, so full of
undying interest, hallowed by the lore of many
generations, mokes one almost suspect tlint a secret
aaalevuknce must have been the mainspring of
vowuk atticism. Certain it is that no book has
met with more determined and unsparing assailants.
To enumerate and to reply to all objections would
« This Is capable of proof, not from the meaning
9f the root tOD, which doe* not necessarily mean
iruttion out of nothing (though It is never used but
■ a Divine act), but from the whole structure of the
GENESIS
be impossible. We wiB only refer k
most important.
(1.) The story of Creation, a* given in the fint
chapter, has been set aside in two ways: first by
placing it on the same level with other cosmogonies
which are to be found in the sacred* writings of al
nations; and next, by asserting that it* statement*
are directly contradicted by the discoveries of modem
science.
Let us glance at these two objections.
(n.) Now when we compare the Biblical with all
other known cosmogonies, we are immediately struck
with the great moral superiority of the former.
There is no confusion here between the Divine
Creator and hi* work. God is before all things,
God creates" all things; this is the sublime asser-
tion of the Hebrew writer. Whereas all the cos-
mogonies of the heathen world err in one of two
directions. Either they are Dualistic, that is, they
regard God and matter as two eternal co-existent
principles ; or they are Pantheistic, i. e. they eon-
found God and matter, making the material universe
a kind of emanation from the great Spirit which
informs the mass Both these theories, with their
various modifications, whether in the more subtle
philosophemes of the Indian races, or in the rougher
and grosser systems of the Phoenicians and Baby-
lonians, are alike exclusive of the idea of creation.
Without attempting to discus* in anything like
detail the point* of resemblance and difference be-
tween the Biblical record of creation and the myths
and legends of other nations, it may suffice to
mention certain particulars in which the superiority
of the Helrew account can hardly be called in
question. First, the Hebrew story alone clearly
acknowledges the personality and unity of God.
Secondly, here only do we find recognized a distinct
act of creation, by creation being understood the
calling Into existence out of nothing the whole
material universe. Thirdly, here only is there a
clear intimation of that great law of progress which
we find everywhere observed. The ortkr of creation
as given in Genesis is the gradual progress of all
things from the lowest and least perfect to the
highest and most completely developed forms.
Fourthly, there is the fact of a relation between the
personal Creator and the work of his fingers, and
that relation is a relation of Love : for God look*
upon hi* creation at erery stage of its progress and
pronounces it very good. Fifthly, there is through-
out a sublime simplicity, which of itself is charac-
teristic of a history, not of a myth or of a phllo
sophical speculation.
(4.) It would occupy too large a space to discuss
at any length the objections which have been urged
from the results of modern discovery against the
literal truth of this chapter. One or two remarks
of s general kind must suffice. It is argued, for
instance, that light ooidd not have existed before
the sun, or at any rate not that kind of light which
would be necessary for the support of vegetable
life; whereas the Mosaic narrative makes light cre-
ated on the first day, trees and plant* on the third,
and the sun on the fourth. To this we may reply,
that we must not too hastily build an argument
upon our ignorance. We do not knvc fiat the
existing laws of creation were in operation woer.
sentence. In the beginning — put that beghnuaf
when you will — Ood, already existent, ereatut, B*J
at the time of the Divine act, nothing but (1 -d, assort
tog to the sacred writer, existed.
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GENESIS
Ae creative fiat waa first put forth. The very act
jf Creation must hare been the introducing of laws;
bat when the work was finished, those laws ma/
have suffered some modification. Men are not
dow created in the full stature of manhood, but
ire born and grow. Similarly t'.ie lower ranks of
being might have been influenced by certain neces-
sary conditions during the first stages of their ex-
istence, which conditions were afterwards removed
without any disturbance of the natural functions.
And again it is not certain that the language of
Genesis can only mean that the sun was created on
the fourth day. It m iy mean that then only did
that luminary become visible to our planet.
With regard to the six days, no reasonable doubt
can exist that they ought to be interpreted as six
periods, without defining what the length of those
periods is. No one can suppose that the Divine
rest was literally a rest of 24 hours. On the con-
trary, the Divine Sabbath still continues. There
has been no crt'iiiim since the creation of man.
This is what Genesis teaches, and this geology con-
firms. But God, after six periods of creative ac-
tivity, entered into that Sabbath In which his
work has been not a work of Creation but of Re-
demption."
Xo attempt, however, which has as yet been
made to identify these six periods with correspond-
ing geological epochs can be pronounced satisfac-
tory.* On the other hand, it seems rash and pre-
mature to assert that no reconciliation is possible.''
What we ought to maintain is, that no reconcilia-
tion is necessary. It is certain that the author of
the first chapter of Genesis, whether Moses or some
one else, knew nothing of geology or astronomy.
It is certain Uiat he made use of phraseology con ■
cerning physical {acta in accordance with the limited
range of information which he possessed. It is
also certain that the Bible was never intended to
reveal to us knowledge of which our own faculties
rightly used could put us in possession. And we
have no business, therefore, to expect anything but
popular . language in the description of physical
phenomena. Thus, for instance, when it is said
that by means of the firmament Ood divided the
waters which were above from those which were
beneath, we admit the fact without admitting the
implied explanation. The Hebrew supposed that
there existed vast reservoirs above him correspond-
ing to the " waters under the earth." We know
that by certain natural processes the rain descends
from the clouds. But the ftct remains the same
tliat there are waters above as well as below.
Further investigation may perhaps throw more
light on these interesting questions. Meanwhile it
may be safely said that modern discoveries are in
iio way opposed to the great outlines of the Mosaic
cosmogony. That the work) was created in six
periods, that creation was by a law of gradual ad-
GENEbtS
893
<■ lleuce the force of our Lord's argument, very
generally misunderstood, In John T. 17.
* One of the most elaborate of theao U by the late
Hugh MlHor. in his Testimony of lie Roela. No man
jud a hettor right to be heard, both as a profound
{ech^lsl and as a sincere Christian. And it U impos-
•bl« not to admire the eloquence and Instnuity with
which be attempts to reconcile the story of Genesis
with the story of the rocks. But his argument Is au-
toes convincing. And he only attempts to reconcile
iar« of the Mosaic days with the three great periods
■4 geology. Another writer, Mr. M'Caualand, who
iaa adopted hk vtaw. and tried to extend It to the are
ranee beginning with inorganic matter, and then
advancing from the lowest organisms to the high-
est, that since the appearance of man upon the
earth no new species have come into being; these
are statements not only not disproved, but the two
last of them, at least, amply confirmed by geolog-
ical research. 1 '
(2.) To the description of Paradise, and the his-
tory of the Fall and of the Deluge, very similar
remarks apply. All nations have their own version
of these facts, colored by local circumstances and
embellished according to the poetic or philosophio
spirit of the tribes among whom the tradition hat
taken root. But if there be any one original source
of these traditions, any root from which they di-
verged, we cannot doubt where to look for it Tut
earliest record of these momentous facts is that
preserved in the Bible. We cannot doubt this,
because the simplicity of the narrative is greater
than that of any other work with which we are
acquainted. And this simplicity is an argument
at once in favor of the greater antiquity and also
of the greater truthfulness of the story. It ii
hardly possible to suppose that traditions so widely
spread over the surface of the earth as are the tra-
ditions of the Creation, the Fall, and the Deluge,
should have no foundation whatever in fact. And
it is quite as impossible to suppose that that version
of these facts, which iu its moral and religious as-
pect is the purest, is not also, to take the lowest
ground, the most likely to be true.
Opinions hare differed whether we ought to take
the story of the Fall in Gen. iii. to be a litem
statement of facta, or whether, with many exposi-
tors since the time of Philo, we should regard it as
an allegory, framed in childlike words as befitted
the childhood of the world, but conveying to us a
deeper spiritual truth. But in the latter case we
ought not to deny that spiritual truth. Neither
should we overlook the very important bearing
which this narrative has on the whole of the sub-
sequent history of the world and of Israel. De~
litxsch well says, *' The story of the Fall, like that
of the Creation, has wandered over the world.
Heathen nations have transplanted and mixed it
up with their geography, their history, their my-
thology, although it has never so completely changed
form and color and spirit, that you cannot recog-
nize it- Here, however, in the Law, it preserves
the character of a universal, human, world-wi.le
fact : and the groans of Creation, the Redemption
that is in Christ Jesus, and the heart of every man,
conspire in their testimony to the most literal truth
of the narrative."
The universality of the Deluge, it may be proved,
is quite at variance with the most certain iac!; 3f
geology. But then we are not bound to contend
for a universal deluge. The Biblical writer himself,
it is true, supposed it to be universal, but that was
days, does not seem entitled to speak with authority
on the geological question.
e As Professor Powell does, In his Order of Nature.
<t I am aware it may be said that the trlloblte which
is discovered in the lowest foaalllferous rocks is not tht
lowest type of organic being: but lower forms may
have perished without leaving traces behind them.
And If not, manifestly In such a narrative as that of
Genesis we ought not to expect minute accuracy : Ir.
the main it is certainly true that, as we advance iron
the lower to toe higher strata, we lad a iwwsspimrllni
advance In organic deposits.
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894 OBNH8W
wtj because it covered what was then the known
•Olid: there mo be no doubt that it did extend to
•9 that part of the world wlikh wa$ then inhabited:
and this is enough, on the one hand, to satisfy the
terms of the narrative, and on the other, the geo-
logical difficulty, as well as other difficulties concern-
ing the ark and the number of animals, disappear
with this interpretation. [See Noah.]
(8.) When we come down to a later period in
the narrative, where we hare the opportunity of
testing the accuracy of the historian, we find it in
many of the most important particulars abundantly
eorroliorated.
Whatever interpretation we may be disposed to
pr.i on the story of the confusion of tongues and
th» subsequent dispersion of mankind, there is do
good ground for setting it aside. Indeed, if the
reading of a cylinder recently discovered at Bin
MmrQd" may be trusted, there is independent evi-
dence corroborative of the Biblical account. But
at any rate the other versions of this event are far
less probable (see these in Joseph. Antiq. i. 4, § 3;
EuseK Prop. Ev. ix. 14). The later myths con-
cerning the wars of the Titans with the gods are
apparently based upon this story, or rather upon
perversions of it. But it is quite impossible to
suppose, as Kalisoh does (.GenttU, p. 313), that
** the Hebrew historian converted that very legend
into a medium for solving a great and important
problem." 'Here is not the smallest appearance
of any such design. The legend is a perversion of
the history, not the history a comment upon the
legend. One of the strongest proofs of the bond
fit historical character of the earlier portion of
Genesis is to be found in the valuable ethnologies!
catalogue contained in chup. x. Knobel, who has
devoted a volume » to the elucidation of this docu-
ment, has succeeded in establishing its main accu-
racy beyond doubt, although, m accordance with
his theory as to the age of the Pentateuch, he as-
signs to it no greater antiquity than between 1200
and 1000 u. c.
(4.) As to the fsct implied in this dispersion,
that all languages bad one origin, philological re-
search has not as yet been carried far enough to
lead to any very oertain result. Many of the
greatest philologists c contend for real affinities be-
tween the Indo-European and the Semitic tongues.
On the other hand, languages like the Coptic (not
to mention many others) seem at present to stand
out in complete isolation. And the most that has
been effected is a clsssification of languages in three
great families. This classification, however, is in
aact accordance with the threefold division of the
rase in Shem, Ham, and Japhet, of which Genesis
Idhus.
(b.) Another fact which rests on the authority
of the earlier chapters of Genesis, the derivation of
(he whole human race from a single pair, has been
abundantly onnfirmed by recent investigations. For
the full proof of this it is sufficient to refer to
Prichard's Physical IliUory of Mankind, in which
lbs subject is discussed with great care and ability.
(0.) It is quHe impossible, as has already been
ssld to notice all the objections made by hostile
tcitics at every step as we advance. But it may be
• As given by M. Oppert In a paper read betas the
loyal Society of Mkwatun.
* Dir YSUurtafel drr Onutu.
« As Bopp, Lnprius, Burnout, fte. Sas
fsslowroVf Lmgvn oVtmhjx'a, 1. v. e. t, 8.
GENESIS
well to refer to one more instance in whisk •*»
picioo has been cast upon the credibility of the nar-
rative. Three stories are found in three distinct
portions of the book, which in their main features
no doubt present a striking similarity to one another.
See xii. 10-90, xx., xxvi. 1-11. These, it is said
besides containing certain improliabilities of state-
ment, are dearly only three different veisions «/
the same story.
It is of course poaHle that these are only differ-
ent versions of the same story. But is it psycho-
logically so very improbable that the same incident
should happen three timet in almost the same man-
ner? All men repeat themselves, and even repeal
their mistakes. And the repetition of circumstances
over which a man has nc control, is sometimes as
astonishing as the repetition of actions which hs
can control. Was not the state of society in those
days such as to render it no way improbable that
Pharaoh on one occasion, and Abimeiecb on another,
should have acted in the same selfish and arbitrary
manner? Abraham too miyht have been guilty
twice of the tame sinful cowardice; and Isaac
might, in similar circumstances, have copied his
father's example, calling it wisdom. To say, as
the most recent expositor of this book has done,
that the object of the Hebrew writer was to repre-
sent an idea, such as " the sanctity of matrimony,"
that " in his hands, the facte are subordinated to
ideas," etc, is to cut up by the very roots the histor-
ical character of the book. The mythical theory ia
preferable to this; for that leaves a substratum of
fact, however it may have been embellished or par-
baps disfigured by tradition.-'
There is a further difficulty about the age of
Sarah, who at the time of die first occurrence mast
have been 65 years old, and the freshness of her
beauty, therefore, it is said, long since faded. In
reply it has been argued that as she lived to the
sge of 137, she was only then in middle life; that
consequently she would have been at 65 what a
woman of modem Europe would be at 35 or 40,
an age at which personal attractions are not neces-
sarily impaired.
But it ia a minute criticism, hardly worth an-
swering, which tries to cast suspicion on the veracity
of the writer, because of difficulties such as these.
The positive evidence is overwhelming in favor of
his credibility. The patriarchal tent beneath the
shade of some spreading tree, the wealth of nocks
and herds, the free and generous hospitality to
strangers, the strife for the well, the purchase of the
cave of Machpekth for a burial-place, — we fed at
once that these are no inventions of a later writer
in more civilized times. So again, what can be
more life-like, more touchingly beautiful, than the
picture of Hagsr and Ishmael, the meeting of Abra-
ham's servant with Kebekah, or of Jacob with
Rachd at the well of Haran? There is a fidelity
in the minutest incidents which convinces us that
we are reading history, not fable. Or can anything
more completely transport us into patriarchal times
than the battle of toe kings and the interview be
tween Abraham and Melchisedec? The very open-
ing of the story, " In the days of Amraphd," etc,
reads like the work of some old chronicler snap
d If the view of Delitascb is comet, that xH. 10-V
It Jahovistic ; xx., KohlntJc (with a JehovLoc teas
boo, ver. 18) ; xxvi. 1-18, Jebovisuc, but ta*en eras,
written documents, this may to some n> ndi •spaas
the mpettuoa of the Starr
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GENESIS
Ivad not fa from the time of which he speak*.
Tl* archaic forms of names of places, Bela fa
Soar; Chatzntam Tamarfa En-gedi; Eniek SBn-
reh for the King's Vale; the Vale of Siddim as
descriptive of the spot which was afterwards the
Dead Sea; the expression " Abram the Hebrew;"
are remarkable evidences of the antiquity of the
narrative. So also are the names of the different
tribes who at that early period inhabited Canaan ;
the Rephaint, for instance, of whom we find in the
time of Joshua but a weak remnant left (Josh. zlii.
19), and the Susim, Emlm, Chorim, who are only
mentioned beside in the Pentateuch (Deut ii. 10,
12). Quite in keeping with the rest of the picture
is Abraham's " arming his trained servants " (xiv.
14) — a phrase which occurs nowhere else — and
above all the character and position of Melehisedec.
- " Simple, calm, great, comes and goes the priest-
king of the divine history." The repr e s e ntations
af the Greek poets, says Creuzer (8gmb. Iv. 878),
(all very fa short of this. And as HSvemiek
justly remarks, such a person could be no theocratic
invention ; for the union of the kingly and priestly
offices in the same person was no part of the theo-
cracy Lastly, the name by which he knows God,
" the most high God, possessor of heaven and
earth," occurs also in the Phoenician religions, but
not amongst the Jews, and is again one of those
slight bnt accurate touches which at once distin-
guishes the historian from the fabulist.
Passing on to a later portion of the book we find
the writer evincing the most accurate knowledge
of the state of society in Egypt. The Egyptian
jealousy of foreigners, and especially their hatred
of shepherds ; the use of in terpr e ters in the court
(who, we learn from other sources, formed a distinct
caste); the existence of caste; the importance of
the priesthood; the means by which the land
«hich had once belonged to free proprietors passed
into the hands of the king; the fact that even at
that early time a settled trade existed between
Egypt and other countries, are all confirmed by the
monuments or by later writers. So again Joseph's
priestly dress of fine linen, the chain of gold round
his neck, the chariot on which he rides, the body-
jruard of the king, the rites of burial and embalming
(though spoken of only incidentally) are spokm of
with a minute accuracy, which can leave no doubt
en the mind as to the credibility of the historian.
E. Author and date of composition. — tt wtU be
seen, from what has been said above, that the book
of Genesis, though containing different documents,
owes its existing form to the labor of a single
author, who has digested and incorporated the
materials he found ready to his hand. A modern
writer on history, in the same way, might some-
times transcribe passages from ancient chronicles,
sometimes place different account* together, some-
times again give briefly the substance of the older
document, neglecting its form-
But it is a distinct inquiry who this author or
editor wus. This question cannot properly be dis-
cussed apart from the general question of the
authorship of the entire Pentateuch. We shall
therefrre reserve this subject fa another article.
[Pkxtateuch.] J. J. S. P.
* The older works on Genesis, and some of the
suet', are mentioned at the dose of the ar*ide t->N-
rA raucii. The principal later works on Genesis
ire the following: Schumann, Genesis, 1899; TWe,
Do* crtte Bach Uote't, 1836; Tuch, Die Genetit,
lit*; Dreohsler, Die Fiahrit und jEchthtit dtr
GENNESARET, LAND OF 895
g e nesi s , 1838; Hengstenberg, Die Montr Jfose's
und Mgypten, 1641, trans, by it. D. C. Bobbins
Egypt aud the Book* of Motet, Audover, 184*
BaumgarUn, Theolog. Commentar turn Penta-
teuch, 1843; Schroder, Das erttt Buck Hose, 1844;
De Sola and Lindenthal, lleb. Scriptures with Net
Translation and Note*, 1844; Knobel, Die VSIktr-
tafel der Genesis, 1850; Keil, Qbtr Or*, vi. 1-1
(in Ztittchrift fir huh. TheoL u. Kirehe, 1856);
Kalisch, Hit. and CriL Commentary on the Old
Tett., Exodut, Genetit, Levittrxt, 1855-1867)
Wright, The Book of Genetit tn Hebrew, letited
text, etc., 1859; Reinke, Die Sckipfung afar Wet.
1859; Knobel, Die Genetit erktarl (lief. jd. jf the
Kurzgef. exeget. Handbuch), 3t» Aufl. 1880; As
berlen, Die gdUliche Ofenbarmg, 1861 (the por-
tion relating to the first eleven chapters trans, in
the BibL Sacra, 1865, pp. 396-439); Detttxeth
Comm. ibrr die Genetit, 3te Ausg. I860; Murphy
Critical and Exegtliad Cotnmentiiry, wkh a next
translation. Genesis, 1863, Exodus, 18G6; Botteher,
Ifeut exeget-kriL AVhrentese, Abth. i. 1868,
Lange, Die Genetit, 1864 (Aroer. ed. by Prof. Tay-
ler Lewis, in press, 1867); Boshrio, Dot B i im mmt
ron und die Gtobgie, 1866; Schults, Die Schcp-
fungtgetchichte nock Naturwitsenstehaft und
Bibei, 1865; KeU (in Kefl snd Delitissch's BibL
Comm.), Genetit und Exodut, Ste Aufl. 1866;
Quarry, Genetit and ill Authorship, 1816; Hiraeh,
Die Genetit ibertetxt und erUutert, 18U7; Conant,
The Book of Genetit, rented English version, with
explanatory and philological notes (in press, 1867).
T. J. C.
GENNE'SAR, THE WATER OF (rt
SSup Ttrrnaip; [Alex. Sin." rev T.\ Sin. 1 tod
Tennfo-ai:] Joseph. Ant. xiii. 5, § 7, tA ttara tw
Ttvrna&po, Key. ■ Aqua Genetar), 1 Maoc. xi. 67.
[Gbxnkbakct.]
GENNES'ARET, LAND OF (A. yn Up-
rnaaoir- terra Genetar, terra Genes treth). After
the miracle of feeding the five thousand, our Lord
and his disciples crossed the Lake of Gennesaret and
came to the other side, at a place which is called
"the land of Gennesaret" (Matt. xi*. 34; Mark
vi. 53). It is generally believed that this term
was applied to the fertile crescent-shaped plain on
the western shore of the lake, extending from A'soa
Minyeh on the north to the steep bill behind ttejutl
on the south, and called by the Arabs et-Ukuwar
" the little Ghor." The description given by Jo-
sephus (5. J. Hi. 10, { 8) would apply admirably
to this plain, lie says that along the lake of Gen
nesaret there extends a region of the same name,
of marvelous nature and beauty. The soil was so
rich that every plant flourished, and the air as
temperate that trees of the most opposite natures
grew side by side. The hardy walnut, which de-
lighted in cold, grew there luxuriantly; there were
the palm-trees that were nourished by heat, and
fig-trees and olives beside tbeni, that required a
more temperate climate. Grapes and figs was*
found during ten months of the year. The plain
was watered by a most exoeDetit spring catted by
the natives Caphamaum, which was thought by
some to be a vein of the Nile, because a fish was
found there closely resembling the coracmut of tha
lake of Alexandria. The length of the plain along
the shore of the lake was thirty stadia, and Ha
breadth twenty. Making every allowance fa the
coloring given by the historian to his description,
and fa the neglected condition of tLOkuwm at
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S96 GENNESARET, LATH) OF
the present day, there in •HO left sufficient pointi
jf resemblance between the two to justify their
being identified. 'Hie dimeniioni given by Josephus
an sufficiently correct, though, u Dr. Thomson
remark* (/stntl and Book, p. 348), the plain " ia a
little longer than tbirty, and not quite twenty fur-
longs in breadth." Mr. Porter (Handb. p. 439)
gives the length as three miles, and the greatest
breadth as about one mile." It appears that Pro-
fessor Stanley either assigns to " the land of Gen-
nesaret " a wider signification, or his description
of its extent must be inaccurate; for, after calling
attention to the tropical vegetation and climate of
the western shores of the lake, he says: "This
fertility . . . reaches its highest pitch in the one
spot on the western shore where the mountains,
suddenly receding inland, leave a level plain of five
miles wide, and six o* seven miles long. This plain
is 'the land of Gennesareth '" (S. r* P. p. 374).
Still his description goes far to confirm in other
respects the almost exaggerated language in which
Josepbus depicts the prodigality of nature in this
region. "No less than four springs pour forth
their almost full -grown rivers through the plain;
the richness of the noil displays itself in magnificent
corn-fields; whilst along the shore rises a thick
jungle of thorn and oleander, abounding in birds of
brilliant colors and various forms." Burckhardt
tells us that even now the pastures of Khan Mint/eh
are proverbial for their richness (Syria, p. 319.
In the Journal of' truncal and Sacred Philobiyy
(ii. 290-308) Mr. Thrupp has endeavored to snow
that the land of Gennesaret was not eZ-GAuwetr,
but the fertile plain el- BaShah on the northeastern
side of the lake. The dimensions of this plain and
the character of its soil and productions correspond
so far with the description given by Josephus of
the land of Uennesaret as to afford reasonable
ground for such an identification. But it appears
from an examination of the narrative in the Gos-
pels, that, for other reasous, the plain el-Batihalt ia
not the land of Gennesaret, but more probably the
scene of the miracle of feeding the five thousand.
After delivering the parable of the Sower, our Lord
and his disciples left Capernaum, near which was
the scene of the parable, and went to Nazareth
(Matt. xiii. 54; Mark vi. 1). It was while he was
here, apparently, that the news was brought him by
the Apostles of tbe death of John the Baptist
(Matt. xiv. 13; Mark vi. 30). He was still, at any j
rate, on the western side of the lake of Tiberias. '
On hearing the intelligence " he departed themv
by ship into a desert place apart" (Matt. xiv. II;
Mark vi. 32), the "desert place" being the scene
»f tbe miraculous feeding of the five thousand, and
1 belonging to the city called Bethsaida " (Luke ix.
10). SU John (vi. 1) begins his account of the
miracle by saying that " Jesu» went orer the sea
of Galilee " — an expression which be could not
have used hail the scene of the miracle lain on the
western shore of the lake, as Mr. Thrupp supposes.
at el-tlliumir. It seems much more probable that
it was on tbe eastern or northeastern side After
Jie miracle Jesus sent his disciples in the boat to
the other side (Matt xiv. 22), towards Bethsaida
(Mark vi. 45), in order to go to Capernaum (John .
n. 17), where he is found next day by the multi- 1
a •This is also Dr. Boblnsoo's estimate (PAy
Qssfr. p. 78). U
• • Yet a fcw others also (m «. jr. Wilson's Land*
OBK1TESAKBT. LATTO OiT
hides whom he bad fed (John vi. 24, 951
beat came to shore in the land of Onrmneai
seems, therefore, perfectly clear, whatever
actual positions of Capernaum arid the ecen<
miracle, that they were on opposite side*
lake, and that Capernaum and the land of <
aret were close together on the vtme aide-
Additional interest is given to the land o
neasret, or tl- (Jnuweir, by the probability l!
scenery suggested the parable of the Sower,
admirably described by Professor Stanley. "
wss the undulating corn-field descending
water's edge. There was the trodden pe
running through tbe midst of it, with no fe
hedge to prevent the seed from falling her
there on either side of it, or upon it; iteeh
with the constant tramp of horse and mill
human feet. There was the ' good ' rich soil,
distinguishes the whole of that plain and U* I
borhood from tbe bare hills elsewhere deuce
into the lake, and which, where there is no
ruption, produces one vast mans of corn.
was the rocky ground of the hillside protr
bere and there through the corn-fields, as else'
through the grassy slopes. There were the
bushes of thorn — the ' Kabk,' that kind of i
tradition says that the Crown of Thorns was s
— springing up, like the fruit-trees of the moi
land parts, in the very midst of the waving wh
{.S. <* P. p. 426). W. A. ^
* The interest of this plain arises especially
its connection with the life and ministry of our I
Ebrard discusses anew the question whether O
nauni was situated here or not, in the Theci.
dim and Kritiken for 1867, pp. 723-741. Head
that the fountain of Capernaum (Kafapraov/t ) I
tioned by Josephus (B. J. iii. 10, § 8) is no d>
the Hound Fountain ('Am Mudauwarah) near
south end of the plain, but maintains that the
of Capernaum itself, which be identifies with
Kf^apniun of Josephus ( Vil. 72), was at Tell B
at the north end of the lake and beyond tbe pi
He replies very pertinently to Dr. Robinson's
jections to regarding the Hound Fountain as
one intended by the Jewish historian. But on
other hand, this concession as to the situation
the fountain of Capernaum has been supposed
most writers to determine the situation of the to
of Capernaum; b tor it is not easy to believe lbs
fountain and a town, both known by the same oc
mon name, would be at such a distance from ea
other. Ebrard lays special stress era the termii
lion of the ancient name as still heard in Hi
and al*> on the fact that important rniiis ire fbu
at Tr U Him, which are not found at 'Am .!/«/<
uarah. These are points worthy of considenuk
lie urges also that Josephus, in speaking of t
fountain (Kaipapraoin) as " so called by the pro]
of that region," means to express a doubt wbeth
it was rightly so called. It is not a necessary inn-
etice, for Josephus might very naturally rxpre
himself in that manner because be wss writing i
a distant land for foreign readers. The articl
aside from its more direct object, is rateable for th
incidental information which it furnishes retpectiit
. tbe topography of the western shore of tbe last
I [See Capf.hsaum, Amer. ed.] II.
tf Uv Bible, ii. 189 IT.) bars throws out tins Has of
••juration of the fountain and tat ton (tea saa
a.
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